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Chamorro Historical Phonology Author(s): Robert Blust Source: Oceanic Linguistics, Vol. 39, No. 1 (Jun., 2000), pp.

83-122 Published by: University of Hawai'i Press Stable URL: Accessed: 01/10/2009 15:34
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Chamorro Historical Phonology'

Robert Blust

of of Aftera brieflookat the synchronic phonology thislanguage theMariare the from anaIslands, detailsof its development Proto-Austronesian set within and settleof Austronesian theoriginal forth.Questions subgrouping are mentof theseislands alsoconsidered.

1. BACKGROUND. Only two of the more than 450 Austronesian (AN) lanin the Pacificregiondo not belongto the Oceanicsubgroup. One guages spoken The historyof these languagesdiffers of these is Palauan,the otherChamorro. and fromthatof otherAN languagesin Micronesia, fromone another. markedly out of insularSoutheast to Each appears have arisenthrough migrations separate
Asia some 3,500-4,000 years ago.

in has phonologyof Chamorro beenmentioned passing Althoughthehistorical

by various writers (Conant I908, I9I0; Dempwolff I920; Dyen I962; Dahl

and at I976:46ff.;Reid,to appear) was treated some lengthby Costenoble(1940) no forms as they were then formulated, fully adeon the basis of reconstructed In of historical phoquateaccounthas yet appeared. fact,some features Chamorro and havebeenpersistently misunderstood. nology,suchas glide addition fortition, or of No one has lookedat the ordering historical changesin Chamorro, sortedout treatment the phonological of loan In the substantial vocabulary. short,a thorough historyof thislanguageis long overdue. In additionto shedding light on the natureof changes that producedsome ratherodd-lookingresults,a carefulanalysisof the historicalphonologyshould on havean important bearing claimsaboutthe linguisticpositionof Chamorro.

sourceof dataon the 2. SYNCHRONICPHONOLOGY. The majorpublished is and lexicon of Chamorro Topping(1973), and Topping,Ogo, and phonology it of the phonology Chamorro, will be Dungca(1975).Beforeconsidering historical features the synchronic of to worthwhile brieflyexaminesomemajor phonology.
i. LawrenceA. Reid providedcommentson an earlierversion of this paper.Although we continue to disagreeon a numberof issues, I have profitedfrom his remarksand herebyexpress my thanksfor them.
OceanicLinguistics,Volume 39, no. I (June2000) ? by Universityof Hawai'i Press. All rightsreserved.



Topping (1973:27) lists I9 consonant phonemes for Chamorro:p, t, k, '; b, d, g;

ch,y,f s, h, m, n, n, ng, 1,r,andw. To thesewe can addthe labiovelar whichis gw, treated a sequence beforea vowel,butwhichpatterns a singleconsonant.2 as like gu in A singlepossiblevelarized labialappears pwengi'night',a wordthatappears to fromanOceanicsourcelanguage. Mostorthographic havebeenborrowed symbols havetheirexpectedphonetic values,themostnotable beingy, whichrepexception of t resents[dz], the voiced counterpart ch ([ts]).In addition, andd are said to be for but as alveolar, arepronounced postdental some speakers. typically The phonemesb, d, k, and r have no knownhistoricalsource, and are found only in knownor presumedloanwords.The greatmajorityof loanwordsderive but centralPhilippine fromSpanish, a smallernumber fromEnglishor various are in some cases it is difficultto pinpointa source.Examplesof languages,although loanwords include:3 traceable bahu'bassvoice' (Spanish b: babui'pig' (probably bdboy), bajo'low'); Tagalog dakdak'fall d: dakdak'knock,rap,strikewith a quick,sharpblow' (Cebuano down with a bang', or a similarform in otherPhilippinelanguages),debet'hagdebil 'weak,feeble'); (Spanish gard,debilitated' kanta'sing' sack(IOO kabdn'chest,trunk'), k: kabdn'burlap pound)'(Tagalog (Spanishcantar'to sing'); coconutsap' (Malayarak 'disr: arak 'distilledliquormadefrom fermented tilled alcoholic liquor'(ultimatelyfrom Arabic),rumot'rumor'(Spanishrumor 'rumor, report'). Chamorro containsmany loanwordsof unknownprovenance. Most of these derive from languagesin the centralPhilippines,althoughsome may probably originate from other partsof the Philippines,or Indonesia.Examples include bachet'blind',besbes'sizzle, as fryingfat', dulok'bore,stab,puncture, perforate', dumang'toothdecay', kacha' 'huska coconut;tool for husking',kilok'revolve, roll in a circle,spin',birak'ghost,demon,disembodied soul', chara'typeof plant thatgrowsnearthe sea', sirek'coitus,sexualintercourse'. Initialconsonant clustersoccuronly in Spanishloans,butnativewordsallow a of medialclusters,includinggeminatestops andnasals,as in pappa 'strip variety barkoff a tree,skin an animal',or mommo' 'short-eared owl'. Topping(1973:36)
states that voiced stops (b, d, g), affricates (ch, y), liquids (1, r), n, and h never
2. Topping(I973:25) points out thatgw "couldwell be considereda single labio-velarphoneme,

althoughI have not suggestedthis as a solution."Chung(1983), however,writes gw.The contrastof Chamorro and gw is neutralized before roundedvowels, where only g appears. g 3. Reid (pers. comm.) suggests that the Philippine loanwords in this set could as easily come from Ilokanoas from Tagalogor Cebuano.However,as Schurz(1959) points out, the Manila Galleon connected the Philippineswith Guam in a series of annualcommercialvoyages that took place between I565 and 18I5. Beginning in 1565 the galleon voyages departedfrom Cebu. Startingin 1572 they were shifted to Manila(hence the name). While it is not impossible that Ilokano-speakingpassengers accompaniedthe Spanish and remainedon Guam, the probabilityis far higher that the great majorityof Filipinos who reached Guam throughthe galleon tradefrom the sixteenth centuryonwardwere speakersof Tagalog and perhapsother closely relatedCentralPhilippinelanguages.


occurat the end of a wordin Chamorro. This constraint be generalized the can to syllablecoda, except for h, which may occur as coda in a few forms, as kahlang While glottal 'hang,suspend'.In addition, glottalstop andw neveroccurinitially. stop does not contrastwith zero in word-initial position,it remainsunclearfrom discussionwhetherit is phonetically MemTopping's presentin thisenvironment. bersof the same morphological such as asi'-i 'forgive': ma-'ase' 'merparadigm ciful' show thata glottalstopappears the prefixed in form.However, glottalstop a also appearsin the prefixedformsof Spanishloanwordssuch as ankla 'anchor': ma-'ankla'to anchor'.Because Spanishlacks this phoneticfeature,we can concludethatChamorro insertsa glottalstopbetweenlike vowels.Topautomatically (1973:I6) gives six vowel phonemes:i, e, ce,u, o, and a. Of these, te is of ping obscureorigin,and is not orthographically froma in the maindicdistinguished entries,but only througha phoneticaddendum tionary precedingthe gloss, as in atto' [ae]'hideoneself', or babui[ae]'pig, swine'. One otherpoint shouldperhaps made.It is clearthatthe orthographic be final vowel sequences -ai, -ao, and -ui are diphthongs-ay, -aw, and -uy, as in matai (matay)'dead,corpse,die', ti'ao (ti'aw) 'goatfish',or babui(babuy)'pig'.4If this is interpretation adopted,y will come to representtwo phoneticvalues, [dz] in nonfinalpositionand [y] in finalposition.As will be seen below,the complementationof [dz] and [y], like thatof [gw] and [w], supports evidenceof phonothe logical alternationsin pointing to single phonemes with glide and obstruent it AlthoughTopping(I973) includesw as a phonemeof Chamorro, is allophones. very rare(I havebeen unableto findanyexamplesin Topping,Ogo, andDungca of 1975).The reinterpretation -ai, -ao,and-ui suggestedhereprovidesclearexamples of both w and y in final position. Because [dz] is writteny in the standard thereis no obviousreasonwhy [gw] shouldnot be writtenw. Howorthography, of I ever,in the interest dataretrievability,havemadeonly minimalchangesto the of my source.Specifically, rewritethe finaldiphthongs -ay, -aw, I as orthography as gw. I leavethe inconsistency and-uy,andthe labiovelar betweenthe represtop thanw) untouched. sentation [dz] as y andof [gw] as gw (rather of 2.1 MAJOR PHONOLOGICAL PROCESSES. The four majorphonologiare: cal processesthatoperatein the synchronic phonologyof Chamorro syncope; andthe alternation zero,y, andgw in the suffix-i. of lowering;fronting; vowel deletes, pro2.1.1 Syncope. In the environment VC_CV, an unstressed betweenunaffixed surfaceformsof the shape(C)VCVCand an alternation ducing
4. With referenceto a recentdebatein this journal(Clynes 1999), Reid (pers. comm.) takes issue for with my use of the term "diphthong" vowel + glide sequences.Space does not permita full airingof the issue here, but some Austronesianlanguages,as MukahMelanau,contrastvowel sequences such as ai with vowel-glide sequences such as ay. The latter,but not the former,are often monophthongized in historical change. Clearly a term is needed for vowel + glide sequences that distinguishesthem from similar sequences of two vowels. Moreover,it should be a termthatcapturesthe fact thatvowel + glide sequencesare commonly monophthongized, while vowel + vowel sequences are not.



of or affixedcounterparts the shapeCV-CCVC (C)VCC-V(C): atof 'roof': aft(I) brackish':asn-e 'to e 'to roof,coverwitha roof', (2) ma-'asen'salty,saline,briny, pickle, applysalt', (3) lumos'drown,suffocate': ma-tmos'drown,be drowned', of (4) puta' 'split,cleaveburst',ma-pta''breaking a waveon the shore',(5) tanon 'to plantseeds or seedlings': tatm-e (also tanm-e)'to plantseeds or seedlings'. and Dungcacross-reference tanomwith tanmeand tatme,and Topping,Ogo, but that lumoswithma-tmos, provideno indication forms(2), (4), and(5) aresynrelated.It is not clearwhy no cross-reference given in these cases. is chronically One possibilityis thatalthough(2), (4), and (5) arehistorically related,the connectionbetweenthe simplexandaffixedbaseshas beenbrokenin the grammar of But Chamorro. if thisis true,thecross-references (3) and(5) are for contemporary inconsistent.It appearsmore likely that syncope remainsan active process in in but Chamorro phonology, was notconsistently recognized compilingthe dictionary.Topping(I973:55ff) confirmsthis suspicionby documentingthe syncope rulein examplessuchas hutu'louse':me-hto'lotsof lice'; haga' 'blood':me-hga' 'bloody';orfiuot: ma-fnot'tight'.Occasionally, syncopedoes not applywhen we wouldexpectit to, as withafok'lime':afuk-i(not **afk-e) lime on betelnut'. 'put that It is noteworthy derivedclustersof stopsor of nasalsin the ordercoronalnoncoronal to be changed tend either metathesis in someotherway,much or through as in Tagalog, and otherlanguages where Cebuano, certain (Blust1979).However, metathesizesall derivedcoronal-noncoronal clustersof stops or nasals, Tagalog Chamorro seemsto havemorethanone option; atip compare Tagalog 'roof':apt-dn 'roofed'andtanim'toplant': tamn-dn planton' withChamorro 'to metathesis aftin in butdenasalization tatm-e, whichpreserves coronal-noncoronal the order. e, 2.1.2 Lowering. In nativeChamorro forms,the high vowels i, u, and theirmidvowel counterparts o are essentiallyin complementary the e, distribution, former was disoccurringin open, and the latterin closed syllables.This distribution of of ruptedby the introduction hundreds Spanishloanwords,so that it now is moreeconomicalto treate ando as phonemes. accountfor thesefacts,Topping To that changes mid(I973:53ff) recognizesa rule of vowel raisingin Chamorro vowels in finalclosed syllablesto high vowelswhena suffixis addedandthe final stemsyllablebecomesopen.Althoughhe does not reservea categoryheadingfor it (as he does for vowel raising),Topping(1973:55ff) also recognizesvowel loweringas an activeprocessin the synchronic phonologyof Chamorro. Historically it is clearthatvowel loweringand vowel raisingwere one andthe same process: formswith [e] and[o] contained underlying only highvowels,andtheruleof lowering appliedexclusivelyin closed syllables,as in *qapuR> afok 'lime' : afuk-i 'putlime on betelnut'. In addition, rulethatTopping a as allows (1973:5Iff) describes vowel harmony mid vowels in unstressed openfinalsyllablesif thepreceding syllableis closed, as inpulu 'hair': + pilu> mepplo mi'hairy',or atof'roof':aft-e'applya roof' (where -e is an allomorph the 'referential of focus' suffix-i).



is 2.1.3 Fronting. Vowel fronting5 one of the most conspicuousphonological as rulesof Chamorro, it operatesacrossbothmorpheme wordboundaries. and As a resultof thisrule,a backvowel (generally or o) is frontedfollowinga prefixor u (from *miparticlethatcontainsa frontvowel (generallyi): hutu'louse' : me-htu hitu,with syncopeandloweringof i in a closed syllable)'fullof lice';puno' 'kill': pi-pino' 'assassin, killer, murderer'; g-um-upu'to fly': g-in-ipu 'flew'; guma' 'house':i gima' 'thehouse';foggon 'stove':nifeggon'thestove';lagu 'north': saen Iegu 'northward'. 2.1.4 Alternation of 0, -yi, and -gui. In addition theforegoingprocessesthat to affectvowels, thereis a significant phonological processin which zero alternates with alveolaror labiovelar obstruents. In describingthe "referential focus suffix,"Topping(1973:75) notes thatthis has threeallomorphs: followingconsonants, followingthe diph-i morpheme -gui and -yi elsewhere.Thereis a certaindegreeof inconsistencyin Topthong -ao, of becausein his sectionon the soundsystemof ping's treatment this alternation, Chamorro he describesthe onset of -gui as an "excrescent consonant" (1973:5I) mentionof the onset of -yi). Perhaps whatis neededis a recognition gw (without thatcertainthingsmay happenwhen a suffixof the shape-V or -VC is added:(I) when a base is consonant-final, consonantis resyllabified the onset of the that as final syllable of the affixed word, and (2), a palatal glide will automatically to developbetweena vowel-finalbase andthe -i of a suffix, andbe strengthened [dz]. Thus:ha.naw 'go':'go for'; ha.tsa 'lift' : hatsa.y-i 'lift for'. In instances such as these, the line between synchronic and diachronicanalysis becomes thin. However,thereclearlyare strongsynchronicreasonsfor treating of [w] and [gw], and [y] and [dz], as allophones the samephoneme,becausethey are not only in complementary but with one another. distribution, also alternate this the Traditionally, analysishas been circumvented through artificeof treating -ay,-aw as sequencesof vowels-ai, -ao. has of Finally,Chamorro a peculiarity canonicalshape:althoughvowels may occur in initialand finalposition,vowel sequencesareruledout in nativewords. Historicalinformation will be consideredbelow shows thatthis fact andthe that of the suffix -i are intimately related: pre-Chamorro, in allomorphy sequencesof like vowels occurredonly acrossa morpheme andthese have come to boundary, be separated a glottalstop. Sequencesof unlikevowels could occur within a by but transitional morpheme, thesedevelopedautomatic glidesthatunderwent glide thuschangingall -VV- sequencesto -VCV-,as in *ia > gwiya([gwidza]) fortition,
'3SG emphatic'.

