TERM PAPER ON

THE IDEOLOGIES OF MAO AND THE BIRTH OF NAXALISM

SUBMITTED

IN

PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF

MODERN POLITICAL CONCEPTS TO HARI NAIR SIR

(APRIL-2012)

TABLE OF CONTENTS

1. ABSTRACT 2. INTRODUCTION 3. SHANGHAI MASSACRE AND LONG MARCH 4. WAR AGAINST JAPANESE IMPERIALISM

3. 4. 5. 5.

5. MAO THOUGHTS

ON CLASS STRATIFICATION ON IMPORTANCE OF PEASANT REVOLUTION ON REVOLUTION ON WELL-BEING OF THE MASSES ON GUERRILLA WARFARE ON GRAND DEATH AND REMEMBRANCE

7. 11. 12. 14. 14. 17. 18. 19. 21. 22. 23. 24.

6. NAXALISM 7. CHARU MAJUMDARS THOUGHTS 8. NAXALBARI STRUGGLE 9. RELEVANCE IN CURRENT SCENARIO 10. CONCLUSION 11. REFERENCES

ABSTRACT
This term paper highlights the ideologies of Mao Tse-tung pre-1949 when he eventually, rose to power in mainland China. His ideologies have stood the test of time and the founding principles of Naxalism have been derived from his thoughts. Charu Majumdar, one of the founders of CPI (Marxist-Leninist), believed that Maos ideologies could pave the way for Indias working class revolution. His Historic Eight Documents, forming the basis of Naxalism, are a leaf out of the book of Mao. Finally, the term paper concludes with the relevance of Maoism in todays world and what lies ahead for the human society.

INTRODUCTION
Mao Zedong, also known as Mao Tse-tung, and commonly referred to as Chairman Mao (December 26, 1893 September 9, 1976), was a Chinese Communist revolutionary, guerrilla warfare strategist, Marxist political philosopher, and leader of the Chinese Revolution. He was the architect and founding father of the People's Republic of China (PRC) from its establishment in 1949, and held control over the nation until his death in 1976. His theoretical contribution to MarxismLeninism, along with his military strategies and brand of policies, are collectively known as Maoism. Nationalism led to the overthrow of the Qing dynasty in 1912. The Republic of China was created, however, the new government led by Kuomintang (Nationalist Party) was unable to prevent crime and other hardships on the people. Many were murdered by thieves and criminals and agriculture slowed, which led to a famine. In addition, many were upset that the new government gave into European pressure to allow Japan to control parts of Chinese territory. Slowly, the new republic slid into chaos and civil war. Mao was born to a peasant family in Shaoshan, a village in Hunan province. He was still a student when the revolution of 1911-12 overthrew the Manchu government and made China a republic. In 1921, Mao and 11 other people founded the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in Shanghai. At first, the Kuomintang and the Communists tried to work together to make China a better place. But, soon the differences surfaced leading to the Shanghai massacre in 1927.

SHANGHAI MASSACRE AND THE LONG MARCH

The April 12 Incident of 1927 refers to the violent suppression of Chinese Communist Party organizations in Shanghai by the military forces of Chiang Kaishek and conservative factions in the Kuomintang (Chinese Nationalist Party). Following the incident, conservative KMT elements carried out a full scale purge of Communists in all areas under their control, and even more violent suppressions occurred in cities such as Guangzhou and Changsha.[1] The purge led to an open split between KMT left and right wings, with Chiang Kai-shek establishing himself as the leader of the right wing at Nanjing in opposition to the original left wing KMT government in Wuhan. By 15 July 1927, the Wuhan regime had also expelled the Communists in its ranks, effectively ending the KMT's four year alliance with Soviet Russia and its cooperation with the Chinese Communist Party. Mao led a Communist area in Jiangxi Province in 1934, but attacks by the Kuomintang (Nationalist Party) government army forced them to undergo the Long March lasting over a year and covering 6,000 miles to a new, safer area to the north in Shanxi Province.

