Gothic Materialism

"The dull mind rises to truth through that which is material." -Abbot Suger

The Art of the Gothic

I. Introduction In order to begin this study, the first necessity is to define what is meant by the term "materialism." The Merriam-Webster's Online Dictionary defines materialism as "a preoccupation with or stress upon material rather than intellectual or spiritual things." Therefore, how was this "preoccupation" specifically manifested during the art of the Gothic? One will see that the obsession with the material - not just with objects themselves, but also with those things that make up an object - came to hold an unequaled importance in the artistic patronage and production during this time; so much so, that reform movements began in an attempt to curb the popularity of such endeavors. In examining the Abbey Church of Saint-Denis in Paris, The Book of Hours of Jeanne d'Evreux, and Les Trs Riches Heures du Duc de Berry, the importance of the material will be seen throughout, despite different media, patrons, uses, and intentions. In a particular discussion of the materialism of the Church of Saint-Denis and its abbot, Suger, the counter movement led by Bernard of Clairvaux will be examined as an appropriate alternate idea.

IIA. Architecture - The Abbey Church of Saint-Denis, Paris

The Abbey Church of Saint-Denis IIA.1 Who was Saint Denis? According to legend, Denis, Denys, or Dionysius was first converted to Christianity in Athens by the Apostle Paul (though he was born in Italy). After Paul's death, Denis was sent on a mission to Gaul to convert the native pagans to Christianity, accompanied by two companions, the priest Rusticus and the deacon Eleutherius. Denis was soon appointed the first bishop of Paris. The three men were eventually arrested by the prefect Fescenninus Sisinnius after orders from the emperor Valerius to persecute all known Christians. After refusing to deny their faith, they were imprisoned, tortured (scourged, racked, thrown to wild beasts, burnt at the stake), and finally beheaded on the slopes of Montmartre (Paris; "Mount of Martyrs") around 258 CE. Following the legend, after his decapitation, Denis picked up his head and walked two miles to his chosen place of burial, northeast of Paris. A noblewoman named Catulla stopped soldiers on their way to throw the bodies into the Seine by offering them so much wine they fell asleep

from drunkenness. She then buried the bodies in a nearby field and erected a small shrine over their graves.

Saint Denis

IIA.2 The History of the Abbey Church of Saint-Denis The first Benedictine abbey was built over the tomb of Saint Denis around the year 500. The seventh-century Merovingian king Dagobert was the first to remodel the church; legend would come to recognize him as the founder. Beginning in the seventh century, Saint-Denis was the primary royal monastery and would become the main place of burial for French kings as well as the treasury of their regalia until the French Revolution in 1789. The Carolingian abbot Fulrad had already rebuilt the church when the ninth-century abbot Hilduin

added an outer eastern crypt to accommodate more relics and pilgrims. According to Nicola Coldstream inMedieval Architecture, "By the 1120s, when Abbot Suger began to consider his own remodeling of the church, the abbey was hung about in a miasma of history, miracle, and legend, which was exploited to the full" (195). It is important to note that it was in the first half of the twelfth century that Saint Denis was named the patron saint of France and the abbey itself was noted as the principal church of the kingdom. Question - How would the importance of the abbey in the twelfth century, along with its noted historical and religious legends, have driven Abbot Suger's desire to remodel the existing structure; do you think this significance could be beneficial or detrimental to his building campaign and its subsequent decoration?

Drawing and Plan of Saint-Denis

IIA.3 Who was Abbot Suger? Born near Paris in 1081 to peasant parents, Suger was first brought to the Abbey

of Saint-Denis in 1091, at the age of ten, to be educated by the monks at the church school. While a student at the abbey, his closest friend and schoolmate was Louis Capet, the future King Louis VI (Louis le Gros; reigned 1108-1137). He worked as secretary to the abbot, provost of outlying properties, and envoy to the papal court before his appointment as abbot on March 12, 1122. After this, he devoted the remainder of his life to reforming the monastery and its monks, rebuilding the church, and enriching its treasury. He would fall ill with malaria in 1150 and died January 13, 1151 at Saint-Denis.

