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Civil society is one of those amorphous terms that oat around with multiple meanings, each carrying different political connotations. It has been described as the chicken soup of social sciences ... the locus of what there is of utopianism in contemporary political thought (Post and Rosenblum, 2002, p. 23).The recent surge of comparative literature on civil society highlights the breadth of interpretations that the term can take on across theories of politics (see for example, Chambers and Kymlicka, 2002). Even within a given political theory, consensus on what civil society encompasses does not appear any easier to attain.The eld of deliberative democracy is as guilty as any of using the term with limited critical exploration of whom it includes, and what its normative role entails. In this article I open up this discussion and reveal that when it comes to civil society deliberative democrats are ambiguous, and possibly divided. Deliberative democracy has become a booming area of political thought. But, like any appealing normative theory, it runs the risk of becoming estranged from the very political practice it seeks to inform.This is particularly so in relation to what deliberative democracy has to say (or does not say) on civil society. Within the growing literature on deliberative democracy there are two diverging streams of thought, which I label as micro and macro. Micro deliberative theorists concen 2006 The Author. Journal compilation 2006 Political Studies Association
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trate on dening the ideal conditions of a deliberative procedure (e.g. Bessette, 1994; Cohen, 1997; Elster, 1997). This stream of theory provides only a limited discussion on who should deliberate and does not refer to civil society per se. In contrast, macro deliberative theorists emphasise informal discursive forms of deliberation, which take place in the public sphere (Benhabib, 1996; Dryzek, 1990; 2000a; Habermas, 1996a).1 Their primary focus is on the unstructured and open conversations outside formal decision-making institutions.2 These two streams of deliberative democratic theory prescribe very different roles for civil society, particularly with respect to how citizens and groups should relate to the state and whether they should take on a communicative or strategic role in deliberative politics. Micro theories of deliberative democracy suggest that civil society actors should engage in deliberative politics to the extent that they are willing and capable of participating in structured deliberative fora. In this sense, civil society is implicitly called to take on communicative forms of action through collaborating with the state. Conversely, macro theories of deliberative democracy emphasise the informal and unstructured nature of public discussion. Under this conception, civil society plays a role in informal political activities both outside and against the state.These activities presumably require both communicative and strategic behaviour. There is increasing empirical evidence that when these two deliberative worlds come together, tensions arise. For in deliberative practice, fora based on micro deliberative norms operate in a broader macro context. But this is not to say they are always compatible. Empirical research reveals that some active publics and strategic groups resist the norms and intentions of micro deliberative fora because they fear co-option or loss of power (Hendriks, 2002; Sagoff, 1999; Thomas, 2003). Others have found that civil society actors are often forced to make hard choices on whether to work with or against the state and, in doing so, whether to take on the role of the deliberator or the activist (Barnes, 2002; Montpetit et al., 2004). These tensions highlight the need for deliberative democrats to take a more critical look at how their theories and institutional designs relate to civil society. In this article, I take on this task, rst, by unpacking what the concept of civil society might mean for deliberative democracy and how this denition accommodates different actors such as interest groups, social movements, networks and everyday citizens. Secondly, I further explore the potential tensions between the roles assigned to civil society by micro and macro versions of deliberative democracy. Next, I critique some theoretical attempts to bridge the macro and micro divide, acknowledging that some groups and actors will be more capable and willing to deliberate, both in the micro and macro sense, than others. I conclude by arguing for an integrated deliberative system one that accommodates the diversity of civil society by fostering deliberation in a variety of public spaces.
