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Slt^nlojcitral S>nntttar^

.G47 E5 1868 v.

Gieseler, Johann Karl Ludwig, 1792-1854. A text-book of church


h
i

"I"

n r- V

TEX T-BOOK
OF
/

CHURCH HISTORY.
BY DR. JOHN
C. L.

GIESELER.

CranslatctJ from

tt)E

^ourtl] iicbistti

German

liTiftion,

BY SAMUEL DAVIDSOX,
AXD

LL.D.,

REV. JOHX AYIXSTAXLEY

Hl.'LL, M.A.

A NEW AMERICAN EDITION, REVISED AND EDITED

BY HENRY
PE0FE5S0E
IN'

B.

SMITH,
XZW
T02S.

TirE ITS'ION

THIOLOGICAL SEMIXAET,

VOL.

ILA.D.

726-1305.

XE

HARPER

A:

YORK BROTHERS. R U B L I S H E R S,
AY
:

FRA NK L

QCAR

E.

1871.

Entered, according to Aet of Congress, in the year one thousand eight

Imndred and
IIarpek

fifty-five,

by

&

Brothers,

in

the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Southern District of

New

York.

/^^^/<^^i^
PREFACE.
which have elapsed since the appearance of the Third Edition of the vohime here presented to the pubhc,
sixteen years

The

have been so uncommonly rich in the production of materials, an J


in

encouragement

to further researches into this very period, that

new and

thoroughly revised edition

may

well he expected from

me.
the
is

Traces will every where be found, that the volume here

presented has undergone such revision.

Though the increase in number of sheets is comparatively insignificant (this edition only two sheets larger than the former), yet I have labored to

find place for

new

matter, by curtailing, and by omitting

that

was

superfluous, particularly in the quotations.

much Two new

paragraphs are added,

81.

Church, and
latter, I

82. on the Kalend-guilds.

on Art employed in the service of the While I mention the

can not forbear from expressing

my surprise that, although

in

an altered form they are still so often met with in Northern Germany, they have never yet been made the subject of any gen-

eral historical description, entering into their origin

and their char-

acter

great as

is

the

number

of accounts of separate Kalend-

which are mostly occupied with their external history. The last thirty years constitute a period richer in historic lore than any that has ever yet been. A vast number of sources of history have been drawn forth from 'concealment, or issued in a more correct form. Countless treatises have thrown a new light on dark questions. Upon almost all portions of history we have received works which are remarkable for thorough investigation, views full of genius, or attractive modes of representation. If this
guilds,

period of scientific activity in the cause of history seems

now

to

be brought to a close, the question arises, whether the reason

lies

only in outward circumstances, or also in the fact, that the inter-

iv

PREFACE.

weakened by the an unmistakable truth, that a portion of the men of the day, who have taken the most active part in the late agitations, appear to have broken away from history altogether, and to wish to shut their eyes to any development connecting present events with the history of the past.
est felt

among our

people in history has been


It is

powerful agitations of this year.

Just as though
its

all

that has been hitherto established had forfeited


;

claim to endure

as though their object were

now

to build

anew from

the foundation, upon ground completely leveled, with-

out any regard to the buildings which stood there before.


history, the history of the

In

all

French Revolution alone seems

to

be rec-

ognized by them as their guide from step to step in their career.


for the actual opinion of

However, the impulse of a small party must not be mistaken the Grerman nation, though every artifice
it

be tried to represent

as such.

No German

race desires to break

entirely with its history.


if

Great indeed would be the misfortune

a party were to succeed in interrupting the natural development

by an arbitrary constitution. It would stand without The handiwork of one party would quickly be dislodged by that of another; and Germany would be plunged into a whirlpool of change, continually stirring up the very depths
of events
root in the people.

of society.

This
view.
is

is

true in a political, true also in an ecclesiastical point of


artificial creation in

But

the room of natural development


political

even more dangerous on ecclesiastical than on

ground,
rela-

because Church interests are bound up in a closer reciprocal


tion with the inmost feelings of the people, its religion,
rality.

and

its

mo-

For

this reason it appears to

me

of yet higher importance,


;

that here there should be no precipitation


alterations in the constitution of the

that even necessary

Church should be delayed, until the political balance t)f the country be more firmly established, and, in consequence, men's minds again recovered to a calmer and more collected state.

Wo

can not overlook the

fact, that

the existing ecclesiastical an-

tagonisms, the palaeologian as well as the neologian, have grown up


in open warfare with the old State
political parties,
:

that for this very reason the

because they could not otherwise be brought into


;

operation,

have repeatedly taken refuge in the religious

and

that,

PREFACE.
in consequence, these
ino-redients,
tions,

V have imbibed peculiar unbiased delibera;

Church

parties also

which may
to

well unfit

them

for

aiming only

advance the interests of the Church

these,

however, must

gradually vanish, so soon as their opposition to the

now

State disappears, and the purely political opposition, which has obtained a free platform of its own, is withdrawn from the
Besides, the truth should not be disguised that times of agita-

ecclesiastical sphere.

which ideas of a thousand different shapes are cast into the community, but have hardly yet been to their reasons, or their nature and value; clearly weighed as times, in which the people have indeed arrived at some feeling of their want, but not at its clear recognition or true expression, and
tion, in

midst of the ecclesiastical

in

which

parties are seeking to

make out

that their

own

struggles

are the people's will: that such times are not adapted to great

mixed assemblages,
liberation.

in

which deeply penetrating

alterations in ec-

clesiastical institutions

and relations should be brought under deFor ecclesiastical deliberations require, above all others,
:

calm and dispassionate thoughtfulness it is equally disadvantageous, when, on such occasions, party determinations are passed into law by agitation or by talent, as when an impracticable y?/s/e milieu is attained by means of reciprocal limitations and concessions.

But

in all

such deliberations and determinations soon to be ex-

pected, history

must not be disregarded

as a teacher and guide.


;

She completes the short experience of life in the individual she displays the development of events down to the present time she points out the effects of true and false attempts to modify these
;

developments

she teaches
;

how

to distinguish the natural

growth

from the

artificial creation

in fine, she furnishes courage and hope

in adversity, foresight
is

necessary for us, for

and lowliness in prosperity. And all this the knot in our development at which we

have arrived, holds the most various threads twisted together. May the good unite to form a fair and enduring texture, and the

bad be consigned
GoTTlNGEN,

to History,

and therein

to

condemnation.

Dr. G-ieseler.
\&th Noveinber, 1848.

CONTENTS OF VOL
THIRD PERIOD.

II.

FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE CONTROVERSY CONCERNING THE WORSHIP OF IMAGES TO THE REFORMATION, A.D. 72G-1517.

FIRST DIVISION.
TO THE TIME OF NICOLAUS I., OR TO THE APPEARANCE OF THE PSEUDO-ISIDORIAN DECRETALS, FROM A.D. 72G-858.

FIRST PART.
HISTORY OF THE GREEK CHURCH.
PACE

1.

Controversy conceriung Image-worship


Condition of the Greek Church
Paulicians

i;;

2.

20
21

3.

SECOND PART.
HISTORY OF THE WESTERN CHURCH.

FIRST CHAPTER.
4. Conversion of the

Germans by Boniface

25

SECOND CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF THE PAPACY.
y. Till
6.

Charlemagne

30
38

After Charlemagne

THIRD CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF THE FRANK EMPIRE.
7.
8.

Church Government
Establishment of Ecclesiastical Order

43
60

yjii

CONTENTS.
TAGE
Privileges of Clergy

9.

55 59 GG

10.

Theological Culture
ill

11. Position
12. 13.

the Controversy concerning Image-worship

Addition Filioque in the Creed

73 75
79

Adoptian Controversy
Paschasius Radbert

14. Controversies of
15. Controversies of

Gottschalk

84
90

16.

Spread of Christianity

FOURTPI CHAPTER.
Spanish Ciiukch,
17

95

FIFTH CHAPTER.
History of Public Woksiiip,
18

98

SIXTH CHAPTER.
History of Ciicrcii Discipline,
19

106

SECOND
FROM NICOLAUS
I.

DIVISION.
VII., A.D. 858-1073.

TO GREGORY

FIRST PART.
HISTORY OF THE WESTERN CHURCH.

FIRST CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF THE PAPACY.
20. Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals
21.
22.
23.

and Constantine's Deeds of Gift Papacy under Nicolaus I., Hadrian II., and John VIII. (858-882) Papacy till the Synod of Sutri (882-104G)

109 119 128


139

Under Hildebrand's

influence

till

1073

SECOND CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF THE EPISCOPAL HIERARCHY.
24. Relations of
25.
2G.
it

to the Secular

Power

146
151
156

To Papal Supremacy To the Diocesan Clergy

CONTENTS.

THIRD CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF THEOLOGICAL RELIGIOUS AND MORAL CULTURE.
TAfiE

27. Its state in the Tenth Century


28.

157

New

Spiritual Impulses

IGO 103

29. Berengar's

Controversy concerning the Lord's Supper

FOURTH CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF MONACHISM.
30.
31.

Corruption of the Convents

174

Reformation of Monachism

175
179

32.

Exemption of the Convents

FIFTH CHAPTER.
History of Public Worship,
33

181

SIXTH CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF ECCLESIASTICAL DISCIPLINE.
3i. Discipline of the Clergy
35. 30.

188 193

System of Penance Influence of the Church on Civil Order

199

SEVENTH CHAPTER.
SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY.
37. In the
38.

North of Europe

202
20-4

Conversion of the Moravians and Bohemians Conversion of the

39.

Wends
and Hungarians

210 211

40. Conversion of the Poles

SECOND PART.
HISTORY OF THE GREEK CHURCH.

FIRST CHAPTER.
RELATION OF THE GREEK CHURCH TO THE LATIN.
41.
42.

Controversy of Photius with the Popes


Later Controversies
till

213
221

the entire separation of the two Churches

CONTENTS.

SECOND CHAPTER.
Internal Condition of
thi; Giucek Ciiukcii, 43

FA6R 228

THIRD CHAPTER.
Spread of Ciikistianit v,
44

230

THIRD PART.
HISTORY OF HERETICAL PARTIES.
45. Heretics in the

East

231

4G.

Manichaeans

in tlie

West

234

THIRD DIVISION.
FROM GREGORY
VII.

TO THE REMOVAL OF THE PAPAL SEE INTO


FRANCE, FROM
1073-1305.

FIRST CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF THE PAPACY.
I.

Political Development of the Papacy.


241
II.

47. Gregory VII. (1073-1085) Urban 48. Victor III. (1085-1087).


49.

(1088-1099)

261 265

Paschal

II.

(1099-1118)

50. Gelasius II. (1118-1119). 51.

Calixtus

II.

(1119-1124)
Celestine II. (f 1144).

273

Honorius
Lucius

II.

(1124-1130).

Innocent

II. (f 1143).

II. (1145).

Eugene

III. (f 115.3).

Anastasius IV. (f 1154)

276 283

52. 53.

Hadrian IV. (1154-1159).


Lucius III. (1181-1185).
1187).

Alexander

III. (f 1181)

Urban

III. (f Oct. 1187).

Gregory VIII. (f Dec.


292 297
311

Clement

III. (t 1191).

Celestine

IIL (f 8th Jan. 1198)

54. 55.

Innocent III. (8th Jan. 1198-lGth July, 1216)

Honorius

III. (1216-1227).

Gregory IX. (1227-1241)


Innocent IV. (24th June, 1243-7th

56. Celestine

IV. (23d Sept.-8th Oct. 1241).

Dec. 1254)
57.

322

Alexander IV. (25th Dec. 12o4-25th Jlay, 1261). Urban IV. (29th Aug. 1261329 2d Oct. 1264). Clement IV. (5th Feb. 1265-29th Nov. 1268)
Gregory X.
(1st Sept. 1271-lOtli Jan. 1276.

58.

Innocent V. (21st Jan.-22d June).

Hadrian V. (12th July-18th Aug.).


29th Mar., 1285).

John XXI. (13th Sept. 1276-May, 1277).


Martin IV. (22d Feb. 1281Nicolas IV.

Nicolas III. (25th Nov. 1277-23a Aug. 1280).

Honorius IV. (2d Apr. 1285-3d Apr. 1287).

(22d

Fei).

1288-lth Apr. 1292).

Celestine V. (5th July, 1294-13th Dec. 1294) 336

59. Boniface VIII. (24th Dec. 1294-llth Oct. 1303).

Benedict XI. (22d Oct. 130:3341

7th July, 1304

CONTENTS.
II.

Xi

Ecclesiastical Development of the Papacy.


I'AGE

GO. Papal J urisprudence Gl. Extension of the Idea of the Papacy


62.

359 3G1 36G

Extension of the Power of the Papacy in the Church

SECOND CHAPTEK.
HISTORY OF THE HIERARCHY OF THE CHURCH IN OTHER LANDS.
G3. Their Relations to the States
G4. Internal Relations of the
G5. IMorality of the

384
391

Diocesan Hierarchy

Clergy

394 401

C6.

Property of the Clergy

THIRD CHAPTEE.
HISTORY OF MONACHISM.
G7.

Monastic Orders down to the Time of Innocent III

404
415 420

G8. Rise of the

Mendicant Orders Mendicant Orders

G9. Activity of the 70. Internal

History of the Franciscan Order

430
439

71.

Beguins
Orders of Knighthood

72. Ecclesiastical

442

FOURTH CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE.'
I.

Scholastic and Mystic Theology.

73. First Period of Scholastic Theology,


74.

down

to

Alexander of Hales, about 1230. 449


about 1320

Second Period, down to Durandus de Thomists and Scotists

S. Porciano,

4G3
472

75. Rise of the


II.

76. History of the remaining Theological Sciences

474

FIFTH CHAPTEE.
HISTORY OF DIVINE SERVICE.
77. History of the Sacraments
78.

477 491 502

Adoration of Saints

79. Festivals

80. Religious

Education of the People


in the Service of the

504

81.

Art employed

Church

50G
507

82. Kalend-guilds

xii

CONTENTS.

SIXTH CHAPTEK.
HISTORY OF ECCLESIASTICAL DISCirLINE.
83. Confession
84.

PACK 509 515


5'2G

Indulgence

85.

Synodal Judicature

86. Ecclesiastical Penalties

527

SEVENTH CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF THE HERETICAL SECTS.
87. In

the Twelfth Century.

Tanchehn.

Eon.

Peter of Bruis.

Henry.
531
.549

Cathari
88.
89.

Waldenses

in the Twelfth

Century
Inquisition.

War against
Spirit.

the Albigenses.

Prohibition of the Bible

557

90. Sects in the Thirteenth

Century.

Albigenses.

Waldenses.

Sect of the Free

Sect at Halle.

Apostolic Brothers

572

EIGHTH CHArTEK,
EXTENSION OF CHRISTIANITY.
91.
92. 93.

Continued Conversion of the

Wends
to spread Christianity in Asia

59G 598 COO

Conversions in the Northeast of Europe

Attempts of the Western Nations

APPENDIX
94. Internal Relations
05. Relations to the Latin 90. Paulicians.

I.

HISTORY OF THE GREEK CHURCH.


G03

Church
Bogomili.

1)07

Euchetae.

Schisms

in the

Russian Church

Oil

APPENDIX
97. Internal Relations.

II.

HISTORY OF THE REMAINING ORIENTAL CHURCHES.


Attempts
for

Union with the Latins

C17

Additional References

^22

CHUECH HISTORY.
THIRD PERIOD.
FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE CONTROVERSY CONCERNING THE WORSHIP OF IMAGES TO THE REFORMATION. FROM A.D. 7-2G-1517.
FOR THE GENERAL LITERATURE OF THE MIDDLE AGES, SEE THE LITERATURE PREFIXED TO THE SECOND PERIOD.

FIRST DIVISION.
TO THE TIME OF NICOLAUS
I. OR TO THE APPEARANCE OF THE PSEUDO-ISIDORIAN DECRETALS. FROM 726-858.

FIRST PART.
HISTORY OF THE GREEK CHURCH.
Sources are, the Byzantines Nicephorus (patriarch of Constantinople, t 828) till 769, Thcophanes (t 817) till 813, and his continuator, Constantinus Porphyrogenneta (t 959), Joseph Genesius about 940 (a.d. 813-8C7), Georgiiis Monachus (till 959), Simeon Logothcta (till 967), Leo Graramaticus (till 1013). From these Gcorgius Cedrenns (1057), Joh. Zonaras (1118), and Michael Clykas (1450?) have drawn their liistorics.
:

1.

CONTROVERSY CONCERNING IMAGE-WORSHIP.


Imperialia decreta de cultu imaginum in utroque imperio promulgata, coUecta et illustrata aMelch. Haiminsfeldio Goldasto. Francof. 1608. 8. Jo. Dallaeusde Imaginibus. Lugd.
2

Lud. Maimbourg. Hist, de I'heresie des iconoclastes. Paris, 1679,8.3. imaginum restituta. Lugd. Bat. 1686. 8 (recus. in Walch's Ketzerhistorie, Th. 10 u. 11. Neander's K. G. iii. ejusd. 0pp. t. ii. p. 707). Gfrorer's K. G. iii. 1, 97. F. Ch. Schlosser's Geschichte der biidersturmenden 398.
Bat. 1642.
voll. 12.
8.

