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Contents
Confident Zuma rings the changes in Cabinet .......................................................... 3 Numsa ready to take to streets to alter constitution .............................................. 5 Government rejects swathe of amendments to secrecy bill ..................................... 7 Saudis in R20bn deal with SA ..................................................................................... 8 Stiglitz calls for R2bn Walmart jobs fund ................................................................. 8 Gordhan warns of taxpayers getting impatient with low value for money .......... 10 Power to the youth, shape a better tomorrow ......................................................... 12 Durban to grow tourism fastest in Africa ............................................................. 14 Khayelitsha mob rule raises fears ............................................................................ 15 Zuma busy sacrificing youth to get re-elected ...................................................... 16 Premier keen on youth wage subsidy ....................................................................... 17 Policy uncertainty scares foreign investors away ................................................... 18 Zuma demotes 'loose cannon' Sisulu ........................................................................ 20 Key political risks to watch in South Africa ............................................................ 21 Angola oils campaign to secure AU vote for SA...................................................... 24 Governance limbo holds SA back ............................................................................. 26 City and Cosatu on collision course over Obama ................................................... 28 Zuma speaks in riddles .............................................................................................. 28 300, 000 new jobs to be created: Molewa ................................................................. 29 Cartoonist Zapiro scoops world prize ...................................................................... 30 Tide is turning for Zuma re-election camp.............................................................. 31 Zuma cops flak ........................................................................................................... 33 Zuma continues with his re-election efforts............................................................. 36 SA needs more power to accelerate growth .......................................................... 37 Tshwane has bold vision for development ............................................................... 38 Bad policy drives away good firms ........................................................................... 40 No Telkom payout after Korea snub........................................................................ 42 The Thick End of the Wedge The Editors Notebook ....................................... 43 Zuma meets 'fired' Cele............................................................................................. 45 SA 'already like Zimbabwe', says Numsa's Jim ...................................................... 47 Cele did meet Zuma ................................................................................................... 48 Celes likely successor no career policeman ............................................................ 49 DA is closing in on ANC, says Vavi .......................................................................... 51 Mandela film wins big in US ..................................................................................... 54 ANC leaders firm on Malema sentence ................................................................. 56 Independent must go into SA hands ...................................................................... 57 Zuma calls for tough conference approach ............................................................. 58 We need to be tougher: Zuma................................................................................... 60 Modise warns ANC not to buy votes ........................................................................ 60 All too familiar scenario ............................................................................................ 62
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A Presidency official said yesterday Mr Ndebele was blamed for not "enthusiastically" pushing for the implementation of the e-tolls. He was associated with Cabinet ministers who rejoiced when the tolling was interdicted. Mr Ndebele is now correctional services minister, hardly a frontline department. LindiweSisulu has been moved from defence to the Department of Public Service and Administration to replace Roy Padayachie, who died in April. NosiviweMapisa-Nqakula has been moved from correctional services, and goes to the defence portfolio, a senior post. Ms Sisulu joins her new department in the middle of salary negotiations with trade unions threatening a strike, and pressure on Finance Minister PravinGordhan from ratings agencies to cap the hikes. Her move is seen to be a demotion, considering the importance of the defence force, and SAs role in peacekeeping on the continent, and fighting piracy and terrorism on the east coast. Mduduzi Manana, a national executive committee member of the youth league, has been appointed deputy higher education minister. This is seen as a reward for Mr Manana, who recently stood up to Mr Malema. He was an MP, and is closely associated with Mr Gigaba. Mr Mananas dramatic rise could also be attributed to Mr Gigabas growing influence in the ruling party. HlengiweMkhize, deputy higher education minister, is now deputy economic development minister, filling a vacancy created by Enoch Godongwanas resignation in December. SindisiweChikunga, chairwoman of Parliaments portfolio committee on police, is the new deputy transport minister, and Gratitude Magwanishe, deputy chief whip of the ANC, has been appointed as deputy minister of public enterprises. Asked about Mr Zumas reshuffle, presidential spokesman Mac Maharaj said: "It is his prerogative to reshuffle his Cabinet obviously he intended to make the executive function better." He defended the frequency of Mr Zumas reshuffles, saying the latest was prompted by death and resignation, among other reasons. When pinned on the changes in the transport ministry, Mr Maharaj said: "Well, you check out your rugby team you know what happens with a rugby team sometimes they have to shift positions. Are you happy with how your captain played? Or do you think he was put in the wrong position?" The reshuffle was widely welcomed. The South African Communist Party was pleased that Mr Martins, a central committee member, was appointed.
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The Congress of South African Trade Unions was cautious, sending out a short statement which welcomed the changes, and wished the new appointees well. While Mr Zuma satisfied most ANC allies and leagues in the reshuffle, none of the new appointees are linked to the unions. There were rumours that Mr Zuma would fire Human Settlements Minister Tokyo Sexwale, who has criticised his leadership of the ruling party and the government. An official said Mr Sexwale had expected to be fired, having taken on Mr Zuma in the ANCs political battles. Insiders said he heavily criticised Mr Zuma for stifling debate in the ANC, when he argued for Mr Malemas expulsion to be overturned during a special meeting of the ANC national executive committee on Monday. Mr Sexwale could challenge Mr Zuma during the ANCs Mangaung elections in December. He has support in the Eastern Capes branches, which are expected to nominate him ahead of the December elections. A dismissal would have boosted Mr Sexwales campaign, as he would be seen as a victim. Mr Zuma benefited when Thabo Mbeki fired him as the countrys deputy president in 2005, as many in the ANC saw him as a political victim and rallied behind him. 13 June 2012 Business Day Page 4 Natasha Marrian
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"We would want to do everything possible to convince our African National Congress (ANC) in the policy conference and towards December that the macroeconomic framework adopted in 1996 has failed the country," he said yesterday. "That macroeconomic framework its name is Gear (Growth, Employment and Redistribution), was about growth, employment and redistribution. It has failed all those targets." Numsa would lobby Cosatu to issue a strike notice and "take to the streets" to compel the government to abandon its policies. It resolved to review the property clause in the constitution to allow for the expropriation of land, mines, the Reserve Bank and monopoly industries. "The Freedom Charter said mineral wealth, banks and monopoly industries must be returned to the people as a whole, and this is not for manipulation by black or white, and on this we are not narrowly pursuing now another race ticket," Mr Jim said. "Equal access to the economy of this country is in the best interest of both black and white." The ANC requires a 70% majority in Parliament to change the constitution. "I can tell you this, if the ANC were to take a resolution both in its policy conference and its national conference and say it wants to review this constitution, our people will vote for the ANC, they will deliver more than the two-thirds, because that will be exactly in their best interests," Mr Jim said. Numsa president Cedric Gcina said if the ANC did not receive the required majority, it should lobby smaller parties in Parliament such as the Pan Africanist Congress to vote along with it. Numsa wants the leadership emerging from the ANC in December to take forward its proposals, and would pronounce on its preference at the "right time". Mr Jim said the union wanted Cosatu to pronounce on its preferred leadership at the federations national congress in September, as it did in 2007 when it endorsed President Jacob Zuma over former president Thabo Mbeki .Cosatu has taken a decision not to do so this time around. Unionists should also continue to swell the ranks of the ANC and the South African Communist Party (SACP), including occupying seats in their highest decision-making bodies. Numsa received a tongue-lashing from the SACPs general secretary, Blade Nzimande, at the unions congress last week over its criticism of his holding a key post in the party while also serving as a Cabinet minister. Numsa was unmoved and reaffirmed its position that to build a strong SACP, key positions in the party had to be filled full-time.
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THE R100m fund proposed by the Competition Tribunal to mitigate the harmful effects of Walmarts entry into the South African market is inadequate and should be increased to up to R2bn, says Nobel laureate Joseph Stiglitz. The Competition Appeal Court has approved Walmarts takeover of Massmart on condition that an "investment remedy" be found to empower local suppliers to respond to "the challenges posed by the merger". The size of the proposed supply chain development fund was one of several differences of opinion among three experts appointed to assist the court. This led to two reports being prepared. Prof Stiglitz and Genesis Analytics managing partner James Hodge were appointed by the government and the South African Commercial, Catering and Allied Workers Union to craft a remedy. Massmart and Walmart appointed Mike Morris, research professor at the School of Economics of the University of Cape Town. The Stiglitz-Hodge report said a supplier development fund equal to "many multiples of the proposed R100m" would be needed to ameliorate the effect of the Walmart transaction on the economy. They proposed a fund in the range of R500m-R2bn, allocated over five to 10 years. In his ruling at the Competition Appeal Court, Judge Dennis Davis criticised the tribunals acceptance of the condition of a supplier development fund of R100m. He said there was "inadequate interrogation" of this proposal, given the concerns raised by the opponents over increased imports and, in turn, the potential for a negative effect on the economy. The Stiglitz-Hodge report said a large fund would "materially address the concerns of the court and provide sufficient incentives to Massmart to implement a serious programme to empower local suppliers". Prof Morris said in his report that throwing large amounts of money at a problem seldom solved it. "When too much money is floating around under these conditions the chances of corruption and waste increase enormously." He believed a smaller, but "highly focused and well-managed fund" was likely to have a greater effect than a large, unfocused and over managed programme. Prof Stiglitz and Mr Hodge examined the supply development fund set up by Massmart and said because of its narrow focus on small and mediumsized enterprises (SMEs), it "effectively becomes a form of corporate social responsibility programme". Their report asked that recipients of the fund should not be limited to SMEs or businesses owned by historically disadvantaged persons, although they may be afforded greater emphasis. Prof Morris asked for a grading of firms which will require capacity building, but focused on small and medium-sized suppliers.
