~ ~

WWF
,
SIBUYAN
MANGYAN
TAGABUKID
Surviving In A Changing World
ACKNOWLEDGMENT
SuppOrt for the research and writing of this book was made
possible by the "Prot cring the Biodiversity of Me. Guit ing-guiting
through the Development of Su t ai nable Community Liveli hood
Enterprises" program of WWF-Philippines, which i funded by
the Directorate General for Int rnarional Cooperation (DGIS)
of the Netherbnds government.
A sabbatlw.lleave from my academic duries at the College of the
Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Manila provided
me with opportunitie to do extended fi eldwork in Sibuyan.
Our fieldwork would not have been frui tful without the ibuyan
Mangyan Tagabuki d of Gintak-an, Gi n-alan, Kabuylanan, Hagimit,
Layag and Panagintingan who guided llS in our journey to
understand thei r way of Iii .
I am also grateful to the many indivi duals wh gave support,
many ugge ti n and encouragement to finally finish this pr iec :
Miks Gul3.-Padilla, Chri sma Sa lao, Carmen Villasenor, Dr. C li
Boncan, Arnold Molrna Azurin, Aileen May Paguntalan, Trina Galido,
Edsel Ramirez Mel iza Joy Torres, Al fredo Principe II, Efren Isorena,
Perla E plel, Ninel Tayag, Rosmiah Mayo and Porti a Marasigan
and Marisel Dino and all t he staff of KKP Si buyan. Needless
to say, there are nameless others, all of whom should be absolved
of any error and shortcomings of this book.
Maramillg sa/arnot at mabuha}, kayong lahat!
Sabino G. Padilla, Jr., PhD.
A UNIQUE ECOLOGICAL NICHE WITH ONE OF mE WORLD'S HIGHEST CONCENTRATIONS OF BIODIVERSITY.
SINCE THE PLEISTOCENE, IT HAS BEEN SEPARATED FROM THE REST OF THE PHILIPPINES BY SURROUNDING
DEEP CHANNELS. THIS ISOLA TlON ENABLED
A NUMBER OF UNIQUE SPECIES TO FLOURISH
ON THE ISLAND. THE MOST REMARKABLE
FEATIJRE OF THE 456 -SQUARE KILOMETER
LAND IS AN UNDISTIJRBED FOREST AREA
OF 16,000 HECTARES. AT THE HEART OF THE
ISLAND IS MOUNT GUITING-GUITING, ONE
OF THE FEW PLACES IN THE PHILIPPINES
WHERE ONE CAN FIND A RANGE OF FORESTS,
FROM THE LOW MOUNTAIN FOREST TO THE
UPPER ALPINE FOREST.
IRONICALL Y, IN Tl-IIS ENVIRONMENT WHERE
DIVERSITY THRIVES, LIVES A GROUP STRUGGUNG
TO AFFIRM AND MAINTAIN THEIR ItIDIVIDUALITY
AS A PEOPLE.
The interior and upland areas of Sibuyan are inhabited by the Sibuyan
Mangyan Tagabukid, one of the least studied Philippine indigenous
peoples. Even for those who also live on the island, the Mangyan Tagabukid's
way of life is unfamiliar - as uncharted a territory as their island haven.
The Mangyan Tagabukid conununities use a set of established caregories
in distinguishing the "tunay na katutubo ng bukid" (genuine indigenous
people of the mountains ), as distinct from taga-ubos (lowlanders):
Individuals born and currently residing in the mountains, who
can trace their lineage to long-time residents of the mountains;
Individuals who cultivate fields il1 the mountains for their
subsistence;
Individuals who can only acquire fatui j" the mountains through
panoblion (inheritance); and
Lowlanders married to Mangyan Tagabukid.
Prehistoric data on Sibuyan and the Mangyan Tagabukid are wholly
unavailable. However, there are a number of burial caves on the i land
that contain artifacts such as ceramics, glass beads, wooden coffins, bones,
jars and pots.
Some scholars contend that the Mangyan Tagabukid may be the remnants
of [he original inhabitants of Sibuyan that sought sanctuary in the thickly
forested range to elude either the Spanish colonizers or the Mora slave-
w.ml1Z".. raiding forays from the 16t h to the
18th century.
Sihllyan MaJtgyall Tagabukid children
Spanish conquistadores led by Martin de Goiti reached Sibuyan as early
as rhe 16rh century. The Spanish expedition described Sibuyan as a "high
and mountainous land known to possess gold mines" and its natives,
"handsome", They were observed to "pai nt themselves, like those
of neighboring Banton Island".
Si nce this sketchy account of t he initial Spanish sighti ng, the Sibuyan
dwellers of the range have received scant attention, and no for mal
ethnographic investigation has ever been conducted on them.
The threat of Mora incursions was sparked by Spanish efforts t establish
domi nion over the southern Phili ppines and control the spread of Islam.
Punitive expeditions to Borneo, Sul u and Cotabato were not a deterrent
to Moro warriors raiding coastal communities under the colonial administration.
In 1649, Sibuyan, Romblon and Banton joined the rebell ion against
Spain that started in Palapag, Samar and spread to Mindanao.
In order to consolidate the colony, attempts were made to convert t he
non-Christians, or what they called infi eles, or infidels. The Recollect fathers
administered th conversion of the native population of Sibuyan and the
people of Romblon, CaJamianes, and Negros. In 1744, the pari sh priest
of the town of Cajidiocan made ser ious efforts to Christianize and resettle
these mountain dwellers to a poblacion, or central part of the town. He was
able to convince 218 Mangyan Taga bukid on condi tions t hat t hey
be exempted from paying tax for ten years and from rendering service
in the military and other government activities t hat required seafaring.
After t hey had begun converti ng the natives, the Spanish
colonizers classifi ed all the inhabitants of Sibuyan, Tablas and
Romblon as Mang)'an. Such broad cl assifi cation was probably
beca use of their proximi ty to Mindoro, whose inhabitants
identified themselves as Mangyan.
