Expos South Africa

Premire scne : (Timothe)

05/01/2011 08:16:00

Egalit instaure est dans les murs et les autres mchants. Egalit relle vs galit thorique. Dcalage entre les textes et la pratique. Parler de la scurit. Deuxime scne gardes du corps (Ismail) Rconciliation force Rconciliation qui passe par les efforts de chacun Coopration difficile

Troisime scne dans la voiture (Paul) Concession des deux cots Recrer une nation passe par le sport Passe tout ce qui peut rapprocher les communauts Rapport de force pourquoi faire des concessions ? Why is white economic power a hurdle for south african government ?

Partie III : pourquoi des concessions ? 05/01/2011 08:16:00

They talk about the problem of 'expectations'. By this they mean that the black people who voted for the ANC in April 1994 did so in the belief that the political transformation represented by black majority rule would rapidly usher in a social and economic transformation as well. Having won the vote, they expected from an ANC dominated government jobs, houses, and schools as well. But - say the commentators - these expectations are 'unrealistic'. The GNU, like governments everywhere, has to worry about enhancing competitiveness and reducing public spending. The masses' hopes for a rapid improvement in their material conditions will have to be deferred, perhaps indefinitely.

2008 : The past year has been especially unnerving, with one bleak event after another, and it is more than acidic politics that have soured the national mood. Economic growth slowed; prices shot up. Xenophobic riots broke out in several cities, with mobs killing dozens of impoverished foreigners and chasing thousands more from their tumbledown homes. Other grievances were ruefully familiar. South Africa has one of the worst crime rates. But more alarming than the quantity of lawbreaking is the cruelty. Robberies are often accompanied by appalling violence, and people here one-up each other with tales of scalding and shooting and slicing and garroting. Rich and poor, black, white and mixed race: their complaints may differ, but the discontent is shared. Polls show a pervasive distrust of government, political parties and the police. A problematic issue in the negotiations for the 1996 Constitution was the affirmative action clause in general, and the recognition of the need for affirmative action in the public administration. Although the principle of affirmative action as a means of addressing disadvantages due to past discrimination was not contentious, the exact formulation of the affirmative action clause was. Eventually the following formulation was agreed upon: Equality includes the full and equal enjoyment of all rights and freedoms. To promote the achievement of equality, legislative and

other measures designed to protect or advance persons, or categories of persons, disadvantaged by unfair discrimination may be taken (Constitution, 1993, section 9/2). Le coefficient de Gini, 0,68, est l'un des deux plus levs au monde. 95% des Sud-Africains pauvres sont des Africains et 75 % vivent en zone rurale L'un des plus graves problmes auxquels l'Afrique du Sud est confronte est celui du chmage chronique, en particulier parmi les groupes de populations jadis dfavoriss. En octobre 1995, sur 26,4 millions de Sud-Africains de 15 ans ou plus on comptait 14,4 millions d'actifs, dont 4,2 millions (30 %) taient sans emploi. Les chiffres du chmage illustrent bien quel est le legs de l'apartheid, puisque les Africains sont les plus touchs. Pour l'ensemble des groupes de population, le taux de chmage des femmes est nettement suprieur celui des hommes, comme le montre le tableau ci-dessous. Tableau 1. Taux de chmage - 1995 (en pourcentage) Sexe Africains Mtis Indiens Blancs Femmes 50,2 27,8 24,2 9,2 Hommes 33,6 19,7 13,3 4,5 Total 41,1 23,3 17,1 6,4 Les personnes ayant un emploi sont nombreuses travailler dans le secteur non structur. Sous l'apartheid, 87 % de toutes les terres taient soit rserves par la loi aux seuls Blancs, soit dtenues par le Gouvernement. Seuls les 13 % restants -- souvent les terres les plus pauvres et les plus arides -- taient dclars "homelands" africains. A partir de 1960, plus de 3,5 millions d'habitants ont t chasss de leur foyer, le rgime de l'apartheid cherchant liminer "les enclaves noires".