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The experts agreed the desired outcome should be "sustainable supplier development" outlasting the fund and that the concept be adopted by other retailers. Also, the programme "must not simply result in a squeeze on wages or employment at supplier firms". The experts agreed that the fund should have a high level of public oversight and accountability and that the key to success would be Massmarts "buy-in" to ensure changes in procurement. Lawyers representing Walmart and Massmart said yesterday all parties had a month to prepare their responses before heading back to the appeal court. The governments legal representative, Heather Irvine, said the Stiglitz-Hodge report gave some practical guidelines for the fund.
Gordhan warns of taxpayers getting impatient with low value for money
Private sector must show more integrity in tendering for government business Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan warned yesterday taxpayers were losing patience with the misuse of public funds, but also pointed a finger at private sector costs of products and services supplied to the state. The auditor-generals report for last year found fruitless and wasteful expenditure in the public service had reached R30bn. Speaking in the National Assembly during the debate on the Appropriations Bill, Mr Gordhan said: "We need to constantly remind ourselves that this is taxpayers money that we are talking about and that taxpayers are becoming impatient with the fact that we are not adequately providing value for money." However, he then turned his attention to the private sector, and said that a higher level of integrity was needed in the way it tendered for government business. "There is ample evidence that there are two sides to every story," Mr Gordhan said. He said the European crisis meant that expectations of future government budgets should be lower. Even if the euro zone found a solution to its problems, there was no evidence to suggest growth would return there soon.
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These events would have a serious effect on South African jobs, growth prospects and fiscal balances, Mr Gordhan said. This included the prospect of lower tax collections as the South African economy slowed in line with international developments. Earlier this year Mr Gordhan trimmed SAs gross domestic product growth for this year from 2,9% to 2,7%. In April, the South African Revenue Service reported that it had collected R742,7bn in taxes this year R4bn more than Mr Gordhan had budgeted for and an increase of R68bn on the previous financial year. Yesterday Mr Gordhan called for a "more rigorous" exercise to save government funds and to route them in the right direction. The rise in government spending was trimmed in the 2012-13 budget to an increase of 8,8%, from the previous years 9,1%. In his budget vote speech in February, Mr Gordhan warned about "haircuts" as a means to curb public-sector spending. He criticised government departments for wasting money or not allocating it appropriately. Bank of America Merrill Lynch also warned yesterday SA was not in a position to easily absorb a big global shock and could slip into a recession if problems in the euro zone worsened considerably. A sharp slowdown in growth would erode government revenues and swell the budget deficit, which could prompt a downgrade of SAs sovereign credit ratings, the companys South African economist Matthew Sharratt said at a media briefing. "We will have a good idea by the third quarter, if not sooner, where the public sector (fiscal position) will settle," he said. Based on the view that Europes sovereign debt crisis would not deepen significantly, SA was likely to notch up growth of 2,5% this year, Mr Sharratt said. The economy grew by 3,1% last year. Mr Gordhan asked Parliament if the public sector had a proper management cadre that understood its priorities and had the capability to deliver and use effectively the R1trillion national budget. He said that infrastructure spending was not getting the required funds and, even when it did, " we do have that money, regrettably we dont spend it as effectively as we should". Mr Gordhan said the sole criterion for evaluating the governments spending performance was whether or not it improved the lives of SAs citizens. He said this meant that budgeted funds were supposed to ensure the correct levels of service delivery and that all would benefit from it. 10 June 2012 Sunday Times Page 4 Miller Matola
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The challenges and issues around employment are as diverse and historical as they are multifaceted. Diminishing interest in education from both teachers and pupils, minimum to zero skills, and a continuing cycle of inter-generational poverty are just some of these challenges. Even though our country is considered a middle-income economy, if you scratch beneath the surface you will see the true state of things for most South Africans inter-generational poverty largely determines how far we get. Even for those young people who are lucky enough to have jobs, many support a large number of people, meaning that access to education and opportunities become limited. Entrepreneurship and enterprise development become distant dreams, because if you are living from hand to mouth, how can you afford the luxury to go after greater pursuits? Solutions cannot be reached if we do not concede the truth, no matter how uncomfortable it might be. As a developing economy, we rely on partnerships between government, the private sector and civil society for a truly tangible difference - and so far we have seen that most of these partnerships have failed to bear fruit because of contradictory agendas. For the most part we've seen growing profit margins in companies and a reduced rate of talent and skills development, as well as entrepreneurial effort. So we need inspiring new ways premised on policies that are implemented and collective interest in how far we can go as a nation. What South Africa needs to do, what we need to do, is to start rewriting our own story and formulating our own rules. The youth, especially, needs to realise, acknowledge and accept their power to change the country. This country can only be shaped by you - so shape it for a better tomorrow for you. See the value that comes with being an innovator and get rid of the mindset of seeking inspiration in the "well-resourced" parts of society. Innovation, business development and the creation of new industries are not limited to resources - they also require ambition and boldness. Corporate South Africa should open up its doors to those who demonstrate new and creative energy for their industries - but this can only ever take place if the youth are an inspired generation that demands change. What corporations need to ask themselves is: if we are not playing our part in grooming the young to lead, who will? And the youth should be asking, if I am not actively participating in shaping my future, who is?
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Philani Nombembe
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police. But we are saying continuously murdering people based on the kangaroo courts ... we will never allow this," said Mnisi. He said the police would bring to book officers who did not do their work. But first they would need to investigate. Mnisi singled out Khayelitsha as a hot spot but last month nine men were sentenced to 15 years' imprisonment for their role in the murder of a man accused of stealing a cellphone in Du Noon. Police spokesman Captain FC van Wyk said: "We will not allow the community to take the law into their own hands; we cannot allow the public to be punishing suspected criminals." Makhaza residents would not be drawn on the weekend's killing.
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She described Cosatu as the champions of "comrade capitalism", alleging that its investment relationships were more important than the alliance it had with the African National Congress (ANC) and the South African Communist Party. ANC leader in the legislature Lynne Brown accused the DA of union bashing, saying it was continuing to play opposition politics despite being the governing party. "The provincial government should only get its money once it does its job right," Ms Brown said.
12 June 2012 Business Day Page 4 Edward West
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DA parliamentary leader Lindiwe Mazibuko said that a memorandum meant for President Jacob Zuma was handed to Mr Mkhizes representatives yesterday. "While President Zuma has dithered and bowed his knee to Cosatu, KwaZulu-Natals African National Congress (ANC) leadership has said the right things about the youth wage subsidy," Ms Mazibuko said. Mr Mkhize urged political parties to engage the legislature on issues of youth development instead of "playing with emotions of vulnerable members of our society in order to advance narrow party-political interests". He said the province now had many youth development programmes. For example, KwaZulu-Natal had awarded 2743 student bursaries worth more than R112,2m so far this year. Last year, it supported 4877 bursaries for poor students at a cost estimated at more than R500m. The province had also allocated R55m towards a youth ambassadors campaign. But Ms Mazibuko said the youth ambassadors programme was mostly a source of ANC cadre deployment. There are 4445 youth ambassadors recruited as peer educators for young people.