3. HISTORICAL PHONOLOGY. With this brief background,we can now turn our attentionto historicalphonology.To avoid unnecessaryrepetitionof
5. Chung (I983:44ff) calls this "umlaut."



changes that are sharedby all Austronesian(AN) languagesoutside Taiwan, Chamorro data are comparedwith Proto-Malayo-Polynesian (PMP)reconstructions rather thanwiththe temporally moreremoteProto-Austronesian. mateThe rial thatappearsin appendixI is takenmostly from Topping,Ogo, and Dungca (I975), with occasional citations from Costenoble (I940) who, among other things,providesdataon the nativenumeral system.FormstakenfromCostenoble arefollowedby (C). The distinction between"reflex" "sound and has change" not alwaysbeenmade in studiesof the historical of Austronesian Most refer(AN) languages. phonology in encesto Chamorro relation reconstructed to havesimplymapped languages protocontinuations withoutreference probable to phonemesonto theirhistorical change a of pathsor intermediate stages.Butwithout chronological ordering changes,some statements reflexesareextremely of as improbable, will be seen.Forthisreasonthe relative of is feature thediscussion follows. of that ordering changes a central 3.1 VOWELS. Proto-Austronesian a four-vowelsystem,the vowel triangle had mid-central vowel conventionally writ(*a, *i, *u), plus the schwa,an extra-short ten *e. The distributional restrictions these vowels arerather on trivial(*i apparto to the entlycouldnot occuradjacent *nior *y, nor*u adjacent *w). By contrast, constraints the mid-central on vowel were moresignificant: could not occurin *e of open final syllables,nor initiallyin prepenultimate position.The development the PANvowels in Chamorro relativelystraightforward. general,*a, *i, and is In *u remained while *e mergedwith *u. unchanged, Rule I: *e > u Examples:*Rebek> gupu 'to fly', *beRas> pugas 'huskedrice', *tebuh> tupu 'sugarcane',*qenay > unay 'sand'. Rule I must be qualifiedas follows: as in many other AN languages, *e was deleted in the environmentVC CV; this unstressed vowels, butonly *e changesometimesalso affectedother,presumably was consistently deleted. Rule 2: *V > 0 / VC_CV Because the great majority of reconstructedword bases are disyllabic, and because the environmentfor this rule was VC CV, the deletion of a medial vowel couldoccuronly in trisyllables in affixedformsof disyllabicbases.In trior led syllables, it invariably to restructuring, producingmedialconsonantclusters thatwere not previouslyallowed,while in affixeddisyllablesit led to synchronic alternation,and perhapsoccasional restructuring: *qalejaw 'day' > atdaw (I) > > 'sun', *huqenap go'naf'fish scale', *aRemarj h-akmang 'morayeel', *baqeRu 'new' > pa'go 'now,today',*taqebarJ 'insipid,tasteless,lackingin salt' > ta'pang 'rinse salt waterby using fresh water,rinse urine,douche', *tuqelar> to'lang 'bone'. (2) *qatep > atof 'roof' : aft-e 'cover with thatch', *peRes-i >foks-e 'squeezeout,express,as pus froma wound,milkfroman animal,etc.', *ka-besuR > ha-spok(met.) 'full (fromfood), satiated,glutted',*ma-getus> ma-ktos'snap,



> as string,rubber band,etc., breakoff', *ma-betaq ma-pta''burst,crackopen', to *saleR-i> satg-e 'installa floor', *tazem-i> tasm-e'sharpen a point'. andDungca(1975) marksome of the examplesin (2) as affixed Ogo, Topping, but formsof bases(cf. atof'roof,puta roofon a house',gutos'snap,break'), others than or tasme givenas underlying are formsrather as synsuchasfckse,haspok, satge It of or chronic derivatives bases**fugos,**pusok/supok, **salog, **tasom. remains such forms have been reanalyzedas single morphemesin to be seen whether or the of is Chamorro, whether absence a morpheme boundary a gapin documentation. vowelsotherthan*e weredeleted:(3) *qali-maraw akmangaw, > Occasionally > > crab',*qanitu anti 'soul,spirit,ghost',*qasin-i asn-e 'to atmangaw'mangrove pickle, apply salt', *ma-qati> ma-ma'te,ma'te 'low, of tide', *baRiuh> pakyo to storm,tropical y cyclone'(where is assumed reflecta secondary 'typhoon, glide, withloss of theprevious *sakay-an catcha ride'> sahy-an'automobile, 'vehicle; *i), > smallvehicle',*tanis-i tangs-e'cryfor,weepfor',*tutun-i totng-e > 'ignitea fire'. the unresolved Perhaps singlemost important problemin the historical phonolvowels is the unpredictability conditions medialvowel of for ogy of the Chamorro in syncope.Theeightexamples whichsyncopeoccursforvowelsotherthan*e may that give the impression syncopewas equallylikelyto affectanyvowel, butthis is nottrue.TableI showsthefrequency deletion thefourPMPvowelsin theenviof of I. ronment are VC_CV, basedon thedataof appendix Becauseonlytwo categories in this table (deletion vs. nondeletion), vowel reflexes are marked important "retained" if therearequalitative even as changes, with*talija> talanga'ear'.


i u

5 I

II 8

What is most strikingabouttable I is the complete predictability schwa of deletion. This difference between schwa and other vowels in the tendency to delete suggeststhatsyncope may have been sensitiveto stress.In manyAN lanin vowel is schwa, guages,stressis penultimate the wordunless the penultimate whichis extrashortanddeflectsstressto the finalsyllable(Blust I995b).Contemhas Chamorro phonemicstress(ToppingI973:4I, Chung1983),bothlexiporary cal (mohon 'want, desire' : mohon 'boundary') and morphological (asdgwa of becausethe greatmajority formscarry However, 'spouse': dsagwa'to marry'). to in stress,theroleof stresscontrasts distinguishing meaningappears penultimate for be minimal,andprovidesno clue to the conditions medial-vowel syncope. we couldhave In view of theseobservations, mightaskwhether pre-Chamorro had a more pervasivesystemof phonemicstressthathas since been largelylost. Therehave been variousattempts recentyearsto explainthe contrastive in stress



in Philippinelanguagesas reflectingstress contrastsin PAN.Wolff (I99I) has suggested that vowel reductionsin some Formosanlanguagesmay have been stressconditioned, it wouldbe reasonable suggesta similarexplanation and to for Table2 lists all knownChamorro Chamorro. reflexesof PMP forms in which a vowel other than *e appearsin the environmentVC_CV. PartA includes all formsthatshow syncope,andpartB includesthoseformsthatdo not.If available, the (PPH)cognatesaregivento determine extentto which stress Proto-Philippine placementin Philippinelanguagescorrelateswith vowel syncope in Chamorro. Wherecontrastive stressis knownfrom witnesses in only one majorPhilippine the is mark.Whenwitnesses subgroup, PPHreconstruction followedby a question in majorPhilippine indications stress,as with of subgroups providecontradictory 'star', the form is omitted.The form *qalimarjaw *bituqen 'mangrovecrab' is listedtwice, becauseit containstwo separate the VC_CV environments, firstfor *i, the secondfor *a. "wordsformedwith Chamorro Chung(1983:39) notes thatin contemporary suffixesarestressedon the penultimate the whatever stressof the words syllable, fromwhichthey arederived." in broader But this comparative perspective, rule is In manyAN languages Taiwan, Philippines, westernIndonesia, in the and atypical. stressshiftsone syllableto therightin suffixed bases.If pre-Chamorro thestress had suffixedformsof *taiis and*tutirj wouldhavemaintained of pattern PPH, penultimateandfinalwordstress,respectively. for Adoptingthisassumption the moment, we see thatmedialvoweldeletion Chamorro in tendsto correlate thestresspatwith of ternin PPH,butwitha number apparent part exceptions: A showssix agreements andtwo disagreements, B twelveagreements six disagreements.6 and part To summarize, evidencefor an inherited the systemof phonemicstressin preChamorrois suggestive but inconclusive.Clearly,the strongestargumentthat medialvowel syncopein Chamorro stress-related the fact thatall 14 cases was is of *e in the environment VC_CV show syncope.But stressshiftrulesthatoperate on penultimate schwaarefoundbothin languages havepredictable that stress andin languageswith phonemicstress.Withregard the relativechronologyof to rules I and2, it is perhaps simplestto assumethatsyncopepreceded*e > u. If the feature musthavecontinued disto oppositeorderis assumed,some phonological difference betweenthe two in tinguishu from*e andu from*u, giventhe striking of feature could havebeen stress,there patterns syncope.Whilethis phonological is no needto makethis assumption rule2 is ordered if beforerule I. Evidently, all

is examples, a PPHreconstruction not available,and the position of stress must be determined from reflexes in only one majorsubgroup,eitherCentralPhilippines(*pa-laRiw,*ma-layd)or Cordilleran (*dalikan).Moreover,in four of the six forms thatfail to show syncope where it is vowel is *a, and-although *a does delete in some forms-it is posexpected, the recalcitrant sible that sonority has played a role in the history of medial vowel syncope in Chamorro. Finally, it is perhapsworth noting that one of the noncorrelatingforms in partA, anti, also shows unpredictable medial vowel syncope in Malay (hantu 'ghost'), and that a second (tangs-e 'weep for') exists next to a suffixed form with the opposite value for deletion: tangison (< *taUis-en)'large wrasse;markingsundereyes suggest thatit is crying'.

The eight nonconforming cases are 2, 7, 21, 25, 27, 29, 30, and 31. However, in three of these


I. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

*qalimaiaw (2nd syll.) *qanitu *qasfn *ma-qati *baRidh *sakay-in *tairis *tutuid *qapuR *qalimaiaw (3rd. syll.) *qaninur? *qabaRa *qasawa *qasiq ? *kasfli

atmangaw anti asn-e ma'te pakyo sahy-an tangs-e totng-e afuk-i alileng atmangaw alunan anineng apaga asagwa asiga asi'-i (i) (h)asuli* (h)atulay ayuyu

mangrovecrab ghost pickle, apply salt low, of tide typhoon vehicle cry for, weep for ignite, set on fire put lime on cateye shell mangrovecrab pillow shadow shoulder spouse salt forgive freshwater eel big-eye scad coconut crab flee, escape flying fox daytime sand crab hearthstones merciful salty narrow bitter wilted calm, still (water) lost, missing sleepy star reef ear a shore tree

9. IO. II. 12. I3. I4. I5. I6. I7. I8. I9. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28.

*pa-laRiw? *paniki

fa-lagu fanihi ha'ani haguhi halihan ma-'ase' (a) ma-'asen ma-'i'ot ma-la'et ma-layu ma-linaw ma-lingu ma-tuhok puti'on sahagu talanga talisay

*dalikan? *ma-qasiq *ma-qasin *ma-paqft *ma-layd? *ma-linaw

30. 31.

33. 34. 35. 36. 37. * *taliUa *talisay

Bhist (1989:142) treatsthis as a cognate set pointingto PWMP *kasuli,but given PMP *tuna 'freshwatereel', it may be a productof borrowing.



schwacouldnot bear thatwe can say withcertainty, then,is thatthepre-Chamorro stress, whetherthe languagehad phonemicstressthat agreedin cognate forms of or withthe stresscontrasts Philippine languages, not. Anothervocalic changewas the loweringof high vowels in closed syllables, whichpresumably followedrule I. At first,thischangewas purelyallophonic, but e as a resultof heavyborrowing fromSpanish, ando becamephonemes. Rule 3:*i,*u > e,o / C+, /_C# and Examplesof vowel loweringhave been seen already, will not be extensively supplementedhere: (I) In nonfinalsyllables: *peRes-i >foks-e 'squeeze out', > *huqenap go'naf 'fish scale'. (2) In final syllables:*qapuR> afok 'lime, birdlime, limestone (soft)', *zauq> chago' 'far, afar,distant', *pa-lulun>falulon 'wrap,infold, cover by winding aroundor folding', *dalem> halom 'in, into, inside, enter', *quRut> ugot 'massagewith the feet, usuallyby walkingon the drawin (as smoke 'suck,absord, body'. (3) In bothsyllables:*zebzeb> chopchop > from a cigarette)',*demdem> homhom 'dark,dim, obscure',*muRmuR mok> so'so' 'scrapecocomok'gargle',*nusnus> nosnos'cuttlefish, squid',*suqsuq nutmeatfromits shell'. Rather word-final surprisingly, highvowelsalso loweredin manycases followcluster:*qatep-i aft-e'to roof', *kamiu> hamyo'you PL', *ma> a consonant ing ma-ma'te 'low,of the tide', *baqeRu'new'> pa'go 'now,today', qati> ma-ma'ti, *baRiuh> pakyo 'typhoon',*salaR-i> satg-e 'installa floor', *teken 'punting pole' > tohn-e'to brace,support'. referential focus has both highAs a resultof this change,the suffix marking as vowel andmid-vowelallomorphs, in atof 'roof':aft-e 'to roof', butafok'lime': due afuk-i'putlime on'.7The followingexamplesmay show conditioning to the consonant cluster,or loweringin a closed syllablethatlaterbecameopen through > 'chewfood forbaby-feeding; h: loss of word-final (4) *mekmek mohmo sediment, > froma decayedplant'.Forreadregs',*bukbuk poppo'scum,powdersubstance *ken> hun'quotative marker' notundergo did sons thatremain unclear, lowering. shows unexpected frontvowel reflexesof *u or *e in eight forms: Chamorro > > *qaninurj anineng'shadow',*qanitu anti 'soul, spirit,ghost', *inum> gimen > 'to drink'(?),8*ijurj gwi'eng 'nose', *linduj > liheng 'shelter',*nipen> nifen 'tooth', *beRii > pwengi 'night', *buturg (weakly attesteddoubletof *butun)> frontness valuesin the vowels 'a tree:Barringtonia asiatica'.The reversed puteng > It of *bituqen puti'on'star'areassumedto be due to metathesis. is temptingto to the synchronicrule of vowel frontingseen in guma' 'house' : i gima' appeal 'the house', for example,as a factorin the frontingof these vowels, but because is two of the fourexamplesinvolvelast-syllable vowels,thisexplanation unlikely.
7. Topping(I975:75ff.) lists -i, -yi, and -gui as allomorphsof the referentialfocus marker,but does not mention-e. 8. This etymology is problematic.Initial g suggests earlier *umin, with metathesisof both the vowels and the consonants.If so, it is the firstsyllable vowel that shows irregular fronting.