Abbot Suger Kneeling

Abbot Suger

IIA.4 The Material Desires of Abbot Suger versus the Immaterial Beliefs of Bernard of Clairvaux Between 1135 and 1137, Abbot Suger began the rebuilding of the dilapidated Abbey Church of Saint-Denis. From the beginning, Suger viewed his new version not as something entirely different from the past, but as something that was based upon it; therefore, he both preserved earlier work and referred to its predecessors. He moved the shrine of Saint Denis and of Rusticus and Eleutherius from the crypt to a site behind the high altar (though directly above their former tombs in the crypt, thus expressing continuity with the original burial place). In addition to numerous changes - including the addition of three portals to the western faade - the new choir, composed of exceptional stained glass windows and liturgical ornamentation, is thought to be the first truly "Gothic" church design. The purpose of such extravagant decoration was to create a work of art worthy of the church's holy treasures - the relics of the saints. His innovations were a combination of architecture, sculpture, stained glass, goldsmithing, and painting, in an attempt to recreate the world in heavenly terms. Indeed, it was this multi-media creation that transported the abbot to "some strange region of the universe which neither exists entirely in the slime of the earth nor entirely in the purity of heaven" (Camille 40). Traditionally, monasticism is meant to exist as a form of simplicity, rejection of the material world, and voluntary poverty. This seems nothing less than ironic and contradictory when describing the monastic life of the Middle Ages, as many monasteries had by then accumulated an extreme amount of wealth and material treasures. Thus, within this climate of luxury rose a new reform movement, led by Abbot Bernard of Clairvaux and the Cistercian Order. The Cistercians essentially believed that a monastery should be devoid of artworks and have bare walls. In 1125, in a letter addressed to William, Abbot of St.-Thierry entitled the Apologia, Bernard specifically criticized the use of art in monasteries. The following text is taken from a translation of the Apologia by Conrad Rudolph in Things of Greater Importance: Bernard of Clairvaux's Apologia and the Medieval Attitude toward Art. I will overlook the immense heights of the places of prayer, their immoderate lengths, their superfluous widths, the costly refinements, and painstaking representations which deflect the attention while they are in them of those who pray and thus hinder their devotion. To me they somehow represent the ancient rite of the Jews. But so be it, let these things be made for the honor of God. (1) I say, 'Tell me, poor men, if indeed you are poor men, what is gold doing in the holy place?' For certainly bishops have one kind of business and monks another. We know that since they are responsible for both the wise and the foolish, they stimulate the devotion of a carnal people with material ornaments because they cannot do so with spiritual ones. But we who have withdrawn from the people, we who have left behind all that is precious and beautiful in this world for the sake of Christ, we who regard as dung all things shining in beauty, soothing in sound,

agreeable in fragrance, sweet in taste, pleasant in touch - in short, all material pleasures - in order that we may win Christ, whose devotion, I ask, do we strive to excite in all this? What interest do we seek from these things... (2) Finally, what are these things to poor men, to monks, to spiritual men? Unless perhaps at this point the words of the poet may be countered by the saying of the prophet, 'Lord, I have loved the beauty of your house and the place where your glory dwells.' I agree, let us put up with these things which are found in the church, since even if they are harmful to the shallow and avaricious, they are not to the simple and devout. (3) Questions - Do you find this text contradictory? Does Bernard believe that it is acceptable to have art and decoration in churches as long as the monks are not the initiators of it and/or require it in their spiritual path? How does the simple fact that Bernard felt the need to write his Apologia in opposition to materialism describe the affluence and popularity of the material object at the time? The ideas of Bernard stand in direct opposition to the importance of materialism at Saint-Denis and in Abbot Suger's role as patron of the arts. Suger believed that art is made for the honor of God and the saints, and is supported with various signs of celestial encouragement (the pulling of a heavy column by the weak, the protection of an unfinished vault, but also the provision of materials and funds). In addition, Suger felt that there is a reciprocal relationship between the celestial and the terrestrial in art. Essentially, the theory is based on the idea of returning to God a part of what God has already given (thus, through the use of precious materials, stone, etc; the materials themselves possess sacred virtues). Suger supported the idea that a material representation had the ability to raise one's senses to a vision of the eternal ideal, "urging us onward from the material to the immaterial" (Camille 74). Question - Who has the more convincing argument - Abbot Suger or Bernard of Clairvaux - and why?