WAR AGAINST JAPANESE IMPERIALISM (1937-45)

In 1937 skirmishing between Japanese and Chinese troops on the frontier led to what became known as the Marco Polo Bridge Incident. This fighting sparked a full-blown conflict, the Second Sino-Japanese War. Under the terms of the Sian Agreement, the Chinese Nationalists (KMT) and the CCP now agreed to fight side by side against Japan. The Communists had been encouraged to negotiate with the KMT by Stalin, who saw Japan as an increasing threat on his Far Eastern border, and began supplying arms to China. China also received aid from western democracies, where public opinion was strongly anti-Japanese. Britain, France and the US all sent aid (the latter including the famous Flying Tigers fighter-pilot volunteers). Because of historic ties, China also received aid from Nazi Germany for a short period, until Hitler decided to make an alliance with Japan in 1938. Although the Japanese quickly captured all key Chinese ports and industrial

centres, including cities such as the Chinese capital Nanking and Shanghai, CCP and KMT forces continued resisting. In the brutal conflict, both sides used scorched earth tactics. Massacres and atrocities were common. The most infamous came after the fall of Nanking in December 1937, when Japanese troops slaughtered an estimated 300,000 civilians and raped 80,000 women. Many thousands of Chinese were killed in the indiscriminate bombing of cities by the Japanese air force. There were also savage reprisals carried out against Chinese peasants, in retaliation for attacks by partisans who waged a guerrilla war against the invader, ambushing supply columns and attacking isolated units. Warfare of this nature led, by the wars end, to an estimated 10 to 20 million Chinese civilians deaths. By 1940, the war descended into stalemate. The Japanese seemed unable to force victory, nor the Chinese to evict the Japanese from the territory they had conquered. But western intervention in the form of economic sanctions (most importantly oil) against Japan would transform the nature of the war. It was in response to these sanctions that Japan decided to attack America at Pearl Harbor, and so initiate World War II in the Far East

MAO THOUGHTS
ON CLASS STRATIFICATION
Mao was of the view that an in-depth analysis of the current stratification in the Chinese society is pivotal to the growth of revolution. His prime idea was to identify the classes which will support the revolution and those which will not, due to their vested reasons. So, he commentsWho are our enemies? Who are our friends? This is a question of the first importance for the revolution. A revolutionary party is the guide of the masses, and no revolution ever succeeds when the revolutionary party leads them astray. The landlord class and the comprador class. Chairman Mao was highly critical of this class as he believed that they owed their parasitic growth to imperialism. He was quite sure of their motives in supporting imperialism and recognized them as the major constituent of the counter-revolutionary group. He comments These classes represent the most backward and most reactionary relations of production in China and hinder the development of her productive forces. Their existence is utterly incompatible with the aims of the Chinese revolution. The middle bourgeoisie. Chairman Mao comments on the fickle-minded attitude of this class towards the Chinese revolution. The middle bourgeoisie, by which is meant chiefly the national bourgeoisie, is inconsistent in its attitude towards the Chinese revolution: they feel the need for revolution and favour the revolutionary movement

against imperialism and the warlords when they are smarting under the blows of foreign capital and the oppression of the warlords, but they become suspicious of the revolution when they sense that, with the militant participation of the proletariat at home and the active support of the international proletariat abroad, the revolution is threatening the hope of their class to attain the status of a big bourgeoisie. Chairman Mao also dismisses the hopes of this class to establish their rule over China. He believes that this revolution will decide the ultimate winner between the imperialists and the revolutionists and equanimity will lead nowhere. His views are typified by his comments The present world situation is such that the two major forces, revolution and counter-revolution, are locked in final struggle. Each has hoisted a huge banner: one is the red banner of revolution held aloft by the Third International as the rallying point for all the oppressed classes of the world, the other is the white banner of counterrevolution held aloft by the League of Nations as the rallying point for all the counter-revolutionaries of the world. The intermediate classes are bound to disintegrate quickly, some sections turning left to join the revolution, others turning right to join the counter-revolution; there is no room for them to remain "independent".