Dans les zones rurales, les populations, parfois moins intgres une conomie de march moderne , sorganisent selon des logiques et des stratgies de subsistance diffrentes. La pauvret n'y est pas aussi manifeste qu'en milieu urbain. Mais elle reste pourtant endmique dans la plupart des campagnes sudafricaines. D'aprs les estimations du gouvernement, 72 % des pauvres vivent dans les zones rurales, o le taux de pauvret atteint 71 %. Les possibilits d'emploi y sont trs restreintes et les agriculteurs blancs se sont depuis longtemps empar des meilleures terres. La dcouverte de diamants prs de Kimberley, dans la province britannique du Cap,1867, et d'or dans le Witwatersrand, en 1885, dans la rpublique boer indpendante du Transvaal contribua constituer l'Afrique du Sud et transformer un pays d'agriculteurs, Blancs ou Noirs, en un tat industriel moderne, gouvern jusqu'en 1994 par une minorit blanche, mais dpendant du travail des Noirs. L'Apartheid a intensifi les ingalits en Afrique du Sud au-del de toute attente dans un pays ce niveau de dveloppement. Les revenus des blancs par tte sont environ 9,5 plus importants que ceux des Africains, 4,5 plus que ceux des Mtis et 3 fois plus que ceux des Asiatiques. Dans la plupart des catgories de dpenses du Gouvernement, l'Apartheid a favoris les blancs et ainsi permis d'accrotre les diffrences entre les groupes raciaux dans le domaine d'assistance sociale. Ceci a caus de grandes disparits dans l'accs aux services publics notamment l'eau, l'hygine, l'lectricit, l'enseignement et la sant.

1/5/2011 8:16:00 AM How did the government try to introduce Blacks in post-apartheid economy ? The situation after apartheid and the RDP Black Economic Empowerment (=affirmative action) Nowadays : uneven results

The situation after apartheid and the RDP By the end of Apartheid, South Africas economy was facing numerous serious structural problems. The final two decades of the National Partys regime had been particularly damaging to the economic climate. First of all, South Africa had a stagnant growth (the average over the entire period was just 1,7%). Debt has increased from less than 3% of the GPD to more than 9%. Moreover, Apartheid had provoked huge discrepancies between black and whites concerning water access, hygiene, electricity, school and health. Unemployment is a real scourge for the black population : it concerns 40,1 percent of black workers. The average income is 9.5 times higher than the black one. The white minority owns the totality of the biggest firms while the blacks often work in unstructured sectors, vestiges of the previous system. Hence, the aim of the reconstruction and development program was to fight against these socio-economic consequences of apartheid. In fact, the RDP attempted to combine measures to boost the economy with socially-minded social service provisions and infrastructural projects. On the one hand it aims to contain fiscal spending, sustain or lower taxes, reduce the governments debt and improve trade liberalization. In the other hand, the RDP has done a lot for housing (1,1 M of cheap houses were built), clean water, electrification, healthcare and public works. In this way, the policy took on both socialist and neo-liberal elements but could not be easily categorized wholly in either camp. That shows the will of the government not to cut off with the white minority, all the more so as she is the only owner of the economic power. However, critics have argued that realities on the ground, concerning RDP achievements, signify a far modest improvement than the government claims. They have attacked, in particular, the standards of housing and water delivery, healthcare improvements and the successfulness of land