Nave of Saint-Denis

Apse of Saint-Denis

Dome of Saint-Denis

Interior of SaintDenis Stained Glass

IIB. Discussion of "De Administratione" in Abbot Suger on the Abbey Church of St.-Denis and Its Art Treasures by Erwin Panofsky In Abbot Suger on the Abbey Church of St.-Denis and Its Art Treasures, the reader is provided with the opportunity to examine a translated version of Abbot's Suger's original text, The Book of Suger, Abbot of St.-Denis. In the first section, "De Administratione," Suger details what was accomplished under his administration. He proceeds to describe not only what was undertaken, but how it came to fruition (mostly with the hand and blessings of God), the reasoning behind the embellishment, reconstruction, or conservation, and providing various arguments towards the importance of art in the monastery (as a counter to the prevalent Cistercian theories). In particular, he discusses the painting of the walls with gold and precious colors because of their old age and impending ruin in certain places, the decoration of the golden altar frontal in the upper choir with gold and precious gems (including hyacinths, rubies, sapphires, emeralds, topazes, and pearls), the changes made to various objects such as the choir of the brethren, the pulpit, the throne of King Dagobert, and the Eagle in the middle of the choir, and also describes the new additions to the church, such as new stained glass windows, Eucharist service sets, and candlesticks. Of particular interest are four important points. 1. In XXVII, Of the Cast and Gilded Doors, Suger discusses the inscription on the main doors of the church. "Whoever thou art, if thou seekest to extol the glory of these doors, / Marvel not at the gold and the expense but at the craftsmanship of the work. / Bright is the noble work; but, being nobly bright, the work / Should brighten the minds, so that they may travel, through the true lights, / To the True Light where Christ is the true door" (47-49). We are reminded that the delight from the material object - here, the door - should be taken from the workmanship and effort put into the construction, rather than its accessories. This seems a bit contradictory to Suger's preoccupation with the ornamentation and decorative elements that he also describes within the text, for it is the loveliness of these sorts of things that have the ability to transport the viewer from the material to the immaterial, not the work involved. 2. In XXIX, Of the Continuation of Both Works, it is only with the help of God that the nave is able to be completed. "For the most liberal Lord Who, among other greater things, has also provided the makers of the marvelous windows, a rich supply of sapphire glass, and ready funds of about seven hundred pounds or more will not suffer that there be a lack of means for the completion of the work" (53). God again intervenes in the process by sending monks from three abbeys of two Orders to the church to offer for sale an abundance of gems that were needed

to adorn the golden crucifix. Thus, if God is helping these projects along, doesn't it appear that He agrees that art is an important and necessary addition to a monastic community? 3. In XXXIII, Suger seems to be arguing his case for the use of art in monasteries against an unknown opponent. In discussing the use of ornamented sacred vessels for the Eucharist, he states that "the detractors also object that a saintly mind, a pure heart, a faithful intention ought to suffice for this sacred function; and we, too, explicitly and especially affirm that it is these that principally matter. [But] we profess that we must do homage also through the outward ornaments of sacred vessels . . ." (67). This statement both acknowledges the Cistercian's beliefs while countering it with his own. 4. Also in XXXIII, Suger states, "the loveliness of the many-colored gems has called me away from external cares, and worthy meditation has induced me to reflect, transferring that which is material to that which is immaterial" (63-65). For Suger, it is this ability of the material object that not only makes it important, but also makes it an integral part of a religious experience.

Chalice and Eagle of Abbot Suger

Questions

Why did Abbot Suger undertake the writing of this retrospective account in the first place? What was he trying to accomplish? Suger cites the naming of himself throughout the church in varying commemorative phrases - pages 49, 51, 55, 61, and 79 - was this motivated by selfishness or something else?

Do Suger's own words convince you of his argument against the Cistercians? Or, does he seem to have other motives behind his love of the material (and, what could those other motives be)? Does the obsession with the material (those things that make up the object as well as the object itself) detract from or add to an object's meaning? Do material objects have power? If so, is it just in the case of religious objects?