The petty bourgeoisie. Chairman Mao includes in this category the owner-peasants, the master handicraftsmen, the intellectuals--students, primary and secondary school teachers, lower government functionaries, office clerks, small lawyers-and the small traders. Mao imparts special attention to this class, both because of its size and class character. The owner-peasants and the master handicraftsmen are both engaged in small-scale production. Although all strata of this class have the same petty-bourgeois economic status, they fall into three different sections.

The first section consists of those who have some surplus money or grain, that is, those who, earn more each year than they consume for their own support. Mao understands that this section is tempted by the lives of the middle bourgeoisie and thus has a suspicious attitude towards revolution. Mao comments- People of this sort are timid, afraid of government officials, and also a little afraid of the revolution. Since they are quite close to the middle bourgeoisie in economic status, they have a lot of faith in its propaganda and are suspicious of the revolution. This section is a minority among the petty bourgeoisie and constitutes its right-wing. The second section consists of those who in the main are economically self-supporting. Mao reveals that although, principally, these classes are against the imperialists but when the time of the revolution arrives, they may prefer to remain neutral, citing the might of the imperialists. Their principal opposition to the imperialists has been the consequence of suffering from the oppression and exploitation of the imperialists, the warlords, the feudal landlords and the big comprador-bourgeoisie. As a result, they are quite wary of the intentions of the imperialists and want them taken down. This section is very numerous, making up about onehalf of the petty bourgeoisie. The third section consists of those whose standard of living is falling. Chairman Mao reveals their state of mental distress owing to the contrast between their past and their present. He underlines their importance in the success of the revolution as they are the most oppressed section of the petty bourgeoisie. The semi-proletariat. Chairman Mao segregates this section into five categories:

the overwhelming majority of the semi-owner peasants the poor peasants, the small handicraftsmen, the shop assistants and the pedlars (hawkers).

According to Mao, this class is pivotal for the revolution. Constituting a major chunk of the rural masses, the primary two categories are exploited by the landlords throughout the year. The small handicraftsmen being semi-proletarians because, though they own some simple means of production and moreover are self-employed, too are often forced to sell part of their labour power and are somewhat similar to the poor peasants in economic status. The shop assistants are employees of shops and stores, supporting their families on meagre pay and getting an increase perhaps only once in several years while prices rise every year. The pedlars, whether they carry their wares around on a pole or set up stalls along the street, have tiny funds and very small earnings, and do not make enough to feed and clothe themselves. Thus, this entire section is highly receptive to the revolution, if and may, when it surfaces. The industrial proletariat. Mao identifies them as the key to success of the revolution. He understands their plight as they are the ones working directly under the orders of the imperialists. These two million industrial workers are mainly employed in five industries--railways, mining, maritime transport, textiles and shipbuilding--and a great number are enslaved in enterprises owned by foreign capitalists. Mao reveals that the industrial proletariat represents China's new productive forces, is the most progressive class in modern China and has become the leading force in the revolutionary movement. Mao analyses the reasons behind their emergence as the supporters of the revolution as he commentsThe first reason why the industrial workers hold this position is their concentration. No other section of the people is so concentrated. The second reason is their low economic status. They have been deprived of all means of production, have nothing left but their hands, have no hope of ever becoming rich and, moreover, are subjected to the most ruthless

treatment by the imperialists, the warlords and the bourgeoisie. That is why they are particularly good fighters. Thus, Mao through an in-depth analysis of the classes in China identified his enemies the ones in league with imperialism--the warlords, the bureaucrats, the big landlord class and the reactionary section of the intelligentsia attached to them. He also identified the leading force in their revolution as the industrial proletariat, its closest allies being the entire semi-proletariat and petty bourgeoisie.