Al though this was false, as the Sibuyan Mangyan Tagabukid
have an i entity separate from the Mangyan of Mindoro, it stuck
through the centuries. Early impressions and labels based on the
friar chrorucles, on which many relied for information, have a long
lasting effect. An example is this excerpt from a report of the Order of Saint
Augustine Recollects in 1700:
" ... based on frequent accounts by the locals of" the island,
a large m4mber of infidels inhabit the mountains of the island
of Sibuyan, coming (rom the island of Mindoro. Those
accounts relate that a great number of said infidels, together
with their women and children lived for a long time on this
island, around the steep slopes of the mountains. There, they
lived a nomadic life that they were accustomed to in the
mountairlS of Mindoro ... "
Spanish historian Agustin de la Cavada Mendez de Vigo, in his Historia
Geografica, Geologica y Estadisti ca de Filipinas wrote on the tribes
in Caji diocan called Manguian, who are "submissive but livi ng savagely
in th mountains and who sustain themselves by means of robbery. Those
in Azagra are disobedienr and do not associate with the natives of thi s tOwn."
Aiter convincing the pagan t ribes who inhabited t he forest regions
of Sibuyan to submit themselves to th authority of the Spanish government
and convert to rhe Catholic religion, the upland vill ages of Princesa,
Ysabel and Espana were for med. Problems arose when m rchams came
to COntract the services of the inhabitants of these villages to coll ect
almaciga, wax and tar widely found throughout the island. Despite the
fact that these products f t hed high prices at that time, merchants paid
the Mangyan Tagabukid so little that there was never enough for these
people to meet thei r basic necessities.
Although an dfort was made by the Spanish poli tical -military
commandant at that tim to impose price conrrol on the forest products
and regulate trade, t he governor-general eventually ordered 0 leave
trade unrestricted. This made some of the inhabitant retreat once
again to higher ground.
More of them were for ed to go back to the mountains in s bsequent
year as Mangyan Tagabuki d vi ll ages located in the were
nor spared from the plagues and epidemics that struck almost the entire
archipelago in the years prior to World War 11. Others opted to rerrea
ecause of wartime roeities. In the ourse of time, due to their non-
participation in the colonized lowland society, they became an indigenous
people once again.
During the American colonial period, the Philippine Commission
created the Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes (BNCT) under Act No. 253.
Its principal objectives ere to study the conditions of pagan tribes
and Muslim groups, recommend programs to the ivi l government,
and conduct t hnological studies in t e Philippines. It was later on
reorganized into the Ethnological Survey of the Philippines.
The BNCT lists the Sibuyan Mangyan among the indigenous groups
of th Philippines. However, ap rr from acknowledging their existence
In Sibuyan, the bureau has not done anything concrete for the group.
Subsequent reports reflect how littl e was known about the Sibuyan
Mangyan Tagabukid.
In the 1901 Report of the Philippine Commission to the President,
a section entirely dedicated to the description of the island of Sibuyan
descri bed the natives as follows:
"The Mallguianes who live i1l the mountains are quite pacific,
btlt not at all addicted to work, and so dirty that most of
them go naked and are covered with all kinds of repugnatlt
coetaneous eruptions. JJ
In 19 3, the first official c nsus conducted by the American authorities
recorded the existence of "Negrito groups" in Sibuyan. They were
probably referring t o the Mangy n Tagabukid, and t he misleading
identification was due to their method of classifi cation by perceived color
of t he skin or raCial type.
Although some of the information was found to be false, the existence
of the M ngyan Tagabukid in Sibuyan has always een acknowledged.
This was again reinforced in Beyer'S 1916 publication The Population
of the Philippine Islands wherein he listed 43 "recognized ethn graphic
groups ', incl udi ng the Mangyan in Sibuyan, Romblon and Tabla.
As of 1994, the indigenous population on Sibuyan is estimated at 1,557.
Their hinterland villages are located in the towns of Cajidiocan and San
Fernando with a population of 1,846, comprisi ng 335 households.
Their survival throughout the centuries, through colonizations and
incursions, affords us a closer look at a people so little-known.
Perhaps because of its geographical barriers, Sibuyan Island is far off
busy trade routes and is hardJy a popular destination. To compound their
isolation, the ancestral domain of the Mangyan Tagabukid lies along the
interior slopes and spine of the mountain range traversing eastern Sibuyan.
This seclusion has brought about a distinct, indigenous way of li fe.
Settlement Patterns and Housing
Because of their close relationship with their environment, natural
features of tile terrain such as streams; waterfalls, rock formations and
caves serve as markers for their ancestral ground. Other distinct settings,
such as tradirionaJ sacred grounds or burial sites, are also used. Most
of their settl ement areas are named after these landmarks, using terms
originating from their ancestors.
Many of the houses within a community are far apart or follow
a dispersed pattern.
A typical house is a bungalow-type structure, elevated about a foot
above the ground. The building materials come from the forest and their
respective tati (fallow land). Roofs are thatched, while walls are of cogan
or wood, with no partitions. The fl oors are made of bamboo. Instead
of nails, uway (rattan) is used. Hard wood like mangatsapoy, bitis and
kauahinan are used as posts.
There is usually only one room, which serves as living quarters, di ning,
and receiving room. At the center is a sahing (cooki ng area), which is
considered the most important part of the house. Members of the household
sleep in the areas around [he sahing.
There is generally only one family per house. Households are nuclear
in nature, with siblings living near each other or near their parents' house.
At rimes, they also build a ku-ob, a temporary shelter when hunting
and gatheri ng in the forest. The ku-ob is a single-pitched lean-to with
no walls and no flooring. It can withstand strong winds and rains.
h uses the leaves of saiirang, tibangyan or pakoy for roofing.
Below, traditional house made of
forest materials; right, a nuclear
fami ly posing oll:tside their hcmse
Another type of a Mangyan Tagabukid traditional house is the timuso.