Perhapsthe presenceof *i in an adjacentsyllable was a factorin these irregular developments. *i Similarly, is reflectedas a backvowel in threewords:*kasili> hasuli'freshwater eel', *dilaq > hula' 'tongue', *tian > tuyan 'stomach, belly, abdomen'. These reversalsof frontnessfor the high vowels, with frontingof *u being the morecommonpattern, suggestthatafter*e and *u merged,a tendencyto frontu with u (careful)and i (casual).Because of arose,creatingvariant pronunciations formswith inherited were occasionallyreinterpreted of i as this pattern variation, of derivingfrom u. Analogicalback-formation this kindcould only have continwith u and i persistedin the language.At ued so long as variantpronunciations some point, however, these variationsevidently were resolved in favor of an form. invariant vocalic irregularities Additionalunexplained appearin *luheq> lago' 'tears', *talila > talanga'ear',and*tuqah to'a 'mature, fruit'.The firstexamplemay > of show metathesis the vowels,becausemanyAN languages otherwisedistinof that howschwafroma mergethe two beforefinalglottalstop.Thisexplanation, guish in to ever,is contrary the development *peReq>fugo' 'wring,squeeze'. betweena and ceposes a numberof explanatory Finally,the distinction problems. Why, for example,does the front-vowelreflex appearin *paqit 'bitter'> > fa'et ([ae])9'salty', *kamiu> hamyo([e]) 'you PL', or *qudarj uhang ([a]) but not in examples such as ma-'ase' 'merciful', *dalikan> halihan 'shrimp', is 'fireplace',or *quzan> uchan 'rain',wherethe vocalic environment similar? the matter even moredirectly, *laki> lahi 'man,male' yield Or,to pose why does a back vowel in the first syllable, but lahen([e]) 'son of, man of' yield a front this vowel? Little progresshas been made to date in understanding apparently unconditioned phonemicsplit. 3.2 DIPHTHONGS. The PMPdiphthongs *-ay and*-awremained unchanged: > (I) *qazay> achay 'chin', *qatulay (h)atulay'big-eyescad', *m-atay> matay 'die, dead', *talisay> talisay 'a shoretree:Terminalia catappa',*qenay> unay > 'sand'. (2) *paRaw> a-fagaw 'hoarse', *qali-mariaw akmangaw, atmangaw > crab',*qalejaw'day'> atdaw'sun', *ma-linaw ma-linaw'calm,still 'mangrove (water)', *buRaw> pugaw 'cause to scatter(flock, herd, school of fish, etc.)', *tiqaw> ti'aw 'goatfish'. Twocasesshowunexpected >fa'i 'ricein thefield', monophthongization: *pajay with *lakaw> lahu 'go, walk'.Both of theseetymahavebeenreconstructed other The fn. 5), and*lakew(HendonI964:373ff.). *pajey(Dyen I949:42I, diphthongs: a evidence be Chamorro therefore, seenas confirming distinction initially promight, is The posed on othergrounds. problemwith this interpretation that*-ey was also fn. and in reconstructed *m-atey, *-ew in *buRew (Dyen 1953:363, 18),butbothof

in 9. Topping,Ogo, and Dungca (1975) show the low front-vowelparenthetically this way, folthat lowing forms in an orthography does not distinguishit from a.



theseformsarereflected Chamorro diphthongs. monophthongization in with The in be for therefore, takenas clearevidence *-eyand*-ew. fa'i andlahucannot, The PMPdiphthong once as -i andonce as -u;*-iw is reflected *-uyis reflected as u in the only diagnosticexample:(3) *hapuy> guafi 'fire', *naruy > nangu 'swim', (4) *pa-laRiw >fa-lagu 'flee, escape'. In addition the singleexampleof *-iw,PMP *kahiw'wood,tree'underwent to regularchange to **kaiw.As in many other languages,postvocalic -iw resyllabifiedto -yu, producinghayu.Althougha reflex of *-uy also appearsin babuy reflexesof thisformclearlyrevealit as a loanword, ([ae])'pig', the consonant prefroma languageof the central sumably Philippines. 3.3 CONSONANTS. TheChamorro reflexesof PMPconsonants be treated will classes. by 3.3.1 Voiceless stops. Of the PMPvoicelessstops *p, *t, *c, *k, and *q, *p lenthe ited tof in all positions,the postdental stop *t remained unchanged, voiceless mergedwith *s, and*q becamethe glottalstopexceptin inipalatal*c apparently tial position, where it disappeared. Reflexes of *k are more problematic.In it nonfinalposition,*k lenitedto h, but word-finally sometimesdisappeared and sometimesremained unchanged.
*p >f *pasu>fasu 'cheek',*pitu>fitu 'seven',*peReq>fugo' 'wring,squeeze',*punas> > erase';*qapuR afok'lime (forbetel chew)', *nepuq> nufo' 'scorfunas 'eradicate, > pion fish', *qatep> atof 'roof', *huqenap go'naf'fish scale'; human *t > t: *tau> tawtaw'person, 'clink,jingle', *telu> tulu being', *tiUtir> t-il-ingteng > 'three',*mata> mata 'eye', *lauiit langet'sky'; > *c > s: *cejcerJ songsong'stopper, plug' (only knownreflexof *c); *k > h: *kaRuki marker', haguhi'sandcrab',*kima> hima 'clam', *ken> hun 'quotative *kutu> hutu'louse'; *zakan> chahan'cook in earthoven', *paniki>fanihi 'flying fox', *lukut> lu-luhot'kindof parasiticplant', *teken 'puntingpole' > tohn-e 'to brace,support'; > > *k > 0: *Rebek> gupu'to fly', *ma-esak masa 'ripe,cooked', *mekmek mohmo'pre> masticate food for babies',*nabek> napu'wave,roughwater,surf', *nuknuk nunu > 'banyan,fig tree', *niamuk namu 'mosquito', *bakbak> pappa 'stripoff bark', > *bukbuk poppo'powder froma decayingplant',*tasik> tasi 'sea'; *k > k: *apak> gwafak 'mat', *lubuk> lupok'deep hole, crevasse', *manuk> mannok 'unclearspeech', *bakbak> pakpak'burstforth with 'chicken', *jekrek > Vokyok suddenviolence andnoise', *tuktuk'knock,pound,beat' > toktok 'cluck,as when a

hencallsherchicks' (?);

*q > 0: *qalep> alof 'beckon',*qipil> ifet 'a tree:Intsiabijuga',*quzan> uchan'rain'; > > > *q > ': *daqani ha'ani 'daytime',*tuqelarj to'lang'bone', *ma-qasiq ma-'ase' 'mer> > ciful', *Rumaq guma' 'house',*daReq hago' 'clay;stickysoil'.

3.3.2 Voiced stops. Of the PMPvoiced stops *b, *d, *z, *j, and *g, the bilabial
stop *b and alveolar affricate *z underwent devoicing. PMP *d merged with *k as h in nonfinal position, but as zero word-finally-presumably through an intermediate stage in which it first lenited to *r-and *j fell together with *q.



*b > p: *baRu> pagu 'hibiscus', *biRaq> piga' 'wild taro:Alocasia indica', *beRas> > pugas 'uncookedrice', *bulan> pulan 'moon';*qabu> apu 'ashes', *babaq papa' > *zebzeb> chopchop drawin, 'down,below', *tebuh tupu'sugarcane'; 'suck,absorb, as smokefroma cigarette', *niRab> nigap 'yesterday', > *teRab tugap'belch'; *d > h: *qadiq> ahe' 'marker negation', *daRaq> haga' 'blood', *danum> hanom of 'freshwater',*demdem> homhomn 'dark,dim, obscure',*depa 'fathom'> man-hufa 'stretch out both arms', *duha > hugwa 'two'; *ma-tuduR> ma-tuhok'sleepy', > *sida> siha '3PL, they,them',*tuduq tuho''drip, > *tiijadaq ngaha' 'lookupward', > leak', *tuduI> tuhong'hat,headcovering',*qudalr uhang'shrimp'; *d > 0: *lahud 'downriver, towardthe sea' > lagu 'north(in Guam and Rota), west (in Saipan)'; *z > ch (*z did not occursyllable-finally): *zalan> chalan 'road,path', *zuRuq> chugo' > 'sap,juice'; *qazay> achai 'chin',*quzan uchan'rain'; *j > ' (*j did not occursyllable-initially): *pajay>fa'i 'ricein the field', *pija>fi'a 'how > much,how many?',*ijul > gwi'eng'nose', *iajan> na'an 'name',*ra-ijan ngai'an 'when?';*dalij> hale' 'rootof a plant,source,origin',*lalej> lalo' 'housefly',*leiej 'sinkinto something'> luno' 'soft groundthatcavesin whenone walkson it', *tubuj 'spring,source'> tupo''well', *qulej> ulo' 'worm,caterpillar, maggot';
*g > g: *ganas > ganas 'appetite',1' *gurgurJ 'deep resounding sound' > gonggong 'grum-

ble, growl, rumble,mumble,snarlin deep tones', *getus > gutos 'snap,breakoff'. Next to a voiceless stop *g devoiced:*ma-getus ma-ktos'snap,as in string,rubber > band,etc., breakoff'.

It is clear that the change *p >fmust have preceded *b > p, as the result was a shift ratherthan a merger.Because word-final *b is reflected as p ratherthan as f we can also be certain that Chamorrodid not undergo word-final devoicing prior to the shifts in question. The constraintagainst final voiced consonants that holds in modem Chamorromust thereforebe relatively recent, postdating at least the changes *b > p, *d > h, and *R > g, because otherwise the reflexes of these threeprotophonemes would bef, t, and g, respectively.The orderof the change *k > h relativeto *d > h or of *q > 'relative to *j > 'cannot be determinedfrom the availableevidence. 3.3.3 Nasals. The PMP nasals *m, *n, *i, and *J are generally reflected without change in Chamorro. *m > m: *mamis> mames'sweet',*miqmiq me'me''urinate, > urine',*-miu> miyu'your, > yours (poss. PL)', *muRmuR mokmok 'gargle,wash the throat',*m-utaq> muta' 'vomit, throwup'; *Rumaq> guma' 'house', *lima > lima 'five', *lemes > lumos > 'drown,suffocate',*lumut> lumot'moss,lichen,seaweed',*mamaq mama' 'chew > *dalem> halom'in,into,inside,enter',*danum > betel', *niamuk niamu 'mosquito'; > hanwo'freshwater',*demdem honhon 'dark, dim,obscure'; > *n > n: *naijuy nangu'swim', *niuR> niyok'coconutpalm',*nu> nu 'genitive/agentive marker',*nepuq> nufo' 'scorpionfish'; *qaninui > anineng 'shadow', *paniki> > > fanihi 'flyingfox', *huqena m-o'na'front,be first',*bunut punot'coconuthusk'; > *lulun>fa-lulon 'wrap,enfold,coverby wind*qalunan alunan'pillow,headrest', ing around',*nipen> nifen'tooth';

10. Possibly a borrowingof Spanishgana 'desire, want, appetite'.For the argumentsthat *ganas

form, see Blust (I980:70). might be a native Austronesian



> *fi > n (*fi did not occursyllable-finally): *fiamfiam namnam'chew,soundof chewing, eat', *namuk> namu'mosquito';*lafia'vegetableoil' > lana 'oil (generic)',*leiej that 'sinkinto something'> luno' 'softground cavesin whenone walkson it'; *) > ng: *jaqlaq > nga'nga' 'open-mouthed; > 'unclear gape', *jekirek ngokngok speech'; faint', *ma-liju > ma-lingu *dereR > hungok'hear',*lauu> ld-langu'unconscious; > 'lost, disappeared; missing'; *aRemaU h-akmang'morayeel' *tuqelai > to'lang
'bone', *turturJ > tongtag 'pound, beat, bang against', *quRuD> ugong 'moan, groan'.