ON IMPORTANCE OF PEASANT REVOLUTION

Chairman Mao was deeply impressed with the peasant revolutions taking place in mainland China in the late 1920s. He was quite sure about the success of these revolutions against imperialism as he comments In a very short time, in China, several hundred million peasants will rise like a mighty storm, like a hurricane, a force so swift and violent that no power, however great, will be able to hold it back. They will sweep all the imperialists, warlords, corrupt officials, local tyrants and evil gentry into their graves. Every revolutionary party and every revolutionary comrade will be put to the test, to be accepted or rejected as they decide. Mao was adamant that his revolution could not succeed without the aid of the peasants and thus wanted to imbibe in his party principles, the principles of the peasant revolution.

He was always supportive of the powers being snatched from the local tyrants and the evil landlords and passed to the peasant associations. His view was a consequence of the belief that the peasant associations were more sympathetic towards the troubles of the peasants. As the peasant revolutions progressed, his views were brought into reality as the popular slogan "All power to the peasant associations" became a reality.

He elucidated the following achievements of the peasant revolutions: ORGANIZING THE PEASANTS INTO PEASANT ASSOCIATIONS HITTING THE LANDLORDS POLITICALLY Mao was of the view that the primary attack on imperialism was to snatch political power away from the landlords and the peasant revolution succeeded in doing that. HITTING THE LANDLORDS ECONOMICALLY

Prohibition on sending grain out of the area, forcing up grain prices, and hoarding and cornering. Prohibition on increasing rents and deposits Prohibition on cancelling tenancies Reduction of interest.

OVERTHROWING THE ARMED FORCES OF THE LANDLORDS AND ESTABLISHING THOSE OF THE PEASANTS OVERTHROWING THE POLITICAL POWER OF THE COUNTY MAGISTRATE AND HIS BAILIFFS All decisions are made by a joint council consisting of the magistrate and the representatives of the revolutionary mass organizations. SPREADING POLITICAL PROPAGANDA Mao believed that the peasant revolution had done more to spread political propaganda than any political school could possibly had done. "Down with imperialism!" "Down with the warlords!" "Down with the corrupt officials!" "Down with the local tyrants and evil gentry!"--these political slogans have grown wings, they have found their way to the young, the middle-aged and the

old, to the women and children in countless villages, they have penetrated into their minds and are on their lips. THE MOVEMENT FOR EDUCATION In China education had always been the exclusive preserve of the landlords, and the peasants have had no access to it. Mao was pretty appreciative of the fact that peasant revolutions were aware of the importance of education and opened schools wherever they ruled. The funds for the evening schools come from the "public revenue from superstition", from ancestral temple funds, and from other idle public funds or property. THE CO-OPERATIVE MOVEMENT The peasants really needed co-operatives, and especially consumers', marketing and credit co-operatives because of the continuous exploitation at the hands of the landlords and evil gentry.

ON REVOLUTION
Mao derived his ideas from Marx and Lenin and posited the aim of the Chinese Communist Party as To complete China's bourgeoisdemocratic revolution (the new-democratic revolution) and to transform it into a socialist revolution when all the necessary conditions are ripe--such is the sum total of the great and glorious revolutionary task of the Chinese Communist Party. Mao cited the annihilation of the feudal forces as the real objective of the national revolution and supported the violent methods adopted by the peasants against the authority. He believes that the local tyrants, evil gentry and lawless landlords have themselves driven the peasants to this. His following comment has been an inspiration to many communist revolutions around the world -

A revolution is not a dinner party, or writing an essay, or painting a picture, or doing embroidery; it cannot be so refined, so leisurely and gentle, so temperate, kind, courteous, restrained and magnanimous. A revolution is an insurrection, an act of violence by which one class overthrows another. A rural revolution is a revolution by which the peasantry overthrows the power of the feudal landlord class. Without using the greatest force, the peasants cannot possibly overthrow the deep-rooted authority of the landlords which has lasted for thousands of years.