IIIA. Manuscript - The Book of Hours of Jeanne d'Evreux

The Book of Hours of Jeanne d'Evreux IIIA.1 What is a Book of Hours? The Book of Hours was so called because it contained prayers that were arranged according to the eight canonical hours of the day when they were recited by the individual. The eight canonical hours include: Matins (first hour for prayer at midnight), Lauds (sunrise), Prime (6:00 a.m.), Terce (9:00 a.m.), Sext (noon), None (3:00 p.m.), Vespers (sunset), and Compline (9:00 p.m.). The Book first appeared in the second half of the thirteenth century and increased in popularity until the fourteenth century, by which time it had become the most common form of prayer book. As a highly private and personal book, most Books of Hours varied considerably in length, content, and arrangement, and were oftentimes specifically commissioned and tailored to the patron's wishes. However, most contained a basic formula that included a calendar (used as a guide to feast days and to saints' days), excerpted readings from the Gospels, the Hours of the Virgin, the Hours of the Dead, the Penitential Psalms, and a Litany of the Saints. These Books required skillful and patient work from the most important artists of the day,

specifically necessitating the ability to work in the minutest detail and with extreme delicacy.

IIIA.2 Who was Jeanne d'Evreux? Jeanne d'Evreux was born in 1310 in Evreux, France to Count Louis de France and to Marguerite d'Artois. She married King Charles IV of France (born 1294, reigned 1322-1328, died 1328) in Paris on July 5, 1324. Only 14-years-old at the time of her marriage, Jeanne was already Charles' third wife. Her husband was the son of King Philip IV and Queen Jeanne de Navarre; Jeanne d'Evreux was the great-granddaughter of King Louis IX of France, or Saint Louis. She was known throughout her lifetime as a significant artistic patron, in addition to her innumerable charitable deeds. She died March 4, 1371, and was buried at SaintDenis alongside her husband.

Jeanne d'Evreux's Virgin and Child given to the Abbey of Saint-Denis

IIIA.3 The Book of Hours of Jeanne d'Evreux Interactive Website for The Book of Hours of Jeanne d'Evreux at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York At some point between her marriage in 1324 and her husband's death in 1328, a

manuscript was commissioned by King Charles IV from Jean Pucelle as a gift for his new, young queen, Jeanne d'Evreux. Pucelle, a Parisian illuminator, was the head of a workshop, but it is thought that he was responsible for the illumination of the entire manuscript because of the consistently high quality of the miniatures. The Book of Hours of Jeanne d'Evreux is considered to be his masterpiece, for it is in this manuscript that a harmonious personal style combining elements from England, Italy, and French predecessors is best seen. The "rather tiny little book of prayers . . . which Pucelle illuminated" is mentioned in the Queen's will at the time of her death in 1371. It was passed to King Charles V in 1371, and then given to his brother Jean, Duke de Berry by the end of the thirteenth century. Measuring only 3 5/8 x 2 3/8 inches in total, the tiny manuscript was designed specifically for the private devotions of the new queen. It contains a calendar, the Hours of the Virgin, the Hours of Saint Louis, the Seven Penitential Psalms, a Litany of the Saints, and the Eight Canonical Hours of the Day (for prayer). The Hours of Saint Louis, not a typical addition to most Books, was an intentional reference meant to recall Jeanne's lineage with her saintly great-grandfather. In the manuscript, Pucelle used a modified grisaille technique to create an overall somber atmosphere. Using ink washes, he also added fleshtones and background colors, as well as supplementing specific details in red, blue, or pink. The original work contained 209 folios and is an excellent example of Gothic courtly art in France. Question - How is materialism reflected in the commissioning of illuminated manuscripts? How is this different from very public buildings? Is it any less important?

Details of the Manuscript The Book of Hours was written and illustrated entirely by hand on calf-skin parchment. The parchment was specially treated to receive ink and paint, and the surface was ruled (as shown in the details) to ensure that text and margins were straight.

Calendar (September) Within the Calendar pages, the most important days are composed in blue ink, while the second most important days are composed in red ink. The numbers and letters to the left are used to calculate new and full moons and the dates of moveable feasts (such as Easter). All months contain decorations of signs of the zodiac and with activities appropriate to that time of year.