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respect to boundaries.That diverse interpretations of civil society exist across so many different political theories and religious traditions is due to the slippery boundaries between the state, economy and society. The complex interaction between all three domains has meant that much disagreement remains, for example as to what extent civil society should encompass the commercial and private spheres of society. Civil society is best conceptualised in spatial terms as an arena where distinct kinds of activities occur across a range of private, political and civic associations and networks (Young, 2000, p. 160).5 One of civil societys dening features is its capacity to self-organise, that is, to develop communicative interactions that support identities, expand participatory possibilities and create networks of solidarity (Young, 2000, p. 163).6 Under this denition civil society encompasses the private sphere of families as well as associations, social movements and other forms of public communication, such as the media. However, it excludes state-bounded institutions such as political parties, parliament and the bureaucracy, as well as organisations centred wholly on the market and economic production. We must also acknowledge that civil society is a heterogeneous space. Some arenas are more oriented towards inuencing the state or economy than others. Some foster progressive ideas, others more conservative ones, and then there are those that support fundamentalist positions. Civil society is also heterogeneous with respect to resources, power and inuence. Social and economic inequalities in civil society provide certain groups with privileged access to information, labour and nance. These resources enable certain groups to organise more effectively, which in turn assists their access to the state (Olson, 1965). From a democratic perspective, this simply means that powerful groups with sophisticated political strategies have more capacity to inuence policy than smaller semiorganised community-based groups (Fung, 2003a; Warren, 2001). In order to make this heterogeneity more explicit in our spatial denition of civil society, it is useful to differentiate arenas in terms of their orientation towards the state and the kinds of actors they attract (see Figure 1).7 The more politicised arenas in civil society, often referred to as public spheres (Dryzek, 2000a, p. 23), are located closest to the state. Public spheres provide spaces where various discourses and ideas in civil society can be voiced and made politically efcacious (Chambers, 2002, p. 96). Actors in these venues, such as interest groups, social movements and individual activists seek to inuence public affairs by acting as networks of public opinion, which communicate information and points of view (Habermas, 1996a, p. 360).8 Different public spheres emerge out of civil society, often in response to failures in the economy and the state.9 Some are more organised (e.g. interest groups) than others (e.g. social movements, networks); some work locally, others internationally. In addition, civil society is composed of everyday citizens who engage with the state mostly as individuals when they can, and in ways they can (Bang, 2003; OToole et al., 2003).
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compatible (Foley and Edwards, 1996). Theories of deliberative democracy are also ambiguous about civil societys role in democracy. The following section discusses how this ambiguity stems from two contrasting ideas of what deliberation entails and who it should involve.
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Another way to unpack civil societys role in micro deliberation is to examine which actors are likely to engage in a structured process of collective reasoning. For example, in a deliberative forum participants are expected to communicate openly, seek mutual understanding and reect on the ideas and perspectives of others. Ideally, micro deliberators have adaptive and accommodating preferences in order to consider the arguments of others, and are ready to readjust their own positions in view of what they have heard and what others can accept.14 Participants need to be autonomous and open-minded, and willing to allow the power of reason to shift their preferences towards the common good (Cohen, 1997, pp. 756; Gutmann and Thompson, 1996, p. 174; Miller, 1992, p. 62). Micro theories seem to imply that only those that are willing and capable of upholding these deliberative norms should participate in a deliberative forum. This leads some theorists such as John Rawls (1971) in the direction of the courts. But, with respect to civil society, micro theories implicitly seem to exclude those actors in public life who are more interested in pursuing their own agenda than expanding their perspectives.Taken to its extreme this suggests that many partisans, such as interest groups, social movements and activists are unlikely to make useful micro deliberators (see Young, 2001).15 This exclusionary aspect of micro deliberation has been the source of much criticism. Difference democrats, for example, worry that structured deliberation can ostracise those unfamiliar with formal debate or poised speech (Sanders, 1997; Young, 1996, pp. 1225) or oppressed groups who may need to assert their self-interest (Mansbridge, 2003, pp. 17988).16 Other democrats such as Mark Warren (1992) are concerned that theories of deliberation based around the idea of preference shifts rely on a conception of self which is oversocialised and overly discursive. Such a self, he argues (p. 13),would be autonomous yet social, individuated yet dened by nonconicting interests, rational but embodied in numerous different social relations, expressive of individuality yet public in orientation.