ON WELL-BEING OF THE MASSES

Mao was a proponent of the well-being of the masses. He always urged his comrades to prioritize the war of the masses as the central idea of the revolution. Thus, he commented Our central task at present is to mobilize the broad masses to take part in the revolutionary war, overthrow imperialism and the Kuomintang by means of such war, spread the revolution throughout the country, and drive imperialism out of China. For the revolutionary war is a war of the masses; it can be waged only by mobilizing the masses and relying on them. Mao believed in the power of unity and believed that it was a key to success in overthrowing The Kuomintang and that their seemingly powerful reign was a myth and could be overthrown. He commentedKuomintang is now pursuing a policy of blockhouse warfare, feverishly constructing their "tortoise-shells" as though they were iron bastions. Comrades! What is a true bastion of iron? It is the masses, the millions upon millions of people who genuinely and sincerely support the revolution. That is the real iron bastion which no force can smash no force whatsoever.

ON GUERRILLA WARFARE
Mao was a strong believer in the power of Guerilla Warfare to fight imperialism. It attains all the more importance when a nation fights for

liberty against an imperialist country. In a war of revolutionary character, guerrilla operations are a necessary part. Under these circumstances, the development of the type of guerrilla warfare characterized by the quality of mass is both necessary and natural. Mao was of the view that guerrilla warfare was to be united with the army operations as they cannot be successful in isolation. They are the inevitable result of the clash between oppressor and oppressed when the latter reach the limits of their endurance. In our case, these hostilities began at a time when the people were unable to endure any more from the Japanese imperialists. Lenin, in People and Revolution, said: 'A people's insurrection and a people's revolution are not only natural but inevitable.' We consider guerrilla operations as but one aspect of our total or mass war because they, lacking the quality of independence, are of themselves incapable of providing a solution to the struggle. When the invader pierces deep into the heart of the weaker country and occupies her territory in a cruel and oppressive manner, there is no doubt that conditions of terrain, climate, and society in general offer obstacles to his progress and may be used to advantage by those who oppose him. In guerrilla warfare we turn these advantages to the purpose of resisting and defeating the enemy. Mao cited the creation of a national united anti-Japanese front as the policy to pursue in order to gain our political goal, which is the complete emancipation of the Chinese people. There are certain fundamental steps necessary in the realization of this policy, to wit: 1. Arousing and organizing the people. 2. Achieving internal unification politically. 3. Establishing bases. 4. Equipping forces. 5. Recovering national strength. 6. Destroying enemy's national strength. 7. Regaining lost territories.

Without a political goal, guerrilla warfare must fail, as it must, if its political objectives do not coincide with the aspirations of the people and their sympathy, co-operation, and assistance cannot be gained. Unorganized guerrilla warfare cannot contribute to victory and those who attack the movement as a combination of banditry and anarchism do not understand the nature of guerrilla action. The whole people must try to reform themselves during the course of the war. We must educate them and reform them in the light of past experience. Evil does not exist in guerrilla warfare but only in the unorganized and undisciplined activities that are anarchism, said Lenin, in On Guerrilla Warfare. Mao talked about the basic guerrilla strategy based primarily on alertness, mobility, and attack. It must be adjusted to the enemy situation, the terrain, the existing lines of communication, the relative strengths, the weather and the situation of the people. In guerrilla warfare, select the tactic of seeming to come from the east and attacking from the west; avoid the solid, attack the hollow; attack; withdraw; deliver a lightning blow, seek a lightning decision. When guerrillas engage a stronger enemy, they withdraw when he advances; harass him when he stops; strike him when he is weary; pursue him when he withdraws. In guerilla strategy, the enemy's rear, flanks, and other vulnerable spots are his vital points, and there he must be harassed, attacked, dispersed, exhausted and annihilated. Only in this way can guerrillas carry out their mission of independent guerrilla action and coordination with the effort of the regular armies.