3.3.4 Fricatives. The PMP fricatives *s and *h are reflected as s and zero, respectively. However, as a result of secondary glide formation followed by glide fortition, the position originally occupied by *h is occupied by a velar or labiovelar stop in a number of words. The details of this development are outlined under glides (3.3.6). *s > s: *sakaRu'reef' > sahagu 'deep water',*sakay-an> sahy-an 'vehicle', *siqsiq > > se'se' 'cutwith a knife', *si > si 'personal article',*suqsuq so'so' 'scrapemeatfrom > a coconut', *suluq'torch'> sulo' 'torch-fishing'; *ma-qasin ma-'asen'salty,briny, brackish',*pasu>fasu 'cheek, face', *susu > susu 'breast';*qawas> agwas 'baby > mullet',*nipis> ka-nifes'thin,flimsy', *nusnus nosnos'cuttlefish, squid'; *h > 0: *hapuy> gwafi 'fire', *hasaq> gwasa' 'whet, sharpen',*hipi > gwifi 'dream'; > > *baRiuh pakyo'typhoon',*talih> *dahun hagon'leaf'; *daqih> ha'i 'forehead', tali 'rope',*tebuh> tupu'sugarcane'. When *h disappeared between like vowels, the resulting cluster contracted to a single vowel: *aRuhu > gagu 'a shore tree: Casuarina equisetifolia'.

has 3.3.5 Liquids. PMP had threeliquids:*1,*r, and *R. Chamorro no known and reflexes of *r, but both *1 and *R have distinctsyllable-initial syllable-final and reflexes:I andt for the former, g andk for the latter.
*1> 1: *lasuq> laso' 'penis,testicle', *lima> lima 'five', *lumut> lumot'moss, lichen, seaweed', *lesur > lusong 'rice mortar';*qalu > alu 'barracuda',*dilaq > hula' feather'; 'tongue',*bulu> pulu'hair, *1> t: *qalejaw'day' > atdaw 'sun', *saleR-i> satg-e 'installa floor'; *kawil> hagwet 'fishhook',*qipil> ifet 'a tree:Intsiabijuga',*selsel> sotsot'contrite, repentant'; *R > g: *Rabut'pull out, uproot'> gapot 'pull by the hair', *Ratus> gatos 'hundred', > *Runut gunot'coconutfibre,coir', *Rebek> gupu'to fly'; *qabaRa apaga 'shoul> der;carryon shoulder',*zuRuq> chugo''sap,juice', *piRa>figa-n 'fisheggs, roe', *daRi > hagi 'a fish: Scomberoides, pompanoor jack-trevally',*um-aRi 'come' > magi 'here (towardthe speaker)',*baqeRu'new;just now' > pa'go 'now, today', *biRaq> piga' 'wildtaro:Alocasiaspp.'; *R > k: *peRes>foks-e 'squeezeout, express',*aRemang h-akmang > 'morayeel', *ma> qaRsem> ma-'aksom'sour',*baRiuh pakyo'typhoon',*beRsay> poksay'paddle of a boat', *saRman 'outriggerfloat' > sakman 'large canoe-from Polynesia or over Ioo people';layaR> layak([ae])'sail', Papua,no outrigger, capableof carrying > *ma-tuduR ma-tuhok > (met.) 'get down,let down'. 'sleepy',*tuRun tunok It is phonetically unlikely that *1would change directly to t. The change *1> d is ratheruncommon, but occurs preceding a front vowel in Malagasy and in some of the languages of northernSulawesi, such as Tonsea. In Chamorro,it appearsthat *1 became d syllable-finally, and that a rule of final devoicing then changed *d to t and *g to k in coda position. It is noteworthy that this change persisted as a phonotactic



of wheresyllable-final andr were conditionin the adaptation Spanishloanwords, I bothborrowed t: attat'altar'(Spanish as 'ultimate, extreme,farthest' altar),uttimo etmanu brother, monk'(Spanish friar, ultimo), hermano), 'lay petna,pietna (Spanish finaldevoicingin Chamorro must 'thigh'(Spanish piera 'leg'). As notedalready, havefollowed the change *b > p, becauseotherwisePMP *b and *p would have Finaldevoicingmustalso havefollowedthe change*d > h, becauseothermerged. wouldbe **lagut, theattested wise thereflexof *lahud not lagu. 3.3.6 Glides. PMP allowed *w in all positions,but *y could not occur morBoth glides were strengthened obstruentsin Chamorro,*w to pheme-initially. the labiovelar and*y the alveolaraffricate [dz]. y stopgw, becoming
*w > gw : *wada> gwaha 'have, thereis, thereexists', *walu > gwalu 'eight', *watu>

fromspeaker addressee)'; and > gwatu'there-in thatdirection (away *qawa agwa > and *lawit > with *lawas lagwas 'hook' lagwet 'catch a hook',*siwa 'long slender',
'milkfish:Chanoschanos',*qasawa> asagwa 'spouse',*kawil> hagwet'fishhook', > sigwa 'nine';

> 'coconut 'toward interior' haya'south the > *y > y ([dz]):*qayuyu ayuyu crab', *daya and > 'sail'. east (inGuam Rota), (inSaipan)', *layaR layak in affectednotonly phonemic*w and*y, butalso the Glidefortition Chamorro thatdevelopedin the environments transitional *ua, *au, *ia, glides predictable and presumably*ai (no examples of the latterare available).As noted earlier, reflexof *w is g, notgw: beforea rounded vowel, the strengthened > 'betel 0 > gw: *buaq (*buwaq)pugwa' > nut'; > > 0 > g: *zauq (*zawuq) chago' distant'; 'far,
0 > y: *ia > gwiya '3SGemphatic', *kamiu> hamyo 'you (PL)', *liai > liyang 'cave',

> > *tian> tuyan *niuR niyok 'coconut tree',*baRiuh pakyo 'stomach, 'typhoon', abdomen'. belly,

> > and suchas *kamiu hamyo'you(PL)' *baRiuh pakyo'typhoon' Etymologies areassumed showfortition a phonetic to of followedby loss of thehighvowel, glide > > whichtriggered glideformation (*hamiyu [hamidzu] [hamdzo]). A numberof etymologies show that glide fortitionfollowed the loss of *h, becauseit required priorglide formation:
*h > zero > gw: *dahun > (*dawun) > hagon 'leaf', *kahu > (*kawu) > hagu '2SG

> > > 'toward sea'> the *duha (*duwa) hugwa 'two',*lahud (*lawud) emphatic', > and west(in Saipan)', *bahu-an (*bawan) pagwan > (in lagu'north Guam Rota), smell'. aroma, 'giveoff scent,

in Finally,gw or g appears initialpositionin wordsthatoriginallybeganwith a vowel, or with *h, whichwas firstlost.

0 > gw: *apak> gwafak'mat',*aku> gwahu'ISGemphatic',*ijulr> gwi'aeg 'nose', *idi

*ia in > gwihi'there *ini (3PL)', > gwini'here, thisplace', > gwiya'3SG emphatic'; *hasai> > > *h > (zero)> gw: *hapuy gwafi'fire',*hasaq gwasa' 'whet,sharpen', > *hikan gwihan 'fish'; gwasang 'gills',*ipi> gwifi'dream', > *enem gunnm > 0 > g: *uRat gugat'vein, 'six'; muscle, tendon, artery', > withdraw'. > *h> (0)> g: *huqenapgo'naf'fish scale',*hunus gunos'wean;



Becauseit is phonetically stop unlikelythata labiovelar wouldbe addedto initial vowels, it seems nearlycertainthatthe latterchangetook place in two steps: of (I) addition *w beforeall wordsthatbeganwitha vowel, (2) glide fortition. This change has been misunderstoodby some scholars. Dyen (I962), for to gw gw, example,suggestedthatChamorro corresponding a labiovelar or kwin a rather labiovelar obstruent thanthe *w few otherlanguages, mustreflectan earlier because "otherwisewe should or zero thathad previouslybeen reconstructed, have to regardthe independentphonetic agreementas a convergenceand the occlusive featureas independently But, as seen in examplessuch as acquired." *duha> hugwa 'two', the labiovelarstop clearlyis secondary,because it could only have developed after the loss of *h. Moreover,as Dahl (1976:46ff) has pointedout, glide fortition,includingthe change*w > gw, is foundin manylancan guagefamilies.Forreasonsof space,no morethanpassingreference be made here. Prokosch(1939:9I) points out that"in Germanicwords to a few of these timesduringthe MiddleAges, initial borrowed Romancelanguagesat various by w becamea stop"(war: guerre,wasp: guepe,William: Guillaume, etc.). Much the same is trueof Spanishaccentin Englishtoday,whereEnglish w andy are by commonlypronounced Spanishspeakersas a voiced labiovelarfricativeand Underthe name"Holtzmann's voiced palatalaffricate Law,"Prorespectively." describesthe fortitionof inherited kosch further glidesj, w aftershortvowels in and bothGothicandNorse, wherethe changesclearlywereindependent, resulted of in obstruents the formggw (a geminatelabiovelar stop) anddjj (a palatalstop followedby a spirantic (I979:712) glide).In another of the world,Thompson part that *w developed into a stop in severalSalishanlanguages,including reports Coeur d'Alene and Lushootseed (gw), Comox (g), StraitsSalishan (kw), and a is w Tillamook(k). In Quinault, similardevelopment subphonemic: has the allobeforevowels.Accordingto Thompson, "thehistoryof original*y is phone[gw] it similar,althoughnot entirelyparallel: developsto a stop in the same languages as *w, exceptfor Tillamook." Whatis most strikingaboutthe Chamorro changeis thatit affectednot only butalso glidesthatwerephonemically zero.However, verysimphonemicglides, in ilarchangeshaveoccurred a number the languagesof Borneo.In Bintulu of of for example,bothPMP *w and *y andthe predictable transinorthern Sarawak, > tionalglides [w] and [y] arereflectedas b andz: *qasawa saba 'wife', *duha(> *ruwa> *raba)> ba 'two', *abuat(> *buwat> *babat)> bat 'long', *quay (> *uway> abay)> bay 'rattan'; *layaR> laza 'sail', *qalia(> *liya)> ldza'ginger', *siaw (> *siyaw) > (sa)zaw 'chicken'. Unlike the situationin Chamorro,such glides did not develop if the first vowel was not high: *zauq > jau' 'far' (cp. recorded aroundthe beginningof the twentiethcenChamorro chago').Material and reportedin Ray (1913) shows thatBintulub derives from earliergw: tury are sagwa,saba 'wife', gwa 'two'. Similardevelopments foundin Miri andLong
and I I. Both Frenchorthography the phoneticsof Spanishaccent in modernEnglish suggest that glide fortitionin Frenchbegan with labiovelarsthatwere subsequentlydelabialized.



wherezerois reflectedas b orj between*u or *i anda followTerawan Berawan, unlikevowel;in Kiput,wherefwappears the firstof theseenvironments in and ing zero in the second;and in Tunjung southeastKalimantan, of whereg appearsin the firstenvironment, in *duha> raga' 'two'. as It is noteworthythatgw- does not appearin the reflexes of wordsthatbegan with *q-. These examplesshow thatalthough*h had been lost priorto glide formation and fortition, *q had not. In fact, as noted earlier, it is possible that Chamorrowords with initial vowel still begin phonetically with glottal stop: *qabu> apu 'ashes', *qasiRa> asiga 'salt', *qasu> asu 'smoke', *qatep> atof > 'roof', *qipil> ifet'a tree:Intsiabijuga',*quzan uchan'rain',*qulin> ulin 'rud> der', *qulu> ulu 'head',*qumar) umang'hermit crab',*qenay> unay'sand'. Whatis the sourceof the historically labiovelar glide in wordsthat secondary a it originallycontained vowel?Dahl(I976:46ff)reconstructed as partof the base, proposing,for example,PAN*uakufor *aku 'ISG, I', *uenemfor *enem 'six', andso on. However, solutionignoresthe factthattrisyllabic this bases with initial in descendants. high vowels areotherwisealmostunknown PANor its primary Another BothIvatan of possibilityis thatthissegmentis a fossilizedmorpheme. andMaranao Mindanao a case-marking the northernmost of use Philippines parti*u of cle reflecting as partof themorphology "focus" Reid(1966) glosses marking. while McKaughanand Macaraya(I967:x) call Ivatanqo as a "topic marker," o marker." sucha particle beenfoundin pre-Chamorro, If had it Maranao a "source as could conceivablyhaveresyllabified w beforewordsthatbeganwith a vowel, > hence *u-VCVC> *w-VCVC,but *u-CVCVC *u-CVCVC. butnot elsewhere; assumed where*u became*w, that To accountfully for the data,it mustbe further as hence *w-VCVC> wVCVC, it was reinterpreted partof the base andretained, a > butwhereit remained vowel,it was lost:*u-CVCVC CVCVC. Thereare severalproblemswith this theoryof the historyof Chamorro in gw wordsthatoriginallybeganwith a vowel.First,giventhe factthattheyconsistof a single phoneme and differ in function, it is not at all clear that the Ivatanand Maranaocase-markersare continuationsof the same historicalform. In other evidencethatjustifiesPMP *u. words,it is not at all clearthatthereis comparative as thereis no obvious Second,even if *u is reconstructed a case-marking particle, initialposition,becauseprepenultireasonwhy it woulddelete in prepenultimate reflexesof *-um-with vowel-initialstems: mate initialu occursin the Chamorro 'to ugong'a groan,lament':um-ugong groan,lament'.This pointis worthemphavowels areneutralized as sizing, becausein manyAN languages,prepenultimate we held schwa,anddropentirelywheninitial.If a similarconstraint in Chamorro, would expect the infix -um- to have a word-initialallomorphm- (hence **mthereis no reasonto does not have such a constraint, ugong).BecauseChamorro assume thatcase-markedforms such as *u-qatep,*u-peRes,or *u-tunuwould wherever PMPetymonhas a havelost the initialvowel. Finally,initialgw appears a vowel or *h, withoutreferenceto wordclass. Case-marking particlesin Philipof pine-typelanguagestypicallymarkthe nominalarguments a verb,andalthough it contrast oftenblurred, is difficultto imaginethatnounssuch as is the noun-verb