Frid. Spaiihemii Historia

Kaiser des ostromischen Rcichs.


of view
is

Francf.

a.

M.

1812. 8.

The Roman

Catholic point
Trier, 1839.
8.

maintained by

J.

Marr, der Bilderstreit der Byzant. Kaiser.

The worship of images had long assumed a very unchristian form,^ when Leo III. Isauricus (716-741), an intelligent and
'

Comp.

ij

99.

Even

the author of the oratio adv. Constantinum Cabalinum, a fanatical

image-worshiper of the 8th century,

knew

of no other reply,

c. 13, to

the objection of oppo-

14

THIRD PERIOD. DIV.

I. A.D. 72G-8o8.

powerful prince, became opposed to it,^ but in what way is unAt first he was satisfied with a simple prohibition certain.^ (72G), but afterward he commanded the pictures themselves tc be

The measure was enforced by the removal taken away (730).' of Germanus,^ patriarch of Constantinople, who opposed him, in whose place was put the pliant Anastasius ; and by the vigorHe was ous suppression of some tumultuous movements.^
obliged to allow his measures to be blamed with impunity only
in

Rome, which refused obedience


:

to him,''

and in the

east,

nents
Aadv.

yevea avTT] iOOTrohj<7EV tuc eIkovuq tlian .60'/leif didd^ai tov uypd/j/yiuTOv 0pp. ed. Le Quien, i. 621 and 622. * Attempts at explanation may be found in Walcli, x. 202. Schlosser, S. 161. Deserving of attention is Theoplianes ad. ann. vi. Leonis, p. 336 'TovrCf) rw Itel ijvuyKa^ev 6 l3aaL?.evc Tovg 'EiSpaiovc Kul roiif Movravovc jiaiTTi^Eadai, and then ad ann. vii. follow the first declarations against images in which the renegade Beser, and Constantino bishop of Nakolia, were principal assistants of the emperor. In the Synodicou vet. c. 138 (in Fa7/

Cf. Joanuis Daniasc.

bricii Bibl. graec. xi. 248)

Leo

is

said: Tt)

-rrTidvi)

KuvaravTivov

iirLaKOTZov

^aKuXEia^,

Koi 'Biarip narpniLOV aapoKJivOcppovog ToJv alpEat-apx^v xPO^^voiiEvog. It is worthy of remark that Leo considered the ravages of a volcano that arose in the Cretan sea as a punishment for the worship of images. Nicephori Breviar. p. 37 'Q,g kK tC)v clkovlc:

uaTuv Idpvatuc re kuI TtpoaKwijceug ysyovtvaL


p.

ol6/xvog to

Tepdonov.

Cf.

Theoplianes,

339.
3

Epist.

The emperor's own explanations in a letter to Gregory II. bishop of Rome, cf Gregorii Al ECKOveg idd)?MV tuttov uvanTirjpovaLol i. ad Leoncm. ap. Mansi, xii. 959: ov 6eI irpooKWElv ;^;e<po7roi;?7a, Kal nuv e16oc npooKwovvTEg avrug Ei6u/M?.dTpai

KaO'

6fj.oiu/ia,

Kadojg eIttev 6 dEog,

(ir/TE

iv ovpavu,

/j-tite

km

rfjg yr/g

(Exod. xx. 4).

T?ii]po(ti6pTia6v fiE Tig i/fxiv

napiduKE ffEpEaOai Kal npocKVVElv

;^;f tpo7roZ;/ra

Kuytj

o/zn-

Xoyo), OTC 0EOV vo/iodEoia

egtL Nicephorus, p. 37, 38. * Comp. especially Theophanes, p. 336, 343. * Subservient as he had shown himself under Philippicus in acknowledging the Monothelitic doctrines, and afterward renouncing them (Theophanes, p. 320. Nicephorus, p. 31. VValch's Ketzergesch. ix. 466), he was now immovable in favor of images. Three letters of his are in the Actis Coucil. Nicaeni ii. Actio iv. ap. Mansi, xiii. 99. The third ad Thomam Episc. Claudeopoleos is a long defense in favor of the use of pictures. In p. 125 he dwells particularly on the miracles wrought by them, among which the greatest in his view was
;/

Ev I,u(^oTr6?.Ei Ti/g lliaidiag to irplv

vndpxovaa eIkuv

Tijg

navaxpdvTov dEOToKov, ek
Also
in his lib.

Tf/g yEypafjjLLivTig

TraAu/w/f avTT'ig tijv tov /ivpov jilvaiv TzpaxEOvaa.

do

synodis et hacresibus he speaks in brief terms respecting the image controversy, in the Spicilegium Romanum t. vii. (Romae. 1842. 8) i. 59. Here the only thing he maintains
against the opponents of images
is
:

Ef,

uyluv

iiTiEipyETE tlKovin/iaTa, fiiKpov nal

oiiSiv uTTo TOV

vvv Pipaiov

tl

7/

Tijg

(paTi vjiEig, tiduTiuv diKTjv tu cetztu. tuv nvTu tu Kuipta Tyg TriaTsug uvarpi-ETE' luKAijaiag i/^cjv napdSoaig e^eiv dwr'/aErai, tu
cjg

nplv udETTjoaija.
the revolt in Greece and the Cyclades (Theophanes, p. 339. Nicephoras, p. in Constantinople at the taking down of the crucifix (called v 'AvTi Theoi. ad Leonem ap. Mansi, xii. 969 (fiuvJiTTjg) iv -olg Xa/.KonpaTEioig, Gregor. II. Ep. phanes, 339 (who calls it Tijv tov Kvpiov EiKOva tijv inl Tf/g X'^'^-'^VQ '^v'Aijg), comp. Walch,

Namely

37)

and the rebellion

X. 178.
'

Schlosser, S. 177.

Gregorii Epistolac 2 ad

Leoncm Imp.
ii.

(note 726, but written after 730.


xii. 9."9.

Walch,

x. 173)

in the Actis Concil.

Nicaeni

ap. Mansi,
iv.

On

the ignorance and indecency in

them see Bower's Lives

of the Popes,

365.

Walch,

xi. 271, ex. gr. p.

966

Kal tu

ui

PART

I. GREEK

CHURCH.

1.

IMAGE-WORSHIP.

15

which was now subject to the Saracens f but in his own emof images [elKovoXdrpat, ^vXoXdrpai, eldoyXoXdrpai) were soon compelled to conceal themselves, and the fanatics who resisted the imperial power had to repent bitterly Other superstitions also were threatened of their opposition. by a more enlightened party, the opponents of images {elicopire the friends
voixdxoi,
Kpix

elKovoKXdarai,

uKovoKavOTat,

xpi-'^'i-f^^onaTiiyopOL)

but

iyu

elc ruf diarpifSuc tuv aroixeiuv, Kal tinv liri tuv sIkovuv koI v6vc tuc TTivaKidag avriJv elg Tj/v KiipaTiijv GOV ^iipovoc, Kai oTTip ovk knaidevGrji; inrb tuv (Ppovifj-uv, TvaidEvO/jari VTTO TUV u(pp6vuv. "Eypaipac, on 'O^cag 6 PaaiXevg tuv 'lovduiuv (rather Hezekiali, 2 Kings xviii. 4) /ictu oKraKoaiovg iviavTovc f^riyaye. lov X'^^'^ovv o(piv in tou vaov, Kuyu jizTu. oKTUKoaiovg eviavrovg k^rjyayov tu ti,6u/.a ex tuv ekk^t/giuv. 'A?.7iduc xai

natcUa KaTaTvai^ovai
elfii

gov yvpuGov

6 KaTa?.VT7jc Kal diuKT?]^

'O^lag d(5i/l0of aov ip, kuI to gov rrdGfia dx> Kal Toiig tote upelg ETvpuvvriaev uanep av (Uzziab, 2 Cliron. xxvi. 16-18) enelvov yup tov 6<j>cv b i/yiaa/iivog Aa(3i6

eicijyayev eig tov vaov

/j.etu rijg txylag ki.(3utov.

P. 9C7

'ZvvE(pEpe coi, (iaGiXEv,

tuv

6vo TzpoKEi/iEvuv, alpsTiKov GE 6vofj.u^a6ai, fj diuK'^'jv Kal KaTaXvTfjv tuv Igtopluv Kal ^uypa(l)i.uv TUV eIkovuv Kal Tradrj/mTuv tov Kvpiov. * Joliannis Baraasceni Tioyot y' ano'AoyijTiKol irpbg Tovg dia[3d?i?.ovTag Tag uyia-;
EiKovag, in Opp. ed.
s

Le

Q.uien.

t. i.

p. 305, ss.

Germanus

Lib. de synodis et liaeres. in Spicil.


tu,

Rom.

vii.

i.

61

'A77' avrrjg

TTJg (3aGL

TiEiag,

Kal ttuvtuv tuv ev vnEpoxy KparovvTuv

npdyfiaTa, sK/xuvrig uyavuKTijaig Toig

uXXa

tvxuv evXa(3ug diuyEiv npoaipov/xivoig ETnvEvorjTai. Tov ye ;i;dpiv Kal Kivdvvog ovx Kal Tiiav b/iidpiog, Truaav ox^^^^ '^V'^ olkovuevtiv E/j.TrEptEiXrjXE, tt^^eLgtuv iepiiuv

(Je TUV TU llOVaXLKU UGKOV/IEVUV TuyHaTL 6E0aE,3EGTUTUV uvdpuv, fxEravuGTuv tuv oIkecuv yEyEVTjfiivuv, Kal ev E^opia Kal yv/iviiTEVGEi, fiETu. Kal ruv TOV ailpaTog /ieXuv u<l)aipEGEug, Eig 6iaGnopuv Kal ipT/fiuGiv jvapaneiKl'BEVTuv.

TE Kal 2.UUCUV, KEpiCGOTtpug

Oi yap
Tri

vvv tov KrjpvyfiaTog tov "kbyov ETridsiKTiKug v~oqiaLvnvTEg tuv uyiuv TVEpcaipsdai. EucoviG/iara, uXkd Kal tt/v Iv ypacpidi i<}>ufii?i?iOV TovToig kogi^itiglv tuv getttotutuv veuv b/.iKug i^opvTTEGdai KC.\ Ip.na'kLv Tolg dsioig dvaiaaTrjpioig to. tuv GEdaGfiiuv Kal Ispuv Tpant^uGEuv av/idOuKu, iKEvSv/iaTa, iv ;^;piiCTaJ Kal nop^vpa Gv/inoiKLWEVTa, x^^V uironop^ufiEvoi, iv rolg iavTuv oiKoig uveOeguv, utl Kal xc-po-KTyptg uyiuv Evprjvrai laTopov/j.Evoi. Upbg Si TOVTOtg Kal to nuGrjg dvoGiovpyiag uvu/iegtov dpdv ovk ivdpKijGav tu yap tuv
rjpKtcdijGav oi
tu,

TUV auviduv /xovov

EKiroiijaEL tu,

uaKCipiuv Kal uoidi/iuv


/'.iccv, TO

MupTvpuv

?^ei\pava, iinb

tuv

T7]g 'J^KKT-rjaiag

6i6aGKuXuv Gvytrvpl

KO/j-CGOevTa, Kal iv Ti/iioig KijSuploig aupr/bbv

ivTEdtvTa uTzoyvjivuGavTEg,

Karavd-

OGOV

aizovduGavTEr.

Tovg diu tvIgtcv 7jd2.i]Ke'>Tag KaTaTvan'/Gat Kal urifiaGaL Holy vessels furnished with images and clothes can not have been taken^
iir'

aiiTolg

away

ia consequence of general measures, but only occasionally


;

by zealous enemies

to

images uTUKTug

for

the Cone. Constant, of 754 forbids such things, KaOug ToiaiiTa vtco tlvuv

(pEpo/xivuv TtpoyiyovEV (Mansi, xiii. 332).

How

far the fanaticism of individual

had proceeded may be seen from the fact, that at this synod, even a bishop was accused (vita Stephani, jun. in Analecta Graeca, ed. Mon. Bened. Congr. S. Mauri. Paris. 1688. 4. i. 480), ug oTt dyiov iYlgkov tuv dxpdvTuv tov deov /ivGTrjpiuv KnTETZuTr,GEV, dtOTl TTEp EKTETVTTUTO ELKOVag GETTTUg TOV TE XpiGTOV Kul T!Jr aVTOV llTjTpbg KOl TOV Tpo6p6/iov. So also relics may have been attacked by individuals, but certainly very rarely, because traces of it must have been found in the polemics of the period. The tende:-'cy, it is t^-'ue, of Ihe enemies of images must have turned itself also in consistent devel oj'ivent against relic and saint worship, and several may have even proceeded so far as to reject and renounce it. Bat the party, on the whole, dependent on the imperial will, d.'.-} aot, go so far, witliout doubt having a regard to the general, popular disposition. It eveu expressly wardeci off from itself the suspicion of wishing to attack the worship of saints,
foes to pictures

16
since
it

THIRD PERIOD. DIV.

I. A.D. 726-858.

was not

created by a religious feeling, but merely


superficial

by

the emperor's will, this party fostered a


ing, rather

free-think-

than a beneficial reformatory tendency.


against images were
also

The meas-

ures taken

honestly prosecuted by

subjects as a prince, and beloved

Copronynnis (741-775), equally honored by his by his soldiers as a general. After Artabasdus, who had endeavored to procure more adherents to his cause by favoring image-worship had been conquered (741743),^" and while this practice was constantly assuming a more fanatical character, especially among the monks, the emperor procured its solemn rejection, by calling a general council at Constantinople (754), '^ though the decrees of this council
Constantine
Cone. Const, ann. 754, Anath. ix. and xi., see note 11 at the end. It is therefore a very exaggerated statement, when Theophancs, p. 340, says of Leo: Ov fibvov yap nepl Tr]V axsTLKTjv Tuiv aenruv eIkovuv 6 Svatjepijc ka(}>ak'kKTO npooKivr/aiv, uXXa kui Ttepl riJv /cat tu TiEiijmva avruv 6 -KpEajSELuv Tijc, Travi'iyvov deoroKov, Kal nuvrtjv tuv uyiuv The persecutions also of the nafifiiapo^, tJf ol diduauaAoi avrov 'Apajisg, eIBSsXvtteto. opponents of images have been greatly exaggerated by later historians, see Walch,

X. 286.
">

Theophanes,
'XnEOTijcyEv

p. 347, ss.

" The
21G
:

lipog of this council in


ijiiu.^ ('I.

the Acta Concilii Nic.


ttiq (jidopoTTOLoi)

ii.

ap. Mansi,

xiii.

205, ss.;

of.

p.

X.) ka

tuv daifiovuv diduaKa'Aiac

j/tol Tijg

tuv

fiSMuv
tiuKEV.

P. 221

nluvfj^ TE Kul XaTpEiag Kal ttjv ev Trvev/xari Kal a7^.ridElg, "Kpoanvviiaiv TrapadiUa/uv 6e 6 r?}^ Kaniag drjiXLovpyog ovk ijnop-qaE Kara 6ia(p6povc naipov^
:

re Kal rpoKovg jrovTjpu^ kinvoLag, ugte vko x^'i-PO, Ji' u7rdr;/f tavrtj noi^aai, to avOpuirivov' uXa' ev npoaxVf^C'''''' Xpiariavia/xov ttjv El6u)'Xo7\.aTpELav kotu to aeItjOoc; hnavriyayE,

nEiaag rotf Idioic

ao(j)ia/xaGt

tovc Tvpog avTov bpiJvTag


Aici 6i/

ji'i]

uTvoaTTjvai Tijg KTiaEug, a?i,Xu

TavTijv TTpoaKvvELv Kal tuvttjv cifSEadai, Kal dtbv to


KAijCEL ETZOvo/iat^ofiEVOv.
TE?i.EHJTr/(

TToc7]fxa

p. 225

KaOQg kCOml
/card

b Tiiq auTTipLaq ijuuv


rj)

ouaOai Ty tov XpiaTov dpxvybc Kal


tov TravaysaTaTov
viiv

^hjcovg Toiig iavTov Ttavaoipovg fxaOTjrug Kal uTrooToT^ovg

iTVEVfiaToc 6vvu/iEi knl sK/iEiuaEL

tQv ToiovTuv

navTog k^anEaTEikEV, ovTug Kal

Tovg avTov 6Epu~ovTag, Kal riJv uttogtoXuv E<pufil'k7Mvg, TTiCTovg i/fiuv BaaiTiElg i^aviCTrjOE, Ty TOV aiiTov nvEVuaTog aoipLadivTag dvvu/nEi, nphg KUTapriG/ibv /^ev ij/iuv Kal (USacKaAiav, KaOaipEaiv tJe daL/ioviKuv oxvpufzuTuv knaLpoiiivuv KaTu rf/g yvuoEtjg tov
6eov, Kal ileyiiv 6iaj3o}uKi]g /lEOodsiag kuI Tv'kdvTjg.
P. 251
:

That they wrho painted

pic-

tures of Christ

fell

either into the Eutychian,


slvai

or, p.