ON GRAND DEATH AND REMEMBRANCE

Chairman Mao believed that a persons death could either be insignificant or could be sacrificed for his nation. He believed that the latter was the right way to die. He quotes the ancient Chinese writer Szuma Chien "Though death befalls all men alike, it may be weightier than Mount Tai or lighter than a feather." To die for the people is weightier than Mount Tai, but to work for and die for the exploiters and oppressors is lighter than a feather. Mao was acutely aware of the value of a human life and condemned unnecessary sacrifices during the course of war. Our cadres must show concern for every soldier, and all people in the revolutionary ranks must care for each other, must love and help each other. From now on, when anyone in our ranks who has done some useful work dies, be he soldier or cook, we should have a funeral ceremony and a memorial meeting in his honour. In this way we express our mourning for the dead and unite all the people

NAXALISM
The term 'Naxal' derives from the name of the village Naxalbari in the state of West Bengal, India, where the movement had its origin. The Naxals are considered far-left radical communists, supportive of Maoist political sentiment and ideology. Their origin can be traced to the split in 1967 of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), leading to the formation of the Communist Party of India (Marxist Leninist). Initially the movement had its centre in West Bengal. In later years, it spread into less developed areas of rural central and eastern India, such as Chhattisgarh, Orissa and Andhra Pradesh through the activities of underground groups like

the Communist Party of India (Maoist) Naxalites are those who fight for the freedom of the downtrodden and equal social and financial status for all irrespective of class, caste and religion. They work for the decentralization of poor. Naxalism was led by Charu Majumdar, Kanu Sanyal and Jagan Santhal, who initiated a violent uprising in 1967. They believed that economic freedom could be achieved only through an uprising against the rich. Charu Majumdar was inspired by the doctrines of Chairman Mao. He advocated that Indian peasants and lower class tribals overthrow the government and upper classes by force, which he held responsible for their plight. His ideologies were well documented owing to his writings, especially the Hisoric Eight Documents which form the basis of Naxalite ideology.

CHARU MAJUMDARS THOUGHTS Charu Majumdar was a firm believer in armed uprising against the government and believed that satyagraha was not the right mode to tackle the peasant problems at the time. We are still unable to realize that in the present era we cannot build up peaceful mass movements. For, the ruling class will not give us and is not giving us either, such an opportunity. All types of movements have to be carried on at all ages; but the form of the main movement depends on the ruling class. The present feature of our age is that the government is fighting every movement by violent attacks. So for the

people, the armed resistance movement has appeared as the most important necessity. So in the interest of mass movements, the call should be given to the working class, the fighting peasantry and every fighting people:

Take to arms; Form armed units for confrontation; Politically educate every armed unit.

His reverence to Mao is distinctly clear with the aforementioned essential points of a mass peasant armed struggle against the government. His emphasis on educating them is also a leaf from Maos book who believed that peasant revolutions were the greatest teachers of political propaganda to the masses. We should remember that the teaching of Comrade Mao. Mao Tsetung's: "The enemy's armoury is our armoury." To build up that armoury the working class should take the lead. The ruling class of India is trying to solve its crisis by imperialist tactics. To resolve the imperialist war we should advance along the path determined by Lenin. "Turn the imperialist war into a civil war" we should understand the significance of this slogan. If we can realize the truth that the Indian revolution will invariably take the form of civil war, the tactic of area-wise seizure of power can be the only tactic. The tactic which was adopted by China's Great Leader Comrade Mao Tsetung the same tactic should be adopted by the Indian Marxists. By this thought, his focus on the decentralization of power is testified. Majumdar held similar opinions as Mao about the government and wanted power to be vested in the peasant associations. He wanted the proletariat to be the focal point of this struggle as they suffered the most under the imperialist design of the government. He was highly influenced by Maos unrelenting belief in the power of unity of the masses and the fallability of the seemingly-powerful authority. Majumdar wroteApparently the government might look powerful, because it has in its hands food and arms. The people do not have food; they are unarmed. But it is the unity and firm spirit of these unarmed masses that smash all the arrogance of reaction and make the revolution successful. So Chairman Mao has said: "The reactionary force is actually a paper tiger."