The tent-like structure usualJy has a large fern roof and support posts
made of local timber called kasaw.
Language
Today, the Mangyan Tagabukid speak a language generally similar to
that spoken in the lowlands. The village elders still remember how previous
generations spoke differently, with a distinct tone. The change may be
due to greater exposure to t he lowland society in more recent times.
Researchers from the Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL) regard the
present language as a variant of Romblomanon. It is further claimed that
the Sibuyan islanders' clialect shares 70% intelligibility with Aklanon,
70% with Tagalog, 73% with Hiligaynon, and 94% with Romblomanon.
This shows a relatively close relationship with the nearby islands and
may be attributed to their coasrallife after their conversion to Christianity
during the Spanish colonial period.
Garb
In the early times, both men and women use birang (bark cloth) to
cover their private parts. The bark cloth was stripped from the trunks of
local soft wood like ginawwag. alrnacigo. santik, nardong and duayong.
Sometimes, the men would use anabo (loincloth). Single women wore
an alimpay (upper garment ) along with the birang.
When they were converted to Christianity, these g.arments gradually
went out of fashion. The Mangyan Tagabukid refer to this period as
"nang nagkamalisya na" (when malice set in). However, some elders
remember that they continued to wear the traditional clothing until the
end of World War n to as late as the 1960s.
Most of the Mangyan Tagabukid today wear no ornaments. Neither
do they practice tattooing or body piercing, which de Goiti observed
among them in the 16th century and which is still common to other
indigenous groups.
Every Mangyan Tagabukid owns a suntUlng (bolo). The phrase "never
leave home without it" is very much applicable to the sundang. Men tie
it around their waist whenever they go to the urna (swidden fields) or
iiawod (town) . Both men and women use it in farming, collecting forest
products, or catcning shrimps. Uway (rattan) baskets of all shapes and
sizes are used as containers.
Social Organization
Today, various factors affect the Mangyan Tagabukid"s mobility and choice
of residence. These are marriage, children's education and source of income.
Males are usually circumcised at the age of seven. Upon reaching the
age of 10, they are expected to help with chores like fetching water or
assisting in the farm. A young boy is considered of age, an ulitawo or
soltero, when he starts courting. They also r fer to this as nagasupang.
a stage when a young man would start associating with a young woman.
As early as the age of seven, females are taught house chores. They
are expected to run errands for their parents and help take care of their
younger si blings. A young woman is considered of age when she develops
breasts, and upon the onset of menarche. This usually happens when a
Mangyan Tagabukid woman is 15 years old.
The Mangyan Tagabukid practice arranged marr iages, initiated by
parents at birth. The potential spouse usually comes from another kin
of affinity, which strengthens ties between inrermarrying kin. Today,
an inclividual may choose whom he or she wants [0 marry, although some
kin groups have mainrained ties based on generations of intermarriages.
Marriage to a taga-ubos has also been prevalent in recent years. Mansibado.
an arrangement in which a man and a woman decide to live together prior
to marriage, is observed in most of the communities.
Even in cases of arranged marriages, courtship is perform d. In the
traditional courtship practice, both the suitor and his parents visit the
girl's parents to signify the intention of t.be male for marriage in the pabagt;
or pasaka baba. After this, the suitor is expected to render bride service,
or pangagad. In some cases, the swtor lives with the girl's family to render
such service. This can progress to the kasayuran in which the girl's family
decides whether to accept or reject the marriage proposal.
Nowadays, bride service is not strictly observed. The kasayuran is
immediately entered into and the date of marriage is set. There are instances
when, after the kasayuran is done, the parents immediately hand the girl
over to her new family.
) ()ckwis(! (/"(Jill lop lell:
Mf. Glilin
o
$utillg R<1Il$c;
CTlltlllg<1S Rll'er, Br,lhmlllY
Kite: abaca plallt; rattail;
AIlLestTal Dnmam map
(shaded areas): thick forest
TH ELAN DSCAPE
The island is some 350 kilometers south
of Manila and situated at 12" 14' and 12"
30' latitude, 122
0
25' and 122
0
42'
longtitude. It is bounded by Romblon
Island in the northwest; Tablas Island
on the west; Masbate on the east; and
Panay Island on .the south.
The ancestral domain of the Sibuyan
Mangyan Tagabukid is located
approximately between 12 17' 57" and
12 27' IS" north and 122" 34' 43" and
122
0
40'13" east and occupies an area
of about S,ooo hectares in the eastern
portion of Sibuyan. Its boundaries adjoin
the municipalities of Cajidiocan and San
Fernando.
The range lies from north to south and
is dissected by a river systems. One of
the rivers, the Cantingas, separates the
eastern portion of the domain from the
central range of Guiting-guiting and the
smaller portion of the claim in the west.
The northern parts of the domain are
undulating to moderately sloping in
contrast to the rugged topography and
higher elevations of the southern half.
Access to the upland communities in the
north is easier due to the existence of
paved roads halfway into the interior.
On the other hand, entry to the southern
interior communities generally starts
with a short hike on level ground
followed by a lengthy ascent as slopes
originate closer to the coast.
Residency after marriage IS by and large virilocal,
as shown visibly by the presence of dist inct kin group
in particular settlements. land availahil ity als affects
setrlemenr arra ngemenrs. Intermarrying ki n groups
consider t hemselves a collect ive set rlement belongi ng
to single territory. This is reinforced by t h bi lat er I
system of ki n recognized in all [he communi ties.
Leadership and Conflict Management
Tradi tional leaders are rhe authori ry
concerning t he welfare of the entire
community. These traditional leaders ar e t he
managhusay, prominent male elders from
va rious kIn groups in their respe rive
senl ement clusters. The elders' main tasks
concern set Llement of conflicts and t he:
maintenance of harmonious relations among
vari ous kingroups, and wit h neighboring
sitio5. Confli cts are settled in a process called
ergohan (verbal agreement ), which concludes when (he offender asks the
offended parry for forgiveness. If both parties are at fa ult, each of them
is asked to forgive and forget t he incident.