255, into the Nestorian heresy.

P.

324

'O/ioipcjvug bpi^o/xEV, an6[i'kTiTov

Kal uXkoTpLav Kal kli6E7.vyiiivr]v ek r^g

^uypu({)(ji>

EKK?i7jaiag TTuaav tUova kK navToiag iiAr/g Kal xP'^^'^'''ovpyiKf/g tuv KaKOTEXviag nEnoirmEvr/v' P- 328 Mtjketi TOA/idu uvdpuTzov tov olov6r/TCOT kTTLTjjStVELV TO TOLOVTOv daEfStg Kal uvbaiov EKiTijbEVna. 6 6e To?i(iuv una tov napbvTog KaTaaKEVuaat EUibva, ?/ TrpoaKwyaui, rj aT/'jaai kv kKKATjaia ?/ kv idturtKiJ oIku, ij Kpvijjat, el /itv ETrioKOTTog i) TrpEaiSvTepog rj (hdnovog eIev, KaOaipEioOu' ei 6e fiovui^uv ?/ Ptai/crj uvaOe/^uTii^Eado), Kal Tolg PaaiTuKolg vu^oig iinevOvvog Iotd ug kvavTiog tuv tov 5'jf TrpoGTay/xuTuv, Kal ixSpbg tuv ivaTpLKuv doyfiUTUv. Among the thirteen anath mas

tuv XpLGTiavuv

alBxcd are to be remarked


fiLTu ei'kiKpLvohc

ix. p.

345

Kt Tig ovx bfioXoyel

ri/v UEiTzaptiEVOv

Mapiav

KvpLtdg Kul dl7j0(jg 6eotukov, virepTipav te eIvul Truarjg bpaTt/g Kal

uopdrov KTiaeug, kui

nioTEug rug avTfjg ovk kiaiTEiTat -npEaiiElag ug na()l)T]aLav ixovarjg irpbt, Tuv k^ avTTjg TExOkvTa Oebv ijuCiv, dvuOE/ia. xi. p. 348 Et Tig ovx bfioTioyEl uTvavTag Tovg aT' uiuvog Kal fikxP'- '^^^ '^^^ dyiovg, npb vofiov, Kal kv vofiu, Kal kv xdpiTi tu deil), evapECTj/aavTag, Tifiiovg eivai kvuttiov avrov ipvxy re Kal aufiari, Kal rug rovruv ovk
:

PART

I. GREEK

CHURCH.

1.

IMAGE-WORSHIP.

17

were not admitted in the east/^ and at Rome/*


worshipers

And

because

the monasteries were the places of resort to which the picture-

now

fled,

and which nourished


followed,

their fanaticism that

frequently broke forth into tumultuous resistance, severer meas-

amounting in some provinces means Constantine has become the object of monkish abhorrence and they have revenged themselves richly on him by historical misrepresentaures against the
to

monks

absolute

persecution.^*

By

this

tions.^*

Under Leo IV. Chazarus (775780), the laws against image-worship were
still

rigidly enforced.

Irene, on the contrary,

At first, indeed, she was com(780802). pelled to be cautious, by the voice of the capital and the solbut afterward, in conjunction with the new patriarch Tadiery rasius,^^ she called a synod, which was broken up by an insurrection at Constantinople,*^ but met again at Nice (Cone, oecuThe decrees menic. vii., 787), and restored image-worship.''
was
friendly to
it
;

EiaiTeiTai wpoaevxu^

JC 7ra/5/37;(Tt'av

1:x6vtuv vnip tov Kotj/iov npefffieveiv, KaTu ttjv ek-

K^TjaiaaTiKr/v Tzapudoav, uvdOtfia.


'2 ^vvo6ik6v of Theodore, patriarch of Jerusalem, about 766, iu Actis Cone. Nic. ii. ap. Mansi, xii. 1135; comp. Walch, x. 376. '3 Cf. Concilium Lateranense, A.D. 769, ap. Mansi, xii. 713, ss. '* Constantine (762) first put Andrew to death, iTiiyxovra avTov tjiv dailSeiav, /cat OvuXevTa viov Kal 'lovTiiavbv unoKaXovvra avrov. Theophanes, p. 363. Continued obstinacy called forth a series of cruelties, from 766 to 775. Theophan. p. 367, ss. NicephoActa S. Stephani in the Analectis graecis ed. Monach. Benedict. Paris. rus, p. 45, ss.

1688.
'^

4.

p. 396, ss.

Comp. Walch,
x. 413.

x. 403.

Schlosser, S. 228,

ff.

Comp. Walch,

On

the surnames
x. 356.

Copronymos

334)

and Caballinus, see Walch,

Against Theophanes,

(see the account of Theo[)h. p.


p.

370

IlavTaxov
dig

fikv

tu^

KpecjieiaQ rf/g napdivov Kal Oeotokov Kal ttuvtuv tuv uyluv Eyypu(pug,

uvu^eXeIq,

6t,' uv tj/iIv mjydi^Ei ivdaa (3o7jdEta' Kal tu uyia XEirpava avrcJv KaropvTTcJv, Kal u(pavfi noiiJv, k. t. A. (cf. note 9) see Walch, x. 401. But much superConcil. Nic. ii. can. 7, ap. Mansi, stition connected with the relics certainly disappeai-ed.

Kal uypu(j>og unoKr/pvrruv,

xiii.

427

T?} ovv uoeSeI alpsaEi

napa7.E7^VKaciv, u XP^I uvaveudTjvai' oaoc ovv getztoI vuol KadupuOr/aav EKTog uyluv ^eiiIxIvuv fiaprvpuv, opi^o/^EV iv avTolg KaTudsaiv yEviaOai
"koi'drjaav'

sTEpu

tuv 'K.piaTLavoKaTTjyopuv Kal oKka ddESijfiaTa

Tiva

idij

avvr/KO-

'/.Eiipuvcjv /lETo,
'*

Kal

Tr/g

avvySovg evxVChis pupil Ignatius,

S. Tarasii vita,

by

" See
'"

in particular the avyypa<p7/ avvTOf/.og dr/XcoTiKi/

Acta SS. Febr iii. 576. tuv KpaxdevTuv npb


vii.

Trig

cvvodov

ap. Mansi, xii. 990, ss.

Theophanes,
izuai)

p. 389.

Its acts in Mansi, xii. 951, xiii. 820.


:

In the bpog Actio

ap. Mansi,

xiii. 377, it is

said

'Opii^ofiEv aiiv

uKpLpEta

kuI E/j/HEXEia zapan^.Tjalug

^uonoiov CTavpov uvaTldsadai Tug aETZTug Kal uyiag EiKovag iv raig uyiaig tov Oeov EKKXrjaiacg, iv Upolg aKEVECi Kal iaOj/tn, Toixotg te Kal aaviaiv, oiKoig te kuI 66olg {6(r(f) yup avvEx^g c5f' elKOviKf/g uvaTviruoEug opiJvTai, tooovtov Kal ol TavTag Oeujievol diavLOTavTai npbg ttjv tuv npuTOTvnuv /ivtj/xtjv te Kal iTvinbdrjaiv) Kal TavTuig danaafibv Kal TctnjTiKTjv npoGKVVfiaiv awovifXEiv {ov fiijv Tyv kutu nloTiv f//x<jv ukfjdiVTjv TiaTpEiav, ^ TpinEi nbvy Ty dEia (pvdEi, d/l/l' ov Tponov tu tvku tov Tifiiav Kal ^uoKoiou CTavpov Koi

rw tvtvu tov

tljilov

Kal

VOL. n.

18

THIRD PERIOD.DIV. I A.D.

726-858.

of this synod remained also in force unde/ Nicephorus

(802811) and Michael Rhang-abe (811813), though there were always many opposed to such worship, especially among the

troops.'^

Leo

V.

Armenus (813820), one

of the best princes,^" ap-

peared against image-worship,^^ which had been carried by the


heat of controversy to the greatest absurdities,^^ caused
it

to be

roZf uyioig evayyeXioig Kol Tolg 7mlt:oIq lepuic uvadi/fiaGi) Kal dvfiia/iuruv Kal (puruv

irpoaayuyiiv npog Ti/v tovtuv


7}

Tijirjv

Troulodai, Ka6ug Kal roig upxniotg evaeiSiJc; eldiaTaf


diajSaivst.,

yup

Tf/g e'lKovog Tifii/ iirl

to TzpuTorvTzov

Kvvti kv avry tov eyypa(j)Ofi(:vov rijv v~6aTaaLv.


ib. p. 132, it is

Kal 6 TrpooKwuv Tfjv eiKova npoalu the confession of faith of the synod,

said

TTEpi-rvaaofitda
of the synod
:

rifiufiev Kal uanai^d/xeda, Kal TtfiriTiKCtg npoaKvvovfiEV Exclamations


KuvaravTivov Kal viag 'EZev??f aiuvia
p.
i]

Taf ayiag

not aeTTTug daovag a.7rodexo/ie6a Kal uGTra^o/xcda, Kal

Neoii

fivij/i7],

and

rcj

/ii/

uaTca^o-

Hiv(j Tug uyiag e'lKovag uvudefia.


'9

Corap. the relation of Theophanes,

425:

some

(rivsg

ruv

6vaaj3C>v rijg fiLapug

alpiaeug tov deoGTvyovg KuvaTavTivov) broke into the imperial tomb, TzpoaennzTov tu TOV TzTiUvov fivfjiMaTi TOVTov TiCKa?iOVfievoi, Kal ov 6e6v uvu(ttt]6i, 7^tyovTEg, Kal fSoijdrj-

aov
'"

Ti]

7zo7.LTEia uTzo?J,vfiEvy.

The Chronographica nan-atio eorum quae tempore Leonis conannexed to Theophanes S. Nicephori Patr. vita by Ignatius in the Actis SS. Mart. ii. 296, Greek in the Append, p. 704; S. Nicetae vita by Theosterictus, Acta SS. April, i. 261, Greek in the Append, p. xxii. S. Thcophanis vita prefixed to his chronography and Act. SS. Mart. ii. 213; S. Theodori Studitae vita by Michael Monachus in Sirmondii 0pp. v. i. S. Nicolai Studitae vita in Act. SS. Febr. i. 538. 2' Chronograph, narratio p. 435 Asyuv npog Tcvag o/ioijipovag avTov, otl Tivog evekev, <l>7}ai, -avTo. TTwf Exovcriv ol XpiGnavol KaraKvpiEvofXEVoi vtto tuv eOvuv ; i/iol doKEC (5tu TO TrpoaKVVEiaOat Tug EiKovag, Kal uX?.o oidsv Kal (3ov2.oiJ.ai avTug KaracsTpEipaL (i'kiTreTe
Particular sources:
tigerunt
; ;

yiip, (pTjaiv,

oaoi (3acn2.ig idi^avTO Kal TzpocEKVVT/crav avTug, uTvidavov, ol /lev ek6i(jx6evjjlovol 6e ol fiii KpoaKwricavTzg avTug Idiu Oavuru EKacTog avTov eteXevtiige, Kal fiETu do^Tjg TrpoKO/iicdElg elg tu tuv jiaci7.Euv

reg, ol dt / 1* xoT.Efxu TVEffovTsg


Eig TT]V 1:0.7 O.Eiav

KOifiTjTT/pia tTU(pT] kv Toig 'k-nOGT67iOig.

loLTCov kKELVOvg Kuyo) (3ov7iO/xac /iifnjaaadai, Kal

KaTadTpETpuL Tag EiKovag, k. t. 2,. Still more remarkable are the vrords of the emperor to the patriarch Nicephorus, ib. p. 437 'O 7Mbg CKavdaXi^ETac 6lu Tug EiKovag, 7.EyovTg,
:

OTL KOKuig avTug 7rpoGKVvov/iEV, Kal otl 6lu tovto tu eOvt)


TL fiiKpov,

Kvpuvovaiv

rjiiuv

avyKaTu^a
eI

Kul noirjdov otKOVo/iiav Eig tov Xabv, Kal tu

;j;a/zr/Aa 7rEpii7iUfiEV

6e fi^

Pov7^EL, TZEiaov Tjfiug

TTunoTE.

6C ov evekev [leg. ekeIvu'] npoGKVVEtTE, TTJg ypaipf/g firi kxovarig f)JiTug The patriarch had no other answer than 'H/iEig avru, a?.wf k^ UPXVC i^o.'
:

uvuOev opcadEVTa vko te tuv

TrapaaaT.EVo/j.EV, ovtf nepiGaoTEpov ti kv avTolg otKOVO/iovfiEV. '- Cf Michaelis Balbi et Theophili Impp. Epist. ad Ludov. Pium, a.d. 824 (preserved in Latin in the Acts of the Paris Synod, a.d. 825), ap. Goldast. 1. c. p. 610, ss. Mansi, xiv 417: There we read: Multi de ecclesiasticis seu et laicis viris alieni de apostolicis tra-

'A7iOO'T67^uv Kal

tuv TzaTspuv, ovte

ditionibus facti, et

neque patemos terminos custodientes,

facti

sunt inventores malarum


eis, siniul et

rerum.
in

Primum quidem eadem loca imagines

honorificas et vivificas cruces de sacris templis expellebant, et

statuebant ponebantque lucernas coram


crucifigi dignatus est propter

incensam

adolebant, atque eas in tali honore babebant, sicut lionorificum et vivificum lignum, in quo
Chrislus verus

Deus noster

adorabant, atque ab eisdem imaginibus auxilium petebant.

nostram salutem. Psallebant et Plerique autem linteamiiiibus

eacdem imagines circumdabant,


faciebant.

et filiorum suorum de baptismatis fontibus susceptriues (One Spatharius, who had done this, is almost elevated to the rank of a saint by Theodoras Stud. lib. i. Epist. 17.) Alii vero religiosum habitum monasticum sumera

PART
prohibited

I. GREEK

CHURCH.

$1.

IMAGE-WORSHIP.

19

and punished most part, monks, under the leadership Michael II. Balbus (820of the fanatical Theodore Studita.

by a synod

at Constantinople (815),^^

the disobedient, for the

829), tolerated the practice in private,^* without, however, satisfying the friends of images

by that concession.
encroachments,

But

since

Theophilus such toleration led to renewed vigorous measures against images, and (829842)
increasing
their

zealous

defenders, the

monks."

Soon

after his death,

Theodora once more allowed the worship of images to be ecclesiastically adopted (842),^^^ and caused the memory of this tri

umph

by a yearly festival [i] KvpiaKfi r^g opdoStill opponents of images appear afterward in the do^mc).^^ Greek Church f^ but as the opposition to them did not arise from a true development of the popular mind, but solely from the emperor's will, it left no traces of a deep awakening in the
to be perpetuated

direction of reform.

comam capitis eorum suscipere sinum earum decidere capillos eorum siuebant, Cluidam vero sacerdotum et clericorum colores de imaginibus radentes, immiscuerunt oblationibus et vino, et ex hac oblatione post missarum celebrationem dabant communicare Alii autem corpus Domini in manus imagiuum ponebant, unde communicare volentibus. volentes accipere fecerant. Nonnnlli vero spreta ecclesia, in communibus domibus tabulis imaginum pro altariis utebantur, et super eas sacrum ministerium celebrabant, et alia multa bis similia illicita, et nostrae religioni coutraria in ecclesiis fiebant, quae a docvolentes, religiosiores personas postponebant, qii prius

solebant, adbibitis imagiuibus quasi in

tioribus et sapientioribus viris satis indigna esse videbantur. in tbe Iconoclasts

counterpart of fanaticism

seen in vita Stephani jun. above, note 9. -^ Cf. Mansi, xiv. 235, ss. Walch, x. C87. Especially Michaelis Ep. ad Lud. P. (I.e.): Propterea statuerunt ortbodoxi Imperatores et doctissimi Sacerdotes, locale adunare concilium. Talia ubique communi cousilio fieri probibuerant, et imagines de humilioribus

may be

locis efferri fecerunt, et eas,

quae in sublimioribns

locis positae erant, ut ipsa pictura pro

scriptura haberetur, in suis locis consistere pei-miserunt, ne ab indoctioribus et infirmioribus adorareutar, sed neque eis lucernas accenderent, neque incensum adolerent pro-

bibuerant.

Theodori Studitae vita, c. 102-122, et Nicolai Stud. vita. Still tbere are no instances of capital punishments, Walcb, x. 713. = Walch, X. 764 u. S. 784, AT. Schlosser, S. 544, ss. ^' Leo Allatius de Dominicis et Hebdomadibus Graecorum, appended to his work Colon. Agi-ipp. 1648. 4. p. 1432. de Eccl. Occid. atque Orient, perpetua consensione.
-^

"

Walch,
=8

X. 799.

According to Nicolai Papae i. Epist. ad universes Catholicos (ap. Mansi, xv. 161), he had been assured by the Byzantine embassadors who invited him to the synod of Constantinople, A.D. 861, maxime eandem ecclesiam (Constantinopolitanam) ab Iconomachis
rcdivivam contentionem excitantibus vexari, Christumqne per singula conventicula blasHence tbe decrees in favor of images at tbe synod of Constantinople, a.d. 860, can. iii. and vii. ap. Mansi, xvi. 400 and 401, and at that of a.d. 879, ap. Mansi, xvii. 4Sphemari.
1i-np. Walch, X. 803.