The Hours of the Virgin A common cycle within most Books of Hours, prayers dedicated to the Virgin Mary (as well as Christ) are an integral component here. Within this Book, scenes from the life of the Virgin (the Infancy of Christ) are juxtaposed with scenes from the Passion of Christ - using a technique known as typology.

The Hours of Saint Louis King Louis IX ruled France between the years 1226 and 1270, and was canonized by the Pope in 1297. An important figure during the Middle Ages, Saint Louis was known for his extreme piety and religious faith (including his participation in the Crusades), for his artistic patronage (the Sainte-Chapelle, for example), and for his kind and humble character. Not only as Jeanne d'Evreux's great-grandfather, but also as a saint, Louis would have served as an excellent and fitting role model for the young queen.

IIIB. Discussion of Article, "The Education of Jeanne d'Evreux: Personal Piety and Dynastic Salvation in her Book of Hours at the Cloisters" by Joan A. Holladay In her article, "The Education of Jeanne d'Evreux: Personal Piety and Dynastic Salvation in her Book of Hours at the Cloisters," Joan A. Holladay not only provides the reader with a necessary and comprehensive overview of the manuscript, but then easily transitions into her own argument concerning the addition of the Hours of Saint Louis to the young queen's prayerbook. The article is easy to read and understand, and Holladay continually builds upon her previous statements until she reaches an all-encompassing and relevant conclusion. By the time she presents the conclusion to her argument, the process is clear and one wonders why it hadn't been thought of before. The article is the perfect blend of a scholarly study and an more interesting "popular" read, which makes it thoughtprovoking while maintaining the reader's attention. Essentially, the background to her study is as follows... At some point between 1324 and 1328, King Charles IV of France gave a Book of Hours, by the Parisian illuminator Jean Pucelle, to his wife, Queen Jeanne d'Evreux. Uniquely, the manuscript contained the Hours of Saint Louis, the great-grandfather of both Charles and Jeanne. It is commonly held that the content of the manuscript was meant to condition Jeanne's behavior in a general way, such as encouraging her to say her daily devotions. However, Holladay holds that because the Book was a specifically commissioned gift from the King to the Queen, that there is more meaning to be found in its visual program. Holladay begins her argument with a discussion of the intricacies concerning the Hours of Saint Louis. As there were no canonical cycles of images for his life at the time of production, Pucelle was left to invent the visual elements. Thus, he based his pictorial series on the text Vie et miracles de saint Louis, written for Louis's daughter Blanche around 1303 by her confessor, Guillaume de SaintPathus. Specifically, the images are centered around the Acts of Charity (or Acts of Mercy), as described in the Gospel of Matthew 25:34-36, which include "caring for the hungry, the thirsty, strangers and the homeless, the naked, the sick, and the incarcerated" (591). In Jeanne's Book of Hours, Louis is depicted feeding a leprous monk at the Cistercian Abbey of Royaumont, ministering to the sick (and poor), washing the feet of a poor man, and burying the Christian dead. All of these acts were in service to those less fortunate, and acting in this manner, Louis was the personification of charity. In illustrating very deliberate scenes of the King's charity, the manuscript was providing appropriate direction for the young and inexperienced Jeanne. As a queen, one of Jeanne's primary political duties was charity performed with her own hands. This was thought to be a particularly appropriate virtue for women, who were thought to have natural pity and mercy for