Family conflicrs are resolved by the family alone. It is very seldom that
a family confl ict becomes the concern of the community. The parents or
grandparents act as mal1aghusay.
In the 1990s, the osce introduced t he concept of having tribal
chieftains. The local justice system has also incorporated the Mangyan
Tagabukid under its jur isdiCtion, limiting the type of confli cts that t hey
can setrle on their own.
Subsistence Strategies
Like other indigenous peoples, the Mangyan Tagabukid have a full regard
for the symbiotic relationshi p of t heir land and life. When referring to lands,
they not only refer to t heir kaingin or uma (swidden fields) but also to their
settlement area, their lands near a water system or those used for vegetable
gardens (for crops like squash and sayote), fallow land (iati), and the forests.
Every Mangyan Tagabukid household has its own uma; claim to t he uma
is based on usurrucr. Owned lands refer [Q (he serrlemem areas and farm
lots, while forest wlri"til1 the area is considered common property.
Tubers such as bali"ghoy (cassava), kamote (sweet potato), gabi (taro),
and hllndo (yam) are their staples. Rice and corn are Iso planted, as are
some fruit trees li ke banana and pomelo. Corn is planted in May to July,
and rice in June to November. Sometimes they wait for the corn harvest
before plaming rice. Tubers are planted in November to April . lnter-cropping
and overlapping o f cycles of di fferent cr ps are practiced to secure
household food supply. Fallow lands arc uttl ized as gardens and are sources
of luway (tiger grass). Whil e produce from the fields is generally for home
consumprion, gabl and bl/.ndo are regularly sold to the town for cash
[Q buy salt, cooki ng oil , kerosene and matches.
Tradit ional ri ce varieties planted include the tapuy (red grain) , lubang
(brown rice), pulahirz (red rice), panda/i, Santo Nino, batukan, and guis.
The highest yield is of pandmt , as it is t he most resistant to pests and
birds with its sharp leaves and hard gra in hull.
Although their uma is the prunary source of dai.!y sustenance, they
practice multiple subsistence strategies. Banana and seasonal fruits are
also sold to a ugment household income. Nito-ga thering and nire pl ate-
making are alternative sources of income for some famil ies . Women
are generally respon ible for marketi ng these produce.
Dugos (honey) is another major source of income deri ved fro m t he
forest . It brings in the most money to a nWl1 ber of Mangyan Taga bukid
fami lies. In L a ~ r a g alone, some 22 households engage in honey-gathering.
It is usuall y done by the men because it r qui res strengt h and stamina.
The usual method is to drive away bees with smoke from fire. Gatherers
prefer to ser out in pairs, with an understanding that t he collection will
e split equally. T hIS is especi all y profi table duri ng the dry months, when
fl owers are in full bloom.
Rivers and streams are sources of ulang, or freshwater shrimp. Unlike
some of the lowlanders who use cymbus, a chemical use as a spray for
bana na plants, the Mangyan Tagabukid prefer [0 use tao11, a net made
from vines . They know the harm cymbus does to the water system as it
kllls even me small fis h.
The forest within t he Mangyan Tagabukid domai n provides ample
grounds for pangayam (hunt ing). Traditional hunt ing techni que involve
stalking wild animals with the use of bangkaw (spearl, subdui ng them
phy ically, or using snares and pit traps.
E.lch settlement cl uster has its own bunting zone. Hunters from another
serrlement are permitted to operate within the forest area of an adjacent
settlement. However, the settlement 's authoriry over its territory is respected.
Chance encounters of hunters from twO different territories end in verbal
agreements to esta blish boundaries.
TI1e generall y sustai na ble traditional swidden agriculture of earl ier rimes
is slowly bing rendered obsolete. Their area of mobil ity has been
constricted due to increasing population pressure and access restriction
imposed by forestry laws. This has made them resort to the more intensi ve
slash and burn method, which is destructi ve to both soi l and forest cover.
When loggi ng was banned, some men resorted to searching the forest
for narra roots to dig up. These are the remains t hat loggers leave behind
afte r felling a tree wit h a cl'lainsaw.
Clocklllise, from top, b.tll$kaw; g ~ b i plant;
taDn tor cat chtng ultmg
Many, however, have to sell t neu- labor for wages, at times to illegal
loggers who engage in t imber poaching. Since renting a chainsaw is very
expensive, axes are used. This met hod substantially lengthens rhe rime
and effort needed t o cut up the wood. The preferre measurement is
disisais, or 16 inches in di ameter. The poachers sometimes haul t hese
down, ai ded by a cara bao. They get PSO fo r every piece of disisais,
or PIOO for two days' work.
Furniture makers buy most of this wood, and this is still a thriving
business in Sibuyan. This results'i n the continui ng denudation of the
Si buyan forests.
Land Ownership
The person who clears the land for kaingin acquires entitlement to the
land. However, sharing it with another Mangyan Tagabukid is also possible
if th family does not use the land and permission is requested. This rarely
happens though, as each family opens land for their excl usive use. Renting
is rarely an option, because anyone can use another's land without the
owner expecting payment.
Ownership of land is transferred to children through verbal agreements
and is not supported by any written documents. The community respects
this agreement by not occupying any lot (whether for farmi ng or settlement)
that another person or family has been occupying for several years. Even
if the owner bas left the place, the community will still consider the place
his or his fa mi ly' S property.
The transfer of ownership from parents to children wit[ not happen
while the parents are stiJ[ ali ve and sti ll capable of till ing the farm. If the
land is big enough, a portion of it wi ll be given to a newl y married son
or daughter. Otherwise, the famil y and the new couple share whatever
they have or open a new swidden.