20

THIAD period.DIV.

l.A.D. 726-858.

2.
CONDITION OF THE GREEK CHURCH.
In this period of controversy about images,

when orthodoxy
Greek
ambition,

was

so frequently

changed

according to court-caprice, the

clergy, yielding to the fear of

man and immoderate

sank to an abandoned condition ;* while, on the other hand, the compulsion exercised toward the monks, called forth the most fearful fanaticism. Hence every thing bowed before such fanaticism at the times in which the monks' cause was triumphant. As the Church had lost her free characteristic nature, so also had the theological sciences. The only person worthy of
distinction
is Johannes Damascemts (^Chri/sorrhoas, Mansur) from the year 730, a monk in the Laura of St. Sabas, f about 760.^ On the other hand, the works of the fanatical Theodore, abbot of the monastery Studium from 798, | 826,^ are only of

historical importance.
For example, the patriarch Anastasius, at first a tool of Leo Isaurus, but afterward changed under the pretender Artabasdus (Theophaues, p. 348 Kparr/aag tu ri/ita Kal ^(jOTToiu ^vXa u/iOGe tu Aaaj on fiu tov TzpoarjTiudivTa tv avTolg, ovtuq fioi elrre KuvaravTLVoc 6 [Saailevc, otl /li/ "koyiari vlbv deoii elvai, ov sreKev tj Mapia, tov aiiT-qv irKev, <jf treKev i^i Xeyo/iEvov Xpiarbv, el iifj ipMv uvdpunov f/ yap Mapla Constantine punished him in the severest manner, Theoph. p. 353 Tj Ht]Trjp (iov Tj 'Mapia). TluXiv 6e <!)( d/j.6(ppova avrov kK(j)0'(i7]aag Kal dovT.uaag kv to) dpovu T^r Upuavvrjc Compare the mode in which the bishops, who, just before the synod of NicC; kiiddiae. had been violently opposed to the worship of pictures (Theoph. p. 389, and the (Tvyypa(p7}
'
:

'

aiivTOjiog, ap.
^

Mansi,

xii. 990),
Jlr]yr}

retracted their sentiments at

it,

Act.

1,

ap. Mansi, xii. 1015,

ss.

His principal work


EKdoatc uKpilSiig

yvioaeug in three parts,

(1)

ra

(f>LlociO(t>iKu, (~)

Kept alpeaeuv,
fidei or-

(3)

TT/g

opdodo^ov rriaTcug.

(Cf. C. J.

Lenstrom de Expositione

thodoxae auct Jo. Damascene. Upsal. 1839. Ritter's Gesch. d. christl. Philos. ii. 553.) Besides lepu Trapu2.lT]2,a. Controversial writings against heretics, discourses, letters, ed. Michael le Quien. Paris. 1712. 2 voU. fol. ^ His numerous writings, discourses, and letters, against the Iconoclasts are for the greater part collected in Jac. Su-mondii 0pp. t. v. Besides these the KaTTjxvaetc (lat. ed. Antverp. 1602. 8. Cf. J. J. Miiller Studium coenob. Constant, illustratum J. Livinejus. Lips. 1721. p. 32, ss.) and much besides, in part anprinted, cf. Fabricii diss- philol. hist.
Bibl. gr.
t.

ix. p. 234.

PAET

I. GEEEK

CHURCH.

3.

PAULICIANS.

21

3.
PAULICIANS.
Petri Siculi (about 870) Histcria
1604.
4.

Manichaeonim
4).

J. C.

L. Gieseler.

Getting. 1846.

(gr. et lat. ed. Matth. Raderua. Ingolst. Photius adv. recentioras Manichaeos libb

Wolfii Anecdotis gr. t. i. et ii. Hamb. 1722, 23. 8, and in Gallandii Armenian accounts respecting the Paulicians.i in the Tiibingeu Q,uartalschrift, 1835. S. 54. F. Schmidii Hist. Paulicianorum orientalium diss. Hafniae. 1826. 8. Die Paulicianer, a treatise in Winer's u. Engelhardt's neuem krit. Journ. d. theol. Literal. Bd. 7, St. 1, u.St. 2. Gieseler's Untersuchungen iiber die Geschichte der Paulicianer, in the Theol. Studien u. Kritiken. Jahrg. 1829. Heft 1, S. 79, ss. Neander's K. G. iii. 492. Gfrorer's K. G. iii. i. 190.
iv. (in J. Cbrist.

Bibl.

PP.

xiii. 603).

In Armenia, the struggle of Christianity with Parsism^ had


also favored the blending together of both religions,

and thus the

dualist-Christian parties called children of the sun, i. e., sunworshipers by the other Armenian Christians, had maintained
their existence longest in this country.^

About 660, one Con-

staniine appeared as a reformer, proceeding from a dualistic,

probably a Marcionite Church, in Mananalis in Samosata.

This been moved by reading the New Testament writings, especially those of Paul and made his public appearance in the like-minded church at Kibossa, situated in the province of Colonia in Armenia prima. His design was, without renouncing his dualistic fundamental principle, to restore, as a genuine disciple of Paul (Sylvanus), a genuine Pauline Church (Macedonia), (f about 684). He found successors like himself ( Si/nieon, Titus f about 690. Paulus f about 715. Gegnasius, Ti-

man had

motheus f about 745. Josephus, Epaphroditus f about 775. Baanes till 801), under whom the Paulicians (flavAf/ciavotV
'

The

oldest in the treatise of Johannes v.

Ozun

(patriarch of

against the Paulicians, in Domini Johannis Philos. Ozniensis,


ed. J.

Armenia from 718-729) Armenorum Catholic!, Opera,

N. Aucher. Venet. 1^4. 8. Comp. Neumann's Gesch. der armen. Literatur, S. 107. In this work, however, there is less a representation of the peculiarities of the Paulicians than reports of scandalous actions which were every where circulated respecting the Dualists. 2 Comp. above Div. II. $ 107.
^ Tschamtschean's (respecting him see Div. II. $ 112, note 3), Gesch. Armeniens, i.765. Neander, iv. 451. * Ap. Germanus de Haeresibus et Synodis in the Spicil. Rom. vii. i. 70 (comp. $ 1, note The affirmation, that they received these names from two Manichaeans, 5) Hav'kiavlTaL. Paul and John, sons of Callinice, who are said, at an earlier but uncertain period, to have spread Manichaeism from Samosata to Phanaroa, is nothing but a later Catholic iiction. Doubtless, the name was originally given to them by the Crtholic Church on account

22

THIRD PERIOD DIV. I AD.

726-858.

coniinued to spread themselves farther into Asia Minor, and had Phanaroa in Helenopontus as their chief settlement. In
addition to the peculiar dualistic doctrines, their characteristic

marks were the affixing of a high value to the universal use of the Holy Scriptures,^ and a rejection of all externalities in reTheir abhorrence of images might have brought many ligion.^ ? vigorous opponent of image-worship nearer to them ^ but
;

of the high value they attached to Paul. did not so style themselves, Photius,

See Theol. Studien u. Krit. 1829. S. 82, ff. They Toif fikv u'AjjOC)^ uvrag Xpiariavov^ 'Pw/zatonf tuv Xpiariuvuv nepLU-rTovatv. ( ol TpiaaXiTTJpioi ovofiu^ovffiv, tavTolq 6i tt/v k?>.7icfiv 9 KadoXiKTiv 6e iKK'krjaiav tu iavTuv KaTiOvai avvidpia. ' To Sergius, the Pauliciaa female, who converted him, said (Petrus Sic. p. 56) "Ivan TU dela ovK uvayivo)(7KECC HvayyeXia ; to which he replied Ovk I^egtlv i]fuv KoafiiKoig ovacv ravra uvayivioaKeiv, el firj rolg upevaL uovol^. (It was not an ecclesiastical regulation, but a popular delusion, like that refuted by Chrysostomus de Lazaro'Orat. iii. 0pp. On which she said Owe eariv iii. 56, that the reading of the Bible is only for monks). ovTug uf av vTro?i.afj.i3uveig' oil yap ken npoauTTOA-qibia wapu ru 6tcJ' Trdprag yup de}.u
i. c.

ffudijvaL 6 KvpLog, Kal eig eTziyvudiv uXTjdeiag tXOelv.


^ Their errors were, according to Petrus Sic. p. 16, ss. ITpwrov fiev yap tan to nar' avTovr yvupio/ia to 6vo upxiig bfioXoyelv, novTjpbv Oebv Kal uyadov Kal uA/lof elvai Tovde Tov Koafiov noir/Ti/v Kal i^ovaiacsTr)v, CTepov 6e rov fiiX'kovTog (namely, tov Trarepa EKOvpuviov). To the Catholics they said 'T/xelg martveTE elg tov Koa/xoTron]r?jv' ij/iEig 6e tf inEivov TTEpl ov kv ^vayyET^ioig b Kvpio.c "kiysL, on ovte ^uvtjv ovtov uKTjKoaTe ovte Eldog avTov iupuKaTE. AevTEpov rb t^v Travv/ivf/Tov koI aeindpQevov dcorbnov fiTjde
: :

Kuv Ev

rpiT^y

Tuv uyuOcJv uvdpuTTuv tutteiv uirexduc

u7Tapt0/j.7jaEi, /iribt
;

ei avr/}( yEvvrj-

dfjvai Tbv Kvpiov, uTiA'

ovpavbOsv rb au/xa KaTEVEyKEiv (Photius, i. c. 7 At' avTFjg 6i, ug 6m Gu7S]voq, diE'kjj'kvdEvai). Kal otl hetu Tbv tov Kvpiov tokov koI aAAoi-f, <^aaiv, (According to Photius they were fond of expressing themvloiig kyEvvrjaev ek tov 'luci]^.
selves thus
TliaTEVop-EV eIc tjjv navayiav Oeotokov, iv ij ciafjTidEv Kal c^ijXdEv 6 Kvpioc, and understood this with reference to Gal. iv. 26, tt/v uvu 'lEpovaaTirjfi, and said 'Ev airy npoSpofiov vrrtp rjuuv EiaEXdEiv tov XpiaTov). TpiTov to ttjv dEiuv Kal (PpiKTTjv Tuv uytDV nvtTTTipiuv tov GUfiaTog Kal alfiaroQ tov Kvpiov Kal Oeov ijiiQv /lETilXjjiptv dnoTpExpai' ov uovov ds, u2.~Au Kal u^Aovf irepl tovto TiEidEiv ohadai' XsyovrEc oti oik i)v upTog Kal olvog, bv b Kvpiog ididov ToJg iiadrjTalg avTov inl tov dEinvov, A/lu cvfiBoXiKug TU furiuaTa avTov avTolg tSiSov, ug upTov Kal olvov. (Phot. i. 9 To auTrjpiov diaTTTvovTEg SdiTTiafia, vnonTiUTTOVTai napa^EXEadat avrb, tu Toii EvayyE^iov f)7j/j,uTa Ty TOV BaTzriafxaTog (buvy v7To3u?^XovTg' Kal yup (paatv, 6 Kvpiog e^Ty' kyu eijut -b vdup
: :

Tb

fdll').

(jTavpov

UTE

6ij

TiTCpTOV TO Tbv TVTTOV Kul TJ]V EVEpyEIUV Kal ditVajllV TOV TlflioV Kal i^UOTZOlOV Tov a-avpbv, uTzoiEXEoOaL, uX/m fivpiaig vfipEai ivEoiiiu'k'kEiv. (Phot. i. 7 SvAov (j>aal, Kal KUKovpyuv vpyavov, Kal vizb iipuv keI/xevov, ov del -rrpooKWElv Kai
fiii
:

uanuCEaOai).

Uehtttov Tb pi/ cnrodEXEodai avTovg tt]v olavovv PifiXov rvaluiuv, jv?MVOvg Kal ATjGTug Tovg Trpo^rjTag uixoKaAovvTEg. Of the New Testament they adapted four gospels, fourteen epistles of Paul, the epistles of James, John, and Jude, and the Acts of the Apostles, with unaltered text; Tug 6vo KaOoXiKcig tov HEyu?.ov IlETpov tov Trpwra-

ov dEXovTai, uTrexOiog npog avTbv ^lukeIiievoi, kuI vppEOL Kal bvEidicfiolg (Phot. i. 8: 'On yiyovEV k^apvbg, (paai, T7/g eig Tbv ()iiVi(7Ka'Aov fivpioig nepipuHovTEg. Kal XpioTbv nioTEug, perhaps with reference to Gal. ii. 11, ff. See Theol. Studien u. Krit.
rruaT6?>.ov

1829. S. 109).

"E/cTov

TtjVLKavTa

oi TrpEafSvTepoi

6vofzu(t:a6at, xj>l^u t(j

TO Tovg TrpEafSvTipovg Tyg kKKAriaiag inroTpETTEaOai- 6aal '5^, 4n kutu tov Kvpiov cvvr/xOriaav, kuI 6iu tovto ov xPV fivrovg bvbpan Kal p6v(j uirexOavonEvot. According to Photius, i. 9, they

called their houses of meeting irpoaEVxag. ' John of Ozun (see note 1) says, that the Paulicians begin their attempts at conversion

PART

I. GREEK

CHURCH.

3.

PAULICIANS.

23

nnder the image-assailing emperors they could the less reckon on their being spared, because the enemies of images had to At first, gross avoid the danger of being classed with them. immorality of various kinds was also charged against the Paulicians, into which, by-paths from their system may have certainly led them ' but afterward, when Sergius, as Tychicus, set himself in antagonism to Baanes surnamed 6 pvnapog on account of his immorality (801), a beneficial reform was eflectec*. in the greater part of the sect who sided with him,^" and lie
;

procured

for

himself the reputation of a second founder, not only

by this antagonism, but by the unwearied and successful eft'orts he put forth for the extension of the sect.^^ But this very enlargement gave rise to new persecutions, which were so violr.nt, under Leo the Armenian, that many Paulicians, and with them
Sergius
too, fled

Saracens.

The Emir

from lesser Armenia to the territories of the in Melitene assigned to them, as a place

of residence, the little town of Arg-aum ; from which place, notwithstanding the dissuasions of Sergius,'^ they began unceasing predatory marches into the Byzantine territory. After Sergius's

death (f 835), they resolved to intrust the spiritual oversight of the Church to all the gvvek6t]iiol<; of it, instead of to one perwitli attacking

image-worship

(p. 79),

and that
(p. 89).

many
'

Iconoclasts, driven out from tlie

Catholic Church, had gone over to


8

them

Theol. Stud.

u. Krit. 1829. S. 89.

Theol. Stud. u. Krit. 1829. S. 120,

ff.

0/ yap irpb avTov {'Sepyiov) uva<pavEVTg, el Kal (hu top 6vffudt] (3dp(3opov T^g uKoXaaiag Kal ttjv alffxpovpylav tuv /icaa/xuTuv Kal rug eig Oew PXa(j<prjfj.lag e^aiperoi ry KaKia vtttjpxov, uXk' ofiug (jievKTalot rolg uvdpunoig Kal (ideTiVKPeti-us Sic. p. 58, ss.:

"

fiovg Kal

oOev Kal oTiiyoi ol ef avTuv uTi-arufiEvoi oiiToc 6e rove fiiv fuaauKOAaaiag avTQv unoiSaXofievog, rug 6va(j>7ifiiag Si nacag tjg auTj'/pia TrepiTTTv^ufiEvog ooyfiaTa, dperug rivag SoAlcjg vneKpLvETO, Kal EvaeiitLag jxopcjxjfnv irepiKa'Awjjag rbv Tivkov ug iv Kuditj npo(idTov, kdoKEi rolg uyvoovaiv upiarog o6rjyhg acjrr]Tol TTucLv e(j>aivovTO
'

Tug

Tro2.2.ug

piag KaTa(paLVodai.

/J-Expi Tyg devpo Tovg uaTTipi , Tovg i^aTTaTiJcnv. " He himself said on this point in one of his letters (Petnis Sic. p. 60. Phot. i. e. 21) 'A?ro uvaToliJv aal fiixpi 6v(t/iuv, Kal fSo^^id Kal I'orov edpa/iov Krjpvaauv to EvayyEXcov
:

'Ev TotavTutg Toivvv ralg fiEdodeiaig

Tov XpiaTov, Tolg kfiolg yovaai fiapr/aag. In another letter he says, respecting the establishment of the different churches (Petrus Sic. p. C6) T^v ev Kopivdcj (probably 3'"-ji sparis in Phanaroa. See Phot. i. 18) EKKArjaiav u)Ko66/iTjtj YlavXog, rf/v 6e MuKE^oviav
:

(Kibossa) 1,t?iOvavbg (Constantinus) Kal TlTog (Symeon) Kal kxaiav (Mananalis) dviaTopiGE TqibOeog (Gegnasius). Trjv tuv ^I'knnTTiacuv EKKAijaiav kAEiTovpyrjOEv 'ETva(j>p66iTog (Josephus) Trjv AaoSiKicjv Kal 'EtpEaiuv EKK?^Ti<yiav, eti 6^ Kal t?/v ruv KoXaaaiuv ifiadrJTEvae TvxiKog (Sergius). Petrus adds KoTiaaaaeig fZEv "kkyEi rohg 'ApyaovTag,

'

Ecpeaiovg 6e Tovg ev MotjjovEaTia, AaoSiKEig 6e Tovg KaToiKovvTag Kvvag ttjv tov Kvvbg XCtpav (i.e., Tovg ^vvox<^piTag).