those less fortunate. Louis is meant to be recognized as a specific role model for Jeanne, as not only a teacher of moral education and devotional guidance, but as her greatgrandfather. The frontispiece of the Hours of Saint Louis opens with an image of Jeanne kneeling in prayer before a figure of Saint Louis (holding the Book of Hours that contains the image), thus paying homage to her forefather as well as to a saintly man. This inclusion also links her directly with the most important member of the French royal house. Essentially, the depiction of Jeanne and Louis in real presence of one another (versus the spiritual presence of the Virgin in the Annunciationscene) serves as a visual metaphor; Louis's holiness was passed to all members of his family - thus, both Jeanne and Charles were entitled to the sanctity that pervaded the entire familial line. So, how do these two elements - the role of charity and Saint Louis as role model - come together to form Holladay's conclusion? Quite easily, in fact. Jeanne d'Evreux was only fourteen-years-old and an orphan at the time of her marriage to King Charles IV, thus in need of obvious guidance in her new-found role of Queen. Her Book of Hours reflects the King's concerns and intentions for his wife. Charles had been married twice before - first, to Blanche de Bourgogne, an adulteress imprisoned in 1314 and secondly, to Marie de Luxembourg, who died with her premature son during Lent 1324. By early July, Charles had married his young cousin Jeanne, panicked in his attempt to produce a male heir to continue the Capetian line (his two older brothers had already died without any heirs). As a wedding gift to his new bride, Charles was attempting to convey to Jeanne that if she did was she was supposed to do (following the model of her great-grandfather, Saint-Louis), she would have a greater chance of gaining God's favor to fulfill her primary duty of producing a son. Thus, she was reminded that the continuation of Saint Louis's line depended upon her. Holladay ends her discussion with a note informing the reader that, despite being pregnant continually in 1324, 1326, and 1328, Jeanne was only able to produce three daughters by the time of her husband's death, thus ending the rule of the Capetians. However, she was distinguished throughout her lifetime and after her death for her charitable deeds and behavior, taking away the most important lesson from her little instruction book.

Questions

Does Holladay present a valid argument? Why or why not? How do illuminated manuscripts exemplify the love of the material? Does the very personal nature of the Book of Hours add to, or take away from, its role as a material object?

How is the role of an illuminated manuscript different from, say, the Church of Saint-Denis? Or are they similar?

IIIC. Manuscript - Les Trs Riches Heures du Duc de Berry

Folio 1 Verso: Detail IIIC.1 Who was the Duc de Berry? Jean, Duc de Berry, was born the third son of King Jean II (le Bon; reigned 1350-1364) on November 30, 1340, in Paris. His brothers were King Charles V (reigned 1364-1380), the Duc Louis I d'Anjou, and Philippe le Hardi, Duc de Bourgogne. In 1360, he received the duchies of Berry and Auvergne; Poitou was added in 1369. He married twice, first to Jeanne d'Armagnac in 1360 and, after her death, to Jeanne de Boulogne in 1389. The Duc amassed great wealth during his lifetime, mostly through crippling his subjects with the highest taxes in France. Although the son, brother, and uncle to the Kings of France, Jean would not become involved in politics until the latter part of his life, and only then by necessity. He died on June 15, 1416, in one of his Parisian residences, the Htel de Nesle, on the left bank of the Seine facing the Louvre.

IIIC.2 The Duc de Berry's Obsession with the Material As one of the richest men in France, the Duc led an extraordinarily luxurious lifestyle. He owned two residences in Paris, and no fewer than seventeen palaces, chteaux, and htels (private mansions) scattered throughout his duchies. These included Nonette in Auvergne, Lusignan in Poitou, Genouilly and Concressault in Berry, and Gien, Montargis, Etampes, and Dourdan between the Loire and the Seine. The most extravagant of his collection of homes were the Htel de Nesle, the Chteau de Bictre, and the Chteau de Mehun-sur-Yvre. An aristocratic patron and bibliophile, the Duc's collection at the time of his death in 1416 included: antique cameos, tapestries, clocks, jewelry, illuminated books, a vast collection of hunting dogs, one of Charlemagne's teeth, drops of the Virgin's milk, and the bones of a giant dug up near Lyons in 1378. In his library, he had accumulated forty-one histories (secular works), thirty-eight chivalric romances, fourteen Bibles, sixteen psalters, eighteen breviaries, six missals, and fifteen Books of Hours. It seems that the Duc was obsessed with owning everything that caught his interest, no matter the price or the cost to himself and others - essentially, what he wanted, he got. He was a collector in the truest form of the word. Question - Michael Camille raises an interesting point in stating that the Duc de Berry "is often described as one of the first art connoisseurs, as if taking pleasure in beautiful things for their own sake redeems his vicious vanity, at least in the eyes of art history" (67). Do you agree with Camille's statement? Does a delight in the material take precedence even over how it is obtained? At what point does materialism (or the desire for it) become vanity?