Organization of Labor
Family labor is required in developing and cultivating tbe swidden
fields . Traditional gender-specific roles are observed: men are mainly
responsi bl e for earning a living, while women are in charge of domestic
The t rifle U$I!S age- old tedmiqlles tn carr)' w(; od /!()"rds through the
motmlams. F.IJen the yowtgst childrell carl do it.
responsibili t ies. The mother runs most of domestic chores such as cooking,
taki ng care of the children, washing t he cl othes and cleaning the house.
The father performs physically demandjng work in t he farm such as
fi eld preparation, h::trvesting of coco uts and wood extraction.
Children are expected to belp out both in the house and in the field
at an earl y age. The whole family parricipates in household and farm
work, from planting to h:J.rvesti.ng to selling.
Some Ma ngyan Tagabukid are tenants or caretakers of other's lands.
The systems of product-sharing are called dose-dose, ti71u/o and imtpat .
In dose-dose, for every 6 cavans of harvest. one wil l go to he la ndlord
and me rest will go to t he tenant. In this arrangement, the seeds are
provided by the tenant . [n the Imulo, one-third of the yiel d will go to (he
landlord while two-thirds will go to the tenant. The tenant shoulders
the cost of the seeds. Three parts of the yield will go to the tenant in
inllpat while a part goes to the landlord. The tenam provides seeds. After
harvesting pala)' or om, he is entirled to all the produce.
The landlord ca n al 0 assign the tenant to pla nt other crops, such
as coconuts, in his land. However, if the tenant wishes to plant tubers
or mher crops within the coconut plantation, the tenant is not obligated
to share t h raps wi th the landl or d. It is assumed tha t the main
responsibi lity of the: tenant, in this aspect, is to take care of the coconut
plantati on and guard it from thieves.
Beliefs and Practices
Despite conversion to Christianity, the Mangyan Tagabukid still adhere
to some of their traditional beliefs and practices.
Spirits
They believe that benevolent and malevolent nature spirits intluence the
well ness of life and circumstances of a person. Appeasement of the spirits
and ensur ing good life is guaranteed by consulting the spirits and perfonning
riuals with t he aid of a manugbuyong, or a shaman.
Malevolent spirits are generally called tao sa duyom. These incl ude
ku/ipaw, maligno, sigben, duwende, kapre, bulalakaw or diwata, engkanto,
and the angkag. The angkag is a human-like creature with animal features
and resides in caves. The bulalakaw is a living creature carried by a ball
of fire. To protect themselves from the harmful bulalakaw and drive away
bad luck, the natives wear pailas, a native necklace or bracelet.
These spirits are believed to inhabit the forests. An individual who
accidentally trespasses on their territory may be harmed. The spirits
can only be warded off by a shaman's offering or prayers.
Another spirit believed to be dwelling in forests is the mangon, which
is described to have a head shape:d like a bag. It is said to show itself to young
men and make incomprehensible sounds. Gatherers of nita and rattan
quickly leave the forest as soon as they feel the presence of the mangon.
Health Practices
The Mangyan Tagabukid believe that natural and supernatural forces
cause il lness . The most common illnesses tbey suffer from are fever,
influenza, cough and colds, di arrhea, stomach aches and gas pains,
gastroenteritis, rheumatism and mi nor respiratory disorders.
Herbal medici ne is a popular remedy. While some famil ies simply
require the sick (0 stay at home and rest, others take the sick to the
local health center or the shaman.
The shaman makes a diagnosis by feeling the patient 'S pulse. They
believe that a person who has been enchanted has a rapid pulse beat.
When it has been determined thar the illness was caused by spirits,
an offering of tuba or rice is made. The healer will also burn incense
and smoke tobacco to
produce smoke that
will envelop the sick
person. The process
signifies the
redemption of the
person's soul from the
spirits.
Ottgyo is an illness
ca used by immersing
in the river wben a
person's body is not
prepared for rhe cold
water. This is
characterized by
prolonged itchiness
and rashes. The cure
consists of a ritual
wherein the rashes are
Manugbulollg (shaman) performi11g a ritual to cure o n ~ ; y o
struck with human hair seven times and coconut oil is appU d to the
afflicted parts. A prayer is also recited to appease the spirits.
There are also many beliefs regarding childbirth. To facilitate [he
process, the mother 'S stomach is rubbed with a ladle seven t imes . The
farher or any family member must also sweep outside the h use, near
the door. After giving birth, the woman is not allowed [0 rake a bam mit
the 11th day because her veins are believed to be open. Bathing at this
time might get her sick.
Farming Rituals
The Mangyan Tagabukid still practice rituals that signify care for the
land an d ommuning wim nat ure. Pami1thi, a ritual before planti ng rice,
involves chant ing of prayers and giving offerings to (he spirits for a
prosperous yield. A prayer signals rhe start of t he activity. Stones and
water are set in a coconut shell and placed on tOp of three.pieces of mi n
wood inside the ri ce field. Offer ings of cooked rice, boiled eggs and tltba
(alcohol) are laid on the ground. Incense is burned; the smoke that spreads
over the area is believed to drive away bad spir its. Bringing water in the
fields during the rit ual is not all owed.
There are also certain taboos during planti ng and harvest. Menstruating
women are not all owed in the field during the plant ing because it is
believed that t heif presence will ca use the wi lt ing of th e crops, as they
associate t he color of blood wi th the color of withered rice stalks. It is
also not advisable to plant during high tide, for it will not resul t in a good
yiel d. Harvesters are prohibited from speaking of or bri ngi ng "slippery"
ani mals like tbe freshwater eel and snake.
Dur ing the harvest season, a t hanksgivi ng ri tual is performed for a
bo untiful yield and to protect future crops from insect attacks. Ginger
is placed in the hZ.lmayan or rice container to ward off malevolent spi rits.