reform policy and agricultural reforms. We will see the consequences of these limits in the third part. Affirmative action - black economic empowerment : The idea of legislating for black economic empowerment was originally promoted by big white businessmen to ward off post-apartheid call for nationalization. Under BEE laws, white-owned companies are given ratings for the effort they make to integrate Black workers. The main criteria are the improvement of their skills within the company, the possession of shares and how they move up to the managerial ranks. The higher the companys score, the more likely it is to win lucrative public contracts. Everyone is supposed to win. Black individuals or companies could buy large holdings in white companies in order of paying off their debts through dividend payments and rising shares prices. For as long as the stock markets were rising, this system worked nicely. When the global financial crisis happened, many BEE companies crashed making new investors wary. Nowadays : uneven results Whites still hold three quarters of senior jobs in private business whereas blacks have 12%, the exact reverse of either share in the working population. Among the 295 companies listed on Johannesburg Stock Exchange, Blacks account for just 4% of chief executive officers, 2% of chief financial officers and 15% of senior post. The Black Economic Empowerment laws brought in after apartheid as the star policies of the ruling African national Congress have failed. Nowadays there is two worrying statistic : the Gini indice, 0,65 is one of the ten highest in the world and 50% of South Africans live under the poverty line, most of them are Blacks. To sum up, seventeen years after the end of apartheid, a white minority comprising approximately 10% of the total population controls 80% of South Africans economic wealth. According to Yales professor Amy Chula

Whites belong to market-dominant minorities witch are a threat to democracy. I let Baudouin to explain you how it is expected to change.

1/5/2011 8:16:00 AM Brouillon Why is the white economic power a hurdle for South African government ? They talk about the problem of 'expectations'. By this they mean that the black people who voted for the ANC in April 1994 did so in the belief that the political transformation represented by black majority rule would rapidly usher in a social and economic transformation as well. Having won the vote, they expected from an ANC dominated government jobs, houses, and schools as well. But - say the commentators - these expectations are 'unrealistic'. The GNU, like governments everywhere, has to worry about enhancing competitiveness and reducing public spending. The masses' hopes for a rapid improvement in their material conditions will have to be deferred, perhaps indefinitely. Le coefficient de Gini, 0,68, est l'un des deux plus levs au monde. 95% des Sud-Africains pauvres sont des Africains et 75 % vivent en zone rurale En octobre 1995, sur 26,4 millions de Sud-Africains de 15 ans ou plus on comptait 14,4 millions d'actifs, dont 4,2 millions (30 %) taient sans emploi. D'aprs les estimations du gouvernement, 72 % des pauvres vivent dans les zones rurales, o le taux de pauvret atteint 71 %. Ceci a caus de grandes disparits dans l'accs aux services publics notamment l'eau, l'hygine, l'lectricit, l'enseignement et la sant. Land redistribution is an ongoing issue. Most farmland is still whtieowned. Having so far acquired land on a willing buyer, willing seller basis, officials have signalled that large-scale expropriations are on the cars. The government aims to transfer 30% of farmland to black South Africans by 2014.

Sitxteen years afther the end of apartheid, a white minority comprising approximately 10% of the total population controls 80% of South Africas economic wealth. Amy Chula has called market dominant minorities . le programme de reconstruction et de dveloppement (RDP) pour combattre les consquences socio-conomiques de l'apartheid Entre 1994 et dbut 2001, selon le gouvernement sud-africain, plus de 1,1 million de maisons bas cot pouvant bnficier de l'aide gouvernementale ont t construites, accueillant 5 millions de SudAfricains sur les 12,5 millions mal-logs147. Entre 1994 en 2000, 4,9 millions de personnes, pour la plupart habitant les anciens homelands, bnficient d'un accs l'eau potable et 1,75 million de foyers sont raccords au rseau lectrique, la proportion de foyers ruraux avec l'lectricit passant de 12 42 %147. En 1999, 39 000 familles ayant bnfici de la rforme agraire se partagent3 550 km2. Selon le gouvernement, en quatre ans, 250 000 personnes ont reu des terres147. D'avril 1994 fin 1998, 500 nouvelles cliniques donnent un accs aux soins 5 millions de personnes et un programme de vaccination contre la poliomylite-hpatite dbutant en 1998 immunise 8 millions d'enfants en deux ans147. Un programme de l'emploi par les travaux publics pour la construction de routes, gouts ou rservoirs donne du travail 240 000 personnes sur 5 ans147. Le RDP est cependant critiqu pour la faible qualit des maisons construites dont 30 % ne respectent pas les normes147, un approvisionnement en eau dpendant beaucoup des rivires et des barrages148 et dont la gratuit pour les ruraux pauvres est couteuse147. peine 1 % des terres envisages par la rforme agraire a t effectivement distribu147. Hence the RDP attempted to combine measures to boost the economy such as contained fiscal spending, sustained or lowered taxes, reduction of government debt and trade liberalisation with socially-minded social service provisions and infrastructural projects. In this way, the policy took on both socialist and neo-liberal elements -- but could not be easily categorised wholly in either camp. By the end of Apartheid, South Africa's economy was facing a variety of serious structural problems. The final two decades of the National Party's