verbssuch as gwasa' 'to whet, sharpen',existential go'naf 'fish scale', transitive such verbssuch as gwaha 'have;thereis, thereexists', demonstratives as guihior guini, personalpronounssuch as gwahu 'ISGemphatic',and numeralssuch as gwalu 'eight' all reflecta fossilizedcase-marking particleas the initialconsonant of the Chamorro form. A far simplerhypothesisto explainChamorro initialgw from zero is thatw thenchanged was addedbeforewordsthatbeganwith a vowel, andglide fortition *w to gw. Although they continue to be puzzling, parallelsto Chamorroglide the epenthesisarein fact foundin otherlanguages.Palauan, only othernon-Ocehas anic languagein Micronesia, addeda velarnasalbeforewordsthatoriginally began with a vowel, and many Oceanic languages have added a palatal glide beforewordsthatoriginally beganwith *a (Blust 1990). lexicon generallyexhibitsregularpatterns 3.3.7 Irregularities. The Chamorro occur.These do not of soundchange,but as in any language,some irregularities rare.The irregular to be especially numerous,nor are they particularly appear and can changesof Chamorro be dividedinto canonicalirregularities segmental irregularities. Canonical irregularities. Severalreflexesof PMP formsshow canoniin In > cal irregularities Chamorro. *bunbun pupon'groupof, bunchof, gathering > nasalis irreguof', and *bujbuU pupong'ridgeof a roof', the preconsonantal larly lost. Attemptsto discovera conditionin these forms appearto founderon *demdem> homhom'dark,dim, obscure'.It is conceivablethatnasals (but not an werelost afterthechange*d > h, butit appears phostops)preceding obstruent for deletionto affect nasalsbut not stops in such an environneticallyunlikely ment. In a few forms, preconsonantal stops in reduplicatedmonosyllables assimilatedfully to the following stop, producinga geminate,as in *bukbuk > froma decayedplant'.Such assimilations haveprecededthe poppo 'powder may loss of the preconsonantal nasalin Chamorro puponandpupong,but thereis no directevidencefor such a hypothesis. unknownreasons,the entirefirstsyllaFor ble was irregularly in *tijadaq> ngaha' 'look upward'. lost in Segmental irregularities. Severalirregularities appear the reflexesof the voicelessstops.In *ma-paqit ma-la'et'bitter', phonemesubstitution > a occurs thatmay havebeen motivated a desireto distinguish stativeverbfromthe this by similarsemantically shiftedsimplexformfa'et'salty'.PMP*taki(doublet *taqi) of 'feces' appears Chamorro as withunexplained retention *k andfinalglottal of take', obscure. cross-referstop.Thismaybe a loan,butif so, its sourceremains Topping ences a numberof forms thatdifferin initialvowel vs. initialh. This may be a in in > changein progress, whichinitialh is dropped casualspeech,as in *kaRuki or aguhi 'sandcrab',or *dalikan halihanor alihan 'trivet, > hearth stones'. haguhi Givensuchvariation betweenwhatarepresumably careful casualspeechforms, and



h the secondary in formssuch as *aRemar hakmang > > 'morayeel', or *qatulay or hatulay scad'maybe a product hypercorrection. of atulay 'big-eye The splitof *k in finalpositionis particularly puzzling,becauseetymaof identicalphonemicshapehavetakendifferent > paths:*bakbak pappa 'stripoff bark', > *bakbak pakpak'pop,burstforthwith suddenviolenceandnoise'; *b-al-akbak > palakpak'crackingnoise such as thunder', palappa 'flappingnoise, rustling sound'.Zeroreflexesappear predominate, not by an overwhelming to but margin whereassyllable-final in nonfinal *k (9:6). In addition, positionis reflectedas h in the *mekmek> mohmo, glottalcontinuant to to appears have assimilated the fol> > lowing stop,yieldinga medialgeminatein both*bakbak pappaand *bukbuk > poppo,butin *nuknuk nunuit deletedwithouta trace. For unknownreasons, stray glottal stops appearin *pa- >fa'- 'causative in prefix',and *layaR> la'yak(nextto layak)'sail', anda strayh appears *barjun > pahngon(nextto the expected pangon)'wakeup'. class, noble',a clearreflexof (1945:13)gives matua'upper Finally,Thompson of of PMP*ma-tuqah 'mature, elder, people',butwithno indication theexpected glotfroma publication theFrench talstop.However, formis taken the Louis by navigator in de Freycinet,which appeared severalvolumesissuedbetween I829 and 1837. is the form is writtenmatua,it probably matu'a,becausewe can safely Although wouldnothavebeenrendered assumethattheglottal stop orthographically, the given circumstances under whichit wascollected. Thiswordevidently with disappeared the of Chamorro of hereditary breakdown thetraditional socialclasses. system Reflexesof the voiced stopsexhibitfew irregularities. Among the problematic withb forexpected and*tazem > formsare*bujeq bu'o 'foam,bubbles, > lather', p to as tasm-e'sharpen a point',withs forexpected Thefirstof theseis surprising, ch. it showsthe regular highlydistinctive and *j development > '. If it is a loanfroma beforePMP *j hadmergedwith language,it musthavebeen borrowed Philippine any other phoneme in the lending language, but after the change *b > p in tasm-emay be a loanfroman Oceaniclanguage, reflexes as Chamorro. Chamorro are Nuclear Micronesian do of POC*tasim-i fairlywidespread. However, languages not havethis formwiththe s retained, thusraisingdoubtsaboutwhetherit is borrowed.Thereflex*j > d seenin *qalejaw 'day'> atdaw'sun'maybe dueto condifurther tionedchangefollowingtheloss of medialschwa,butwithout this examples, canonlybe speculation. the a Undoubtedly mostperplexing changeaffecting voiced > the labial pw stopis thatseen in *beRPi pwengi'night'.As notedearlier, velarized to Becausesimilar are initialconsonants foundin appears be veryrarein Chamorro. fromanOceanicsource. reflexesof *beRri,thisformmayderive manyOceanic The irregularitiesseen in *dakut > hakot 'snatch, grab, seize' (expected and > **hahot) *dalikan alihan,hali'an,halihan(only the latterexpected)'trivet, has of hearth'suggestthatChamorro a tendency avoidthe appearance h in sucto howcessive syllables.Becausea few formslike halihando occurin the language, constraint. ever,we evidentlycannotspeakof a phonotactic changes occur in reflexes of the nasals. As in Comparativelyfew irregular the reflexof *ni-a'3SG manyotherlanguages, Chamorro genitive'hasbeenreana-



fusionof the alveolar nasaland*i intoa singlepalalyzed as a -CV suffixthrough tal nasal. PMP *qajanshows an irregular reflex in Chamorrona'an 'name', n to possiblythe resultof an assimilation the nasalof the finalsyllable.Forreasons 'to swim' andnufo''scorpionfish' bothhavedoublets thatremainunclear, nangu in Chamorro withan initialpalatal nasal. One irregularity the reflex of *s is particularly in salient:*sai > hayi 'who?'. Giventhefactthat*apa> h-afa 'what?'also showsan apparent fossilizedprefix,it is possible thatthe close associationof these two interrogatives contributed a to in partial convergence form. The reflexes *1> I and *1> t appearto be exceptionless.Thereis one known exception to the stateddevelopmentof *R: *beRiri> pwengi 'night'. As noted that already,this form shows multipleirregularities suggest thatit is a loanword froman Oceaniclanguage. Therearesome possibleirregularities thereflexesof theglides,butthesemay in in some cases be conditioned. Chamorro for afa'fa' 'armpit'appears anticipated this of however, may showthatthe addition w beforean initialvowel **gwafa'; was prosodicallyconditioned.If Chamorro not have an inheritedsystem of did of stress,butgenerallystressedthe penult,as is the case in the majority phonemic AN wouldhavebegunwithan unstressed attested languages,*afaqfaq and vowel, theruleof glideepenthesis initialvowels. mayhaveapplied only to stressed In addition,neither*tau> tawtaw 'person,humanbeing' nor *bahu> paw > medialg (butcp. *bahu-an pagwan 'give off 'odor,smell' has the anticipated In the former with a disyllabiccanoniodor,aroma'). case, reduplication, together cal target, led of probably to the resyllabification the originalvowel sequence*-au as *-aw.This is harder arguein *bahu> paw, becauseresyllabification to would haveruncounterto thepreferred and canonical target, thereflexof thecanonically similar*sai 'who?' showsglide fortition hayi,not ** hay). (> The change*i > gi 'at,at the,from'for expected**gwi,mayshow feature simdue but is for plification to high frequency, a similarexplanation not available the > > changein *ma-huab *mawab magap(expected**magwap) 'yawn'.The split reflexin *ini> gwini 'here',butini 'this'is unexplained. addition, In theremay be a previouslyunnoticed constraint Chamorro in of againstthe occurrence velarand labiovelarstops in the same morpheme, seen in *aRuhu(> *aRu)> *waRu> as tree:Casuarina equisetifolia'. gagu (not **gwagu)'ironwood 3.4 SPEECH STRATA. Some writers (Costenoble I940:I9ff. and Carlson in 1991) have suggestedthe presenceof distinctlexicalstrata Chamorro, presumably reflectinga historyof intensivelanguagecontact.Costenoble's etymologies, and however,are sometimesquestionable, createartificial problemsthatsupport artificial solutions.Appendix2 documents presenceof a number loanwords the of the of fromPhilippine all languages, presumably postdating arrival the Spanishin In features the Marianas. addition, few lexicalitemsandstructural a suggestfairly the earlyinfluencefromone or moreOceaniclanguages. Perhaps most noteworis thy exampleof possible Oceanicinfluencein Chamorro seen in the pairmagi



'here;towardthe speaker': gwatu 'there;away from the speaker',a widespread in that in distinction Oceaniclanguages is unreported the AN languagesof insular Asia. The firsttermdirectlyreflectsPMP *maRi'come' with apparent Southeast semanticchange,but the secondmay be a borrowing took place priorto the that change *w > gw, becausereflexesof *watuare otherwiseunknownoutside the Oceanic group.If Chamorro gwatu is a loan from a NuclearMicronesianlanit must have been borrowednot only before the change *w > gw in guage, but Chamorro, also beforethe loss of *t in Trukiclanguages(cf. Puluwat-waw of and 'towards addressee', similarformsin otherlanguages the Carolines). the in aboutpossiblespeechstrata Chamorro is Oneotherwordthatraisesquestions 'collect firewood', a form that is often pairedwith kayu 'wood' in ngayu ([x]) island SoutheastAsia, and clearlyderivesfrom a prototypewith the active verb havereduced prefixman-to the A of in prefix*mari-. number languages Indonesia of a preferred canonunder general the nasalsubstitution disyllabic pressure simple the prefixunchanged, reducthe ical shape.BecauseChamorro normally preserves These suspicionsare inheritance. tion in this formraisessuspicionsaboutindirect in vowel:hayu,butngeyu. differences thepentultimate further strengthened by 4. THE LINGUISTICPOSITION OF CHAMORRO. In essence,threeviews the havebeen expressedregarding linguisticpositionof Chamorro: Chamorro (I) is is most closely relatedto the languagesof the Philippines, Chamorro most (2) has in (3) closely relatedto one or morelanguages Indonesia, Chamorro no close withintheAN language relatives family. At least since Safford (I909), various writershave noted the similarity of himself Safford to verbalaffixation thatof various Chamorro languages. Philippine to resemblances but lackeda clearconceptof linguistic subgrouping, he mentioned in and "Visayan" the course of casual remarksaboutthe similarityof Tagalog to Chamorro variousotherlanguages.More explicitly,Topping(1973:3) specuand are of latedthatthe closestrelatives Chamorro Tagalog Ilokano. in The secondview is advocated casualformin VoegelinandVoegelin(1977), and througha more seriously arguedposition in Zobel (to appear),where an to Malayo-Polynesian" attemptis made to assign Chamorro a putative"Nuclear as and containsbothChamorro Palauan, well as the Centhatreportedly subgroup of andmostlanguages westernIndonetral-Eastern languages Malayo-Polynesian or Sulawesi,Madagascar, sia, but not the languagesof the Philippines,northern Borneo (except the Malayic and Tamanicgroups).In effect, Zobel arguesthat Asia aremore Southeast of and Palauan, some of the languages insular Chamorro, relatedto the languagesof easternIndonesiaandthe Pacificthanthey are closely to the languages of the Philippines.Zobel speculatesthat Chamorroprobably from Sulawesi.Thereis no knownphonologicalor lexical reachedthe Marianas for this view, andReid (to appear) rejectsthe NuclearMalayo-Polynesian support on the basisof Zobel'sown evidenceandarguments. hypothesis



The thirdview was firstexplicitlyarticulated Dyen (1965), who arguedon by formsa primary branchof the "Malayolexicostatistical groundsthatChamorro and Starosta Pagotto(I985) considergrammatical evidence polynesianLinkage." with of and for linkingChamorro the languages thePhilippines, concludethatthere is no corpusof exclusivelyshared innovations could be used to justifysuch a that connection. Reid(to appear) the essentially samepointof view. subgrouping adopts A somewhatdifferentvariationon the thirdview is seen in Starosta(1995), whereit is proposedthatChamorro off fromotherAN languagesin Taiwan, split and thatit is therefore moreclosely relatedto some Formosan languages(Kanathanto others(Rukai,Tsou, Saaroa). kanavu, Paiwan,Amis, Atayalic,Saisiyat) will No attempt be madeto assessthemerits theseviewsbeyonda few passing of Chamorro remarks. shows all of the phonemicmergerscharacteristic Malayoof '*S-metathesis' exem(Blust 1999:56),further Polynesianlanguages,including > > 'fish scale'. plifiedhereby PAN*quSeNap PMP*huqenap Chamorro go'naf in Innovations the pronounsystemandvariouslexical innovations cited in Blust to the sameconclusion: Chamorro descended is froma single (I995a, 1999)point to ancestral all AN languages the outsideTaiwan. Within Malayo-Polynelanguage siangroup, Chamorro showsno close ties withanyotherlanguage. Thereareatleast two principal reasonsfor the historically that commonperception Chamorro subwithPhilippine its verbsystemis oftenregarded showing as First, languages. groups characteristics "Philippine-type of But has languages." suchanobservation no merit as subgrouping becauseit appeals retentions morphosyntactic to of charevidence, acteristicsthatwere presentin Proto-Austronesian. and Second,bothChamorro Greater Central reflectPAN*R as g. But the change (GCP)languages Philippines *R > g is not a generalcharacteristic Philippine of cerlanguages,andChamorro defined GCPgroup. addition these In to tainlydoes notbelongto thefairlynarrowly the in loanwords Chamorro considerations, presenceof manyPhilippine primary to that may alsohavecontributed theimpression thereis a close geneticrelationship betweenChamorro thelanguages thePhilippines. and of In short,phonological, evidenceprovideno clear lexical,andmorphosyntactic or widely acceptedbasis for assigning Chamorroto any subgrouplower than In withBlust(1977),the writer Malayo-Polynesian. various publications beginning has advocatedassigning Chamorroto a putativeWesternMalayo-Polynesian (WMP) subgroupof AN languages,a groupbased largelyon the prevalenceof nasalsubstitution a functioning as of homorganic processin the formation active verbs.However, notedelsewhere as in (Blust1999),rarephonological irregularities bothFormosan Oceaniclanguages and descendfrom suggestthattheselanguages an ancestorin which homorganic nasalsubstitution once active.The proper was of remains be workedout, butfor the moment to interpretation theseobservations theycasta pallon the notionof WMPas aninnovation-defined subgroup. 5. A BIRD'S-EYEVIEW OF CHAMORROCULTUREHISTORY. Valuable summaries Chamorro of culturehistorycan be foundin Thompson(1945),