" He
9UV
IIOI.

said (Petrus Sic. p. 62)

'Eyw

tC)v

kokQu tovtuv uvaiTiog

el/if

no7\d yap

izapriyyEWov avTolg iK tov alx/iaXuTi^Eiv

Toiig 'Pu/ialovg unooTTJvai,

Kal ovy vitp.kov

24
son.'^

THIRD PEllIOD. DIV. I.-A.D.

726-858.

But

after a political character also


it,

had now been forcibly

impressed on

it

soon after received a temporal head.

When

the bigoted empress Theodora caused persecution to be renewed

against them, fresh crowds of them fled to Argaurn, under the

Karbeas (about 844), who soon stepped forth at Their power increased, partly by the union of the Baanites and Sergiots,'^ hitherto divided, and partly by the founding of new settlements, among which Tephrica soon became a border establishment very dangerous to the Byleadership of

the head of the whole sect.

zantine territory.^*

Thus Karbeas,
During

at the head of armies, could

now

give regular battle to the Byzantine generals, allied as he


Saracens.^
this time, there proceeded

was with the

from the Paulicians an impulse toward a reform of the old dualand the sect of the Thontrakians, in istic parties in Armenia the province of Ararat, was formed by one Sembat, between 833
;

and 854.^^
'^

Petrus Sic.

p. 70, s.

Madriral di tovtov ("Zepyiov) virrjpxov (ivariKUTEpoi yiixaTjX,


(cf.

K. T. A.,

ovTOi Toivvv ol fiadrjTal avrov, ol Kal avviKdrifioi


as

Act. xix. 29, 2 Cor.

viii. 19,

Marcion addressed his adherents, avvraXaiTrupoi Kat avfiinaovpiEvoL. Tertull. adv. Marc. iv. 9 and 36) Trap' ainolg Xsyofievoi, <I)f niepel^ (i. e., inapol lepel() Tivec, Tov cinuvra Xubv top ovvaOpoiadivra iv roj 'Apyaov, fieru tov tov di6aaKu2,ov avTuv 'ZepyLov Odvarov, ral^ 6i6aaKa?ilaig avrov te koI tuv npoTiyTjaa/iivuv 7^vfiatv6(lEvoi, laoTifioi TTuvTEf VTzf/pxov, fiTjKETi, iva diduOKaXov uvaiiTipv^avTEC, KaduTzep ol
in the

same way

nputjv, uTJiU TzuvTEg laoi ovte^.

'E;(;oi'ff
i.

6e koL vKoiiEjijjKOTa^ fiupEi^,


Trap'

voraphvc
^Tre^-r.'rcc

Trap'

avToig ovo/ia^o/iivovc.
lepeig,
diaiTri,

Photius,

c.

Toif

aiirolc lepiuv ru^iv

ovx

u/l2d avvEKdrjfiovg sal vurapiovc Enovofiui^ovaiv. Ovrot. di ovte OjVuK;, ovte ovte Tivl uXXu rponu (3iov (JE/ivoTspov eklteT^ovvti to diu(j>opov avrui> nphr to
p.

irAf/do( knideiKvvvTai.
'*

Petrus Sic.

70

Mera

tov ddvoTov 'Sspyiov,

htj (j>epovTEg oi

avrov

fiadijral iavrijv

rijv

alaxvvriv Kal rov dvEidicxfiov, ov

napa ttuvtuv

c)VEi6cl^ovro, jjp^avro

uttoktecveiv

Tov( Bavtwraf, onug i^aXEiipuaiv l^ iavruv rov ovEidianov avruv. Eif 6e tic GtoJorof ovo/iari, 6 avvEKdyj/io^ ^Epyiov, TiiyEf " firjdEV vfj.lv Kal toI( uydpunoig rovroic nuvrei

yap liEXPLQ uvadEL^Eu^ rov 6i6aaKu2ov


ftv uTTHvaavTo.
Cf. Photius,
i.

tj/iuv fiLav

irianv EixofiEV."

Kal ovru( rov ipovEV

c.

23.

" "
'^

Constantini Porphyrog. Continuator iv. c. 16. Constantini Porph. Cont. iv. c. 16, 23-25.
v.

Cedrenus,

p. 541.

d.

Tschamtschean's Gesch. armen. Liter. 8. 127.

Armenien,

ii.

884.

Neander,

iv. 451.

Nivrmann's

Groa'-.!

PART

II.

WESTERN CHURCH.

CHAP. I.BONIFACE.

4.

25

SECOND PART.
HISTORY OF THE WESTERN CHURCH.
Anastasii Bibliothecarii (about 870) Liber pontificalis (see Vol. I. Div. II. before, $ 131). The Frank historians, especially Annales Laurissenses (usually called Plebeji or Loiseliani) from 741-829 (the second part from 788 composed by Einhard) and Annales
:

Einbardi from 741-829, a corrected version of the Laurissenses Annales Fuldensea from 680-901 the original reaches to 830, and continued in successive portions till 838, Annales Bertiniani from 741-882, the original 863, 882, 887, and 901, by contemporaries. likewise to 830 from 835-861 composed by Prudentius, bishop of Troyes, and fi-om 861-882 by Hincmar, archbishop of Rheinis. All these works are best edited in the Monumenta Germaniae historicae, ed. G. H. Pertz. Scriptorum tom. i. Hanover,
: ;

1826.

fol.

Einhardi (t 844) Vita Caroli M. (Einbardi omnia quae exstant Opera ed. A. Teulet, tomi ii. Paris. 1840, 43. 8. Life and Conduct of Charlemagne described by Einhard Introduction, original, explanation, collection of original documents, by J. C. Ideler. 2 Bde. Hamburg u. Gotha. 1839. 8.) Monachi Sangallensis de Gestis Caroli M. libb ii. (884-887, probably not written by Notkerus Balbulus, see Pertz Monum. Germ. ii. p Thegani Vita Ludovici Pii (written 835, with additions to 838). (Astrouomii 729.) Vita Imp. Lud. P. (Pertz, ii. p. 604). Nithardi Historiaram Ubb. iv. (written 841-343). All in the Monumenta Germaniae, t. ii. On the entire sources see J. Chr. F. Bahr's Gesch. d. rom. Literatur im karoling
Zeitalter (Carlsruhe. 1840.
8) S. 143, ss.

FIRST CHAPTER.
OONVERSION OP THE GERMANS BY BONIFACE.
Sources
Bonifacii Epistt. ed. Nic. Serarius, Mogunt. 1605, recus. 1629. 4. Steph. Wiirdtwein, ibid. 1789. fol. (comp. AUgem. Lit. Zeit. Octob. 1790, S. 49, ff.) Bonifacii Vita by Wilibald (about 760) in Monumenta Germaniae hist. ii. 331, by Othlonus (about 1050) ap. Canisius-Basnage, iii. 337. Cf. Acta SS. Junii i. 432. Mabillon Act. SS. Ord. Bened.
:

saec.

iii. ii. 1.

Works:

Moguntiacarum rerum (libri v. Mog. 1604. 4, denuo ed. G. Chr. Francof 1722. fol.) lib. tertius. Casp. Sagittarii Anriquitates gentilismi et christianismi Thuringici. Jenae. 1685. 4. H. Ph. Gudendii Diss, de Bonir". Germanorura Apost. and ejusd. observatt. miscell. ex historia Bonifacii selectae, both Helmst. 1720. 4. J. S. Semler Diss, de propagata per Bonifacium inter Germanos relig. chr. Hal. 1765.
Nic. Serarii

Johannes.

J.

Gotha. 1812. 8. Bonifacius, d. Apostel d. Deutschen, Mainz. 1845. 8. H.J. Royaards Geschiedenis der Invoering en vestiging van het Christendom in Nederland, 3te Uitg. Utrecht. 1844, p. 219. F. W. Rettberg's Kirchengesch. Deutscblands. Bd. 1 (Gottingen. 1846), S. 330.

F. Chr. Loffler's Bonifacius.

V.J. Ch. A. Seiters.

4.
In proportion as the influence of the Franks on the different

German

tribes

was greater

or less, Christianity

met with

srreater

26

THIRD PERIOD. DIV.

I. AD.

726-t<o8.

or less acceptance

among them, not

so

much by

general organized

Hence ecwas still entirely unknown, and heathenism was not unfrequently mixed with Christianity.^ At this time Winfried (Boniface), an English monk, full of the piety of an age which consisted in mingling together an attachment to external forms, and, in the English Church in particular, subjection After to the Roman See, resolved to be apostle of Germany. an unsuccessful attempt in Friesland (715), he went to Rome
plans, as by the voluntary activity of individuals.
clesiastical discipline

(718), to procure there

full

powers

for

the conversion of the

Germans."

The

first

successful fruit of his labors he

met with

among

the Hessians about

with this. thus bound him and his active ministry still more closely to the Roman See.^ Recommended by the pope to Charles Martel,
'

Highly pleased (722). Pope Gregory H. consecrated him bishop (723), and

Amoneburg

Comp. Gregorii Papae


.*.d.
II.,

II.

Capitulare
d.

ablegatis

716, ap. Mansi, xii. p. 257.

unter Theodo.
S. 137,
'
ft".

in the

Abhandl.

caet., in Bavariam Zustande der baier. Kirche dmrf. baier. Academie, Bd. 10 (Miincbeu. 1776),

datum Martiniano Episcopo,


Sterzinger
v. d.

The document giving him full power (Othlon. lib. i. c. 12, Bonif. Ep. ed. Serarii, 118, Wijrdtw. 2) closes thus Disciplinam deniijue sacramenti, quam ad iuitiaudos Deo praevie credituros tenere studeas, ex formula officiorum saactae nostrae sedis apostolicae, Q.uod vero actioni susceptae instructionis tuae gratia praelibata, volumus ut intendas.
cd.
:

tibi
^

deesse perspexeris, nobis, ut valueris, intimare curabis.


Boniface's oath, Othlon,
:

In nomine Domini Dei et Salvai. 14, in Bonif. Epist. 1. c. Jesu Christi. Imperante domno Leone a Deocoronato magno imperatore anno eeptimo post consulatum ejus. Sed et Constantini magni imperatoris ejus filii anno iv. indictione vi. Promitto ego Bonifacius, Dei gratia episcopus, tibi beato Petro Apostolorum principi, vicarioque tuo beato Gregorio Papae et successoribus ejus, per Patreni, et Filium, et Spiritum Sanctum, Trinitatem inseparabilem, et hoc sacratissimum corpus tunra, me omnem fidem et puritatem sanctae fidei catholicae exhibere, et in unitate ejusdem fidei Deo operante persistere, in qua omuis Christianorum sains sine dubio esse coraprobatur uuUo modo me coutra unitatem communis et universalis ecclesiae suadente quopiam sed, ut dixi, fidem et puritatem meam atque concursum tibi, et utilitatibus consentire
toris nostri
: :

ecclesiae tuae, cui a

Domino Deo

potestas ligandi solvendiqne data

est,

et

praedicto

vicario tuo, atque successoribus ejus per

omnia exhibere.

Sed
:

et si cognovero, antistites

contra instituta antiqua sanctorum patrum conversari, cum eis nullam habere comniunionem aut conjunctionem, sed magis, si valaero prohibere, prohibeam sin minus, fideliter statim Domno meo Apostolico renuntiabo. Quod si, quod absit, contra hujus promissiouis meae

seriem aliquid facere quolibet modo, sen ingenio vel occasione tentavero, reus iuveniar in aetemo judicio, ultionem Ananiae et Sapphirae incurram, qui vobis etiam de rebus propriis fraudem facere vel fulsum dicere praesumserunt. Hunc autem indiculum sacramenti ego Bonifacius exiguus episcopus manu propria scripsi, atque ponens supra sacratissimum
corpus beati Petri, ita ut praescriptum est, Deo teste et judice, praestiti sacramentum, quod et servare promitto. This oath is, with a few alterations, entirely like the Indiculus Episcopi which the pope exacted from the bishops belonging to his patriarchal diocese,
of which two formulas have been preserved in the Lib. diurnus cap. iii. tit. 8 and 9. Similar oaths it was usual to take in Spain, even at an earlier period, the bishops to tlie metropolitan, and the inferior clergy to the bishop. Cone. Tolet. iv. ann. 033, can. 17

PART
and
}

II.

WESTERN CHURCH.

CHAP. I. BONIFACE.

4.

27

rovided by the latter with a letter of safety, he the

pleted

conversion

of
III.

the

Thurmgia.
tolic vicar

Gregory

first comand then went into appointed him archbishop and apos-

Hessians,

(732),* and in this capacity Boniface began, after a

third

jom-ney to

tions of

Germany.

Rome (738), to arrange the ecclesiastical relaHe first divided Bavaria into four dioceses

(Salzburg, Freisingen, Regensburg, Passau, 739);^ then he established (741) for East Franconia, Hesse, and Thuringia, the bishoprics of Wiirzburg, Eichstddt, Buraburg (at Fritzlar, 787 united with Mainz), and Erfurt ;^ and at the first German
council (742), subordinated the new church, so far as the ecclesiastical government of the Prankish rulers allowed, to the pope.^

As

seminaries and resting points of Christianity, he founded


:

monasteries
Cone. Tolet.

Ohrdruf

for

Thuringia

(724)

Fritzlar

and

xi. ann. 675, can. 10.

Cf.

pallio donati, et Episcopi in sacra

Zaccaria diss, de jurejurando, quo Archiepiscopi ipsorom ordinatione obedientiam Romano Pontifici

pollicentur cap.
dissertt. latinae

1-.3 (in

ejusd. de Rebus ad. Hist, atque Antiquitt. Ecclesia pertinentibus Fulginae. 1781. 4. torn. ii. p. 264, ss.).

* Bonif. Epist. 122, ed.


5

Serar.

25 Wiirdtw.

Sterziuger's Eutwurf. v. d. Zustande der baier. Kirche, v. 717, b. 800, in d.

Neuen

Abhandl. d. churf. baier. Academic. Bd. 2, S. 315. ' Boniface consecrated no bishop for Erfurt, but probably reserved this diocese for himself, since otherwise he would have been without a diocese till 745, till he united it, after Thus all diflBculties are most his elevation to the see of Mainz, with this archbishopric.
hist.

readily solved.
'

Comp.
Pertz

Seiters, p. 306,

ft".

were announced by Karlmann as capitularies Ego Carlmannus, dux et princeps Fran16) corum cum consilio servorum Dei et optimatum meorum Episcopos, qui in regno meo congregavi, ut mihi consilium dedissent, quomodo lex Dei et sunt, cum Presbyteris

The seven
xii.

resolutions of this synod

(Mansi,

365.

Monum. Germ.

iii.

ecclesiastica religio recuperetur, quae in diebus praeteritorum principum dissipata corruit; et

per consilium sacerdotum et optimatum

meorum ordinavimus per

civitates Epis-

copos, et constituimus super eos Archiepiscopum Bonifacium, qui est Missus S. Petri.

Statniraus per annos singulos sj'nodurn congregare, ut nobis praesentibus


et Ecclesiae jura restaurentur, et religio Christiana emendetnr, etc.

canonum decreta
additional meas-

The
;

ures taken by Boniface are related by

him

in bis Epist.

Cudberthum

Decrevimus autem

in nostro synodali

Wiirdtw. 73, ad conventu et confessi sumus fidem


ad Serar. 105
ed.

catholicam et unitatem, et subjectionem


Metropolitanos pallia ab
ilia

Romanae
:

Ecclesiae, fine tenus vitae uostrae, velle

servare: sancto Petro et Vicario ejus velle subjici: sjTiodum per

sede quaerere

et per omnia,

omnes annos congregare: praecepta Petri canonice sequi


isti

desiderare, ut inter oves sibi

commendatas numeremur.

Et

confessioni universi cou-

sensimus et subscripsimus, et ad corpus sancti Petri principis Apostolorum direximus, quod gratulando Clerus et Pontifex Romanus suscepit. Et unusquisque Episcopus, si quid in sua dioecesi corrigere vel emendare nequiverit, itidem in sjnodo coram Archiepiscopo et palam omnibus ad corrigendum insiuuet, eodem modo, quo Romana Ecclesia nos orainatos cum sacramento constrinxit, ut si Sacerdotes vel plebes a lege Dei deviasse viderim, et corrigere non potnerim, fideliter semper sedi apostolicae et Vicario S. Petri ad emendandum indicaverim. Sic enim, ni fallor, omnes Episcopi debent Metropolitano, et

ipse

Romano
:

Pontifici, si

oere

et sic alieni fient a sanguine

quid de corrigendis populis apud eos impossibile animarum perditaram.

est,

notam

fa-

28

THIRD PERIOD.DIV.
for

I. AD. 726-858.

Amoncburg'
(744).