The manugtugna, or the ritual performer prays at t he enter of the field
whi le fa hioning a cross Out of twigs or banana leaves. Three white stones
are also laid in a coconut shell, each of the stone taken from an eddy and
along the trail. They believe t hat if stones are coll ected from these places,
yi elds will be abUi dam and continuous. Tlm:e stal ks of nee are tied
together forming a triangle and t ied to a tree SLUmp withm the field. A
piece of bl ack cl oth the size of a matchbox is attached to the cross using
resin. The rocks, toget her with shells, are placed underneath the stalks.
Seven pieces of rice grai ns are collected and placed on me cross, while a
prayer is uttered for each grain. The cross is roll ed in the cloth and buried
in the ground.
From top: Pamill hf, a farmmg ritual
Then, rhe manugtugna will go home and put the grains on top of the
roof, [Q symbolize roof-high, abundant yield. The seeds from the rhree
stalks will be stored for use during [he next planting season.
Harvest begins a day or a after the ritual.
Similar practices are observed in the planting and harvesting of tubers.
In a ri tual called hungod, rice, tuba, coconut leaves an eggs are placed
in the planting area as offerings fo r the pirits . Planting is done only
during low tide because it is believed that the crops will die if planted
duri ng high t ide.
Clockwise from left: Gobi for
transport to the lowland market;
a drink of tuba after planting;
harvesting Ilphmd rice
Tn spite of efforts ro preserve [heir way of life, t he Mnngyan Tagabukid
3re now faci ng pressures from different sectors of society.
Since land tenure arrangements in these commUniti(!s range Fr om us\Lfrucr
to tenancy, it is not su rprising that they do n0t hold document
ownership of the land they ril! or where their home' are buil t. FU'St () t all, their
concept of land is clearl y of property that is simply handed down and owned
over time, hence the term ancesu'al domain. Secondly, their lack of education
prevents them from accessing leg::l l recou l' $es to ensure their tenure of the
land. Although there is no aPPjrent conflict over land tenure at present,
the landholdings J re owned by a few, who are ei rher the more affl uent
lowlanders or are absentee land lords. The Sibuya n Mangyan Tagabukid
are to pl ant for t heir ,uiJs isrencc under sha r ing arra ngcment ,
Li ke most upland commun ities, they do not ho\"e casy access to
services and educ:t cion due t phy iced distance from health ' enters aud
schools and the lack of economic resource to m::lkc acLCSS possible. Ch ildren
\Vho attend school evenruall y :.Ht fro m continuing dL1 e to the
Jnd t he need for money, For al lowance school supplies.
\VhilL rh is tnJigCJ10US popul ati on has cbJ ll ged little in numbe r, and the
LHllling rinu ls and way of life are still rerlective of thci r all cestors' mode
(1f living, one dra tic che nge has come as a tbreat to their ubsistence farming
- 'lI1d their surVival. TIleir <\l lI.:estral domain and tradi ti onal ut ilization of forest
['e::iourccs around Mr. Guiri ng-guiting have been constricted to the poi nt
of depri vation.
The pressure upon their ha bi t:1t-lon and livelihood arises from the fact
that mos t of this mountai n has been declared as a Natural Park in
1992, chosen because of the area 's biodiversity. Although Republ ic Act
7586, otherwise ca ll ed the NIPAS ( arional Integrated Protected Ar as
System) Act, !'ecognizes peoples' in protected areas, the
law is premised on rhe legal fiction of the conquistadors ' Regali an doctrine.
Based on this doctrine, the Spani 'h king owncd the cnrire colonial domain,
except those land parcels duly tirle.d to individuale; and rel iglom .
This doctrine inevitably violated the inherent light of the indigenous
peoples to their ancestral domain and heritage. onethe css, tht.: Philippine
government has redefined the former colonial domain as own nati onal
dommJl or patrimony, similarly ignoring tlte indigenou people" birthright
3nJ threarening the VIabil ity of their way of life.
Furt her source of tension Ir es in the difference of interpretation of the
bw and failure of the various government insritutions like rhe Department
of Environment and Natural RCSfJu n:.cs (DENR) and the National Commission
on Indigenous People (NCIP) to wor k rogerher in resolving issues on the
harmonizarion of ia'A , conservarion IndigenoLls pe )ples nghts, primaril y
in managing areas wbere then,; are ()ver laps of parks and ancc tral terri tories .
Added to this is the uneven repre ellCdtion of indigenoll s communities in the
ma nage ment board Wh( 1Se i. conn'olled by lowlanders J nd the
DENR, and where community prOLe ses and participation are stil l wanting.
Aggravat ing the situation is the series of land use policies of the government
t har run counter co uch indi gen l US subsisrence patterns a slash and
burn agriculture and tracht ional gathering of vines, honey, fuel wood
and hous lI1g materials from rhe torest.
the'e upland vr\ia'iers do nor h:.1Ve exclusive access to forest
rr oduLc extract ion. owla ndcr, Ill OStly migrant to Sibuyan () !" r11cir
descendants, have been poachi ng ti mber fl"Om the range. The .Mangyan
Taga buk id observe the'e lowlanders ro be reckless in thei . extracti on
of fo rest resources because t heir' VvJ)' of li Ce docs not hinge mai nly
on the GO lU1 ry of the range and str.eam "
Left , tlcestrJ! domai ll map
,h(m'ing overT.lppiflg arcas with
\[t. Cllitmu'guiting Natl/ral Park;
Totl . rntr,lJlCC to PAG Offi cr::
ClUSTER IPAREA HH Indiv GENDER
F M
GINTAK-AN 24 155 71 84
LAYAG 66 331 155 176
Buyabog 11 63 31 32
Layag 18 87 48 39
Malapipi 14 56 25 31
Paima 15 84 32 52
Tagbu g 81 41 19 22
KABUYLANAN 56 318 149 169
Ka huylanan 23 117 52 65
Kamagong 8 52 26 26
Dl1WO 10 44 19 25
DUYJ nan 1 13 6 7
Lamao 14 92 46 46
HAGIMIT 84
4W'l
./,) 237 256
Kawa-kawa .3 20 9 ] 1
Da lit 5 28 15 13
Gio ;lhn J2 198 106 92
Hagirn ir 33 186 76 110
Sabla v;] ll 4 26 13 13
Sandig Puya 7 35 t 8 17
PANAGINTINGAN &0 390 18 , 206
Ba!av Lambao 2 6 4 2
6 20 9 11
Gi nakm

24 14 10
.)