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18). Macro or discursive deliberation takes place in the informal and wild spaces in society where communication is unconstrained and spontaneous (Habermas, 1996a, p. 307). It encompasses a range of communicative spaces from small face-to-face discussions through to action by social movements and the media. Highly unpredictable, discursive deliberation does not necessarily exclude more strategic forms of action such as protest, boycott and radical activism. The very fact that macro deliberation is based on less stringent communicative norms renders it a more inclusive version of deliberative democracy.18 It overcomes the scale problem that faces micro deliberation by locating deliberation in the public sphere. For this reason civil society plays a predominant role in macro accounts of deliberative democracy. Macro theorists call on different kinds of actors in civil society, such as social movements and empowered citizens, to stand up and actively engage in public discourse. Under macro deliberation, civil society is called on to play an unconstrained and even oppositional role against the state by engaging in acts of communication (Dryzek, 2000a; Habermas, 1996b). On rst assessment, macro deliberation might appear more inclusive and thus potentially more legitimate, but it carries with it some deliberative dangers. On the whole, macro democrats remain highly optimistic that broad-scale deliberation within the public sphere, with its openness for unrestricted communication, is rigorous enough to counter illegitimate claims and attempts to distort communication. In particular, they rely on indigenous actors in the public sphere, such as social movements, to stimulate counter-knowledge and ask critical questions (Dryzek, 2000a, ch. 4; Habermas, 1996a; 1996b).19 But, when the weak and marginalised fail to muster enough discursive potential, macro deliberation can easily collapse into the very kind of adversarial interest group politics that deliberative democrats reject (e.g. Bessette, 1994, pp. 5663; Rawls, 1971, pp. 3601).20 Some macro theorists acknowledge the potential communicative distortions within the public sphere. For example, in Between Facts and Norms, Jrgen Habermas acknowledges that On account of its anarchic structure, the general public sphere is ... more vulnerable to the repressive and exclusionary effects of unequally distributed social power, structural violence, and systematically distorted communication than are institutionalized public spheres of parliamentary bodies (Habermas, 1996a, pp. 3078).21 In order to correct these distortions, Habermas rstly proposes a set of legal and constitutional safeguards (Chambers, 2002). Secondly, he calls on specic liberating actors in civil society to ensure that communication is not distorted.These actors can be distinguished by their dual orientation of political engagement. On the one hand they seek to inuence the political system but on the other hand they also seek to empower and enlarge civil societys capacity to take action (Habermas, 1996a, p. 370). The kinds of groups who might take on this anti-distortion role are certain social movements who pursue issues both at the grass-roots and at the policy level.
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Critics of Habermass proposal argue that he does not go far enough in acknowledging the inequalities which exist within the public sphere and the potential communication distortions that result from this (Eley, 1992; Fraser, 1992). For example, Nancy Fraser (1992) argues that rather than conceiving of one large public sphere, we should acknowledge that modern late-capitalist societies contain multiple diverse publics which are differentially equipped to partake in politics. Social and economic inequalities often mean that it is the more privileged actors in the public sphere who dominate discussion and debate. Habermass account is also problematic because it does not seem to acknowledge the problems of bad civil society (Chambers, 2002, pp. 1005), and thus grossly overestimates the capacity of the public sphere to self-rectify. A more critical look at social movements might reveal that they do not always provide the potential for democracy that Habermas claims. For example, some groups can be internally anti-democratic and may not respect progressive liberal and democratic ideals (Levi, 1996; Young, 2000, p. 180). Habermass account is also vague on how exactly specic actors in civil society, such as social movements, prevent communication distortions. In practice, social movements, like other interest groups, seek to distort or reframe an issue in order to sell their message to the public. How is the communication from social movements any less susceptible to distortion then the agendas pushed by powerful interest groups and commercial organisations?