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Examples of this are the government's lack of policy clarity on the SA National Roads Agency e-toll issue, and the Walmart-Massmart deal. Investors are scratching their heads and asking: What do these guys want? Then they take their money elsewhere. The latest instalment in this policy flip-flop is the weird decision by the cabinet two weeks ago to reject a $385-million (about R3.2-billion) offer for a 20% stake in Telkom by South Korea's KT Corp. The government had introduced the deal to Telkom. Telkom's board and various committees had interacted with KT for months and a duediligence investigation had been undertaken. The board, led by Lazarus Zim, had approved the deal. Last month Telkom said it was all systems go for the deal. Then along came the politicians. Without interacting with Telkom executives and the board, the cabinet announced at the end of last month that the deal was off. The government did not give reasons for the decision. It later emerged that the government believed that it can deliver broadband through Telkom far more cheaply than the Koreans. Incredibly, two senior cabinet members have come out and wondered out loud what happened here. Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe last week told the ICT Indaba in Cape Town that South Africa can learn from South Korea. "In this case, we can learn a thing or two from the experience of South Korea, whose per capita domestic product in 1960 was equal to that of Nigeria, Ghana and Cameroon. However, within 30 years South Korea has managed to propel itself to being among the eight richest economies in the world by setting up a knowledgebased economy." These are the same guys we turned down just a week before. Motlanthe's bamboozlement was echoed by Minister in the Presidency Trevor Manuel, who even more explicitly questioned the decision to scupper the deal. "Even when lucrative offers are on the table we seem not to be able to utilise them," Manuel said. "We think that we as a state can deliver more cheaply than the private sector." The immediate result of the fiasco was that Telkom's share price plunged to its lowest in eight years. Worse, investors think this country is a joke. "[The decision] hangs a label around South Africa's neck saying that we are closed to business," said Arthur Goldstuck, managing director of World Wide Worx. Now, take this with the government's behaviour on the Sanral e-tolling issue over the past few months. While Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan was arguing in court that
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we needed to pay tolls for the Gauteng highways, ANC secretary-general Gwede Mantashe and Cosatu's Zwelinzima Vavi were unilaterally taking the decision that the tolling would not go ahead. What message does this kind of flip-flopping send to investors? That the government does not follow its own clear policies and is run from Luthuli House and Cosatu House? Then there is the shocking Massmart-Walmart deal. Economic Planning Minister Ebrahim Patel led a cabal of ministers to block the deal, while Zuma, Motlanthe, Gordhan and others were saying we need this deal to happen Who is running this place? Crucially, what is the government's stance on foreign investment? The key role of the government is to create a climate in which investors are able to establish, fund and expand businesses. Investors do not demand much: the rule of law, consistency in policy, and certainty that things will not change from one day to the next. Under Zuma, policy changes from day to day. Leadership sits in 30 different places. Investors do not know who is in charge. The result is that we will not create jobs. Incompetents will continue to loot parastatals. South Africa will become an also-ran. The ANC needs to wake up and smell the coffee. The house is on fire. 13 June 2012 The Times Page 2 Staff reporter and Sapa
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Other changes include Ben Martins as Transport Minister, replacing S'bu Ndebele, who has been moved to Correctional Services. But Jeremy Cronin, Ndebele's deputy, has not been left unscathed, leaving many wondering whether the e-toll saga had taken its toll on the pair. Cronin has been moved to Public Works as Thulas Nxesi's deputy. He has been replaced by SindisiweChikunga. Other changes include Gratitude Magwanishe as Public Enterprises deputy minister. Hlengiwe Mkhize was appointed Economic Development deputy minister, which was left vacant after Enoch Godongwane resigned. Mduduzi Manana has been appointed as Blade Nzimande's deputy in Higher Education. 11 June 2012 Reuters Jon Herskovitz
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His courtship of COSATU has led to a raft of union-friendly legislation that has driven up personnel costs while doing little to counter chronic joblessness. The unemployment rate has crept up to 25 percent during his time in office. Zuma and ANC leaders have made the fight against corruption a top priority but most in the country see their pledges as paying nothing more than lip service to a growing problem. Billions of dollars of state funds meant to help the impoverished majority are being siphoned off. Zuma has also put before parliament legislation to manage state secrets. Critics say the measures, if passed, would set up a small cabal around the president who could sweep under the carpet harmful information on corruption and spy on its foes without seeking approval from the courts. The government says the measures would help safeguard national security. What to watch: - Growing protests from the poor, angry at the government's shoddy performance. The protests could destabilise the ANC. GROWING STATE CONTROL OF ECONOMY The ANC will hold their top-level policy meeting at the end of June. The event is held every five years and is designed to determine the direction of the former liberation movement that now enjoys virtual one-party rule. The ANC has released hundreds of pages of policy discussion documents showing its intention to have the state play a bigger role in guiding the economy. Market players will be paying attention to recommendations in a policy paper on mineral resources calling for new taxes on mining firms in the world's largest platinum producer to help pay for welfare spending. The plan would impose a "resource rent tax" - effectively a windfall levy - of 50 percent that will kick in after investors have made a "reasonable return". Zuma has set aside billions of dollars for infrastructure spending to create jobs and grow the economy. But similar spending has seen billions lost to corruption, delays in construction and several projects never getting off the ground because of poor planning. What to watch: - Policy directions the ANC takes with mining, national health insurance and stateowned enterprises. SLOWING CHINA, SLOUCHING EUROPE
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Adding to policy woes at home are troubles in its two most important overseas partners - China and Europe. China is South Africa's biggest single trading partner and the main destination for its mineral exports. Signs of slowing growth in the Asian economy could translate into sluggish growth and job losses for South Africa. The European Union, mired in debt woes, is South Africa's largest trading bloc partner. Europe is also the main destination for its exports of manufactured goods, a sector accounting for about 15 percent of South Africa's economy. What to watch: - Shock moves of the rand currency caused by a volatile euro. ELECTRICITY The near-collapse of the electric grid in 2008 forced mines and smelters to shut for days and deterred new mining and manufacturing investment. Electricity supply shortages still worry businesses and households. State utility Eskom's capacity margin will remain thin until a massive new power plant comes on stream next year, but construction delays have raised worries on whether it will be operational as planned. Large tariff increases over the next three years are helping Eskom plug its funding gap, but industry leaders complain the extra costs are likely to stifle growth. What to watch: - Blackouts caused by system overload may undermine Eskom's assertions that there will be no repeat of 2008, deterring long-term direct investment. TOLL ROADS The government may be stuck with a $3 billion bill to upgrade its busy highways in Johannesburg after unprecedented protests and a court decision forced the state road agency SANRAL to suspend its tolling plans. Without tolls rolling in, SANRAL may be forced to default on at least 20 billion rand ($2.4 billion) of debt unless the Finance Ministry steps in to pick up the tab. The bill is more than the country pays each year to run its court system. Economists have warned if toll plans collapse, this could deter infrastructure investments, which use the same bond funding model as SANRAL. What to watch: - Greater difficulty for state-owned enterprises in raising funds through the bond market.
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($1 = 8.3007 South African rand) 8 June 2012 Business Day Page 1 Ray Ndlovu and Khulekani Magubane
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The lobby teams were tasked with a second visit to nine countries before the AU summit. C ountries targeted include Sierra Leone, Senegal, Egypt, Guinea-Bissau, Togo, South Sudan, Burkina Faso, Libya, Tunisia, Morocco and Algeria. The Sadc report paints a gloomy picture of the prospects of an outright victory for Ms Dlamini-Zuma. "The campaign teams visited 28 countries in the continent, of which 12 confirmed their support for Sadcs candidature, nine were not, four were uncertain, two were also uncertain, but may vote for Southern Africa, while one did not know who to vote (for)," the report from Luanda reads. Diplomatic sources, who could not comment officially but are close to the lobbying campaign, said yesterday the three-way split among AU subregional organisations with different positions held on the AU post by Sadc, the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa, and the Economic Community of West African States was a "major challenge" to the lobbying effort. The Sadc report seems to back this assertion and signalled that lobbied countries, "advised that the two candidates should withdraw and that new candidates be presented". While SA had skillfully used the disquiet in the region to lobby for its candidate despite being at loggerheads with Zimbabwe and Madagascar over their domestic political situations analysts believed it was far from winning support in Africas Francophone countries. The Department of International Relations and Co-operation yesterday confirmed the campaign, but opted not to comment on the payments by Angola or SAs chartering of aircraft. The departments spokesman ClaysonMonyela said yesterday that Ms Dlamini-Zuma was not SAs candidate for the position of AU c ommissioner, nor was she Sadcs candidate. "She is the candidate of the Southern African region. This is why the region itself is deploying resources in support of Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma. "Historically, since the Organisation of African Unity and (its successor) the AU, this region has not had the opportunity to have a representative leading in this position," Mr Monyela said. The Southern African region was lobbying other regions to support their candidate and the costs including chartered or commercial flights was known by the countries involved. "This is the second round of elections for AU c ommissioner. We decided last year that she (Ms Dlamini-Zuma) was the candidate," he said.