In the

tion with the

The most celebrated was Fulda Hesse (732). mean time Boniface had entered into an associanew Prankish rulers, Karlmann and Pipin, which

siastical

proved of no small importance in the course of the great eccledevelopments of this century. He made Mainz (745) his archiepiscopal seat, but resigned it (753) to his pupil Lullus, for the sake of preaching among the Frieslanders.* He died the
death of a martyr at

Dockum

(5th June, 755).

The

chief traits in Boniface's character are,

an exaggerated
See, with-

notion of the external unity of the church, and of ecclesiastical


statutes, as well as a deep reverence for the

Roman

out which he undertook nothing.


ecclesiastical

As he

himself sought for

laws, even
life,^

actions of daily
all

so

with regard to the most indifferent was he severe and persecuting against
*''

who

departed from Roman-ecclesiastical regulations,

as in

the instance of the two clergymen Adelbert and Clement}^

Thus

* Till the death of the Friosian king Radbod (719), Utrecht still belonged to Friesland Wiltaburg, which lay opposite to it, to Franconia. (Vita Bonifacii auct. Wilibaldo, $ 13. Gesta abb. Fontanell. c. 3, 1. c. p. 277.) From this time Fraukish rule Pertz, ii. p. 839. spread more and more toward the east, especially after Charles Martel's victory, 734 (Fredegar. c. 109). Thus, therefore, a much better prospect of success presented itself here since the first missionary labors of Boniface. ' Which had been abundantly furnished to him by Rome, because snch fetters of the conscience bound at the same time to the Roman See. For example, Gregorii III. Epist. ad Bonif. (ed. Serar. 122, Wurdtw. 25, ap. Mansi, xii. 277) Agrestem caballura aliquantos adjunxisti comedere, plerosque et domesticum. Hoc nequaquam fieri deinceps, sanctissime frater, sinas, sed quibus potueris modis Christo juvante per omnia compesce, et dignam Immundum euini est et execrabile. Zachariae Epist. ad Bon. eis indicito poenitentiam. Flagitasti a nobis, quae recipienda, quae (ed. Serar. 142, Wurdtw. 87, ap. Mansi, xii. 345) respuenda sint. Imprimis de volatilibus, i. e., graculis et corniculis atque ciconiis, quae omnino cavendae sunt ab esu Christianorum. Etiam et fibri et lepores et equi salvatici multo amplius vitandi. Attamen, sanctissime frater, de omnibus e Scripturis sacris bene compertus es. Et hoc inquisisti, post quantum temporis debet lardum comedi. Nobis a
: :

Patribus institutum pro hoc non est.

Tibi

autem petenti consilium praebemu.s, quod non


Si vero libet, ut
'

oporteat illud mandi, priusquam super fumo siccetur aut igne coquatur.

incoctum manducctur, post Paschalem festivitatem erit manducandura. Seiters, p. 226, would consider these regulations as directed merely against impediments to civilizo .^. In this way, certainly, the use of raw flesh generally, not of single beasts, might be accounted for, but not the entire use of certain beasts. Besides, Zacharias expressly refers It is obvious that he makes his Italian usages, respectto holy Scripture and the fathers.
ing meats, Cliristian laws relative to food. -0 Particularly also against married priests,
berg,
i.

who

are designated as fornicatores.

Rett-

323.

"

Bonif.

Ep. ad Zachariam

P. (ed. Serar.

Ep.

135,

Wurtdw.

67):

Maximus tamen mihi

labor fuit contra duos haereticos pessimos et publicos et blasphemes contra

Deum
;

et

contra catholicam fidcm.


pares.

Unus qui

dicitur Adelbert natione generis Gallus est


:

alter

qui dicitur Clemens genere Scotus est

specie en-oris diversi. Bed pondere pcccatorum Contra istos obsecro apostolicam auctoritatem vestram, quod mean: mcdiocrita tern defendere et adjuvare, et per scripta vestra populum Francorum et Gallorum corri

PART

II.

WESTERN CHURCH.

CHAP. I. BONIFACE.

4.

29

he bound the new German Church to Rome still more firmly On the other hand, his true Christian than the English was.'^ piety, which shone forth under all external forms, and his strict morality, which exceeded even his reverence for Rome, are

worthy of
gere studeatis,
eis

all respect.'^

duo haeretici mittantur in carcerem, et Propter istos enim persecutiones et inimicitias et maledictiones multorum populorum patior. Dicunt enim de Adelberto, quod eis sanctissimum Apostolum abstulerim, patronum et oratorem, et virtutum factorem, et signorem ostensorem abstraxerini. Sed pietas vestra audiens vitam ejus judicet. In priniaeva enim aetate hypocrita fuit, dicens quod sibi angelus Domini in specie
isti

nt

per verbum vestram

nemo cum

loquatur vel

communionem

habeat.

bominis de extremis Knibus niundi mirae et tamen incertae sanctitatis reliquias attulerit, et tunc demum domos et exinde posset ommia (lur.ecunqiie a Deo posceret impetrare multorum penetravit et captivas post se mulierculas duxit oneratas peccatis, et multitudinem rusticorum sedoxit, dicciitium quod ipse esset vir apostolicae sanctitatis, et signa atque prodigia faceret. Delude oonduxit Episcopos indoctos qui se contra praecepta
:

tantam superbiam elatus est, ut se in alicujus honore Apostolorum vel Martyrum ecclesiam consecrare. iraproperans hominibus etiam, cur tantopere studerent sanctorum Apostolorum limina visitaro. Postea, quod absurdum est, in proprii nominig Fecit quoque cruciculas et lionore dedicavit oratoria, ve'. v', verius dicam, sordidavit. et jussit ibi publicas oratoriola in campis, et ad fontes, vel ubicumque sibi visum fuit oratioues ce'.obiari, donee multitudines populorum, spretis caeteris Episcopis, et dimissis aatiquis ecclesiis, in talibus locis conventus celebrarent, dicentes Merita sancti Adelberti adjuvabant nos. Ungulas quoque et capillos sues dedit ad bonorificandum et portandum cum reliquiis S. Petri principis Apostolorum. Tum demum, quod maximum scelus, et blaspbemia contra Deum esse videbatur, fecit. Venienti enim populo et prostrato ante Scio omnia peccata vestra, qui mihi pedes ejus, et cupienti confiteri peccata sua dixit Non est opus confiteri, sed dimissa sunt peccata vestra cognita sunt omnia occulta. securi et absoluti redite ad domos vestras cum pace. Alter autem baeretipraeterita cus, qui dicitur Clemens, contra catholicam contendit ecclesiam, et canones ecclesiamm tractatns et sermones SS. Patrum, Hieronymi, Augustini, Christi abnegat et refutat Gregorii recusat. Synodalia jura spemens, proprio sensu affirmat, se post duos filios, in adulterio natos sub nomine Episcopi esse posse cbristianae legis Episcopum. Judaismum

canonum

absolute ordiaas-eniut.

Turn

demum

in

aequipararet Apostolis Christi.

Et dedignabatur

inducens judical justum esse Christiano, ut, si voluerit, viduam fratris defuncti accipiat uxorem. Contra fidem quoque SS. Patrum contendit, dicens, quod Christus filius Dei descendens ad inferos onines, quos inferni career detinuit, inde liberavit, credulos et inet multa alia horribilia de praedesticredulos, laudatores Dei simul et cultores idolorum natione Dei contraria fidei catbolicae affirmat. This led to the assen;1)Iin^ of & synod at
:

Rome, whose acts are in Mansi, xii. 373. Zachariae P. Epist. iii. ad Bom' (gI. Serar. Ep. 114, 139, 138, b. Mansi, xii. 321, 334, 336). Walch's Ketzerhist. x. 1. Koar.(i?f' K. G.
iii. iii.

Rettberg,

i.

314, 324.
iii. ii.

" Neander's
13

Denkwiirdigkeiten,

76.
:

Ep. ad Zachariam (ed. Serar. Ep. 132, ed. Wiirdtw. 51) After complaining that a layman in Rome wished to obtain a dispensation, nt in matrimonium acciperet viduam avunculi sui, quae et ipsa fuit uxor consobrini sui, et ipsa illo vivente discessit ab eo, he continues Carnales homines, idiotae Alemanni vel Bajoarii vel Franci, si juxta Romanam urbem aliquid facere viderint ex his peccatis, quae nos probibemus, licitum et concessum a sacerdotibus esse putant, et nobis improperium deputant, sibi scandalura
Bonifacii
:

vitae accipiunt.

Sicut affinnant, se vidisse annis singulis in

Romana

urbe, et juxta

ecclesiam in die vel nocte quando, Kalendae Januarii intrant, paganorum consuetudine chores ducere per plateas, et acclamationes ritu Gentilium, et cantationes sacrilegas celebrare
:

et

mensas

ilia

die vel nocte dapibus onerare

et

nullum de domo sua vel igiiem

30

THIRD PERIOD.DIV. LA/D

726-858.

SECOND CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF THE PAPACY.

5.
EXTENSION OF THE PAPAL POWER IN THE WEST, TO THE TIME OP CHARLEMAGNE.
Sources

Codex Carolinus in Muratorii Script, rerum Ital. t. iii. P. 2, p. 73, ss., best, besides other original documents, in: Cajet. Cemii Monumenta dominationis pontificiae (Romae. 1760, 61. tomi ii. 4. Comp. Ritter's review in Ernesti's Theol. BibL vi. 524.
:

911)

t. i.

Frangois Sabbathier Essai historique-critique sur I'origine de la puissance temporelle des Papes, a la Haye. 1765. 8. J. R. Becker, iiber den Zeitpuiikt der Veranderung in der Oberherrschaft iiber die Stadt Rom. LiJbeck. 1769. 8. Die Karolinger u. die Hierarchic ihrer Zeit, v. J. Ellendorf. 2 Bde. Essen. 1838. 8. Planck's Gescb. d. christl. kirchl.
Gesellschaftsverf.

Bd.

2,

S. 714,

IF.

The prohibition of image-worship by the emperor Leo the Isaurian (see 1) was the cause of Rome, under the guidance of the popes/ being in a state of rebellion against the emperors,
vel fen-amentum vel aliquid commodi vicino suo praestare velle. Dicnnt qnoque, se vidisse mulieres pagano ritu phylacteria et ligaturas, ct in brachiis et cruribus ligatas, habere,
et publico ad
ibi,

ibi

vendeudam venales ad comparandum

aliis olTerre.

Cluao omnia

eo,

quod

a carualibus et insipientibus videntur, nobis hie et irapropcrium ct impedimentum praedicationis et doctrinae perficiunt. Si istas paganias ibi pnteniitas vestra in Romana

urbe prohibuerit, et
acquiret.

sibi

mercedem

et nobis

maximum

profectiim in doctriua ecclesiastica

Other traits of liberal thinking against Rome may be seen in Rettberg, i. 413. ' Gregory II. from 715-731, Gregory III. t 741, Zacbary t 752, Stcjihanus II. t 757, Paul I. Hadrian I. t 795, Leo IIL t 816, Stephat 767, Constantino II. t 768, Stephauus III. t 772, nus IV". t 817, Paschalis I. t 824, Eugenius II. t 827, Valentinus t 827, Gregory IV. t 844, Sergius It. t 847, Leo IV. t 855, Benedict III. t 858. The female pope, Johanna (Johannes Anglicus, or Johann VIII.), who is said to have sat in the chair between Leo IV. and
Benedict

MSS.

disputed when this story first appeared. In some has been interpolated from Martinus Polonus. Kist (Nederlandsch Archief voorkcrkelijkeGcschiedenis III. 27) has drawn attention to the circumstance that, in two Milan Codd. of it, the texts of the vitae of Leo IV., Benedict III., and Nicolaus I., differ very much from the printed texts, and that the design of preventing the possibility of making a female pope appears to have had an influence in part on the
III., is

a later fable.

It is

of the Liber pontificalis

it

printed texts of those lives. But when, p. 39, he wishes to find in a remark of Muratori's, the text of these MSS. relating to the female pope, be ventures to bring the words of MuChronratori to allude to the point without sufficient authority. In the older editions of the

Marianus Scotus (t 1086)and of Sigebertus Gemblacensis (t 1113) is found a short passage respecting the female pope, but in the MSS. it is wanting, and was probably inicles of

serted at
840, 470).

first

by the original editors (Monum. Germ. hist. ed. Pertz, Scriptorum, v. 551, vi. Thus there appears to remain, as tlie first voucher for the fact, a person who

PART

II.

CHAP. II.THE PAPACY.

5.

THE WEST.

31

without, however, entirely sepa''ating itself from the empire. who, under For they feared the dominion of the Lombards
;

most part overlooked, viz. Stephauus de Borbonne, lib. de vii. donis Spir. about 1225, in Lyons) in J. Cluetifii et A. J. Echardi Scriptores Ord. Praedicat. i. 367 Accidit autem, mirabilis audacia, imo insana, circa ann. Dom. MC. [CM?] ut dicitur in chronicis. Cluaedam mulier literata, et in arte nondi (notandi?) edocta, adsumto virili habitu, et virum se fingens, venit Romam, et tam industria, quam literatura accept.;, facta est notarius curiae, post diabolo procurante cardinalis, postea Papa. Haec impraegnata cum ascenderet peperit. Q,uod cum novisset Romana justitia, ligatis pedibus ejus
has been
for the

S. (virritten
:

ad pedes equi distracta est extra urbem, et ad dimidiam leucam a populo lapidata, et ubi mortua, ibi fuit sepulta, et super lapidem super ea positum scriptus est versiculus "Parce pater patrura papissae edere partum." The same story appears in an enlarged fonn in Martini Poloni (t 1278) chron., and here the passage is perhaps genuine, although cf. Ptolemaeus Lucensis, it is also wanting in several MSS. (Murator. ad Anastas. p. 247
fuit
: ;

Omnes, quos legi, about 1312) Hist. eccl. xvi. 8 (in Muratori Scriptt. rer. Ital. xi. 1013) praeter Martinum, tradunt, post Leonem IV. fuisse Benedictum III. Martinus autem PoEven John XX. (t 1227) called himself John XXI. lonus ponit Johannem Auglicum VIII. See G. G. Leibnitii flores sparsi in tumulum Papissae (in the Biblioth. hist. Goetting. first part, 1758, p. 297, ss). p. 330. From this time forward the story was generally believed
:

(comp. the

list

of writers
1.

who

repeat
1.

it

down

to the

(see Leibnitius,

c. p. 303-309),

the sella stercorariabelongingtoher


c.

Reformation, in Sagittarii Introd. i. 679) was pointed to (Platina

and statues of her were shown (Mabillon Iter some (Aeneas Sylvius in Ep. 130. Platina, 1. c.) doubted, and Jo. Aventinus (t 1534) in the Annal. Bojorum, lib. iv., first rejected it. From this time, being denied by the Catholics, it was adopted and defended by self entangling Protestant polemics, till David Blondell (Question si une femme a ete assise en siege papal de Rome entre Leon IV. et Benoit III. Amsterd. 1649. 8. Joanna Papissa, s. famosae quaestlonis, an foemina ulla inter Leonem IV. et Bened. III. RR. PP. media sederit uvuKptatg. Amstelod. 1657. 8), whom Ph. Labbeus (Cenotaphiura Paris. 1660. i. 385. ap. Mansi, xv. 38) ti-auJo. Papissae in Diss, de scriptoribus eccl. scribed, settled the matter, though the female pope was still defended by F. Spanheim (Diss, de Joh. Pap. in 0pp. ii. 57*7, ss., in French, Histoire de la Papesse Jeanne, by J. Lenfant, 1694, second edition by A. des Vignoles, a la Haye. 1720. 2 t. in 12). The copious Fabricii Bibl. gr. literature of this topic may be seen in Sagittarii Introd. i. 676, ii. 626. vol. X. p. 935. At the head of the numerous grounds that lie against the existence of a female pope, stand those from which it is inferred that Benedict III. immediately succeeded Leo IV. 1. Prudentius, bishop of Troyes (t 861), author of the part of the Annales Bertiniani that relates to this topic, says ad ann. 855 (Monum. GeiTuan. hist. ed. Pertz, i. 449) Mense Augusto Leo, apostolicae sedis antistes, defunctus est, eique Benedictus sucBenedictus Romanus pontifex moritur Nicolaus substicessit: and ad ann. 858 (p. 452) tutur. By these testimonies from a contemporary are also obviated the general doubts raised by Kist (Nederlandsch Archief, iii. 53) against the received chronology of these Missos popes. 2 Hincmari Epist. xxvi. ad Nicolaum I. a.d. 867 (ed. Sirmond. ii. 298) meos cum Uteris Romam direxi. Quibus in via nuntius venit de obitu P. Leonis. Perde
vitis Pont. no. 106, Leibnit. p. 335),
till

Italicum, p. 157.