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organisation and members to pursue a specic policy position. Similarly, some public intellectuals and experts might reject a micro deliberative forum because their reputations or world views restrict their capacity to reconsider their own preferences. Micro deliberation might also be resisted by actors in civil society, especially partisans, because they fear co-option and further marginalisation (Kohn, 2000; Sanders, 1997; Young, 1996) or because they prefer to pursue their agendas using power and interest politics (Shapiro, 1999; Simon, 1999). Recent empirical research supports these speculations, nding that partisans and activists are often highly sceptical of structured deliberative fora, whether organised within or outside the state (Hendriks, 2002; 2004; Levine and Nierras, 2005). Since different actors in civil society will tend to prefer one form of deliberation to another, there are some serious democratic implications in conceiving of deliberative democracy entirely as either a micro or macro enterprise. If we were to place all our deliberative eggs in the micro basket, then this would be to exclude those actors with rigid or group-bound preferences. Alternatively, if we were to place all our deliberative eggs into the macro basket, this would privilege those actors in civil society with the resources to articulate, organise and mobilise their ideas in the public sphere. Given the limitations of a purely micro deliberative system (potentially elitist and exclusive) or a purely macro deliberative system (potentially populist and undemocratic), what would a more integrated system look like? I explore this question by rst critiquing three different proposals for integrating micro and macro deliberation, after which I introduce an alternative of my own.
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of institutional pluralism, where competing associations provide different services for their members (Bader, 2001, p. 5). Some associative democrats envisage traditional state-run services being conducted by a range of associations that emerge freely from within civil society (Hirst, 1994). In contrast, Cohen and Rogers (1995a) associative democracy involves uncorrupted state intervention to centralise and stimulate the right kinds of association.Their version reects a form of hyper-corporatism in which certain select groups in civil society are given access to the state. The associative democrats strategy has both democratic and deliberative problems.24 First, it assumes that society is neatly composed into associative groupings, which are capable of representing the diversity of all citizens. Second, it assumes that such groups are capable of deliberating. Yet, as pointed out above, micro theories of deliberative democracy suggest that participants with free, open preferences are more capable of deliberating than representatives of groups who hold rigid preferences. Third, as pointed out by Dryzek (2000a, p. 92), there are very few successful examples reecting Cohen and Rogers theoretical form of state-sponsored associationalism. Finally, the associative strategy is limited to the extent that there will always be a tension between engaging civil society in state institutions and preserving civil societys role outside the state (Montpetit et al., 2004; Young, 2000). The practice of corporatism also reminds us that Cohen and Rogers (1995a) associative democracy could essentially lead to the inclusion of a select elite or privileged groups in civil society at the exclusion of others. In the end, such exclusion could paradoxically stimulate macro deliberation, as demonstrated by the rise of the green movement in Germany in the 1970s and 80s after years of exclusion from corporatist arrangements between the state, labour and business (Dryzek et al., 2003).25 But, in the end the associative democracy scenario is likely to suffer from some of the problems that face Habermass two-track model. For example, formal deliberative structures (which under the associative vision would include both the state and associations) would operate more or less in a separate realm from active public spheres. Again, there is the question of how these two forms of deliberation should productively interrelate. Rather than attempting to connect two distinct forms of deliberation, Jane Mansbridge (1999) suggests that we consider a deliberative system composed of multiple venues for deliberation. At one end of the deliberative system is the informal everyday talk among citizens and social movements, and at the other end is the formal decision-making that takes place in public assemblies and parliament. This is a more promising and realistic account of the heterogeneous and eclectic world of deliberation observed in practice (Fung and Wright, 2003; Gastil and Levine, 2005). It recognises that public deliberation is not an activity restricted to either micro or macro venues, but something that takes place in all sorts of institutions, arenas and spaces in social life.