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"Neither she nor Jean Ping could get the majority needed to win. Further elections will take place in Malawi and what took place in Angola was a reaffirmation of Ms Dlamini-Zuma as a candidate," he said. Trevor Maisiri, a senior analyst at the International Crisis Group, said there were demands to bar Ms Dlamini-Zumas candidature, which he described as "covert attempts" by Nigeria and Kenya to muscle SA out. "SA stands a very big chance this time around. Mr Ping is stepping up to the gauntlet, but from a perceived background of bungling in Libya and Ivory Coast. He stands accused of failing to react to their crises," Mr Maisiri said yesterday. "But on the other hand, SA has made its presence felt outside of its own borders, despite criticism levelled against it that its foreign policy is skewed. "It is part of peacekeeping efforts, the Brics group of nations and, come the AU summit, it could mark the rise of SAs diplomacy on the continent." Persistent speculation in political circles was that President Robert Mugabe would vote for Mr Ping as punishment for President Jacob Zuma over his hardened stance against the 88-year-old veteran ruler. But Simon KhayaMoyo, Zanu (PF) national chairman and former ambassador to SA, yesterday confirmed his partys support for Ms Dlamini-Zuma. "Zanu (PF) fully supports the position of Sadc. We are part of a family, the Sadc family, and as a family we have assumed a common position around the AU candidate and Zimbabwe will stick to that decision," Mr Moyo said.
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broadband in SA and cut data costs, echoes the consensus among sector analysts, who have been scathing in their criticism of the short-sightedness of the decision. But Mr Manuel is a member of the Cabinet and, as such, shares collective responsibility for its decisions. He presumably expressed his opinion and was outvoted by his colleagues for reasons they have chosen not to reveal. His options were therefore to grit his teeth and defend the decision in much the same way as Transport Minister Sbu Ndebele has had to defend the Cabinets decision not to give up on the Gauteng e-tolls project despite his known personal antipathy towards the toll-road concept keep mum on the subject or, if he felt strongly enough, to resign as a matter of principle. It is hard to fathom why President Jacob Zuma tolerates such open dissent either. For a C abinet to function properly, it needs to be, if not united on every aspect of policy, at least pulling in the same general direction. But therein lies the rub. There is no consensus in the Cabinet, and precious little visionary leadership, on where SA is headed and especially how to get there. There are fine goals, such as full employment, better education, less poverty and the like, and myriad plans, including those produced by Mr Manuels laudably forwardthinking ministry. But the political and ideological divide in the Cabinet is now too wide. The result is general confusion, an inordinate amount of the executives time spent fighting internecine battles and undermining colleagues, and a stupefying paralysis. Its little wonder SA has been slipping down the global competitiveness rankings, attracting a paltry share of Africas foreign direct investment and generally underperforming its economic potential. Goldman Sachs Asset Management chairman Jim ONeill, who coined the Bric (Brazil, Russia, India and China) acronym to describe the worlds leading emerging markets and was initially bullish on SAs prospects, despite believing it was too small to be a member of the club, now believes it does not even deserve to be part of the N11, the next 11 most-promising developing countries. He has told The Economist SA has lost its focus and can no longer be considered the continents superpower. This was, of course, entirely predictable after Mr Zuma pulled off the Polokwane putsch and deliberately put together a Cabinet with representatives from all the varied factions that rescued him from the political wilderness. That they had little in common ideologically was neither here nor there: the primary aim was to prevent the African National Congress (ANC) from disintegrating and to hang on to power. Now we are in limbo, with a president who is afraid to lead in case he offends any ANC faction that may retaliate by doing to him at Mangaung at the end of the year what they did to then-president Thabo Mbeki in 2007. Mr Zuma has to keep the alliance together, even if it is at the cost of SA treading water indefinitely while the rest of the developing world surfs past us, because if he doesnt, he could find himself in court facing those pesky corruption charges he has put so much effort into making go away.
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President Jacob Zuma yesterday admitted that the ANC was at a "crossroads" over leadership issues and warned the party's detractors against bad-mouthing it. Speaking at the National Education, Health and Allied Workers' Union's policy conference yesterday, Zuma cautioned those who attack the party against "talking about us every day in the wrong way", saying " they must not push us". The president bemoaned the erosion of "a particular type of leadership", and constantly referred to the late SACP secretary-general Moses Kotane, as the type of leadership the country needed. Zuma continued, lambasting people who seemed to undermine the country's leadership. "I said one day, not long ago, we don't want to tell people where they come from. We don't want to remind them. But they keep on talking about us every day in the wrong way. They might just force us to describe them very correctly, but we don't want to do so. "We have a noble objective to build this country." He said South Africa would be in trouble if discussion moved away from the issues facing the country, to individuals. He also encouraged discussion of the party's "second transition" document, which describes the ANC as the way to address the inequalities of the past. He said: "The structure of the apartheid economy has remained ... it [the document] takes a long-term view of the future of our country. We shaped and determined the type and nature of our leadership. We did that, but today because there's freedom, every person wants to shape the future of this country because it is [now] nice. There is freedom, there is democracy. "Shaping it, while participating in it [under apartheid], meant among other things, death. Many who talk more than anyone today, did not want to come near." The ruling party will hold its national policy conference at the end of the month. 11 June 2012 The New Age Sandile Hlangani
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Asked when will the department create green jobs, Water Affairs Director General Nosipho Ngcaba said 150 000 jobs of targeted 300 000, have already been created. We have already created 150, 000 green jobs that are currently benefiting young people in the country and we encourage more young people to participate, said Ngcaba.
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make way for a woman. Currently, there are only two women in the top six. At risk of being dropped are those who have backed Mr Malema, as their dreams could sink with him. Early indications are that two such leaders associated with Mr Malema the party treasurer, Mathews Phosa, and deputy secretary-general Thandi Modise will not appear on the list of candidates being put together by Mr Zumas campaigners. Also likely to suffer is Human Settlements Minister Tokyo Sexwale, who is heavily invested in Mr Malema and the youth league. ANC sources say Mr Sexwale launched a blistering attack on Mr Zuma during the ANCs special national executive committee meeting on Monday typical of a man with nothing to lose. Some expected Mr Zuma to fire Mr Sexwale yesterday, but that would have boosted Mr Sexwales already struggling presidential campaign. If the plan to retain the four most likely to survive in the top six gains momentum, jostling will intensify for the remaining two positions in the top six. On the long list of names bandied about are those of Police Minister NathiMthethwa and Public Enterprises Minister Malusi Gigaba . In many ways the two are carbon copies of each other. Perhaps only one of them can make it big in Mangaung. They both come from KwaZulu-Natal, which would limit their chances of making it big in Mangaung. It would be difficult for another leader from KwaZulu-Natal to make it into the top six. But Mr Mthethwa and Mr Gigaba represent a new generation of ANC leaders. They are seen as reliable defenders of Mr Zuma. Mr Mthethwa took all the flak for the drama in the police department, while Mr Gigabas growing influence is seen in the campaigns on the ground to make sure that Mr Zumas road to Mangaung is smooth. As it becomes clearer that Mr Zuma will be difficult to dislodge, competition for the 80 national executive committee (NEC) additional seats is expected to intensify. The NEC is a powerful body, from which Cabinet ministers are mainly chosen. Companies looking for the inside track on the ruling party also invite NEC members to serve on their boards. Provinces that back the winning horse will be in a better position to push their people into the committee. The realisation that backing the wrong horse can mess up such benefits makes it even more important for provinces to be careful during the horse trading. With Mr Zuma looking stronger, lower structures are likely to be enticed to throw in their lot with his campaign. He has the backing of KwaZulu-Natal, where almost 24% of the ANC membership comes from. With votes here and there in other provinces, Mr Zuma can already smell a second term. 13 June 2012 The Times Page 1
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While Zuma portrayed Phiyega as the ideal antidote to the internal strife plaguing the upper echelons of the police, senior researcher at the Institute for Security Studies Johan Burger labelled the appointment as a slap in the face of police management. "Clearly, once again, Zuma has not learnt from the previous two mistakes in appointing civilians and politicians to head the police service," Burger said, referring to Phiyega's predecessors - the jailed Jackie Selebi and now-fired Cele. Burger said though in principle the reasons for firming up management and financial systems of the police service might appear to be good, Zuma's stance on information security within the police was "extremely worrying". "While I have nothing against the new appointment, this crackdown on information leaks is something that needs to be guarded against. "Instead of welcoming the public airing of financial abuses, Zuma is shutting down the avenues for information to become public." Burger said there was a "need for more openness, not less" and that the new appointment was an indictment on police management. "It shows what the president really thinks of those good hard-working members, of whom there are many. "What we need is another commissioner, like [Nhlanhla] Mkhwanazi, who is prepared to stand up and show the country and the world that there are good, hard-working and honest members within the core of the police," he said. DA leader Helen Zille described the appointment of the new commissioner as an act of "desperation" designed to muster support for Zuma ahead of Mangaung. Zille said Zuma should have appointed someone with a demonstrable ability to fight crime. Mthethwa, the ANC Women's League and police union Popcru welcomed Phiyega's appointment, saying she brought with her a "wealth of experience on strategic leadership and sound management background" . Phiyega's experience within government has been limited. Her only real exposure came when she was appointed by Zuma as chairman of the Presidential State-Owned Enterprises Review Committee in October 2010. The committee was appointed to review all entities including SOEs, agencies, utilities as well as companies within which the state has significant shareholding. It was given a deadline of September 2011 to submit a final report but had failed to deliver by March this year. Before this, Phiyega spent her time in the corporate sector until she fell foul of Absa CEO Maria Ramos.