Leibnit. p. 333)

in the fifteenth century

venientes autem

Romam cum
et gratia

praefatis Uteris, et intervenientibus praedictis Episcopis,

Domnus nomine

Benedictus mihi, quod uostis, privilegium inde direxit. 3. Diploma Bened. in confirmationem privilegiorum Corbejae (ap. Mansi, xv. 113, but it was given even by Mabillon de Re diplom. p. 436, much more mmutely, from the original) at the conclusion: Scriptum in mense Octobri indictione quarta. Bene valete. Datum Nonas Octobi-ias Imp. Dn. Aug. Hlothario anno tricesimo nono, et P. C. (post Consulatum) ejustanno xxxix., sed et Hludovico novo Imp. ejus filio anno vii., ind. quarta. sign. Benedicti Pape (consequently, the 7th Oct. 855. Leo IV. t 17th July, 855. Lotharius

28th Sept. 855, in Priim).

4.

A Roman

denarius, on one side of


it

Imp., on the other, the inscription round

S. Petrus,

which is: Hlotharius and in the middle, B. N. E. P. A.

32

THIRD PERIODDIV.

I.A.D. 726-858.
for

Luitprand (712744), were only waiting


portunity of forthwith extending their
;

a favorable opthe

sway over Rome and

Exarchate of Ravenna while the popes had been endeavoring to prevent them by every means in their power.^ It is true that the Greek emperors avenged themselves for this rebellion on the popes, by separating from the latter the provinces of the Greek empire which had been hitherto subject to Rome's ecclesiastical oversight, and stretched out thoir arm
(Benedictus Papa).

See

J.

Garampi de

Nummo

argent. Beiicd. III. P. M.


in

Rom.

1740.

4.

Kohler's Miinzbelustig. Bd. xx. S. 305.

That the people

Rome knew
;">.

nothing of the

female pope, in the middle of the eleventh century, follows. From an Epist. Leonis P. IX. ad Michaelem Constantinop. Patriarch, opist. A. D. lOo!. c. OJ (ap. Mansi, six. G-1!)) Absit autem, ut velimus credere, quod publica fama non dubitat asserere, Constantinopolitanae ecclesiae contigisse, ut ennuchos contra prinium NIcaeni coiicilii capitulum passim promovendo, foeminam in sede Pontificum suorum au';') nasset aiiquando. Hoc tarn abominabile scelus, detestabileque facinus etsi enormitas ipsijs vel iMin-cr fraternaque beneOrigin of the fable: arreting to IJaronius ann volentia non pemiittit nos credere, etc. 869, note 5, a satire on John VIII. ob nimiam ejus animi f!v(.i'.asit.em et mollitudineni according to others, on the dissolute popes John X. (so Avcntinus, 1. c), or John XI. or XII (Onuphrius Panvinius in notis ad Platinam) according to Kcllarminus de Rom. Pont. iii.
:
;

24, transferred

to Leibnitz
to C.

(1.

from the see of Constantinople to the Roman (of Leon. ix. Epist.) c. p. 367), true of some one Pontifex (bishop), Joannes Anglicus
2,

according

according a satirical

Blascus de Collect, can. Isidor. Merc. cap. xvi. $

and Henke (K. G.


;

ii.

23),

representation of the origin of the Pseudolsidorian decretals


iii. ii.

978, it also referred, in a reproving spirit, conclude with the Byzantines. According to Schmidt (K. G. iv. representation of the sella stercoraria (respecting it see Mabillon
in the

according to Gfrorer K. G. to a connection which Leo IV. wished to


3^!';, it

arose from a mis-

in ordinem. Rom. Recently the Genevan, Galiffe Pictet, has declared the female pope to be the honorable widow of Leo IV. (Nederlandsch Archief, iii. 78, 87). But the Romish Jesuit, Secchi, has declared it to be an invention of the schismatic When Prof Kist, in his treatises Greeks, particularly of Gregory Asbesta, and Photius on the female pope (Nederl. Archief voor kerk. Geschiedeuis, iii. 1, v. 461), endeavors to show that the inquiry on this subject can not yet be considered as linished he is only It is probable correct so far as the occasion and origin of the fable are nut yet explained. that it will never be possible to arrive at certainty respecting them. = Anastasias in vit. xc. Gregorii Cognita vero Imperatoris nequitia, omuls Italia consiliud iniit, ut isibi eligerent Iraperatorem, et Constantinopolim ducerent. Sed compescuit blando omnes serraone, ut bonis tale ccnsilium Vontifcx, sperans conversionem Principis Sed ne desisterent ab amore in Deuiii proSo-jient actibus et in fide persistcreut, rogabat. Tpfjyopiog 6 Tluna^ 'Fufirjc vel fide Bo.iiaii Imperii, admonebat. Tlieophanes, p. 338

Comm.

Museum

Ital.

t. ii.

p. cxxi.).

IraXiac Kai 'Pu/iiijg tKoj^Moe, et p. 342 'Anearrjae 'Pu/xr/v te Kai 'iTa/.iav Kal TzdvTa tu iarrepia rrj^ noXiTLK?/^ Kai EKKlrjaiaariKf/g vKaKof/g At'ovrof kqI rz/f vTr' avTov (iaciTitiaq. The last passage, which is repeated by all the Byzantine writers, must be corrected and explained by that from Anastasius. Still Baronius ad ann. 730, $ 5, Sic dignum posteris idem Grcgorius follows the Greek writers with the application reliquit exemplum, ne in ecclesia Christi regnare sinerentur haeretici principes, si saepe moniti in errore persistere obstinato animo invenirentur. So, too, Bellarminus de Rom. Gregorius Lconi Imp. iconomacho a se excommunicato prohibuit vectigalia Pont. V. 8 Bolvi ab Italis, et proinde mulctavit eum parte imperii. This Ultramontane view, defended even so late as the eighteenth century by A. Sandini, J. S. Assemani, and others, is controverted, particularly by the Galilean Natalis Alexander, L. E. du Pin, J. B. Bossuet, etc Comp. Walch's Ketzerhist. x. 263.
Tov<; (Jiopovr;
:

PART

II.

CHAP. II.THE PAPACY.

5.

THE WEST.
;

33

SO far as to confiscate the

Roman

patrimonies

'

but the popes

gained proportionably in the

new western kingdoms.

At

the

commencement

England was the only one of the countries in the west which was closely united with the popes and the numerous pilgrimages of the English to Rome caused (a.d. 794) Offa, king of Mercia, to erect an English establishment in that city.^ But the notions entertained of Peter, heaven's j)orter, who considered what was done to his successors as done
of this period

made a deep impression even out of England, and were therefore unceasingly insisted on by the popes.^ Boniface, having been invited (743) by Carloman and Pipin to assist in restoring order to the Prankish Church, which had got into wild confusion under Charles Martel, appeared in this new task also as the papal legate,^ and thus brought the Frank rulers, as well as the newly-ordered Frankish Church into closer connection with Rome.^ Afterward, as archbishop of Mainz, and mo.st
to himself,
Theophaues, p. 343, merely mentions the confiscation of the Roman patrimon'es in and Calabria. On the contrary, Hadrianus P. I. Ep. ad Carol R. de imai^Hnibus, iu fine (Mansi, xiii. 808), says that he has reminded the Greek emperors de dioecesi tani Art hiepiscoporum quani et Episcoporum sauctae catholicae et apostolicae Ronmnno Eccleuiae, and praj-ed for their restitution, qaae tunc cum patrimoniis nostris nbstiilerunt, quando sacras imagines deposuerunt. That the vicariatrelation of the bishop of The.ssalonica, in particular, was abolished at that time, may be fairly concluded from Nicolai J. Epist. ad Michael. Imp. (ap. Mansi, xv. 167). * That it was not lua. King- of Wessex, 726, but Offa, King of Mercia, who introduceil I'eter's pence, may be seen from Sprengel, in the Allg. Weltgesch. Th. 47, S. 123. * Comp. Div. II. 133, note 1. Gregorii II. Epist. i. ad Leonem Imp. (ap. Mansi, xii. 971) Tbv uyiov Jlerpov al ndaai [iaaLTielac rjjg 6vcug Qebv k~iyELov Ixovai. Compare the addresses of the popes to the Frankish kings, in which they constantly refer to beatum Petrum clavigerum regni caelorum, or janitorem r. c. and, in particular, Claudi locum, below 11, note 11.
'

Sicily

Zachaciam P. ed. Serar. 132 Notem similiter sit paternitati vesquod Carolomannus, Dux Francorum, me accersitum ad se rogavit, ut in parte regni Franconira, quae in sua est potestate, synodum facerem congi'egari et promisit, se de fcclesiastica religione, quae jam longo tempore, i. e., non minus quam per Ix. vel. Ixx. annos calcata et dissipata fuit, aliquid con-igcre et emendare velle. Cluapropter si hoc, Deo inspirante, veraciter implere voluerit, consilium et praeceptum vestrae auctoritatis, i. e., apo.stolicae habere et sapere debeo. ' At first not without doubts and scruples on the part of many Frankish bishops. Thus Boniface wished even to send pallia to the new metropolitans of Rheims, Rouen, and Sens (743). Zacharias was ready at once (Op. ad Bonif in Bonif. Epp. 144. !Mansi, xii. Q.ualiter mos pallii sit, vel quomodo fidem suam esponere debeant hi, qui pallio uti 321) conceduntur, eis direximus. But soon after two drew back, and Zacharias asks Boniface with surprise about the original cause (Bonif. Epp. 143. Mansi, xii. 324), quod antea HDbis una cum memoratis principibus Galliarum pro tribus palliis suggessisti, et postea pro solo Grimone (Archbp. of Rouen). In the mean time, 748, Zachariae Ep. ad diversos Episc. Galliae et Germaniae, particularity to the bishops of Rouen, Beauvais, Noyon, Tongem, Syeyer, Terouanne, Cambray, Wiirzburg, Laon, Meaux, Coin, and Strassb'inj
'

Bonifac. Epist. ad

trae,

VOL.

II

34

THIRD PERIOD DIV.

I. A.D. TSe-SSR.

distinguished bishop of the kingdom, his efforts were constantly


directed to the establishment of the

papal

authority

in

this

counlry

also.

When

therefore Pipin wished for the title as

wpU

as the pouter of king, and needed a priestly declaration that this


transference of loyalty
partly
in

was consonant with the


the
conscientious
all

divine

laws,

order

to

obviate

scruples of the

Franks,* and partly not to render insecure


of allegiance
;

succeeding oaths

by one act of perjury he could only seek for this sanction from the pope, as the acknowledged high priest and Zacharias, by his ready consent (752),^ laid the new kings
;

(Mansi,

xii. l!44)

Gaudeo

in vobis, charissimi,

quoiuam

lidcs vestra, et uuitas

erga nos

ad fautorem et magistrum vestrum a Duo constitutuni beatum Apostolorum principem Petrum benignissima voluiitate coiiversi estis. Et nunc Deo cooperante est aggregata Sanctitas vestra uostrae societati in uno pastorali ovili, etc. ^ How firmly and truly the Franks adhered to the Merovingian kingly race maybe seen
pretiosa est et maiiifesta

duin

from Loboll's Gregorius von Tours, S. 220. It was natural for Pipin to wish that this loyalty should bo transferred to his family. ^ Respecting this are the accounts of contemporaries the author of the Ai)pendis to Fredegarii Chron. concludes with this occuiTence, and probably wrote immediately after Q,uo tempore una cum consilio et consensu omnium Fraucorum, mi.ssa (Boucpiet, ii. 4G0) relatione a sede apostolica auctoritate percepta, praecelsus Pippinus electione totius Franciae iu sedem regni cum consecratioue Episcoporum et subjectione Principum una cum Regina Bertradane, ut autiquitus ordo deposcit, sublimatur in regno. The conclusion
: :

which a copyist has attributed to him from a Codex of Gregor. Turin, de Gloria confessorum in the year 7C7, transcribed by the former (Bouquet, v. 9) Pippinus, Rex pius, per auctoritatem ct impcrium sanctae recordationis domni Zachariae Papae, et uuctioncni saucti chrismatis per manus beatorum sacerdotum Galliarum, et electiouem omnium Francorum iu regni solio sublimatus est. Postea (75-1 in St. Denys) per manus ejusdem Stephani pontificis in Regem et Patricium, una cum jtraedictis iiliis Carolo et Carlomanno in nomine sanctae Triuitatis unctus et benedictus est. Pontifex Francorum
:

principes benedictione et Spiritus sancti gratia coufirmavit, et

tali

onines interdictu et ex-

communicationis lege constrinxit, ut numqunm de alterius lumbis Regcm in aevo praesumant eligere sed ex ipsorum, quos et divina pietas exaltare dignata est, et sanctorum Apostolorum intercessionibus per maims vicarii ipsorum beatissimi Pontificis confirmare et consecrare disposuit. The Annates Laurisscnses, written in the first years of Charle-

magne, ad ann. 749 [751] (Pertzii Monum. Germaniac hist. i. 13G) Burghardus Wirzeburgensis Episcopus et Folradus Capellanus missi fucrunt ad Zachariam Papam, interrogando de Regibus in Francia, qui illis temporibus non habentes regalcm potestatem, si bene fuisset, an non. Et Zacharias Papa mandavit Pippino, ut melius essct ilium Regem vocari, qui potestatem habcrct, quam ilium, qui sine regali potestato manebat ut non conturbaretur ordo, per auctoritatem apostolicam jussit Pippinum Regem fieri. Ad ann. 750 [752] Pippinus secundum morem Francorum electus est ad Rcgera, et unctus per manam sanctae memoriae Bonifacii Archiepiscopi (denied by Le Coiutc, Eckhart, and Rettberg K. G. Deutschl. i. 380), et elevatus a Francis in regno in Sncssionis civitate. Ilildericus vero, qui false Rex vocabatur, tonsoratus est et in monasterium missus. A
:
; :

later

ii. causa xv. qu. vi. c. 3) Francorum, non tam pro suis inicjuitatibus, quam pro eo, quod tantae potcstati crat inutilis, a regno deposuit et Pippinum, Caroli magni Imp. i)atrem, in ejus locum substituit, oninesquo Francigcuas a juramento fidelitatis, quod illi focerant, absolvit. Cf J. Gu. Lobell Disp. de causis regni Francorum a Merovingis ad Carolingos translati. Borinae. 184-1. 4.

ultramontane view, Gregorii VII.

(in

Gratiani Decret. P.

Alius etiam Ronianus Pontifex, Zacharias scilicet,

Regem

PART

II.

CHAP. II.THE PAPACY.


still

5.

THPii

WEST

35

under an obligation to render

more important

services tc

Rome.

When the Lombard king, Aistulph (752) had already overrun the Exarchate, and threatened Rome, Stephen II. fiew to Pipin for aid.'" This was readily granted, and in two campaigns (754 and 755) the Lombards were compelled to give np all they had taken. Pipin himself assumed the Patriciate of Rome," and made the Pope Patricius of the Exarchate,'^ both, however, tacitly acknowledging the supremacy of the Greek empire. It now became a part of the papal policy to prevent all friendly connection between the Lombards, whom they still feared, and the Franks '^ in which design they succeeded so
;

'"

Anastastus in

vit.

xciv. Stephaiii II.:

Ceniens ab

iiupcriali poteutia

nullum esse

STibveniendi auxilium, tunc quenradtnodum praedecessores ejus beatae


GrcfjOrius, et Gregorius alius, et

memoriae domniis

domnus Zacharias, beatissimi

Pontifices, Carolo, exccl-

memoriae, Regi Francorum, direxerunt, petentes sibi subveniri propter oppressioiics an invasiones, quas et ipsi in bac Romanorum provincia a uefanda Longobardo. rum gente perjiessi sunt ita modo et ipse clam per quendam peregrinum suas mioit literas Pippiiio, etc. Comp. tbe pope's address between the first and second campaijjns.
lentissiniae
:

<3nd. Carol, no.

iii.

iv. vi. vii.

especially no.

iii.

Ego

Petrus Apostolus

qui vos adoptivos

babeo Filios, ad dofendenduin do mauibus advcrsariorum banc Romanam civitatem et populum milii a Deo coramiasum, seJ et domum, ubi secundum carncm rcquiesco, de coiitaminationc gentium erueridam, vestram omnium dilectionem provocans adbortor, et ad liberendam Ecclcsiam Dei mihi a divina poteutia commendatam omnino protestans adinoneo. Sed et domina nostra, Dei geuitrix semper virgo Maria, nobiscuni vos magnis obligationibus adjurans protestatur, atque admouct et jubet, sicut simul etiam tbroni atque dominationes, et cunctus caelestis militiac exercitus, uec non et martyres atque confe.ssores Christi et omnes omnino Deo placentes, et hi nobiscum adhortantes et conjurantes protcstatitur, etc. Praestate ergo populo meo Romano, mihi a Deo commisso praesidia totis vestris viribus, ut ego Petrus vocatus Dei Apostolus, in hac vita, et in die futuri cxaminis vobis alterna impendens patrocinia, in regno Dei lucidissima ac praeclara vobis praeparem taberaacula, atque praemia aeternae retributionis, et infinita paradisi gaudia vobis pollicens adinvicem tribuam. Non separemini a populo meo Romano sic non eitis alieni aut separati a regno Dei, et vita aeterna. duidquid enim poscetis a me, subveniam vobis videlicet, et patrocinium impendam. Si autem, quod non credimus, et aliquum sciatis vos ex auctoritate sanctae et unicae Trinitatis per gratiam posueritis moram apostolatus, quae data est mihi a Christo Domino, vos alienari pro transgressione nostrac adhortationis a regno Dei et vita aeterna.

the imperial, which

by Constantinc the Great, the highest after was bestowed for life, and was capable of being united with different Patricius Roniae was properly governor of Rome, who at the same time posoffices. sessed the authority of a Patricius. Before this time German kings had received the title
patriciate vi^as a dignity established

" The

of a consul or Patricius from empei'ors (Eichhoni's deutsche Rechtsgesch.

i.