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Although the deliberative system seems to capture well how public deliberation proceeds in practice, it suffers, I believe, from two limitations. First, the system as proposed by Mansbridge (1999) seems to neglect that not all forms of deliberation along the deliberative spectrum are likely to be mutually supportive. In her proposal, Mansbridge (1999, p. 213) describes how different parts of the deliberative system mutually inuence one another in ways that are not easy to parse out. In particular, she cites how the media and social movements shape and are shaped by political debate, and how the intentionally political talk of activists inuences and is inuenced by the everyday talk of nonactivists. Mansbridges proposal implicitly assumes that the more informal public conversations will work in unison with, and mutually reinforce, the micro deliberation in structured fora.26 In making this assumption, however, she overlooks a major challenge facing deliberative practice: that structured deliberative fora do not always interface well with their broader discursive context (see Hendriks, 2002; 2004; Sagoff, 1999; Thomas, 2003). In reality all micro fora operate in a macro deliberative setting. Deliberative practitioners work tirelessly to ensure that fora interface smoothly and productively with their broader discursive context. In an ideal scenario, a dialectic is established between the macro and the micro: public discourse informs the deliberations within the forum, and the forum informs public discussion. But numerous studies report how this ideal is not easy to obtain in practice. In some cases, structured deliberative fora fuel antagonism and polarisation, rather than fostering broader community debate (Hendriks, 2002; Sagoff, 1999; van den Daele et al., 1997). The reverse also occurs where a deliberative process has little impact on public discourse because it is overshadowed or undermined by dominant voices. This was exactly what happened to a citizens conference (brgerkonferenz) held in Germany in 2001 on genetic diagnostics (Schicktanz and Naumann, 2003). The conference took place at a time when there was an abundance of political and public discussion around the controversial issue of applying gene technology for medical and insurance purposes. Relevant policy actors congregated and debated the benets and costs of genetic diagnostics in various arenas, for example advisory committees, conferences and public hearings. Alongside these formal often expert-dominated fora, there were also a series of informal discursive spaces such as church seminars and the media, where different groups could inject their views into the debate (Hendriks, 2004, ch. 7). In many respects the citizens conference operated against the backdrop of a well-functioning public sphere, with all its messy and active macro deliberation. Yet, against this almost hyperactive discursive setting, the citizens conference struggled to gain any attention in the political and public domain. In addition, the conference was not well placed to work with, or have an impact on, prominent expert advisory committees. This case highlights that when there are so many opportunities for public discourse it is difcult for a one-off deliberative forum to inuence a policy debate either directly, by providing substantive policy input, or indirectly, by stimulating public discussion. It
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reveals that unless a micro forum is closely connected to its macro discursive setting, then it risks drowning in a sea of other public conversations. It is possible that one-off incidents such as these may not concern Mansbridge (1999, p. 224), since she argues that the criterion for good deliberation should be not that every interaction in the system exhibit mutual respect, consistency, acknowledgement, openmindedness and moral economy, but that the larger system reect those goals. But it is plausible for an entire deliberative system to lose sight of these goals, for instance when public discourse and everyday talk consistently undermine efforts to create formal deliberative arenas, or vice versa. Another limitation of the deliberative system as envisaged by Mansbridge relates to the spectrum metaphor. There is a suggestion that public deliberation is something that occurs in discrete and unconnected sites of formal and informal deliberation.This is certainly more implicit than explicit, as demonstrated by the following quote (Mansbridge, 1999, p. 212, emphasis added):Often everyday talk produces collective results the way a market produces collective results, through the combined and interactive effects of relatively isolated individual actions. But, as argued previously, deliberative practice reminds us that different kinds of deliberation are inextricably linked (see also Hendriks, 2005; Montpetit et al., 2004). As the citizens conference discussed above demonstrated, the macro discursive context can be very inuential on the workings of a micro deliberative forum. The political signicance of a micro forum and the way it is received by policy actors are both shaped by where it is situated in the broader discursive scheme of things.