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The two had worked together at Transnet, where Ramos had been appointed as CEO and Phiyega had occupied various positions, including running the Transnet Foundation. But, according to sources, she and Ramos had "personal difficulties". Phiyega then moved to Absa. But Ramos was then appointed CEO at the bank and Phiyega knew she "would be squeezed out". But Mthethwa insisted that her "vast" experience in both the public service and private sector would place her on perfect ground to steer the police towards "better compliance, systems integration, effective and greater accountability". "We believe that her appointment is well-deserved as her CV speaks volumes and that her previous achievements in various management echelons are not coincidental but achieved through dedication and hard work." The ANC Women's League also endorsed Phiyega's praises, saying it believed that a "strong woman at the helm of the police service will bring a renewed focus to overcoming the scourge of gender-based violence, such as rape, which has become a growing concern across the country".
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On Wednesday, Patricia de Lille will address the Cape Town Press Club on the anniversary of her election as mayor of Cape Town. In Parliament tomorrow, all eyes will be on Finance Minister PravinGordhan when the National Assembly has the first and second reading debates on the National Budget, or appropriation, Bill. Also up for debate will be the Financial Markets Bill and the Rates and Monetary Amounts and Amendment of Revenue Laws Bill. The controversial Protection of State Information Bill will feature on Wednesday as the ad hoc committee from the National Council of Provinces receives and considers proposed amendments to the bill. Opposition parties and civil society have been arguing for a public interest defence to be inserted to protect whistle-blowers and investigative journalists from prosecution if the classified information they reveal is clearly in the public interest. The ANC had proposed a limited defence clause which will offer protection to those who divulge classified information if it can be shown that the classification was intended to hide criminal activity. The Department of State Security is apparently opposed to even the ANCs proposed clause. The intelligence committee will on the same day be holding a meeting but, as always, this meeting will be closed to the public and the media. Another ad hoc committee, that on a code of judicial conduct and regulations on judges disclosure of registrable interests, will meet on Wednesday and Thursday to continue its deliberations. In January, a senior delegation of judges submitted that many of the regulations drafted to regulate judicial disclosures were unconstitutional.
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Mr Zuma initiated the final phase of the pressure test on the boiler of the first unit of Eskoms new Medupi power station on Friday. This will be the first new power station SA has built in more than two decades. Once it is complete, at a cost of R91b n, it will be the worlds fourth largest coal-fired power station, with a total installed capacity of 4 800 megawatts. But Ian Liddle, chief investment officer at Allan Gray one of the countrys biggest asset managers said even with two new stations coming on stream, power supply only grew 2,7% to 2020. His research indicated a strong, historic correlation between GDP growth and power capacity growth. "So it seems hard to believe how real GDP can grow at more than 3%, as we are fully utilising capacity," he says. Colen Garrow, chief economist at Meganomics, said a big benefit SA did have was that "we started leaning against the winds of contagion long before it became fashionable to rely on infrastructure". But the problem was that SA needed 6% growth to dent its 25,2% unemployment. Mr Garrows forecast is at 3,5% at the upper end over three years. "We are still building, while a lack of skills are holding us back and commodities are holding us back, " Mr Garrow said. While big electricity and water projects may be on the cards, recent statistics show growth levels are not very exciting. According to first quarter GDP statistics, the electricity and gas sector had no growth whatsoever, whereas in the quarter before it grew 0,7% and before that 1,1%. That was three consecutive quarters of really poor growth. However, Mr Garrow said that infrastructure spending in the trillions and its knock-on effect to GDP numbers was "huge". "We are starting to tie things up. Things are happening, and if not quick enough, at least were not going in reverse. "But if we dont get electricity and some key utilities moving, we cant deliver as an economy and get the efficiencies, so its really holding us back in many ways." 11 June 2012 Business Day Page 4 Thabang Mokopanele
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Tshwane will soon compete with Johannesburg, Cape Town and Durban by building its own international convention centre in Centurion and is also planning to build a government boulevard to house government departments in the central business district (CBD). By building the convention centre, the city wants to attract the lucrative conference market in the city, which is home to 132 embassies and four universities. By investing in infrastructure, the city aims to attract more businesses, and prevent government departments from moving into other areas such as Lynnwood and Hatfield. In an interview on Friday, mayor Kgosientso Ramokgopa said previously the vision of the city was short term and not long ranging. He has identified a number of multimillion rand capital projects, including the rehabilitation of Centurion Lake as part of a larger Centurion SymbioCity project. His most ambitious plan is the Centurion node, which is positioned within the development corridors linking Johannesburg and Ekurhuleni and therefore will be a major player in the proposed high intensity developments which are destined to take place in the region. The project on 10ha of prime land near the Gautrain Centurion station, includes creating the tallest building in Africa at 110 storeys high. The proposed Centurion Symbio City will feature two office towers, and include hotels, retail facilities, a convention centre and residential space. The project could take anything up to eight years to complete. This would position the city to be the best among the three metropolitan municipalities in Gauteng. Mr Ramokgopa said Tshwane, Johannesburg and Ekurhuleni were the extremities of the "golden economic triangle of Gauteng" and the metropolitan municipality needed to claim its rightful place. "We are now changing that by having a long ranging vision and we have taken a decision to invest in the rejuvenation of the city. We want to create a government boulevard and move away from our previous conservative approach to investment and be aggressive and maximise opportunities that are available." In the Pretoria CBD, plans are already under way to stop vehicle movements around Church Square by creating pedestrian sidewalks, bus rapid transport (BRT) and improving security. The section of Paul Kruger Street between the Pretoria Railway Station, passing through Church Square, and the Pretoria Zoo, would be upgraded to demonstrate how the city intends to adapt, shape and improve the inner city to be more accommodating for nonmotorised commuting. The first BRT station would be constructed in Hatfield by the end of next month and the process of procuring buses is in progress.
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"What people dont realise is that security is very important for any city to operate efficiently. We are also a seat of four universities and there is a huge demand for student accommodation, so we want to provide family units in the CBD for masters students who are studying here."
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increasing real wages, SAs appeal to foreign investors has been declining. International corporations are increasingly looking to Nigeria, Kenya and even Egypt as alternative locations to set up operations and to use as springboards into Africa. The consequences of the governments indifference to the effects of overregulation, inefficiency and corruption on investment in SA are plain to see. In comparison with our northern competitors for investment Kenya and Nigeria whose growth rates are close to 4% and 7% respectively, SA has barely managed 3% over the past few years. In 1995, SA accounted for almost half of sub-Saharan Africas gross domestic product, yet today it can lay claim to less than a third. Considering our considerable mineral wealth and relatively well-developed infrastructure, it is shocking that SA is now one of the slowest-growing economies in Africa. A big part of the problem is that the government is inclined to favour politically motivated policy options over economically prudent ones. This is particularly apparent in the mining sector. Proposed changes to the regulation of the sector include a tax on so-called "super profits" and the implementation of recommendations in the African National Congresss State Intervention in the Minerals Sector study. Anglo American CE Cynthia Carroll warned recently that further changes to the fiscal regime in SA would create a grave risk of making the country internationally uncompetitive. SA has some of the richest and most varied mineral deposits in the world, yet our attractiveness for mining investment has sharply declined in recent years as concerns over regulatory uncertainty and constant threats of nationalisation have increased. Ms Carroll is not alone in warning about the effect of party-political wrangling on SAs economic outlook. Ratings agency Moodys cited concerns about heightened political risk in the context of increasingly constrained public finances as a reason for downgrading SAs risk outlook. It has previously raised concerns over rising pressure to give in to populist demands. Even if the real risk is small, for many investors perception is akin to reality, and they would rather invest in a country with a more positive outlook. The regulatory environment in which business operates directly influences competitiveness, so it is not hard to understand why a growing number of domestic businesses would rather invest elsewhere in Africa than at home. The biggest difference between these countries and SA is their can-do attitude and willingness to facilitate investment rather than put obstacles in its way, even if other business conditions are not optimal. The Kenyan government has in recent years enacted several regulatory reforms to simplify both foreign and local investment, for instance. In response to the rise in negative perceptions about doing business in SA, the Western Cape government has been trying to reduce red tape. The launch of a comprehensive plan to remove statutory and systemic blockages to investment and growth in August last year has yielded positive results, but there is a limit to how much the province can achieve in a vacuum. A national framework to reduce red tape, and above all to change the official attitude towards business, will be required if further progress is to be made.