IIIC.3 Les Trs Riches Heures du Duc de Berry as the Embodiment of Materialism Les Trs Riches Heures du Duc de Berry was completed by Pol, Jean, and Herman Limbourg, a Netherlandish family of illuminators (called the Limbourg brothers). They first appeared in Paris around 1390 as goldsmiths; by 1413, however, all three were employed by the Duc de Berry. They are best known for the illumination of two manuscripts for the Duc - Les Belles Heures and Les Trs Riches Heures, the latter of which was left unfinished due to their untimely death from the plague in 1416 (though it is still considered to be their masterpiece). Like other Books of Hours, Les Trs Riches Heures contained a calendar, with labors of the months represented as scenes of daily life, as well as prayers for the canonical hours. So, how did this manuscript differ from the innumerable others being produced at this time? There are numerous differences, specifically with the Calendar. For every month, a full-page illumination (over eight inches high and

alone on the folio) is assigned, inspired by daily life, but with direct allusions to either the Duc himself, his kin, or his property. In addition, they each contain zodiacal signs in a semicircle, with precise astronomical information. Please note the illustrations below and their descriptions...

January The Duc de Berry can be seen in this image for January, wearing the bright blue robe on the far right. A banquet is taking place with a well-stocked table, several attendants, and splendid golden vessels. His banquet hall is alive and active, and there is no doubt that this was a common occurrence and that no type of luxury was spared.

April In the April scene, the viewer is witness to a bethrothal which may be the engagement of Charles d'Orlans to Bonne d'Armagnac, the Duc's granddaughter. This is only one of two scenes depicting the aristocratic (if not princely) class. In the background lies the castle of Dourdan, owned by the Duc since 1400.

August In the foreground, a group of noblemen and women are headed out to a hunt, guided by falcons. In the background, shadowed beneath the Duc's Chteau d'Etampes, peasants harvest the fields and take a break from the summer heat to swim in the river.

October In this scene, two peasants are depicted tilling and sowing the fields adjacent to the Louvre, the royal residence of King Charles V (the Duc's brother) in Paris. However, it wasn't just the Calendar pages that served as reminders of the Duc's material wealth and possessions. Even within the Hours themselves, such elaborate and luxurious decoration can be seen, mixed with (and a part of) religious scenes. One example of this can be found in the Temptation of Christ, in which the Duc's favorite castle, Mehun-sur-Yvre is depicted as the focal point of the piece. Christ, atop a mountain in the background, has refused all such earthly possessions to have the glory of heaven.

Temptation of Christ Questions

How is materialism seen in the pages of the Trs Riches Heures du Duc de Berry? The title of the manuscript - Trs Riches (Very Rich) - is an addition to the traditional title of "Book of Hours." What do you think this is intended to represent? Is it indicative of what is found inside the book? Do you believe the original function of a Book of Hours was maintained here? Or, was the Duc de Berry deriving a lesson on materialism and its benefits instead? How is this different from the function of The Book of Hours of Jeanne d'Evreux?

IV. Conclusion As has been demonstrated through the previous examples, materials (both what an object was made of as well as the objects themselves) were an integral component of the artistic patronage and of art production during the Gothic. From extremely public churches to 3-inch personal manuscripts, the delight in the materialism of the world was widespread.

Interestingly, Gothic Art is consistently seen as a vision transcending the barriers of time and space (thus, the immaterial). This is important to consider when its meaning is juxtaposed against the material, earthly goods that make up said art. Is this a problem? If a revered (given, sometimes obsessed over) material product is meant to produce a celestial and/or holy element or experience, how is this achieved? Should the focus not be on the end result rather than that which allows us to get there? Abbot Suger believed that, "The dull mind rises to truth through that which is material." Indeed, material objects do have power over their human owners. And, sometimes it is necessary to reach the immaterial by way of the material. It seems that all artistic patrons were conscience of this aspect of their material goods, despite differing motivations, backgrounds, and usage. Thus, in conclusion, how do we describe the materialism of the Gothic Age? Perhaps as something more than itself, the Gothic was an extremely active period of art in which mass amounts of goods were commissioned, produced, and distributed; but it is this specific obsession with the material objects of the world or, materialism - that was the beginning of the consumerism that would become a frenzy during the Renaissance. Works Consulted

This Page was Created By: Misty Amanda Vandergriff ARTH452.01 - Art History Senior Seminar Spring 2004