Spoehr(I954, I957), andBellwood(I979). The followingproposalsareintended and the to statements primarily providea broadoverview, to supplement published of otherscholarsby filling gaps in the record.However,as will be seen, they can of also be takenas rejections certain that in proposals haverecentlybeen advanced the linguisticsliterature. 5.1 WHENCE THE CHAMORROS? In recent years, there has been a fair aboutChamorro to lanamountof speculation origins.Withregard the Chamorro guage, Topping(1973:3) suggestedthat"itsclosest linguisticrelativesareprobably Ilokano and Tagalog."Starosta(I995:694) suggests that the Chamorros from the west coast of Taiwan, reachedthe Marianas througha directmigration of in (MP) therebydenyingthe membership Chamorro the Malayo-Polynesian subgroupof AN. Zobel (to appear),who accepts the MP statusof Chamorro, (NMP) groupof languageswithin assigns it to a "NuclearMalayo-Polynesian" MP, and suggests that "it was probably... from Sulawesi that the speakersof sailed to the and Chamorro Palauan(or better:Pre-Chamorro Pre-Palauan) and Thereare problems northeast the distantislandsof Palauand the Marianas." to with all of these proposals.Toppingadvocatesan immediaterelationshipof Chamorro with two Philippinelanguagesthat are only distantlyrelatedto one amountof evidencefor the MP affiliation of another. leavesa substantial Starosta Zobel's proposalis difficultto and unmentioned. Chamorro Finally, unexplained and that reconcilewith variousfactsof geography, demography, meteorology will now be considered. I: The Islandsstretchlike a greatoutspread Consideration geography. Mariana some 1,300miles to the net with its concaveside facingthe Philippine archipelago chainextendalmost500 miles west. Althoughthe fifteenislandsof the Marianas islandsof Guam, fromnorthto south,as Spoehr(I957:22)noted,only the southern and Saipancontainmuch land suitablefor humanhabitaRota,Aguijan,Tinian, tion.Thesefive islandsarelocatedbetweenabout13 and 15 degreesnorthlatitude, Luzonin the Philippine due and andaretherefore eastof southern central group. in the CounterCurrent, ocean currents the western Except for the Equatorial of from Pacificflow predominantly eastto west,andso do not favorthe settlement Asia. Much the same can be from any locationin insularsoutheast the Marianas saidfor theprevailing winds,whichvaryseasonally (Irwin1992:I I8ff).Apartfrom in to and southern central Luzon,theclosestlandfall theMarianas islandSoutheast Moluccas. in Asia is the islandof Morotai, just northof Halmahera the northern lanis Halmahera a whole,Morotai a regionin whichPapuan as But,like northern have been spokenfor an undetermined periodof time. Irwin(1992:I27) guages to that maintains "itwouldbe no greatsurprise" discoverthatPalau(Belau),Yap, a at "weremorecloselyrelated thetimeof colonisation," position andtheMarianas fromthe standpoint thatis evidentlysimilarto thatof Zobel (to appear). However, to of language,it certainlywould be a surprise discoverthatPalau,Yap,and the had Marianas sharedan earlyperiodof commonhistoryexclusivelyof otherAusrelatedto one are areas,as thesethreelanguages only distantly tronesian-speaking



In nor another. short,neitherarchaeological linguisticevidenceat the present time were settledby way of Palauas a "stepping supportsthe view thatthe Marianas all are reached theirhistorical stone."Rather, indications thatthe Chamorros locaout tion through singlemovement of insular a Southeast Asia.Arguments basedon to geography,then, favorthe Philippinesover areasfurther the south as a likely sourceregionfor the prehistoric peoplingof theMarianas. 2: Consideration settlement time,population density,and migration potential. The available evidencesuggeststhatthe Mariana Islandswere setarchaeological tled by AN speakersat least 3,500 yearsago (Bellwood 1979:282,Spriggs 1989, Craib1993, Rainbird1994). For manyyears,the earliestevidenceof humansettlementin the Marianas was a radiocarbon of 1527 B.C. 200 years,which date + AlexanderSpoehrobtainedat the site of ChalanPiao on the southwestcoast of Saipan. Spoehr (I957:168) furtherpointed out that "the carbon 14 date was obtainedfrom an upperlevel of the site. The four feet of culturalmateriallying beneaththe oyster shell from which the date was obtainedmustbe considerably older." Bellwood (1979:282)notedthatif calibrated, dateobtainedby Spoehr the
would be placed circa 3800 BP.

More recently,this earlydate has been challengedon the groundsthatit was froma shell sample,whichpresents obtained to specialcomplications radiocarbon and datingin thePacific(Athens1986,Bonhomme Craib1987).Despitethiscloudfor date Piao,Craib(I993) has argued datesof ing of the longstanding fromChalan fromthe site of UnaiChuluon Tinian, he concludesthat and nearlyequalantiquity theMarianas weresettledby "about 3500 BP."Needlessto say,thereis no certainty thattheearliest datesobtained farextendto thetimeof initialsettlement. so Bellwood (I997:220), following Spriggs(I989), has suggestedthatthe redthe of at of slippedpotterymarking arrival Neolithiccultures a number sites in the Luzon(similar the Marianas to redware foundat ChaCagayanvalleyof northern lan Piao), "mightbe as early as 2800 BC." generalterms,then, Austronesian In to havearrived the northern in fromTaiwanby about speakers appear Philippines notmuchmorethana millenium later. 3,000 BC,andwerein theMarianas probably wouldhavebeenin the Philippines-particularly By 3,500-4,000 BP,AN speakers Luzon-for roughlya millennium, would have inhabited but areasfurther the to south for a shortertime period.Althoughfeaturesof the local environment may skew the broader knowncases, population picture,in historically densitytendsto Otherthingsbeing equal,migrationsare varydirectlywith lengthof settlement. morelikelyto takeplacefromareasof higherpopulation densitythanfromareasof lower population Consideration like Consideration thus also favors I, 2, density. the Philippines the mostlikelyregionfromwhichtheMarianas as weresettled. Consideration the typhoon zone Chamorro 3: pakyo 'typhoon,storm,tropical reflects PAN*baRiuS,PMP *baRiuh'typhoon'.One might speculate cyclone' thatpakyois a loan from a GreaterCentralPhilippinessource such as Tagalog is bagyo 'typhoon'.However,this interpretation unlikelyfor at least two reasons. with b loanwords First,pakyoshowstheregular change*b > p, whereasPhilippine to borrowed withouta changeof the labialstop (appendix appear be invariably 2).



Second, Guam and the other southern Marianas Islands lie directly in the to belt"thatconnectsthe CarolineIslandsmeteorologically the central "typhoon the and are andsouthern Taiwan, Ryukyus, southern Japan. Typhoons Philippines, thus an integralandfrequently that experienced of the physicalenvironment part theChamorros knew,anda wordfor 'typhoon'was no morelikelyto be borrowed thana wordfor 'surf', 'sea', or 'rain.' The cyclonic and anticyclonic forces thatproducetyphoonsandrelatedtypes of tropicalstormson a global basis are operativewithin a zone thatruns from IO approximately degreesto 35 degreesnorthand southlatitude(GentilliI998). Withinthe intertropical convergencezone, or doldrums,extendingroughlyten unknown. degreesto the northandthe southof theEquator, typhoonsarevirtually In the western Pacific, the doldrumsinclude the whole of Indonesiaand New Guinea. Withinthe Philippines,typhoons are most frequentin Luzon and the northernBisayas, and are extremely rare in Mindanao. Deppermann(I939) all reviews"practically the recordsof typhoons" containedin the ManilaCentral of the Weather Bureaufrom I884-I939, anddoes not mentionMinObservatory danao.BrandandBlelloch(I972) give tracksegmentsfor 30 typhoonsthatstruck in the Philippines the period1960-I970. Onlyone of thesecrossedMindanao. If Pacificweathersystemshavemaintained over essentiallythe same structure the pastfourmillennia,Chamorro can be takenas evidencethat pakyo'typhoon' in migratingto the MarianaIslands,Chamorro speakersneverleft the typhoon zone. This effectively excludes Sulawesi as a potentialsource area,and further excludesPalauas a possible"stepping stone."BecauseChamorro clearlyis a MP the Philippines-especially the Philippinesnorthof language,this leaves only Mindanao-as a likely source areafor the migrationthat settled the Marianas some 3,500 yearsago or earlier.12 5.2 LANDFALLS IN THE MARIANAS. Surprisingly, linguistichistory the of Chamorro may even providesome evidenceas to the areasreachedduringthe of initialsettlement theMarianas. Both Proto-Austronesian Proto-Malayo-Polynesian the terms*daya and used the toward interior', *lahud'downriver, and toward sea', as markers the of 'upriver, a primaryaxis of spatial orientation(Blust 1997). In daughterlanguages, the as directions. Where semanticreflexesof theseformsareoftentranslated cardinal differfromone locationto another the same islandor closeon these translations knit island group,they revealthe derivativenatureof the cardinalsenses. Thus in Balinesekaya(from*ka-daya) means'south'in the northof Bali and 'north' the in means'north' the northof Bali, and southof Bali, whilekelod(from*ka-lahud)

In speculating about the prehistoric distributionof languages in his proposed "Nuclear Malayo-Polynesian"(NMP) subgroup,Zobel (to appear)tries to leave this possibility open, although it clearly is not his first choice: "Of course, these speculations do not take into account the possibility that NMP languageswere also spoken in other areas,e.g., in the Philippines, and have later been replaced by focus-retaining languages. Thus, Palauan and Chamorrospeakersmay have departedfrom an areaoutside of the presentNMP area."



'south'in the southof Bali. In eitherlocationthe termsmean simply 'towardthe mountains'and 'towardthe sea' respectively, becauseBali is a roughlycircular extension the west)thatrisesto a central to volcanicpeak. island(witha peninsular Reflexesof *lahudand*dayain Chamorro show a moreinteresting distincand tivedistribution: means'south'on GuamandRota,but'east'on Saipan, while haya means 'north'on GuamandRota,but 'west' on Saipan.Thesedifferences in lagu at do notcorrelate all withtheusualmapping cardinal of direction sensesonto usage is the a functioning axis systemin whichtheprimary of orientation 'toward interior' vs. 'towardthe sea.' Rather,the semanticreflexesof PMP *dayaand *lahudin in and settled thenorth, Saipan Chamorro suggestthatGuamandRotawereinitially of thesetermsbecame the in thewest;as a resultof theselandfalls relative meanings of that fixedmeanings persisted long aftertheinitialsettlement the islands.It is percoastof Saipan, and thatChalan Piaois locatedon the southwest hapsworthnoting in the reflexesof is thusconsistentwith the inference,basedon semanticchange was that settledfromthewest. *dayaand*lahud, Saipan initially 5.3 WHY DOESN'T CHAMORROSUBGROUPWITH THE LANGUAGES were settleddirectlyfromthe PhilipOF THE PHIIPPINES? If the Marianas with Philippine show some evidenceof subgrouping pines, shouldn'tChamorro languages? or sharesno body of demonstrable Chamorro phonological lexicalinnovations datesfor of withthemodemlanguages thePhilippines.13 giventheradiocarbon But, settlement of the Marianas,this should not be surprising.Blust (I99I) early of observedthatthe Philippine subgroup AN languages,whichincludesall of the as of thePhilippines Minahasan, exceptSama-Bajau, well as theSangiric, languages in showsgreatest of northern andGorontalic Sulawesi, diversity the language groups the extremities its range.By contrast, central of northern southern and Philippines, is whichmusthavean equallylong historyof settlement AN speakers, linguistiby Distributional of thiskindpointto episodesof facts cally relatively homogeneous. languageleveling,or whatDiamond(1992) has aptlycalled"resetting prehistoric relative the clock":one languagegroupexpandsat the expenseof others,creating In whereearlier therehadbeendiversity. the case at hand,it was argued uniformity CentralPhilippines" that a prehistoriclanguagecalled "Greater expandedboth around BC.As a result andsouthward fromtheBisayas,commencing northward 500 in the southern of thisexpansion, previous diversity theBisayas,Palawan, linguistic andmuchof Mindanao, sharply was reduced. Luzon, At the end of thatpaper(Blust I99I:I04), I ventureda furtherobservation: the as "Moregenerally, Philippine archipelago a whole showsmuchless linguistic
the 13. Zorc (I986) lists many of the innovationsthat characterize Philippinegroup. Among the more importantdiagnostics is the double semantic shift of *Rumaq 'house' to 'sheath' and *balay 'public building' to 'house'. Both of these changes are reflected in GreaterCentral where *Rumaq> Philippines,Bilic, Sangiric,and Minahasan subgroups,butnot in Chamorro, guma' 'house' (*balayevidently was lost). The second change is reflectedin virtuallyall Philippine subgroups.