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It is not hard to understand why a growing number of domestic businesses would rather invest elsewhere in Africa
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Andrew Kingston, equity analyst and portfolio manager at Sanlam Asset Management, said Telkom was being "prudent" and "conserving cash" for a potential fine that the Competition Tribunal may impose. Also, the fact that the KT deal was no longer happening meant that the expected cash has fallen away. "It is unclear as to when they will resume dividend payments but probably when the mobile business is closer to break-even. As to when that is depends on how successful they are on the mobile side. I would expect the resumption of dividend payments within two years," he said. But Abdul Davids, head of research at Kagiso Asset Management, said Telkom needed to stop spending money on their mobile business, 8ta, and use the savings to declare and pay dividends. "Telkom has a current market value of R10bn and their fixed-line business generated R11bn in cash. Clearly, the market is currently placing negative value on their mobile business and is not factoring in any growth. "Therefore, if they want to add value to shareholders, they should cut off the portion of their business that is detracting value and instead reward their shareholders with dividends." But Telkom has already identified 8ta as an area for growth and it is pumping about R2,5bn this year into the business. Mr Schindehtte believes Telkoms future lies in broadband and mobile, hence investments are being made in building a high-speed fourth-generation network. Mr Kingston said Telkom should at least focus on mobile data for corporate customers where it has more strength.
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and Malusi Gigaba arguing that they know better, that Telkom is a development tool and not merely a company. And, obviously, the more foreign ownership in state-owned enterprises the less flagrantly they can be milked to fund the ANC. It isnt that South African Airways (SAA) or Transnet or Telkom pay money directly to the party, you understand. But if you want to do business with them youll find every contract comes with a political premium. Fund this conference, take 20 tables, hire these comrades... So Manuel has to shut up. To his credit, he did find a way last week to express his disgust at the Telkom decision, but it barely stirred the political tree. President Jacob Zuma , of course, should fire him for breaking the "collective responsibility" code. But he wont. He needs Manuel inside the tent even if it is not always convenient to listen to him. And Manuel could himself go, but where? If he left out of exasperation with the government thered be nothing in the private sector for him. Business is relentlessly bullied by the state and the ANC and they would be too scared to hire an outcast. An international job? Where? How? His wife, Absa CEO Maria Ramos, makes more money than he ever will and her job is in Johannesburg. All that means he has to stay in government and most people I know think thats probably a good thing, even if he loses some big battles. Thing is, he wont lose them all and it is so important to have at least one voice talking sense to the president, no matter how distracted he might be by his personal issues. Finance Minister PravinGordhan is another voice of reason, but he is a Zuma loyalist from way back and would never rock the boat. But there is work for both men to do. Zuma has been duped into thinking that the state must play a central commercial role in the economy. But that is the road to ruin. Telkom will need cash. So too will SAA, Transnet and Eskom, and they are the kinds of demands that have led countries such as Portugal, Greece and, now, Spain, to bankruptcy. The new line distorts policy and strategy. As former competition tribunal head David Lewis argues in his absolutely brilliant new book, Thieves at the Dinner Table (Jacana), competition rules are still in place and working, thanks to the competition commission and tribunal. But, thanks to the states rediscovered taste for monopoly, competition policy has been blown away. Naturally, this forces prices up rather than down, which the president just cannot see, or, worse, thinks he can control. "Had the privatisation of Telkom been more carefully considered or had the state not permitted Iscor to own the Saldanha steel mill we would not today be confronting a notoriously uncompetitive telecommunications sector, nor would we be worrying about excessive pricing of steel products. Those are the consequences of a nonexistent competition policy," he writes. In a swipe at Patel, who now controls the competition regulators and blatantly uses them for political outcomes (Walmart), Lewis writes of his own realisation of the
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limits of the state as a driver of growth and development. "I began to have more confidence in the prospect of a JD Group disciplining an Ellerines," he writes, "than of a Minister of Furniture achieving similarly efficient and equitable outcomes." Some people learn. Some dont. 10 June 2012 Sunday Times Page 1 Sibusiso Ngalwa
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A highly placed insider who saw the three-page letter told the Sunday Times it made no mention of businessman Roux Shabangu, despite his name featuring prominently in the Moloi commission's report. "The letter mentions two things that Zuma feels Cele failed to do. It says his decision to withdraw delegation powers from his subordinates for the procurement of goods worth over R500000, while at the same time relying on them for advice, was negligent of him. Zuma says if Cele was so concerned about possible corruption in the SAPS supply-chain management division as to request a Special Investigating Unit investigation, then his stated reliance on the same people was negligent," said the insider. Zuma then points out how Cele flouted the provisions of the constitution, the Public Finance Management Act (PFMA) and Treasury regulations. Zuma said while he gave regard to Cele's crime-fighting imperative as the top cop, he had decided to "relieve you of your duties as national police commissioner forthwith". Cele's firing followed days of speculation over whether he was planning to resign following publication of the report. It has been learnt that he was planning to resign and even had a letter drafted, but was talked out of the plan by his close advisers, as it would diminish his chances of successfully challenging Judge Moloi's findings. Cele is expected to approach the court this week to challenge the findings against him, but not his firing. Zuma's letter came a day after the ANC's KwaZulu-Natal provincial executive committee (PEC) decided on Monday to send its top five leadership, led by premier and provincial chairman Zweli Mkhize, to meet Zuma regarding Cele. It is understood that the matter came up during the PEC meeting, at which some members even suggested that Zuma should reinstate Cele. However, the view that won the day was to send the leadership to meet Zuma and ask him to "redeploy" Cele. The provincial ANC leaders believed that a "redeployment" would win over party supporters who believed the axing was too harsh a punishment. The matter is expected to also come up during KwaZulu-Natal's special provincial general council later this month. Asked about Cele's plan to go to court, Mkhize said: "While Cele accepts that it is the president's prerogative to appoint and fire the national police commissioner, he also believes that nobody - Judge Moloi and President Zuma included - has a right to make legally unsound and defamatory claims about his character and conduct. This is the reason why he will go to court if the president upholds Judge Moloi's report. His court bid will be to clear his name, not to fight to hang on to his job."
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Maharaj said the presidency would not comment on the issue "until we issue a statement". He would not even say if Zuma had started looking for Cele's replacement. Labour Department Director-General Nathi Nhleko, a long-time Zuma ally, is widely seen as the frontrunner to replace Cele, despite growing pressure from within and outside the ANC for the next police chief to be a career policeman. Nhleko yesterday denied that he had been approached for the job. "I've heard of the rumour and all the speculation that accompanies the rumour itself. You will appreciate that it is a rumour and it remains a rumour," he said. Asked if he would accept the post if approached, he said: "That's an unfair question. It's like asking somebody, 'What would you do if there was a thunderstorm? Would you run into someone's house or get under a car?' For me, we rather deal with that which is scientific, that which is factual. It has not happened." 10 June 2012 Sunday Times Page 4 Sibusiso Ngalwa and Sibongakonke Shoba
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"We are very frank that Polokwane [leadership] has not helped us in relation to the macroeconomic framework ... one of the things that Polokwane needed to do was to review macroeconomic policy in this country and make sure we do grow the economy and create decent jobs. Labour brokers need to be banned." Numsa also wants Cosatu to review its decision not to nominate its preferred leaders for the ANC leadership at the Mangaung congress. ''We said we must embark on a process of reflecting on the performance of the leadership and be detailed on all individuals who form part of that leadership, and take a view about the comrades we think have performed very well and take a view about comrades we think have not performed. We will assess leaders both as individuals and as a collective. Even if we are all in a race and a certain athlete keeps falling at the start, what do you do?'' Numsa is demanding the nationalisation of the Reserve Bank, mines, land and strategic industries without compensation. Closing the congress on Friday, Numsa president Cedric Gina said nationalisation should be implemented with speed "if we are to avoid sliding into anarchy and violence as a result of the cruel impact of the effects of poverty, unemployment and extreme inequalities". Jim said the comparisons that had been made between him and expelled ANC Youth League leader Julius Malema were meant to "stigmatise" him. "When people say I've occupied the space of Malema, I don't expect that ... as you are raising these fundamental issues, you won't be categorised in various ways with a view to stigmatise you, to ensure that you are liquidated. It is an orchestrated agenda, but we are not going to budge," said Jim. 11 June 2012 The Times Page 5 Katharine Child
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"The content of the discussions remain confidential. The president will announce his decision as soon as he has completed all necessary processes." Cele's spokesman, Vuyo Mkhize, said Cele called for Friday's meeting, not Zuma. He refused to comment further but said the meeting was to discuss "certain issues we are not prepared to elaborate on". Reports that Zuma had fired Cele surfaced on Wednesday. Last month a board of inquiry led by Moloi recommended that Cele be fired, saying he was "dishonest" and unfit to hold office because of his role in the R1.7-billion scandal around the leasing of two police buildings. The board was appointed by Zuma six months after Public Protector Thuli Madonsela found Cele's involvement in the lease deals was "maladministration" and "improper". The board found that senior police officials had lied to protect Cele and that many of the written public submissions to support Cele's case were identical and only the names on the pages were different. Cele wrote to Zuma last month, maintaining that the Moloi board's findings should be ignored. Maharaj said he could not say when a decision about Cele's future would be announced, but Zuma was aware of the "urgency and seriousness of the matter". Cele is expected to file court papers this week to challenge the board's report.