regime had been particularly damaging to the economic climate, with stagnant economic growth (the average over the entire period was just 1.7%), declining per capita income (averaging -0.7% annually), increasing unemployment (using the broad definition, up from around 20% at the start of the 1970s to around 30% by 1994) and a spiraling debt problem (under the De Klerk government (1989-1994) alone, debt had increased from less than 3% of GDP to more than 9%, and total government debt more than doubled).[2] Facing this "deep-seated structural crisis",[3] the government attempted to put together a policy framework that could begin to address the variety of problems being faced both economically and otherwise. The RDP White Paper, presented to Parliament in 1994, identified economic, social, legal, political, moral, cultural and environmental problems that the country faced.[4] To move towards the alleviation of these sizable difficulties, it was established that a completely new macro- and socio-economic framework was required: "A programme is required that is achievable, sustainable and meets the objectives of freedom, and an improved standard of living and quality of life for all South Africans within a peaceful and stable society characterised by equitable economic growth." [4] Black economic empowerment and affirmative-action laws brought in after apartheid as the star policies of the ruling African National Congress have failed. The richest 4% of Souht Africans, a quarter of whome are blak now eran more than 80000 a year, 100 times what most of thier compatriots live on. The Employement Equity Act in 1998 tried to make the workforce more broadly representative of our people across the broad. Whites still horld three quarters of senior jobs in private business whereas blacks have 12%, the exact reverse of tghir share in the working population. Among the 295 companies liste on Johannesburg Stock Exchange (JSE), blacks account for just 4% of chief executive officers, 2% of chief financial officers and 15% of senior post.

In non executive ones, they do a bit better, accounting for just over a quarter of board chairmen and 36% of directors. The idea of legislating for black economic empowerment was originally promoted by big white businessmen to ward off post-apartheid call for nationalisation. Under BEE laws, white-owned companies are given ratings for enabling black to own shares, improve their skills within the company, move up the managerial ranks, and so on. The higher the companys score, the more likely it is to win lucrative public contracts. Everyone is supposed to win. For as long as buoyant stock markets were rising, this worked nicely. But when the global financial crisis caused shares to plummet, many BRR companies crashed making new investors wary.

1/5/2011 8:16:00 AM Brouillon How the government tried to introduce Blacks in post-apartheid economy ? 3 parts South Americas situation after apartheid and RDP Affirmative action Nowadays South Americas situation after apartheid and RDP

By the end of Apartheid, South Africa's economy was facing a variety of serious structural problems. The final two decades of the National Party's regime had been particularly damaging to the economic climate, with stagnant economic growth (the average over the entire period was just 1.7%), declining per capita income (averaging -0.7% annually), increasing unemployment (using the broad definition, up from around 20% at the start of the 1970s to around 30% by 1994) and a spiraling debt problem (under the De Klerk government (1989-1994) alone, debt had increased from less than 3% of GDP to more than 9%, and total government debt more than doubled).[2] Ceci a caus de grandes disparits dans l'accs aux services publics notamment l'eau, l'hygine, l'lectricit, l'enseignement et la sant. le programme de reconstruction et de dveloppement (RDP) pour combattre les consquences socio-conomiques de l'apartheid. Moreover apartheid had provoque discrepancies between black and whites concerning water access, hygiene, electricity, school and health. Unemployment concerns 40.1 percent of black workers. The average white income is 9.5 times higher than the black one and all the greatest companies are owned by the minority while others often work in non structural sectors. The aim of the reconstruction and development program was to fight against the socio-economic consequences of apartheid. Hence the RDP attempted to combine measures to boost the economy such as contained fiscal spending, sustained or lowered taxes, reduction of government debt and trade liberalization with socially-minded social service provisions and infrastructural projects. In this way, the policy took