Panaginnngan 3 39 20 19
Pinamakahan 2 9 4 5
Pmuka nan 3 16 9 7
Salugon 12 66 33
., .,
.) J
Sinapawan 6 l tl 8 10
Tagaha I 7 5 2
Tagu:ll1 14 7
26 41
TaguJroJ Kalah;!\\' 4 26 15 11
'Yanguh 19 92 37 55
TOTAL 1 /5 1687 796 991
BI BLIOGRAPHY
A. Documents
Distrito de Rombl on: Ano de 1891: Memo ria desm pt ivl dd mis mo redacrada en
vi rtud de la respetable circular del Gobiemo General de esras yslas de 22 de :-.JQ\icrnbre
de 1887
1880: promovido par e1 comanda.me polnico-milita r de Romblon sobrt::
que se Ie contieran arr ibuciones d luez lego
Direcci on General de Adminj st raci on Civil : Num. S: Centro de Estadisrica : rrovinci
de Romblon: Ano de 1896: Pueblo de Azagra: st ado ur bano-agr icola-comcrcial de
eSte pueblo durante el expre 'ado ano
Direcc.ion General de Administr acion Civi l: Num. 1: Cencr o de Estadisrica : Provincia
de Romblon: Ana de 1896: Pue blo de Azagra: Es rado del numero de habitantes
existentes en este pueblo dura nte cl expresado anO cun exprt: ' ion de t ala.
Direccion Gener al de Admini stracion Civi l: Num. 5: entro de Estadistica: Provincia
de Romblon: Ano de 1896: Pueblo de Caji dio an : Estado
de este pueblo durante el expresado ana.
Direccion General de Administraci on ivil: N Unl . 1: ,enrru de Estadi stica : Provinc ia
de Romblon: Ano de 1896: Pueblo de CajidioC:Hl : Estado del numero de habiranrcs
exi stentes en este pueblo durante el expresado ano con c.' presion de ra7. s.
Direccion General de Admin istraci on Civil : N um. 5: Centro de Es tadisti ca : PW\' incia
de Romblon: Ano de 1896: Pueblo de Magallanes: Estado u.r bano- agricola-cornercial
de este pueblo durante el cxpresado ano.
Direccion General de Admini st racion Civil: Num. 5: Cent ro de EstadisticJ : Proyincia
de Romblon: Ano de 1896; Pueblo de Maga ll anes: Estaci o del m mew de habitanres
existentes en cste pueblo durante el e.xpresado am) con exprt: sion de
Provincia de Romblon: Fundacion de Espana en In ys la de Sibuyan: abezeri:l de Don
Ylodio Aribalo
Provincia de Romblon: Fun dacion dt Magall anes en la ys h de Sibuyan: Cabezcr ia de:
Don Bemabe Ri bot
Provincia de Rombl on: Fundacion de Princesa en la ysla de Sibuyan: Cabczeria de
Don Ylario J uan de la Cruz
Provincia de Romblon: Fundaci on de Ysabel en la ysla de Sibuyan: Cabcceri a de Don
Domi ngo de Alexo
1854: Rombl on: Corte de Maderas
Romblon: 1854: Perclidas y arri b das de buques en las costas de Romblon
Romblon: Superi or Go bierno de las islas Fi lipinas: 1854: No_ 5029: Sobre comercio
interi or : Oficio de comandanre mili tar v poli tico de Romblon remi riendo
un comrato de los preci os a que: se han de vender los arti culos que sc Jcopia n cn los
pueblos de Espana, Ysabel y Pri ncesa por las razones que csprcsa
Distrito judicial de Capiz: Num, 3: Provinc..ia de Romblon: Estado por pueblos que
deter mina la extension superficial que comprende el disrriro /udici(l ! de Romblon,
distancia de In cabecera , a la capi tal de ]a provi nci a y a Ia de archipielago, medlo
de ,omlIDica,ion con lIDO y otr o, tiempo qUl: ordi n.Miamenrt se emplca, numcro dt
habi tantes clasifi cados en europcQs e indigen s razas de estos y dialecros qut: hablan
Phil ippineNati ord Library. Historical Data Papers, Province of Romblon.
B. Books
Anthropology Warch
2000 Sl buvan Mangyan Ancestral Domain Census (July 2000). Ms.
1999a Sibuyan M:1ngya.n Tagabub d Customa ry Laws. Ms.
1999b Sibupn Mangyan Tagabubd SWldden Practtces. Ms.
Archives of San Agustin Order Reco!lecrs. .. .
1925 Sino psi s Historia de la ProVLnCl3 de S. NIColas de Tolennno de las Islas
FiLipin as, voll. Order de Agustmo Recoletos.
Beyer, H. O.
1949 Out line Revi ew of Philippine Archaeol ogy by Islands and Provi nces.
BUTeau of Pri nti ng. Manila.
1921 The NOll -Christiall People of the Philippines. Bureau of Printing. Manil a.
1918 [' ofmiati on of the Philippine Island in 1916. Philippine Education. Manila.
Heyer, H. O. and de Vel' ra, Jaime C.
1952 PhilIppi>,,' Saga: A Piaorial History of the Archipelago Since Time Began.
Capitol Publi shing House. Manila.
Blair, Emma Helen and Robertson, James AlexandeL
1973 The Philippine Islall ds: 1493-1898. Cacho Hermanos Inc. Manila.
Blumentritr, Ferdi nand.