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Presidential spokesman Mac Maharaj said yesterday Mr Zuma would make his decision known "when he was ready". One of the many criticisms of Mr Nhlekos predecessors Jackie Selebi and Gen Cele was that they were not career policemen. Mr Nhleko, however, does have some experience in law enforcement. Before being appointed to his current position as director-general in the Department of Labour, he headed the anticorruption unit in the Department of Public Service and Administration. He also served as a regional commissioner in the Department of Correctional Services. Mr Nhleko had been involved in the trade union movement before SAs first democratic election in 1994. In 1993, he was appointed as an election co-ordinator by the Congress of South African Trade Unions. His job was to organise how to get people to the polls. He admits being aware in 1994 that he was on an electoral list somewhere, but was startled to realise after the elections that he had been elected as an MP. It was here that he began his rise to prominence in the ruling party. He served on a number of parliamentary committees, including transport, public enterprises labour and agriculture. He was then appointed chairman of the portfolio committee on the public service and was also elected chairman of the African National Congresss (ANCs) parliamentary caucus. It was while serving as caucus chairman, during a caucus meeting in 2002, that it was announced, to his complete surprise, that he was to succeed Nosiviwe MapisaNqakula as the chief whip of the ANC in the National Assembly. Ms Mapisa-Nqakula had been appointed deputy minister of home affairs. He had only been in the job for two years when he was surprisingly dumped, reportedly after having incurred the displeasure of then president Thabo Mbeki . Apparently that was over his handling of a public protectors report into then prosecutions boss Bulelani Ngcuka. It was an action based on a complaint laid by then deputy president Jacob Zuma. He reportedly gave the report, which found that Mr Ngcuka had abused his office by saying there was a prima facie case of corruption against Mr Zuma, to Mr Zuma before Mr Mbeki had seen it. Several political parties this week criticised Mr Zumas silence on the future of Gen Cele, again raising concerns over the effect of this uncertainty.
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This comes after a report last month by the board of inquiry appointed to consider Gen Celes fitness to hold office, which reportedly recommended that he be fired. The inquiry was established to examine his role in lease agreements worth R1,7bn for police headquarters in Pretoria and Durban. On Wednesday, Judge Ephraim Makgoba granted an urgent interim interdict to Freedom Under Law in terms of which the national police commissioner and minister of police were prevented from assigning any duty to former crime intelligence boss Richard Mdluli. This was pending the determination of Freedom Under Laws application to set aside decisions to withdraw criminal charges and disciplinary proceedings against Lt-Gen Mdluli. The criminal charges range from murder and defeating the ends of justice to fraud, corruption and money laundering. 8 June 2012 Cape Times Page 1 Gaye Davis
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They say, we will be so weak at that time The ANC and its alliance partners were unable to take back the Western Cape, which it had lost through a rain of own goals, including divisions and factional battles. It had held off the DAs attempt to win Port Elizabeth (Nelson Mandela Bay metro) by only the narrowest of margins. Already the DA has five percent of people in the townships something unheard of in the past, Vavi said. Vavi also gave the ANC notice that the federation would discuss at its September congress putting a single demand before the ruling partys national elective congress in Mangaung in December: the full implementation of the Freedom Charter. Cosatu had been calling for 18 years for the changes that would lead to a non-racial, prosperous and democratic society, but South Africa was now the most unequal society in the world, he said. Numsa, Cosatus second largest affiliate, has already vowed to pressure the ANC to fully implement the Freedom Charter by nationalising the mines, banks and other key sectors of the economy. This position is not shared by the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) the federations largest affiliate, however, and a position on nationalisation will have to be thrashed out at Cosatus elective conference in September. Divisions within the federation and its affiliates were caused not by political or ideological differences but by a battle for resources. The ANC was also now contested terrain, Vavi said. We are at the point now where we must convince all of us if we dont change here (within Cosatu), this revolution is going, Vavi said. While in Europe there were daily protests in the street over rising levels of unemployment, in South Africa, where the crisis was far worse, with almost one in four people without work, it was Cosatu and its affiliates that were seen as being the crisis, Vavi said. Where there were protests such as the 10 or so service delivery protests a day the leadership of the alliance was not in the forefront. Within Cosatu, shop stewards committed to servicing the interests of workers without expectations of reward were disappearing fast. Lack of focus was the most dangerous thing. We are defocused completely. We fight for positions, our focus is on positions. We have to create a new society a new ethos, a new principle in the organisation, Vavi said.
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Leaders accused of wrongdoing should step down rather than be forced to after months of bringing the name of the (ANC) down, Vavi said. He referred but not by name to Gauteng MEC Humphrey Mmemezi, still in his post despite allegations that hed abused his government credit card on hotel stays a few kilometres from his home, on suits bought in India and to pay McDonalds thousands of rand, not for food, but for a painting. He also referred again, not by name to Northern Cape ANC provincial chairman John Block, facing numerous fraud and corruption charges, yet who was likely to be reelected at its conference this weekend and whose court appearance had seen members of the provincial government present in his support. If we dont change here, so that a person like that can know hes guaranteed of no support knows that he must resign and stops us all the pain of committees of inquiry and months of bringing the name of (the) organisation down, if he can leave on his own if we cant do that then we will continue to face own goals, Vavi said. Unless we change that, we are gone because our battles are about hands off and not about unemployment, poverty and inequality. Leaders did not have to spend hours waiting for a Panado at a public hospital because they belonged to medical aid schemes. Its a distant issue for them, they are not affected immediately, Vavi said, to loud applause. With their children in private schools, too many leaders were unaware of the pain of dysfunctional schools and an education system that each year marginalised thousands more young people entering the labour market without hope of attaining a skill. And what do we do? We come to conferences and make speeches that sound so nice and yet the situation of the working class does not change. Year in, year out, people remain trapped in their poverty yet we clap hands, we sing the praises of our leaders, Vavi said. Most divisions in unions today were not ideological or political. Fights at congresses were about a battle for resources, said Vavi. So we go into this (Cosatu) congress, comrades, to say one big and central thing, there has to be a mindset change among the leadership and the activists of the federation as a whole and in the leadership of the ANC and the SACP.
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The country presented its second report to the 13th session of the United Nations Peer Review Mechanism Working Group in Geneva at the end of last month. The document was "warmly received" owing to SAs commitment to human rights and improving the lives of its citizens and for taking the lead in promoting the rights of gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgender and intersex persons. While SA had adopted several measures to mitigate the scourge of xenophobia, including visible policing and community awareness programmes, reports of random attacks were an indication that the government needed to do more. In May 2008, 62 people were killed in the country during a spate of attacks against foreign nationals. The violence has not stopped, with reports of foreigners running spaza shops being constantly viewed as an easy target. Mr Nel said while the country presented its report outlining what it had done, member states recommended that SA step up its efforts to prevent and combat racism and xenophobia. He said SA was on the verge of releasing a "national action plan" to address racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance. The country signed the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination in 1994 and ratified it four years later. Mr Nel said other notable achievements were efforts to provide universal healthcare, improving school enrolment rates, the provision of antiretrorival treatment and the fight against HIV/AIDS, the promotion of human rights, and the establishment of the Ministry for Women, Children and People with Disabilities. Other areas of concern were acts of violence against gays and lesbians, and violence against women. Member states also recommended that SA ensure that the new Protection of State Information Bill complies with international human rights law, and that SA engage with civil society to seek common ground on the bill. Mr Nel said policy structures within the government would be expected to take further decisions on the implementation of all the acceptable recommendations. "The same structures are also to decide on which of the recommendations are acceptable to SA. An indication will be submitted to the 21st session of the Human Rights Council in Geneva during September," Mr Nel said. On the Protection of Information Bill, Mr Nel said SA had indicated that the bill was not about the media and that 99% dealt with how state information was handled.