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inquiry, contestation, negotiation, consensus or deliberation. Some spheres are far more structured than others, some more public and inclusive, some are initiated by the state and others emerge from civil society. Although most actors locate themselves in one primary discursive sphere, they are by no means mutually exclusive. Some actors prefer to work in several spheres in order to utilise different forms of communication and engage with different kinds of actors. In contrast, an ailing deliberative system would foster conditions that undermine deliberation, for example, by promoting enclaves of like-minded actors who become more extreme in their opinions and less tolerant over time (Sunstein, 2000). Conceptualising the deliberative system as a series of discursive spheres, as I have done in Figure 2, helps to depict how micro and mixed deliberative arenas are embedded in a broader, informal (macro), discursive context. The dashed lines indicate the porosity of the spheres with respect to alternative or marginalised interests.As shown in Figure 2, macro and mixed discursive spheres are more open (porous) than the micro (formal) spheres. The integrated deliberative system proposed here differs from Mansbridges (1999) continuum in that it considers agency, diversity and interconnectivity.The discursive sphere concept provokes us to think about who participates in different deliberative spaces. As argued above, different actors in civil society such as activists, interest groups and individual citizens all vary in their willingness and capacity to
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engage in different kinds of discursive spheres. For example, activists and interest groups are more likely to engage in more informal discursive spheres, as there are fewer rules and constraints (Young, 2001). Many citizens, however, might be less likely to participate fully in these looser forms of deliberation for a range of structural, power and resourcing impediments. In the more formal spheres, for example, experts and parliamentarians will engage in specialised and structured fora. Given the varying dispositions and willingness of actors to deliberate in macro or micro ways, it is essential that the entire system fosters a diversity of deliberative spaces. Crucial here are mixed discursive spheres that combine formal and informal modes of deliberation. Mixed spheres also serve to connect the micro and macro deliberative worlds. They encourage actors who might normally inhabit macro spaces (e.g. activists, interest groups, corporations) and micro venues (e.g. parliamentarians, experts, academics, government ofcials) to come into contact with actors who are typically underrepresented in both (e.g. individual citizens). More fundamentally, mixed venues encourage the crossfertilisation of ideas across different kinds of actors, connecting broader public discourse to the conversations and decisions of the political elite. Mixed discursive spheres have not attracted much attention in political theory, but they are abundant in deliberative practice (see Button and Mattson, 2000; Fung, 2003b; Fung and Wright, 2003; Ryfe, 2002). Exemplary in this respect are deliberative designs, such as citizens juries and planning cells that create spaces where deliberating lay citizens can hear from and question a range of civil society groups more accustomed to macro deliberation (see Crosby, 1995; Dienel, 1999; Hendriks, 2005). Mixed discursive spheres also include the kind of open public fora and town hall meetings that bring together not only experts, bureaucrats and interest groups but also individual citizens interested in the issue. Numerous deliberative success stories of this sort are now emerging, for example the large-scale twenty-rst-century Town Meetings, which have been held across the United States and in one state in Australia under the guidance of AmericaSpeaks (see Carson and Hartz-Karp, 2005; Lukensmeyer et al., 2005). What is unique about these mixed discursive spheres is that they capture the benets of micro and macro deliberation without their respective elitist and populist downfalls. On one level they create micro deliberative spaces where everyday citizens can interact as equals, learn about an issue, question underlying assumptions and premises and most importantly work together towards a collective set of recommendations for decision-makers. But, on another level these mixed deliberative designs also welcome contributions from actors more accustomed to macro deliberation, for example activists, NGOs, lobby groups as well as experts and government ofcials. All these actors are invited to come and share their perspectives and experiences with the citizens panel. With such an avid focus on citizen involvement, these deliberative designs have been labelled by some critics not as mixed venues, but as mock spaces that
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exclude those who have real knowledge, experience or a stake in the issue (see Harrison and Mort, 1998; Parkinson, 2004). But claims of exclusivity always depend on where one sees the boundaries. Beyond the panel of citizens is a broader boundary that wraps around the entire deliberative procedure one that is much more accessible to macro civil society actors than sceptics acknowledge. One could even go so far as to argue that these mixed deliberative designs are especially inclusive and diverse because they embody elements of Dryzeks discursive legitimacy. This is the idea that a deliberative procedure is legitimate when a collective decision is consistent with the constellation of discourses present in the public sphere, in the degree to which this constellation is subject to the reective control of competent actors (Dryzek, 2001, p. 660). In the deliberative designs cited above, various discourses associated with the issue under deliberation are brought to the attention of the citizens via the presenters.While it is true that not all discourses have a voice or agency, a broad range of presentations from interest groups and experts can expose deliberators to the issues diverse discursive landscape. In this way, these procedures are more likely to reect the constellation of discourses surrounding a problem than the kinds of deliberative enclaves found in state institutions and in the public sphere.