thanone wouldexpectfor a regionthatmusthavebeen settledveryearly diversity in the historyof the Austronesian Therearethusgrounds inferring for expansions. anevenearlier and one the episodeof linguistic expansion extinction, thatpreceded CentralPhilippinesby perhapsa millennium." the In dispersalof Proto-Greater it be that of period3500-4000BP, canreasonably assumed therewerea number AN out languagesspoken in the Philippinesthathad differentiated from a founding in that LuzonfromTaiwan around 5000 BP.Butby population hadarrived northern one had 3500 BP, of theselanguages begunto expandattheexpenseof othperhaps Chamorro ers, giving rise in time to the presentPhilippine subgroup. presumably derivesfroma population escapedthislinguistic that holocaust sailingout of the by left Chamorros we probablywill Philippinesinto the Pacific.Why the ancestral neverknow,butperhaps primary the reasonwas theexpansion Proto-Philippines of itself. In this view, the lower-than-expected linguisticdiversityin the Philippines are andthe earlysettlement theMarianas notunrelated of facts,butrather piecesof a larger culture-historical thatsharea commonedge. puzzle Neither archaeologicalnor linguistic evidence supportsthe view that there were two or moremajormigrations the Marianas. to Chamorro containsa Rather, substantialnumberof loanwordsnot only from Spanish,but also from various languagesof the centralPhilippines(appendix2). These loans almost certainly enteredthe languagewithinthe past fourcenturiesas a resultfirstof the contact that the annualManila Galleon providedbetween the Philippines and Guam, of beginningin 1565, and laterthroughthe establishment the Spanishcolonial presencein I668 (Thompson1945, Schurz1959). 5.4 RICE, BETEL, AND CULTURE LOSS. Althoughthe Chamorros were rice at the timeof Spanish contactin the sixteenth therehas occacentury, growing in abouttheantiquity ricecultivation of sionallybeensome skepticism theliterature in theMarianas. etymologies*pajay The 'ricein the field,riceplant',*beRas >fa'i > pugas 'uncookedrice', and *lesung> lusong'rice mortar'shoulddispel these from Proto-Austronesian, so and doubts,as all threetermsare directlyinherited in the tradition rice cultivation. additionto of In indicatean unbroken continuity taro,coconuts,betelnuts,andsome othercropswere also brought rice, sugarcane, to theMarianas. factthattheChamorros The wereableto transport thesecultivated to food plantsfromthe Philippines the Marianas at least 3500 BPalso suggests by thatthe migration of Southeast out Asia was planned, accidental. not these successes, othervaluableaspectsof materialculturewere lost, Despite includingdomesticated dogs, pigs, andpossiblychickens(the statusof apparently is uncertain), mannok'chicken'as a loanword millet,weaving,andthe bow. The well havebeenconnected, becausein insuof disappearance dogs andthebow may valueof bothis in theirusefulnessin hunting.The lar Southeast Asia the primary to Marianas offeredno indigenousmammalsas prey,turningthe Chamorros the In sucha context,dogs wouldbecomenotonly useless,butcompetsea for protein. of and itorsfor food in timesof scarcity, consequently targets opportunism.



5.5 PIONEERING VOYAGERS. Muchhas beenmadeof the voyagingcapaas of bilitiesof thePolynesians, thesettlement eastern Polynesiainvolvedcrossing the greatest distanceswithinthe Pacificbasin.In the case of Hawai'i,an open sea voyage of at least 2,200 miles was neededto reachthe southernmost of the part But islandof Hawai'ifromthe northern Marquesas. Hawai'iwas not settleduntil AD 300-500 (Kirch I984:244). By contrast,the Chamorros must have crossed some 1,300 miles of open sea nearly two millenniabefore the settlementof had Hawai'i.Table3 summarizes majorvoyagesthatAN speakers to makein the order to reach their historicallyattestedlocationsin the Pacific, togetherwith distancesin miles andestimatesof the times when they were made approximate in yearsbeforethe present (BP). expressed TABLE MAJORVOYAGES THEAUSTRONESIAN 3. IN EXPANSION ASIA OUTOF INSULAR SOUTHEAST

Philippines-Marianas Central Vanuatu-Fiji Southeast Solomons-Kiribati

1,300 600 I,I00

2,300 2,200

3,500 BP
3,200 3,000 2,200 BP


Samoa-Marquesas Marquesas-Hawai'i

1,700 BP

The spreadof Oceanic-speaking peoplesintothe Pacificbeganat nearlythe same were settled,but-with one possibleexception-until eastern time the Marianas voyagingdistanceneededto Polynesiawas colonized,the maximuminterisland the distributional facts was far less than the distance traversedby the explain in The Chamorros reachingthe Marianas. possibleexceptionwas the movement of NuclearMicronesian peoples out of Melanesia,probablyfrom the Southeast The timingof this event is still unclear,but it is generally Solomons to Kiribati. thoughtto postdate3,500 BP.It was roughlyanotherI,o00 yearsafterthe "long pause"in westernPolynesiabeforeextendedvoyages with ocean-goingdoublehulledcanoes reachedeasternPolynesia.The voyagingskills of the Polynesians on are rightlyacclaimedin both the scientificand popularliterature traditional coveredin eastern sailingin the Pacific,as the distances Polynesiaexceededthose of anyotherarea.But the settlement eastern of Polynesiawas the lastepisodein a overthe sea. Long beforehumans millennia-long storyof Austronesian migration reachedeasternPolynesia,the Chamorros pioneeredlong-distance had voyaging intothe Pacificwithsingle-hulled an that outriggers, achievement is yet to be fully of recognizedin reconstructions Pacificprehistory.



Appendix 1: Chamorroreflexesof PMP

of The orthography Topping,Ogo, andDungca(I975) has been modifiedin the following -ay ways: I. -ai and -ao have been rewritten and -aw, 2. guV-has been rewritten gwV-,3. pwV-.(C) marksformstakenfromCostenoble(I940). puV-has been rewritten




3. 4. 5.

6. 7. 8. 9.



15. 16.

I8. I9.
20. 21. 22.

23. 24. 25.



30. 31.

33. 34.

35. 36. 37. 38. 39.


43. 44. 45.

achay aafa'f a-fagaw afok,afuk-i agwa agwas ahe' / ahi' / akmangaw atmangaw alileng alof alu alunan a-manu manu / anineng anti apaga,apaga-yi apu asagwa,asagwa asiga asi'-i, ma-'ase' asn-e,ma-'asen asu atdaw atof, aft-e ayuyu bu'o' chago' chahan chalan chopchop chugo' fa' fa'et fa-fa'et fa'i fa-lagu fa-lulon fanihi fasu fat-fat(C) faya fi'a (C) figa-n figes fitu(C)

qazay apaqpaq paRaw qapuR qawa qawas qadiq qali-maiaw qalilir qalep qalu qalunan m-anu qaninur qanitu qabaRa qabu qasawa qasiRa (ma)-qasiq (ma)-qasin qasu qalejaw qatep qayuyu bujeq zauq zakan zalan zebzeb zuRuq papaqit paqit pajay pa-laRiw lulun paniki pasu epat paya pija piRa pi(gR)is pitu

chin armpit hoarse lime milkfish babymullet marker negation of crab mangrove cateyeshell to beckon barracuda pillow where,which shadow soul, spirit,ghost on) (carry shoulder ash spouse;marry salt forgive;feel pity salty smoke day;sun roof coconutcrab foam,bubbles far cook in earthoven path,road to suck sap,juice causative salty;bitter fish sp. rice plant flee, escape wrap,rollup flying fox cheek four sardine how much,how many? fisheggs, roe stamp,crush seven




46. 47. 48. 49.

foks-e f-o'na, m-o'na fugo' fulu' (C)

peRes huqena peReq puluq


squeezeout, express ahead,first wring,squeeze ten

wipe out

50. funas 5I. gagu 52. ganas


Casuarina equisetifolia

53. gapot 54. gatus(C)

55. gi

Rabut Ratus

pullout hundred
at, on

56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70.

gimen(met.) go'naf gonggong guma' gunos gunot gunum(C) gupu gutos gwafak gwafi gwaha gwahu gwalu(C) gwasa'

inum huqenap guugur Rumaq hunus Runut enem Rebek getus apak hapuy wada aku walu hasaq
hasaj uRat

to drink fish scale rumble house wean;withdraw coconutfiber six to fly snap,breakoff mat fire have;thereis I eight whet,sharpen
gills vein, tendon

gwasang 72. gugat

73. 74. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89. 90.

gwi'eng gwifi gwihan gwihi gwini;ini gwiya ha'ani h-afa haga haga' hagi hago' hagon hagu hagwet (h)aguhi ha'i h-akmang hali (h)alihan halom hami hamyo

ijur hipi hikan idi ini ia daqani apa daRa daRaq daRi daReq dahun kahu kawil kaRuki daqih aRemau
dakut dalij

nose dream fish there(3p) here;this he, she daytime what? younggirl daughter; blood a fish:Scomberoides stickysoil;clay leaf you (SG) fishhook sandcrab forehead morayeel
seize, grasp root

9I. hakot 92. hale'

93. 94. 95. 96. 97.

kali dalikan dalem kami kamiu

dig up tubers stones trivet,hearth in, into we (excl.) you (PL)



98. hanom 99. ha-spok(met.) Ioo. (h)asuli IOI. (h)atulay I02. haya 103. hayi I04. hayu I05. hima I06. homhom 107. -hu io8. 108. hugwa(C) 109. hula' IIO. hun III. hungok 112. hutu I 3. ifet II4. -in115. ka-nifes 16. lago' (met.) I 17. lagu i 8. lagwa' I 9. lagwas 120. lagwet 121. lahi 122. lahu 123. la-langu 124. lalo' 125. lafia 126. langet I27. laso' 128. layak I29. liheng I30. lima (C) I3I. 131. liyang 132. lu-luhot 133. lumos,ma-tmos 134. lumot 135. lunio' 136. lupok 137. lusong 138. ma-'aksom 139. ma-'ase' 140. ma-'asen I41. magap 142. magi I43. ma-'i'ot I44. maysa I45. ma-ktos 146. ma-la'et 147. ma-layu 148. ma-linaw I49. ma-lingu

danum ka-besuR kasili qatulay daya sai kahiw kima demdem -ku duha dilaq ken deieR kutu qipil -innipis luheq lahud lawaq lawas lawit laki lakaw laIu lalej laia lauit lasuq layaR linduI lima liai lukut lemes lumut lefiej lubuk lesur ma-qaRsem ma-qasiq ma-qasin ma-huab um-aRi ma-qiqut ma-isa ma-getus ma-paqit ma-layu ma-linaw ma-liju

freshwater satiated freshwater eel big-eyescad landward, upriver who? stick,wood clam dark,dim my two tongue marker quotative to hear louse a tree:Intsiabijuga nominalizer; perfective thin,flimsy tears downriver seaward, scoop net long hook man,male go, walk faint,unconscious housefly oil vegetable sky,heaven penis,testicle sail shelter five cave parasitic plant to drown,suffocate moss, seaweed sinkinto something deephole mortar sour merciful salty yawn here;come narrow alone snap,break bitter wilted calm,still (water) lost, missing



150. mama'

ma'te 15I. ma-ma'ti, mames 152. 153. -mami 154. manengheng I55. man-hufa 156. ma-pta',puta' I57. masa 158. mata I59. mata' 160. matay 161. matua 162. ma-tuhok 163. me'me' 164. -miyu 165. mohmo 166. mokmok 167. -mu 168. muta' I69. na I70. na'an 171. nangu 172. napu 173. nifen 174. nigap 175. niyok 176. nosnos 177. nu 178. nufo' 179. nunu 180. -na namnam 182. namu 183. ngaha' 184. ngai'an I85. nga'nga' I86. ngangas 187. ngokngok 188. -on I89. pa'go I90. pagu 191. pagwan 192. pangon I93. pakpak, palakpak I94. pakyo I95. p-al-aspas 196. paw 197. papa' I98. pappa 199. piga' 200. poksay 201. pontan

mamaq ma-qati mamis -mami man-di0dig depa ma-betaq ma-esak mata ma-hataq m-atay ma-tuqah ma-tuduR miqmiq -miu mekmek muRmuR -mu m-utaq na Jajan naiuy nabek nipen niRab niuR nusnus nu nepuq nuknuk -ni-a namnam fiamuk tioadaq ja-ijan 0aqoaq jauas oekuek -en baqeRu baRu bahu-an bairun bakbak baRiuh basbas bahu babaq bakbak biRaq beRsay buntan

to chew betel low,of tide sweet our cold fathom crackopen burst, ripe,cooked eye raw,uncooked to die;dead noble,higherclass sleepy urine,to urinate
your(s) (PL)

to chew,premasticate to gargle
your(s) (SG)

to vomit linkingparticle name to swim surf,breakers tooth yesterday coconuttree cuttlefish, squid genitivemarker scorpionfish banyan, tree fig
3SG agent-possessor

to chew mosquito look upward when? openmouthed to chew to mumble suffix abilitative now,today;new hibiscus scent,smell to wakeup soundof clapping, etc. typhoon sprinkle; splash odor,smell below stripoff bark taro,Alocasiaspp. canoepaddle ripecoconut



203. 204. 205. 206. 207. 208. 209. 210. 211. 212. 213. 214. 215. 216. 217. 218. 219.