In the present era, main tasks will be on the basis of three main slogans. Unity of workers and peasants. The revolutionary resistance movement, armed struggle.

The building up of a revolutionary Party.

The People's Democratic Revolution in India has to be directed against the bureaucrat and comprador bourgeoisie in the country and against feudal exploitation in the vast rural areas. Because forty crores of people out of the total population of fifty crores live in the rural areas in our country and because even today, feudal exploitation continues to be the main form of exploitation to which they are subjected, the contradiction between the peasants and the landlords in the countryside remains even today the main contradiction. This contradiction can only be resolved in the countryside through the establishment of liberated zones by the peasants' armed forces under working class leadership. This is the biggest and most important task that faces us today, for India is at present going through a period of revolutionary upsurge and this path pointed out by the Chairman Mao is being increasingly accepted by growing numbers of peasants and revolutionary masses. To organize this new-democratic revolution and lead it to victory we need a party of the working class, a Communist Party, whose political ideology will be MarxismLeninism and its highest development-the thought of Mao Tse-tung. These rebel comrades must apply in practice the thought of the Chairman and must thereby train up worker and peasant cadres. Only then can we claim to have made progress in building up a genuine Maoist party. His continued emphasis on the building of a revolutionary party which will provide the adequate leadership during the struggle was a part of Maos ideology. Both gentlemen agreed that the revolution could only succeed with the best interests of the working class at the forefront.

NAXALBARI STRUGGLE

Majumdar wrote about how the Naxalbari peasant struggle was an example, not only for India, but also for the world. The unique lesson Majumdar wanted everyone to learn from it was Militant struggles must be carried on not for land, crops etc., but for the seizure of state power. It is precisely this that gives the Naxalbari struggle its uniqueness. Peasants in different areas must prepare themselves in a manner so as to be able to render ineffective the state apparatus in their respective areas. India has been turned into a base of imperialism and revisionism, and is acting today as a base of reactionary forces against the people struggling for liberation. That is why the Naxalbari struggle is not merely a national struggle; it is also an international struggle. Qouting Mao - "the complete collapse of colonialism, imperialism and all systems of exploitation, and the complete emancipation of all the oppressed peoples and nations of the world are not far off." Majumdar, like Mao, was a believer in the power of Guerilla Warfare in fighting for the interests of the working class. He was aware that the well-being of the masses should be the aim of the comrades, if they wanted the peasants to support the struggle. While the comrades who are working among the peasants should continue to propagate politics, they should never belittle the necessity of formulating common slogans on economic demands. For, without this, broad sections of the peasantry cannot be drawn into the movement, nor can the backward sections of the peasants be raised to a level where they can grasp our political propaganda, nor can their hatred against their class enemy be sustained. "Seize the coming crops" is a slogan which must be propagated from this moment. Hatred must be roused against the jotedar class as it starves the peasants throughout the year. "Peasants should seize the next harvest" is a slogan which will draw broad sections of the peasants into the fold of the movement, and our conscious political propaganda will change the nature of this peasant movement.