Conclusion
In this article, I have argued that deliberative theorists provide contrasting accounts of civil society.The implicit role of civil society in deliberative democracy varies depending on whether the theory is focusing on the conditions for micro deliberative fora or on the informal macro discourse in the public sphere. On the one hand micro theorists advocate for civil society or its representatives to engage in rational deliberation in structured fora. The emphasis is on engaging participants from civil society who have relatively unformed and exible preferences in a formal deliberative forum. In contrast, macro theories aspire to civil society playing a role in emancipating democracy through unconstrained communication. Here, civil society is seen as the venue where public opinion is formed, shaped and contested. But to conceive of deliberative democracy as an entirely micro or macro enterprise is not only unrealistic, but potentially exclusive. For, in practice all micro deliberative fora are surrounded and impacted by their macro discursive context. Moreover, civil society is heterogeneous and differentiated, especially in relation to deliberation. Some actors will be more willing and capable of deliberating (either formally or discursively) than others. Furthermore, some groups and citizens might choose to engage with the state in micro deliberative fora, while others might decide to work against the state via macro deliberative action. These different orientations of civil society expose a number of questions that continue to haunt the institutionalisation of deliberative democracy. For example, how can structured deliberative arenas work together with some of the more
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unconstrained, informal modes of deliberation operating in civil society? In particular, how do structured deliberative fora deal with active public spheres which may resort to power and strategic action? There have been some attempts by various theorists to address these questions by bringing the micro and macro worlds of deliberation together. However, I have argued that these efforts underestimate variations within civil society regarding who participates in deliberative democracy both formally and informally. Further, theorists give little recognition to civil societys heterogeneity, particularly with respect to the inequalities in deliberative capacity, power and access to resources. Drawing on Mansbridges (1999) deliberative system, I suggest that a more integrated system of public deliberation is best conceptualised as an activity occurring in overlapping discursive spheres some structured, some loose, some mixed each attracting different actors from civil society. Mixed discursive spheres are a crucial component of this proposal because they encourage diverse actors to come together and crossfertilise macro and micro public conversations. Understanding who participates in different forms of public deliberation and in what capacity will remain an ongoing challenge in a world where communities of fate do not neatly correspond to existing polities.Yet,one sure way to improve the quality and quantity of deliberation in contemporary politics is to promote venues that bring together a diversity of voices from across civil society. (Accepted: 5 September 2005) About the Author
Carolyn M. Hendriks, Department of Political Science, University of Amsterdam, O.Z. Achterburgwal 237, 1012 DL Amsterdam, The Netherlands; email: c.m.hendriks@uva.nl
Notes
I would like to thank John Dryzek, Gerry Mackie, John Parkinson,Tjitske Akkerman and Robert van derVeen for their comments on earlier versions of this article. I am also grateful to three anonymous reviewers for their feedback and suggestions. 1 In this article I am referring to Habermass (1996a) latter work on deliberation as laid out in Between Facts and Norms. 2 These represent ideal-types only and there are many theorists who fall in between micro and macro streams, such as Bohman (1996), Cohen and Rogers (1995a), Gutmann and Thompson (1996) and Mansbridge (1999), some of whom I discuss later in this article. 3 According to Cohen and Arato (1992, p. 84) the concept of civil society rst appeared in Aristotle as politike koinonia (political society/community). 4 It is beyond the scope of this article to discuss the positions of these and other prominent philosophers with respect to civil society. For a useful discussion, see Cohen and Arato (1992) and Seligman (2002). 5 This spatial conceptualisation of civil society also draws on Deakin (2001, p. 7) and Walzer (1995, p. 7). 6 Young (2000) extends this denition further by limiting civil society to those sectors which focus on inuencing and changing policies of governments, organisations and corporations. I nd this denition somewhat limiting because it excludes citizens and groups engaged in activities which are not state focused, for example the activities of a religious or theatre group. 7 There are of course numerous groups in civil society who seek to inuence para-governmental activity. For example some groups focus on the family, the economy or the international community as a source of change