on both socialist and neo-liberal elements -- but could not be easily categorized wholly in either camp. Entre 1994 et dbut 2001, selon le gouvernement sud-africain, plus de 1,1 million de maisons bas cot pouvant bnficier de l'aide gouvernementale ont t construites, accueillant 5 millions de SudAfricains sur les 12,5 millions mal-logs147. Entre 1994 en 2000, 4,9 millions de personnes, pour la plupart habitant les anciens homelands, bnficient d'un accs l'eau potable et 1,75 million de foyers sont raccords au rseau lectrique, la proportion de foyers ruraux avec l'lectricit passant de 12 42 %147. En 1999, 39 000 familles ayant bnfici de la rforme agraire se partagent3 550 km2. Selon le gouvernement, en quatre ans, 250 000 personnes ont reu des terres147. D'avril 1994 fin 1998, 500 nouvelles cliniques donnent un accs aux soins 5 millions de personnes et un programme de vaccination contre la poliomylite-hpatite dbutant en 1998 immunise 8 millions d'enfants en deux ans147. Un programme de l'emploi par les travaux publics pour la construction de routes, gouts ou rservoirs donne du travail 240 000 personnes sur 5 ans147. Le RDP est cependant critiqu pour la faible qualit des maisons construites dont 30 % ne respectent pas les normes147, un approvisionnement en eau dpendant beaucoup des rivires et des barrages148 et dont la gratuit pour les ruraux pauvres est couteuse147. peine 1 % des terres envisages par la rforme agraire a t effectivement distribu147.

Affirmative action The idea of legislating for black economic empowerment was originally promoted by big white businessmen to ward off post-apartheid call for nationalization. Under BEE laws, white-owned companies are given ratings for enabling black to own shares, improve their skills within the company, move up the managerial ranks, and so on. The higher the companys score, the more likely it is to win lucrative public contracts. Everyone is supposed to win.

For as long as buoyant stock markets were rising, this worked nicely. But when the global financial crisis caused shares to plummet, many BRR companies crashed making new investors wary. Nowadays Black economic empowerment and affirmative-action laws brought in after apartheid as the star policies of the ruling African National Congress have failed. Whites still horld three quarters of senior jobs in private nusinss whereas blacks have 12%, the exact reverse of tghir share in the working population. Among the 295 companies listed on Johannesburg Stock Exchange (JSE), blacks account for just 4% of chief executive officers, 2% of chief financial officers and 15% of senior post. In non executive ones, they do a bit better, accounting for just over a quarter of board chairmen and 36% of directors. Land redistribution is an ongoing issue. Most farmland is still whtieowned. Having so far acquired land on a willing buyer, willing seller basis, officials have signalled that large-scale expropriations are on the cars. The government aims to transfer 30% of farmland to black South Africans by 2014. Le coefficient de Gini, 0,68, est l'un des deux plus levs au monde. 95% des Sud-Africains pauvres sont des Africains et 75 % vivent en zone rural. The Gini indice, 0.68, is one of the most higest in the world. 95% of South African living under the poverty line are blacks and 75% of them live in rural zones. The richest 4% of Souht Africans, a quarter of whome are blak now eran more than 80000 a year, 100 times what most of thier compatriots live on. Sitxteen years afther the end of apartheid, a white minority comprising approximately 10% of the total population controls 80% of South Africas economic wealth. Amy Chula has called market dominant minorities .