RELEVANCE IN CURRENT SCENARIO Mendha Lenka Village "At the centre, there is Delhi government. At the state, there is Mumbai government, but here we are our own government." It is a pointer to the pride the 450-odd people, mostly Gond tribals, living in the village of Mendha Lekha, 205 km away, in adjoining Gadchiroli district, one of the hotbeds of Maoist activity in the state. Mendha Lekha became the first village in the country to secure community forest rights (CFR) - following the passing of the historic Forest Rights Act (FRA) in December 2006. Until then, forests were governed by the Indian Forest Act, 1927, a colonial law that gave the government the right to unilaterally declare any area a 'reserved forest' or 'protected forest', after which no one except the state had rights to the forest's produce. Thus the residents of Mendha Lekha, living in a reserved forest, had no right to pluck even a leaf from the thick clusters of bamboo that surrounded their village. The passing of this law by the British - mainly to provide themselves unhindered access to Indian timber - was a crushing blow for the hundreds of thousands of forest dwelling tribals who depended largely on the forests around them for livelihood. Worse: most of them, living in forest villages, had also cleared land, which they had been cultivating for generations. The FRA, passed after decades of prodding by activist groups, recognises the individual forest dweller's right to live in and cultivate forest land he had been occupying. It also allows the government to grant community forest rights to village gram sabhas, thereby permitting them to manage the forest around them and utilise its 'minor produce'. (Cutting trees and selling the timber is still barred.)

Decisions are taken with everyone's consent. Even if one member disagrees, the decision is put on hold and reviewed by the members of the gram sabha. The villagers believe in swayamshasan (self-rule). Jairam Mahesh, the Union Minister, proposed bringing NREGA under the purview of gram sabha. He suggests that in areas where Community Forest Rights are recognized, the gram sabha should be primary implementing agency for all interventions of government (including MGNREGA).

CONCLUSION Maos five Principles of Peaceful Co-existence have not only found their way into the Chinese Constitution but have also been an integral part of the foreign policy of many countries, including India.

mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity mutual non-aggression non-interference in each other's internal affairs equality and mutual benefit peaceful co-existence

Apart from these principles of peaceful co-existence which have found their way into the Indian perspective through the signing of Panchsheel, Maos consistent focus on the decentralization of power looks all the more relevant in todays world as resources dwindle. The call for Maos sustainable self-rule by the peasant associations reflects well on the way our future society can turn out to be. As representative democracy has begun to lose its footing with discontentment rife amongst the masses, the gram sabha (peasant association) in a participative democracy may soon be the need of the hour. The Government of India has begun to recognize the power of the masses and has acceded to some of their demands like granting Community Forest Rights (CFR) to the residents (as mentioned above). This welcome change has been a consequence of the increased awareness of the working class, due to better education facilities and the easier access of information. Maos relentless pursuit of working for the best interests of the

masses and uniting them can serve as the basis for the self-governing society, which the Maoists dream of. Mao has been vilified by some critics as being a ruthless anarchist, who had no respect for human life. On the contrary, Mao had an innate respect for human life, as evident by his speech on the death of one of his comrades (as mentioned above). As Mao said, the enemys armoury is our armoury , he was reflecting on the fact that a violent government needs a violent revolution to be overthrown. In reality, the greater relevance of Mao's philosophy in today's world is to help maintain peace, stability and development and create a more equitable global order, something which the great French philosopher, Rousseau, would be particularly proud of. As evident by the example of Mendha Lenka village, the need of the government is not a luxury enjoyed by us, but a rule imposed upon us, and the day may not be far off when the world settles into smaller, sustainable, peaceful societies. After all, humans are innately at peace with one-another as opposed to what Hobbes may have wanted us to believe by his war of all against all theory and its the Government which uses war as a selfish measure to keep this notion at bay. The Maoists may have been branded as terrorists but they are greater patriots than most of us, as they cannot stand injustice being done to their people in their homeland. Indeed, their protests may have taken a sinister route at times, but in todays world, silence falls on deaf ears and a thick-skinned Government needs a rude awakening at times. So, yes, I will like to believe that, in the future, there will exist a peaceful society, devoid of any authority, where selfrule will be the norm and each one would be ruled by another as well as none.

REFERENCES http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/ http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mazumdar/

http://wikipedia.org/wiki/naxalite http://www.bannedthought.net/India/CPI-Maoist-Docs/index.htm http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/COLDmao.htm