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(Dryzek, 2000a, p. 102). However, for the purposes of this article, I am concentrating on those groups who seek to inuence the state. 8 In Between Facts and Norms, Habermas (1996a, p. 307, p. 314) typically refers to the public sphere in the singular (the general public sphere). Young (2000, p. 171) nds this conception of one public sphere useful because it describes a single continuous process or space where a diverse, complex, mass society can address social problems through public action. (For a counter-argument see Fraser [1992].) 9 This notion of spheres forming in response to failures in the state and economy is adapted from Jnickes (1996) functional denition of civil society. His denition of civil society corresponds with what I am calling here the public sphere. In contrast, my denition of civil society takes on a broader interpretation in that it also includes groups that form around non-economic and state interests. Thus, it encapsulates many groups in society such as religious and recreational groups whose identity is not bound by a response to state or economic failures. 10 The expression deliberative turn is borrowed from Dryzek (2000a, p. 1). 11 This distinction between macro and micro theories of deliberative democracy corresponds closely to the circumscribed and uncircumscribed variants of Saward (2001, pp. 3657) and the rule governed process and civil society approach of Rttil (2000, pp. 401). 12 As acknowledged in note 2, these are ideal-types only. 13 This may not be the case in all micro deliberative fora. For example, there are some exciting developments in deliberative practice where interactive technology is opening up opportunities for more people to engage in micro deliberative fora (see Gastil and Levine, 2005). 14 Gutmann and Thompson (1996, p. 356) refer to this as the capacity to change. 15 Young (2001) raises this issue in relation to activists and their capacity to deliberate. For a counter-argument on this point with respect to interest groups, see Mansbridge (1992; 1995). 16 Dryzek (2000a, p. 57) denes difference democrats as political theorists who stress the need for democratic politics to concern itself rst and foremost with the recognition of the legitimacy and validity of the particular perspectives of historically-oppressed segments of the population. 17 Youngs (1996) communicative democracy is also consistent with macro accounts of deliberative democracy. 18 In this respect, macro deliberation shares elements with the ideals of participatory democracy (see Hauptmann, 2001). 19 Habermas (1996a, p. 375) labels entities emerging from the public sphere as indigenous. 20 Kohn (2000, pp. 4234) makes a similar point. 21 Habermas (1996a, p. 375) also distinguishes between indigenous actors in civil society versus those who simply make use of the public sphere.These users have organisational power, resources and merely enter the public sphere from, and utilize it for, a specic organization or functional system. 22 Other macro theorists, such as Dryzek (2000a, p. 51), tend to emphasise transmission through the contestation of discourses. 23 By and large Habermas (1996a, p. 364, pp. 3759) is not optimistic about the role of interest groups in his two-track model, describing them as strategic actors who are merely interested in using the public sphere for their own ends. 24 For a discussion on the benets and problems with this version of associative democracy, see the edited volume of Cohen and Roger (1995b). 25 Dryzek et al.s (2003) empirical work demonstrates how the green movement in Germany in the 1970s and 80s emerged in response to exclusive corporatist arrangements between the state, labour and business. 26 Mansbridge (1999) acknowledges that certain components of the system may not necessarily reect the ideal deliberative procedure or that they might exclude certain actors in civil society. However, the key, she argues, is that the total system reects deliberative conditions (p. 211). 27 Discursive spheres refer to a specic kind of public domain.They are, however, different from the public arenas that Hilgartner and Bosk (1988, p. 55) have in mind when they talk of institutions where social problem denitions evolve. Discursive spheres are concerned with where public conversations on a particular issue take place, rather than where issues are dened and framed. 28 There are a handful of theorists who advocate that public deliberation should occur in a variety of venues: for example Warren (1995, p. 193) talks of multiple public spheres; Bohman (1996, pp. 5965) refers to dialogical mechanisms; and Mansbridge (1996, p. 57) celebrates different arenas for deliberation.
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