1980 A'I Attempt at Writing A Philippine Ethnography. Translated by Marcelino
N. Maceda. Universit y Reseach Cent er (MSU) . Mar awi Ciry.
19 1.6 Tribes and Lan(' uages, in Aust in Craig and Conrado Benitez,
PhililJpille Progress Prior to 1898 (Vol. J). Philippine Education Co., fnc.
Man il a.
1901 List of Natwc Tri hes of the Philippines and of the Languages 5po.l:el1
uy Them. Govanment Printing Office .
Boierin Ed eslastica de
J 965 Bo letin Ecl csiast ica de Filipinas vol.32, no.435. UST Press. Mani la .
Casri llo, Demetr io.
1973 Soil Sur : cy of Rombl on Prov ince. Goveernment Printing Office. Manila.
Conkl in, Ha rold C.
1963
1957
"The Swdy of Shift ing CultivJt ion." Union Panamcri cana. Washington,
D.C.
"Hanunno Agriculture: A Report on an Integral System of Shi ft ing
Cul ti vat ion In rhe Phi lippines. " Fo d and Agricult ure Organ ization
01 the United Nation. Rome.
1954 "The Relation of Hanunuo Culn JI'e to au: Plant Worl d. " Ph. D. DIs.ert;.) tion
(Microfil ms). Ya le Universi ty, University International . Michigan, Ann Arbor.
de la Cavada Mendez de Vigo
1876 Agusrin. Historia Geografiw. Geologica y Esttldistrca de Filipinas.
T01/l0 2: Visayas y Mmdanao, Imp. de Rami.rez y Gi.raudi er, Mani la.
de Tavera, Pardo
19 1 Etim% glQ de Ius Nombres de Razas de Filipillas . M: ni la.
Fox, Robe rt and Elizabeth Flory.
1974 A Map of the Filipino People. Nati onal Museum of the Philippines.
Manila.
Grimes, Ba rbara F., cd
1996 Ethnologtte, 13th Editi on, Summer Insti tute of Linguistics, Inc ..
Heaney, Lawrence R. and Regalado, Jacinto, Jr. c.
1998 Vanishing Treasures of the Philippi ne Rain Forest. The Field Museum.
Chicago.
Ingle, Ni na R. et al.
1994 Mt. Glliti ng-guiting: Establishing a Protected rea wi th People Participation.
Evel io B. Javier FOLlndarion, Inc. Quezon City.
Lebar, EM., cd.
1975 Ethnic groll ps of Insular Southeast Asia. Vol. 2 : Phil ippines and Formosa.
HRAF New Haven.
MA CAJSA
1979 Integrated Area Deuelopmellt Nan: Municipalities of San Fernando,
Cajidiocan, Magdiwang. Sibuya n.
Majni , Cesar Adib
1999 Muslims in the Philippines. UP Press. Quezon City
National Integrated Protected Area Programme (NIPAP)
1999 Baseli ne Survey in Mt. Gui ting-guiting Natural Park, Sibuyan, Romblon
(janua ry 1997).
1997a Draft General Management Pl an for Me. Guiting-guiting Nat ural Park,
October 1997-Dccernber 2002. Manila.
1997b Socia-Economic and Cul tural Profile of the Island of Sibuyan, Romblon. Ms.
National Stat istics Office.
1996 Provincial Profile; Romblon. Manil a.
1995 Census of Agriculture 1991: Ramblon. Manila.
Ol ofson, H., ed.
198 1 Adaptative strategies and change i ~ t Philippine swiddell based societies.
Forest Resea rch Institute. Laguna.
Padilla, Sabino, Jr. G.
1997 Mr. Guiting-guiti ng Project Socioeconomic Report. WWF-Phi lippincs. Ms
1992 "Notes on the Agri clllrural System of the Mangyan Patag," Interna ti onal
Works.hop on Local Knowledge and Global Reoources: Involvi ng Users
in Germplasm Conservati on and Evaluation, Users Perspective wi th
Agricultural Research a nd Development (UPWARD) and Interiati onal
Devel opnem and Research Center (IDRC) , 4-8 May 1992.
Padi lla, Sabi no, Jr. G. and Gui a, Ma. Teresa B.
1991 "Development Wor k and the Indigenous Peopl es, " KABALIKAT:
The Development Worker. June 1991. pp. 1, 3-5.
PaguntaJan, Aileen May et ai.
1998 The Tagabukid of Sibuyan. AnthroWatch. Quezon Ciry. Ms.
PANl.IPI
1997 A Studv on the Life and Aspi rations of Taga buki d, the Indi genous People
in Sibuyan Island, Provin eo Rombl on. Quezon City.
Russel, Susan D.
1986 Mountain People in the PhiliPeines: Ethnographic Contribution in Philippine
Upland Communities. In S. FUJisaka et aI. , Man, Agriculture and the
Tropical Forest. Winrock International Institute for agricultural
Development. Bangkok.
The Phili ppi ne Commission
1901 Report of the Philippine Commission to the President, Vol. III. Government
Printing Office. Washington.
Torres, Meliza Joy A.
1997 NlPAP Cultural Profile of the Mangyan Tagabuk id of Si buyan Island.
Draft Report .
Warren, James Francis
1985 The Sulu Zone 1768-1898. New Day Publishers. Quezon Ciry.
C. Interviews
Diego, Proseso SL Key Informant. Kabuylanan, Si buyan Island, Romblon. October
1998.
Recto, Bonifacia. Key Informant. Salugon, Sibuyan Island, Romblon. October 1998.
Regia, Epifani o. Key Informant. Panagintingan, Sibuya n Island, Romblon. October
1998.
Ruba, Henerosa. Key Infor mant. Hagimit, Sibuyan Island, Romblon, October 1998.
Tolentino, Jose. Key Informant . Pa-ima, Sibuyan Isl and, Romblon. October 1998.
PHOTO CREDITS:
WWF-Phili ppincs
Dr. Sabino Padilla, Jr.
AnthroWatch
PAFID for the maps
Ivan Sarenas