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"We indicated that there was consensus in Parliament on 90% of the contents of the bill." On the public interest override, Mr Nel said the National Council of Provinces was looking at proposals to address the concerns of interested parties. The parliamentary process would take its course and the Constitutional Court would be the final arbiter if there were concerns about any aspect of the legislation, he said. 12 June 2012 Business Day Page 3 Setumo Stone And Sam Mkokeli
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Yesterdays NEC meeting came after the ANC Youth League sent a petition to the ruling partys highest decision-making committee outside of its national conferences, asking it to review Mr Malemas expulsion and the suspensions of league secretary Sindiso Magaqa and spokesman Floyd Shivambu. Mr Magaqa was given a years suspension, and Mr Shivambu three years. In his petition, Mr Malema had argued that the top six officials were not constitutionally empowered to be the official complainants in disciplinary matters. This argument appeared to have been bolstered by a clause in the ANCs Organisational Renewal document, released in April, which states that the partys "constitution needs to be amended to include the officials as one of the leadership collectives with clear collective responsibility and accountability". The petition was turned down at last months NEC meeting because it was not submitted through the "proper channels". It had to first be considered by the top six leaders and the national working committee. It is understood that Gauteng ANC chairman Paul Mashatile raised the matter for discussion at the previous meeting of the NEC. 12 June 2012 Business Day Page 1 Paul Vecchiatto
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These financial woes have fuelled speculation that Sekunjalo may be part of a consortium to buy Independents operations in SA. A lawyer active in the mergers and acquisition sector said the market was abuzz with speculation Sekunjalo was about to place an offer as part of a consortium. "We dont know exactly who is in the consortium, but Sekunjalo is definitely there. They havent talked price yet," the lawyer, who cannot be named for professional reasons, said yesterday. Sekunjalo CEO Iqbal Surve, a former African National Congress (ANC) activist, denied yesterday he had been to Ireland last week to discuss a deal. He said he had attended a World Economic Forum conference in Istanbul. "These reports were as much as a surprise to me as anyone else. Are they (the media) following me?" However, Dr Surve would not explicitly state if his company was, or was not, interested in buying a stake or the whole of Independent News & Media SA. Another ANC-linked businessman, Cyril Ramaphosa of Shanduka Investment Holdings, has also been touted as a possible buyer. A Shanduka spokesman said yesterday the company had a policy of not commenting on speculation. Democratic Alliance MP Marian Shinn expressed her partys disquiet over the possibility that the local Independent operations might fall into the hands of the political elite. "Dr Surve, like Louis Luyt, has never made a secret of where his political allegiances are," she said yesterday. Ms Shinn was referring to how The Citizen was founded in the 1970s in an attempt by the National Party to control and influence SAs Englishlanguage press. This led to the "Information Scandal". Parliaments communications committee is due to conduct public hearings on media ownership, in Johannesburg on Monday.
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He was speaking at the national policy conference of the National Education, Health and Allied workers Union (Nehawu) in Boksburg. The African National Congress would hold its national conference in Mangaung at the end of the year and its policy conference would be held in Midrand at the end of June. Zuma said the policy conference must come with better policies for the ANC and the country, and that the policy document on the "second transition" was critical. "The document tackles challenges facing the ANC and the country. It reviews historic landmarks of the ANC, and takes a view of the future of South Africa". Zuma said that regardless of political gains made in 1994 there were still problems of unemployment, inequalities, and poverty. "We must build a country, and we must lead the social and economic transformation." He said the policy conference must also debate an economic model suitable for the country. He urged Nehawu members not to shy away from activities of the ANC at branch levels. Earlier Congress of the SA Trade Union, Sdumo Dlamini said the federation stood by its commitment to defend the resolution taken in Polokwane and the leadership elected. "Comrades let me be clear on this position,Polokwane was a watershed moment bringing a shift in leadership, policy and resolution. We stand by our resolution to defend the resolution of Polokwane." He said he hoped not to hear contradiction about their stance on the defend of Polokwane. He introduced Zuma as a trained unionist produced by revolution. "He is one of us because he was produced by a revolution we are part of." Zuma walked into the hall flanked by Dlamini and Nehawu president Mzwandile Makwaeba. Delegates dressed in red union T-shirts, burst into a song praising Zuma and waved placard calling for him to run for re-election for the second term as ANC leader in Mangaung. "Kubikubisiyayanomakunjani,besitshaya; besibopha, besidubula, siyaya [the situation is bad but we will still get where we are going, even if the beats us, arrest us, or shoot to kill us, we will get there]," they sang. After his speech Zuma sang his trade mark song Awuleth' UmshiniWami( bring me my machine gun).
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She said lessons should be learned from the Polokwane conference and denounced the culture of using money to buy votes. "If you have money don't buy ANC people, don't buy Mangaung conference comrades," she said. The conference should be used to revive the life of the African National Congress, and many ANC policies needed to be reviewed during the upcoming policy conference, she said. "I don't know how many policies we have had, but what I do know is that half of them need to be reviewed." Modise said the ANC seemed to be scared to be discussing the land issue policy. "It is a fact that black people are trying to acquire as much land as they can, it is not a sin. It is a fact that a willing seller willing buyer had instrumentally failed land restitution." According to Modise the land issue among others was the cornerstone for the party to see another hundred years.
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they "accepted" Zuma's offer to step down as party deputy president while trying to clear his name on corruption and fraud charges . But the "acceptance" of Zuma's effective resignation was to be overturned by angry delegates at the NGC, giving an important political lifeline to a politician who by then seemed destined for political oblivion and even jail. Just like Mantashe says the Malema matter is now closed, pro-Mbeki leaders at the time spent many of the days leading up to the 2005 NGC arguing that the issue would not be part of the conference's agenda. They were to learn the hard way that even the supposedly powerful NEC cannot dictate to delegates during a national gathering of party branches and regions. Are Zuma and Mantashe about to be taught a hard lesson at the policy conference? What seems to be working in their favour is that, as things stand, supporters of Zuma's second-term bid seem to have the backing of the majority of the party's structures. With the largest province, KwaZulu-Natal, as well as Mpumalanga, Free State, the Women's League and even the MK Military Veterans' Association likely to back Luthuli House's decision, it does seem as if Malema will not have his way. But loyalty in the ANC, especially in an elective conference year, is very fluid. Provinces such as Limpopo, Northern Cape, sections of the Western Cape, the Eastern Cape and North West are most likely to join the league in calling for his reinstatement. The same could be done by Gauteng although the province's leaders, while supportive of the movement that wants change within the ruling party, are weary of aligning themselves with the divisive Malema. Another source of rebellion against Zuma, especially in his home province of KwaZulu-Natal, could be his handling of disgraced national police commissioner Bheki Cele's axing. You would think that Cele's firing following adverse findings against him by a board of inquiry led by Judge Jake Moloi into his fitness to hold office would have been a straightforward issue and that everybody would agree that the president has no option but to act. However, such matters are never that simple in the ANC. Cast your mind back to June 2005 when Mbeki stood before parliament to explain why he was "releasing" Zuma from his duties. Very few here and abroad found fault with the president's reasoning, especially given Judge Hilary Squires' findings about the relationship between Shaik and Zuma. Yet in the ANC, this was a source of much unhappiness. News from KwaZulu-Natal suggests party structures were angry at the prospect of Cele - a former local politician - being fired. While they conceded that Cele could not possibly remain in the post given the findings, they wanted him redeployed elsewhere in the government and returned to the ANC's NEC.
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ANC structures in KwaZulu-Natal has so far appeared unanimous in their belief that Zuma should serve another term. Will Cele's axing drive a section of the province into the arms of those campaigning against Zuma? We will know in two weeks.
14 June 2012 The New Age SiyabongaMkhwanazi
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On the declaration of financial interests by director-generals and other senior managers in the government, he said they were complying with the requirement. The PSC had reported last year that some of the DGs and senior officials had failed to declare their financial interests when they were requested to do so. Levin also asked MPs to give the PSC more teeth to deal with nonperforming managers. He called for strong action against officials who failed to perform their duties. He said parliament should give the commission more powers to be able to take tough action against managers who were not up to scratch with their work. The PSCcan play an important role to ensure its mandate is strengthened, he said.
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