223. 224. 225. 226. 227.

pugaw pugas pugwa' pulan pulan pulu puno' punot pupon pupong puteng puti'on(met.) sagu sagwa' sahagu sahy-an sakman satg-e se'se' Si sigwa (C) siha songsong so'so' sotsot

bukbuk buRaw beRas buaq bulan bulan-bulan bulu bunuq bunut bunbun bujburj butuj bituqen sa(gR)u sawaq sakaRu sakay-an saRman saleR-i siqsiq si siwa sida ce13ceij suqsuq selsel
sudu suluq susu -ta

powderfromdecay to chaseaway uncookedrice betelnut moon a fish,the tarpon hair;feather to kill coconuthusk group,bunch ridgeof the roof a tree:Barringtonia asiatica star runnynose channel reef vehicle;ridein float outrigger installa floor cut withknife personal article nine they,them plug,stopper scrapemeatfromcoconut regret; repentant
ladle torch breast our (INCL)

228. suhu 229. sulo' 230. susu 231. -ta

232. taga'


to hack,chop


234. taktak

235. talanga 236. tali 237. talisay 238. tamtam 239. tancho' 240. tano' 241. tanom 242. tanges 243. tawtaw 244. ta'pang 245. tasi 246. tasm-e 247. te'te' 248. ti'aw 249. t-il-ingteng 250. to'a 251. tohn-e 252. toktok,tuktuk 253. to'lang

taktak talira talih talisay tamtam tuzuq taneq tanem tarlis tau taqebaj tasik tazem tiqtiq tiqaw tiotirj tuqah teken tuktuk tuqelai

to mince,chop ear rope a tree:Terminalia catappa to taste,try pointout earth to plant to weep person,humanbeing insipid,tasteless sea, ocean to sharpen to drain,drip goatfish clink,jingle mature (fruit) brace,support cluck(hen);pound bone




254. 255. 256. 257. 258. 259. 260. 261. 262. 263. 264. 265. 266. 267. 268. 269. 270.

tongtong totng-e to'to' tugap tuho' tuhong tulu(C) tunok(met.) tunu tupo' tupu tutu tuyan uchan ugong ugo' ugot uha'

tuutuij tutur-i tuqtuq teRab tuduq tudu0 telu tuRun tunu tubuj tebuh tutu tian quzan quRug uRuq quRut qukaq

pound;resound to light,ignite to pickleaves to belch to drip hat,headcovering three to let down to bum well sugarcane to pound,to strike belly,abdomen rain to moan,to groan jealous to massage to pryopen

272. uhang

273. ulin (C) 274. ulo'

275. ulu

qulin qulej

rudder caterpillar; maggot


276. -um277. umang 278. unay

-umqumai qenay

actorfocus hermit crab sand


I. agaga' 2. akihom

3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

atagga' dilok dinga' langnga' maknio' nuhong

*-Raq *-kem *-Raq *-luk *-0aq *-Jaq *-nej *-duo

red clench,grip reddish bend,bow forkof a branch gape sinkinto shady

Appendix2: Loanwordsfrom other Austronesianlanguages

The followingformsareconsidered be loanwords Chamorro the followingbasis: to in on (I) they contain"loanphonemes" d, k, or r) andhavea plausiblesourcein the Philip(b, as (2) ([we]); theformis knownto havea non-Austronesian pinesor Indonesia, babuy origin, as ates; (3) the formcontainsno loan phonemes,butits knowndistribution confinedto is the Philippines Chamorro, the meaning a typelikelyto be borrowed. and and is

I. Chamorro odorata': Cebuano alangilang,ilangilang'a tree:Cananga alangilan,ilangito a of flowers,esp. in May lang 'medium- large-sizetreethatproduces multitude fragrant andJune:Canangaodorata' 2. Chamorro alimasat'typeof fish',Cebuano alimasak, alimdsag'kindof ediblecrab'



3. Chamorroalom 'a small native, somewhat weedy euphorbiaceoustree:Melanolepis Cebuanoalum 'small tree with itchy leaves thatare used as a poultice, multiglandulosa', Melanolepis multiglandulosa'. Annonareticulata', anonas 'custard Cebuanoanunas 4. Chamorro apple,bullock'sheart: fruit Merrill(I954:152) notes thatthereare 'heart-shaped similarto itis: Anonareticulata'. threespecies of the genusAnnonain the Pacific,all of them nativesof tropicalAmerica. This item mayhavebeenborrowed directlyfromSpanish. crenata'. Reflexesof PWMP*qanilaw'a tree:Grewia 5. Chamorro angilaw 'a tree:Grewia in languages, includingIsneg,Tagalog,Hanun6o,Aklanon, spp.'appear severalPhilippine and to Cebuano,Maranao, Tagabili, generallywith references smalltreesor shrubsof the and The irregular nasalin the Chamorro form suggestsborrowgeneraColumbia Grewia. unclear. butif so the sourceremains ing, 6. Chamorro ates 'sweetsop,sugarapple:Annonasquamosa',Bikol, Cebuanoatis 'sugar As America. Annonasquamosa'. notedin no. 4 above,this a nativeof tropical apple: Cebuanobdbuy'pig', Bikol bdboy'wild babuy'pig, swine', Tagalogbdboy, 7. Chamorro froma number possiblesourcelanguagesin of boar'.This wordcouldhavebeenborrowed the Philippines. bdlut'wrapsome8. Chamorro balutan'infold,wrapup, swathe,swaddle',Kapampangan This formhas many Tagalogbdlot'covering,wrapping'. thing',balut-an'thingwrapped', sources. potential balds 'sand', Tagalog baras 'gravel,pebbles, small stones', Kapampangan 9. Chamorro bards'sand;beach,seashore', balds 'crystallized syrup,coarsegranulated sugar',Hanunoo Cebuanobalds 'sand'. bo'bo''brackish IO.Chamorro pourspringby the seashore',Tagalogbubo''overflowing, ing out (said of liquids)',Cebuanobu'bu''poursomethingout, into something;actionof watering'. bukbuk up the breakloose, pull out', Cebuano bokbok balukbuk, I . Chamorro 'dig 'uproot, soil around rootsof a smallplant'. the 'bamboo container usedto hold a liquid',Tagalogbwnb6ng 12. Chamorro 'cylinbongbong 'bamboo-like waterreed'. dricalcontainer bombong (usuallya lengthof bamboo)',Maranao Tetradon Bikol butiti'pufferfish: buteti'blowfish,pufferfish', 13. Chamorro Tagalogbutete, lunaris',Cebuanobutiti'generalname for pufferfishes'.This form could have been borin rowedfromanyone of manylanguages thePhilippines. boat with a squareend, sampan',Cebuano I4. Chamorro champan'largeflat-bottomed square-ended barge',Malay sampan 'shoe-boat,boat for harbor sampan 'flat-bottomed, have froma Southern Min dialect,andcould in principle use'. This formcomes ultimately the of been borrowed languageor Malay.Borrowing through mediation eithera Philippine morelikelyin view of the role of Guamas a froma Philippine however, language, appears way-stationin the ManilaGalleontradethatlinkedthe Fukienesetradingcommunityin ManilaBay withMexico from I565-i815. dakdak'knock,rap,strikewith a quick,sharpblow', Cebuanodakddk'fall 15. Chamorro downwithforce'. down with a bang;throwsomething i6. Chamorro wdsay 'axe', Hiligaynon gachay 'ax, adze;splitwith ax', Ilokano,Hanun6o oasai wdsay 'axe, hatchet',Cebuanowdsay 'largeaxe; cut or chop with an axe', Maranao and loan sourcesbothin the Philippines in Indonesia, 'axe'. This formhas manypotential of considerations phonemicshapefavortheformerarea.The initialg suggeststhat although beforeglide fortition,but if so it is unclearwhy the initialconsothis form was borrowed nantis not gw-. It also remainsunclearwhy both this form andno. 14 above show s borch. rowedas the affricate golai 'vegI7. Chamorro gollay 'vegetable(genericterm)',Tagalog,Bikol gilay, Maranao in of etable'.The gemination the medialconsonant this formis unexplained. I8. Chamorro haligi 'fence post, pillar,house post', Tagaloghaligi 'post,pillar',Cebuano haligi 'housepost'.



that hulo' 'up,above,on top of', Tagaloghulo' 'sourceof a stream; partof a Ig. Chamorro ulu or town (usuallyhigher)thatis neara mountain a hill'. This formandChamorro 'head' hulo' probablyhas been borrowed both reflect PMP *qulu 'head'. AlthoughChamorro of fromTagalog,theTagalogformitselfis a Malayloan.The chronology doubleborrowing hereis consistentwith historical information: most Malayloans wouldhaveenteredTagaof but log followingthe adventof Islamin Indonesia, beforethe beginning the ManilaGalof leon, because the introduction Islam (firstreportedby Marco Polo in Aceh in 1292) initiateda periodof Islamicproselytization tradeconductedby speakersof Malayin and the Philippines, while the ManilaGalleon(begunin Cebuin 1565,andmovedto Manilain in 1572)effectivelyendedMalaytrading ManilaBay.It is likelythatmostor all loans from on the of languagesintoChamorro, theotherhand,postdated beginning the GalPhilippine leon tradethattransported Chinesesilksto Mexico andPeruvian silverto Manila,with regularannualstopsin Guam. 20. Chamorroito' 'freshwater itu' catfish', Kapampangan 'catfishor carp', Bikol hito' 'freshwater catfishsp.', Aklanonhito' 'fishsp.' 21. Chamorrokabdn'burlapsack-one hundredpound', Tagalogkabdn'chest, trunk', kaban 'chest, Bikol kabdn'chest, trunk,coffer', Cebuanokabdn'trunk,chest', Maranao case, box'. wordfor female ka'ka' 'crack,crevice,fissure',Cebuanokdka' 'children's 22. Chamorro havea gapingwound'. torn,separate, kakaq'tear, genitalia',Maranao kakak'the soundheardwhenclearingthe throat, in hawkingup phlegm', as 23. Chamorro Tagalog kdkak'cackling (of hens, ducks)', Bikol kakdk'to squawk', Cebuano kdkak 'cackle'. 24. Chamorrokalaskas 'rattle,crackling (of dry leaves), any rustling sound', Bontok a kalasdkas'produce rushing, or noise,as the soundof waterrushingdown rustling rattling a cliff, stones rattlingdown a slide, the sound made when pushingagainstthe leaves of plants throughtall grass', Cebuanokalasikas 'rustlingsound like that producedby the motionof leaves'. kamuti 'sweetpotato',Bikol kamote, Cebuano kamuti'sweetpotato: 25. Chamorro Ipomoea batatas'. latek'crispyresidueof coconutmilk afteroil is cookedout', Kapampangan 26. Chamorro latik 'a sauce of sugarand toastedcoconut', Tagaloglatik 'scum of coconut milk (after oil latik'syrupmadeof sugarandwateror sugarandcoconut extracting by fire)',Cebuano milk'. lebbok'muddy,cause to be muddy;cloudy,of liquid', Cebuanolubug'for 27. Chamorro liquidto get or be mademurkywith sediment'. 28. Chamorromannok 'chicken, poultry', Tagalog, Bikol manok, Cebuano manuk, Maranao manok'chicken'. The statusof thisformas a loanword unclear. gemination The is of the medialconsonantis unexplained whetherthe wordis directlyor indirectly inherited
(cf. no. I7).

nana 'mother',Tagalogndnang,ndnay(with fossilized vocativeendings) 29. Chamorro Bikolndna'titlefor a mother, ndna 'titlefor grandCebuano 'mother', aunt,or godmother', or for parents womenof an oldergeneration; one's eldersister'. silver(as a formof money)', Kapampangan sal30. Chamorro salape' 'money,currency, apiq 'money,coin', Tagalogsalapi' 'money (in general)',Bikol salapi' 'fifty centavos; salapi' 'money;fiftycentavocoin; silver'. half-peso',Cebuano suman'typeof food madefromrice andcoconutmilk. Afterrice is cooked 3I. Chamorro in coconut milk it is wrappedin bananaleaf and steamed.Usually served as a dessert', Tagalogsuman 'rice cake of the glutinous(malagkit)varietywrappedlongitudinallyin bananaor palm leaves', Bikol suman'rice sweet madefromglutinousrice flour,coconut milk, and brownsugar,shapedinto a cylinderaboutsix inches long and wrappedin buri fromcrushedingredients (rice, corn,pili (palm)leaves', Cebuanosuman 'sweet prepared in leavesandsteamed'. nut,millet,etc.) formedintosticks,wrapped banana



fish fromthe Philip32. Chamorro talapia,tilapia 'typeof freshwater originallyimported fish pines',Cebuanotilapya'freshwater with darkcolor'.The tilapiais of east Africanoriinto Asia. gin, widely introduced Southeast 33. Chamorrotandan 'rooster',Kapampangan tandang'young male chicken, not yet a This is not a widespread rooster',Tagalogtanddng'rooster'. form,andclearly Philippine PMP*laluir'rooster'. replaced tankat'cage,placeof confinement', chickencoop 34. Chamorro Tagalogtangkdl'portable madeof woven stripsof bamboo',Bikol tangkdl'pigpen,pig sty', Cebuanotangkdl'cage, coveredenclosure'. tuba'budof coconuttree;beveragefrom sap of coconuttree', Ilokanotuba 35. Chamorro 'juiceof the buripalm;a drinkmadefromit', Bikol tuba''wine madefromthe sap of the tuba' 'fermented processedtoddyfromcoconutpalms'. and coconut',Cebuano

arak 'distilledliquormadefromfermented coconutsap', Malayarak 'dis36. Chamorro tilledalcoholicliquor'.Ultimately fromArabic. domesticwn', 37. Chamorro langsan,langasat'a tree:Lansium Malaylangsat 'a varietyof Lansiwn domesticun' tun an 38. Chamorro 'mister,sir-used as respectwhen addressing elderlymale', Malay tuan'master, lord'.


39. Chamorrokankong([ae]) 'type of plant: Ipomoeaaquatica', Hanunoo kangkung morningglory:Ipomoea 'acquatic aquaticaForsk.;the young leavesarecooked as vegeta'a eatenas a spinach: bles', Malaykangkong flowering convolvulus, Ipmnoea aquatica'. 40. Chamorronipa 'a palm that grows by the rivers, very good for making thatch', Hanunoonipa 'nipapalm:NipafruticansWurmb.; leaves are used for thatch',Malay the nipa 'thatch-palm: Nipafruticans'. 41. Chamorro payu 'umbrella, parasol',Tagalog,Bikolpdyong'umbrella, parasol',Malay payong'umbrella'.

Woleaianbwoong'night'.The expected 42. Chamorro pwengi 'night',Puluwat pwoong(i), Chamorro reflexof PMP*beRji 'night'is **poknge. Puluwattaailaaa 'swordfish' sawara',Woleaian 43. Chamorro tagiuraar,

Tok sexualintercourse'. 44. Chamorro, Pisinpuspus'coitus,


PMP*ka-wiRi'left side'. 45. Chamorro a-kagwe'left(direction)', uduh'anexclamation: ah!', udu oh!, 46. Chamorro 'dumb,mute,speechless',Old Javanese of Tae'udu'anexclamation grief', Ngadhaudu'to coo'.



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