170).

Pipiji

received

from Stephen as representative of the Roman people. See the appendix to Gregor. Tur. note 9. ''^ Anastasius in vit. Stephani 11. Comp. Savigny's Gesch. des rom. Rechts im Mittelalter, Bd. i. (2te Ausg. Heidelberg. 1 83-1) S. 357. Pertz in the Momnn. iv. ii. 7. Gfrorer's K. G. iii. ii. 571. Hence Hadrianus ad Carol. M. (Cod. Car. no. 85, ed. Cenni, p. 521) a o
it

790, contrasts the Patriciatus b. Petri


'3

Comp. Stephani

III.

with the Patriciatus Caroli. Ep. ad Carolum et Carolonianmim respecting a marriage jto

30
well, that wlniii

THIRD PERIOD. DIV.

I. A.D.

7aC-3.-,8.

new
I.,

inroads were

Desiderins, Charlemagne having been

made by the Lombards under summoned to his assist-

ance by Hadrian
tho

appeared immediately in order to destroy

Lombards (774). After Charles had con firmed and enlarged the grants made by Pijiin/' he exercised in
kingdom
of the
Italy all imperial rights/^ even in ecclesiastical matters,"'
jected between the
ita est,

till

at
ei

two

royal families, a.d. 770, in the Cod. Carol, no. 43

Q.uod ccrte

haec propria diabolica est immissio, ct iiou tain matriiTiOnii coiijunctio, soil conQ,uac est euim, jjraecellcntissimi filii, sortium nequissimae adinventionis esse videtur. magni Reges, talis dcsipicntia, ut penitus vol diei liccat, quod vestra praeclara Francorum ifjens, quae super omnes gentes enitet, et tarn splcndiflua ac nobilissima regalis vestrao potentiae proles, pcrfida, quod absit, ac foetentissiina Langobardorum gcntc polluatur, quae in numero gentium ncquaquam computatur, de cujus Jiatione ct leprosorum genus oriri certum est? Quapropter et b. Petrus, princeps Apostolorum, cui regni caeloruir. c.lavcs a Domino Deo traditae sunt et caelo ac teiTa ligandi solvendiquc concessa est ut nullo potcstas, finniter Exocllentiam vestram per nostram infelicitatcm obtestatur, modo quisquam do vestra fratcrnitate praesumat iiliam jam dicti Desiderii, Langobardoruni Regis, in conjugium accipere, nee iterum vestra nobilissima gcrmana, Deo amabilis Gisila, tribuatur filio saepe fati Desiderii. Praesentem itaqnc nostram exhortationeni atquo adjurationem in confossionc b. Petri ponentes, et sacrificium super cam atque liostias Deo nostro offerentcs, vobis cum lacrymis ex eadem sacra confessione direxinius. Et si quis, quod non optamus, contra hujusuiodi nostrae adjurationis at(iue cxliortationis serieni agere praesumserit, sciat, se auctoritate Domini mei b. Petri, Apostolorum principis, anathematis vinculo esse innodatum et a regno Dei alienum, atque cum diabolo ct ejus atrocissimis At vero qui poiupis, et ceteris impiis, aeteniis incendiis concrcmandum dcputatum.

observator et custoa istius nostrae exhortationis exstiterit, caclcstibus bencdictiouibus


a
electis

Domino Deo nostro Dei particcps


lier
'* '* ''

illustratus, aeteniis
eftlci

niereatur.

Still

praemiorum gaudiis, cum omnibus Sanctis Charlemagne married Desideria, though


iv.
ii.

et
lie

put

away a year after. Anastasius in vita Hadrian!


(ilrorer's
III

I.

Pertz in the Monuin.

8.

K. Q.

iii. ii.

581.

it was asserted by the imperial party that these had been formally bestowed on King Charles by the Pope and a Roman synod. They refcn-ed to Leonis P. VIII. privilegium, given in 9C3 to the emperor Otto in Pertz Monuin. vi. ii. IGC) B. Hadrianus domno Carole, victoriosissimo R-egi Francorum ac Longobardonim, ac Patricio Romanorum, ac ordinationem apostolicae sedis This document, however, is probably spurious. See Pertz, 1. c. et episcopatum concessit. Donniges Jahrbiicher des deutschen Reiches unter Otto I. (Berlin. 1839) S. 102. More copious accounts are found in several works belonging to tiie end of the eleventh and beginning of the twelfth century. So in the Collectio cann. tripartita, written in the time of Urban II., and in Ivo's decree (in Pertz Monum. iv. ii. IGO, note) after Desiderius was taken captive, Carolus Homam revcrsus, constituit ibi synodum cum Adriano Papa. Adrianus uutem Papa cum universa synodo tradiderunt Carolo jus et potestatcm eligcndi Pontiliccm et ordinandi apostolicam sedem, dignitatem quocjuc Patriciatus ei concesserunt. Insuper Archiepiscopos, Episcopos per singulas provincias ab co iiivestituram accipcre ditliniveEt ruut, et ut, nisi a Regc laudetur et investiatur Episcopus, a ncmine consecrctur. quicunque contra hoc decretuin csset, anathematis euui vinculo innodaverunt, et nisi This account was also inserted in tho resipisceret, bona ejus publicari jiraeceperunt. Chronicle of Siegbert of Gemblours in the monastery of Auciiin at Douay, lli:t (Pertz

the disputes about investiture,

ecclesiastical rights

Monum.

scriptt. vi. 393.

Hence poor Siegbert was accused by'Baronius,


Pagi, however,
critt.
iii.

aim. 774, no. 10,

of a deceitful fabrication.

343, perceived that this

passage was
nt

iaterpolated by others).

a treatise composed a.d.

The same account also appears in somewhat 1109, at Naumburg by the bishop Waltram, or

diflcr'

words

in

the abbott Conrad

PART

II.

CHAP.

II. THE

PAPACY.

$ 5.

THE WEST.

37

length the very appearance of the &npremacy of the


peror vanished/^ so that Charles
(^/ifjirus

Greek em^

Constaiitinus)

received

the

West-Roman

imperial crown from the hands of

Leo

III.

The Pope, assuming all the rights of the (25th Deo. 800).'^ former ^Sxarch, began to exercise the patriciate of Rome also. Rome itself continued an imperial city,^ the popes were obliged to swear fidelity to the emperor, acknowledging him as their lord and judge :^^ though the papal dignity was held to be
(Tiib. theol. Cluartalschr. 1838, S. 348),

tractatuum de imperiali jurisdictione,


S. 187).

The

truth of the case

is,

de investitura Episcoporum (in Scliardii Syntagma 7'2, and in the Tubingen theol. Quartalschr. 1837, that Charles now began to exercise in Italy also, in tlie
p. It

capacity of govenior-geueral of the country, the


ercised

the empire of the Franks.

entertained that these rights


'^

same rights which he had always exwas not till a later time that the opinion was must have been established by papal concessions; though
late as 785 is proved

Charles had not to receive privileges from the pope, but the pope from him.

That they were


Hadriani P.
I.

still

acknowledged as

by Hadriani
:

P.

Ep. ad Con-

staiitinum et Irenen
18

(in

Actis Cone. Nic.

ii.

Actio

iii.

ap. Mansi, xii. 1056).

Ep. ad Carolum

a.d. 777 (Cod. Carol, no. 49)

Sylvestri

Rom.

Pont, a sanctae recordationis piisimo Constantino

Et sicut temporibus b. M. Imperatore per ejus

largitatem sancta Dei catholica et apostolica

Romana

ecclesia elevata atque exaltata est,

et potestatem in his Hesperiae partibns largiri dignatus est: ita et in his vestris felicissi-

mis temporibus atque nostris S. Dei Ecclesia, i. e., b. Petri Apostoli, germinet atque quia ecce novus christianissimus Dei Constantinus Imperator his temporibus exsultet surrexit, per quem omnia Deus sanctae suae Ecclesia bb. Apostolorum principis Petri Sed et cuncta alia, quae per diversos Imperatores Patricios etiam largiri dignatus est. et alios Deum timentes, pro eorum animae mercede et venia delictoram b. Petro Apostolo concessa sunt, et per nefandara gentem Langobardonam per annoi-um spatia, abstracta atque ablata sunt, vestris temporibus restituantur. Unde et plures donationes in saoro Many find here a reference to the iiostro scrinio Lateranensi reconditas habemus, etc. Donatio Constantini M., namely, de Marca de Cone. Sac. de et Imp. lib. iii. c. 12 (accord:

ing to

whom

it

Ou

the contrary,

here before his stantinum et Irenen


first

Romanorum Pontiff, pia quadam hidustria). shown by Ccnni Monum. domin. Pontiff, i. 1104. that Hadrian had eyes only the Acta Sylvestri, to which he also r';fers in tlie Ep. ad. Conwas
forged, a.d. 767, jussu
it is

(in

the Actis Cone. Nic.

ii.

Act.

ii.

ap. Mansi, xiii. 529),

and which

served

for the

basis of the later Donatio Constantini.

Probably,

loo,

the expression

had

potestatem in his Hesperiae partiims largiri dignatus est on the later forgerj'. " Annales Laurissenses ad ann. 801 Ipsa die sacratissima natalis Domini cum Rex ad Missam ante confessionem b. Petri Apostoli ab oratione suigeret, Leo P. coroiiam capiti ejus imposuit, et a cuncto Romanorum populo acclaraatum est: Karolo Aiigusto a Deo coronato raagno et pacifico Imperatori Romanorum, vita et victoria Et post Laudes ab Apostolico more antiquorum principum adoratus est, atque ablato PalTicii nomine. Imperator et Augustus est appellatus. Alcuin's Leben, von D. F. Lorentz. Halle. 1i-29,
in the

prominent

treatise, viz.

also an influence

S. 218,
="

ff.

In Charlemagne's will (vita Car. M. per Einharduni, c. 33) stand the uomina metropolium civitatum Roma, Ravenna, Mediolanum, etc. ' Comp. Caroli M. Ep. ad Leonem III. P. (Alcuini Epist. 84. Mansi, xiii. 980) refer:

ring to his entering on the episcopal see, a.d. 795: Perlectis Excellentiae vesti-ae

litteris,

et audita decretali chartula, valde, ut fateor, gavisi suraus, seu in electionis unanimitate,

sen

in humilitatis vestrae obedientia, et in promissionis ad nos fidelitate.


inii.

Sicut enim cum


cum
beutuiline

beatissimo praedecessore vestrae sanctae patemitatis pactum

sic

Tcstra ejusdem fidei et caritatis inviolabile foedus statuere desidero.

Nostrum eat sccuu

33
superior
to
all

THIRD rEIlIOD. blV. i A.D.


ecclesiastical
courts,^^

726-858.

and

the

first

in

the

world.

^'

6.
PROGRESS OF THE PAPAL POWER AFTER CHARLEMAGNE.
Tiie immediate successors, too, of
their civil lordly rights over

Charlemagne maintained But the Ilome^ and the Pope.^


Cliristi
foris

dura auxilinm divinae pietatis, sanctam ubique et ab infidelium devastatione armis defendere
ciuiiire.

Ecclesiam ab inoursu paganorum,


agnitione
niaiiibus,

et intus catholicac fidci

Vestrum

est,

sanctissime pater, elevatis ad

Deum cum Moyse

nostram

adjuvare militiam, quatenus vobis intercedentibus, Doo ductore et datorc, populus cliristiauus super inimicos sui saiicti nomiuis ubique semper liabeat victoriam, et nomen Domini nostri Jesu Cbristi toto clarificetur in orbe. Vestrae vero auotoritatis prudentia

canoues ubique sequatur; quatenus totius sanctitatis exempla omnibus evidenter in vestra fulgeant conversatione, et sanctae admonitionis exhortatio audiatur ab ore quatenus sic luceat lux vestra coram bominibus, ut videant opera vestra bona, et glorificent Patrem vestrum qui in caelis est (Matth. v. IG). Tbe abbot Angilbert, who bad to convey this letter to the pope, he at the same time charges (Caroli Ep. ad Angilb. ap. Mansi, xiii. Domnunj apostolicum Papam nostrum admoneas diligenter de omni honcstate vitae 981) suae, et praecipue de sanctorum obscrvatione canonum, de i)ia sanctae Dei Ecclcsiae
; :

gabernatione.

Ingerasque

ei

saepius,

quam paucorum honor

ille.

quem

praesentialiter

habct, aimorum,

quaedatur bene laboranti in eo. Et de simoniaca subvertendo haeresi dihgentissinie suadeas illi, quae sanctum ccclesiae corpus multis male maculat in locis. Et quidquid meute tenes saepius quereHs agitasse inter nos. On tlie oath to bo taken by the popes to the emperor, see below 6, notes 4

quam multorum

est perpelualiter merces,

5. Baluzius in notis ad Agobardum, ii. 122. Ejusd. pracf. in Capitularia, 21, ss. On the Mis.si dominici in Rome, see Muratorii Antiqu. Ttal. medii aevi diss. ix. torn. i. p. 435, ss. Ch. G. F. Walchii Diss. hist, de missis dominicis Pontificis Rom. judicibus. Jenae. 1749. 4. -^ When, A.D. bOO, Leo IIL had been maltreated and fled to Charlemagne, and when

and

many

accusations

were brought against him, the emperor

assenibleil a

synod

in St. Peter's

Church to examine the case. This synod, however, declared: Nos sedem apostolicara, quae est caput omnium Dei Ecclcsiarum, judicare nou audemii.s. Nam ab ipsa nos oniues, et Vicario suo judicamur, ipsa antem a neminc judicatur, qiiemadmodum ct antiquitus mos fuit. And Leo s[)ontaneously cleared himself by an oath, Anastasius in vita Lconis in. On the origin of that view, see Vol I. Div. II. $ 117, notes 14, 15. " Tlie relations of that time are jdainly described by Alcuinus Epist. 80 (ed. Frobeu.) ad Carolum R. ad. 799 Tres Pcrsonae in inuudo altissimae liucus(iue fuerunt apostolica Alia sublimitas, cjuae b. Petri princijds Apostolorum sedera vicario munere rcgere soiet. Tertia est regalia est im[)erialis dignitas, et secundae Romae secularis potentia. dignitas, in qua vos Domini nostri J. C. dispensatio rectorem populi christian! disjiosuit,
:

caeteris praefatis dignitatibus potentia excellentiorem, sapientia clariorem, regni digniEcce in te solo tola salus Ecclcsiarum Christi inclinata recumbit. Tu tate sublimiorem.

vindex scelerum, tu rector errantium, tu consolator moerentium, tu exaltatio bonorum, etc. ' The Act of Lewis the Debonaire (in Pertz Monuni. iv. ii. 6j, in which he, among other things, makes a present of the civitatem Romanam cum ducatu suo ct surburbanis, etc., also to the pope was interpolated in the eleventh century: cf. Ch. G. F. Wiilch Censura
diplomatis, quod Ludov. P. Paschali
I.

concessisse fertur. Lips. 1749, also in Pottii Sy'loge

comni. iheoU.
'

vi.
:

278,

and Pertz,

1.

c.

Examples

An
Pii

inquiry instituted against

Leo

III.,

who had executed some

See Vita Ludov.

per Astronomum,

c.

25 ap. Pertz,

ii.

Ri mans. 019. Stephanus IV. statim post

PART

II.

CHAP. II. THE PAPACY.

6.

AFTER CHARLEMAGNE. 39

natural effect of their situation was to inspire the popes with


the desire of bringing their power into some proportion with
the honor assigned
rule of the barbarous

them the aversion Franks aided them


;

of the
in this

Romans
;

to the

and

it

needed
their

only

weak and

disunited princes to

insure

success

to

Traces of such an endeavor were exhibited even under Though Eug-enitis the government of Lewis the Debonaire.' II., in addition to the Romans, had been expressly reminded by the Emperor Lothar (824) of his allegiance,^ yet Gregory IV., at the rebellion of the sons of Lewis (833), appeared willing to
efforts.

quam

pontificatum suscepit, jussit oranem populum

Romanum fidelitatem cum

jur.imento

promittere Hludowico (Theganus de Gestis Ludov. P. c. 16, ib. p. 594), and when he traveled to the emperor, praomisit legationem, quae super ordinatione ejus Iniperatori

When Lothar was crowned in Rome (82:)) tlie abbot c. 2G). complained to him, suum monasterium ablata pristine libertate sub tributo ac pensione a Romanis Pontificibus constrictum, multasquc possessiones eideiu laonnsterio violenter .ablatas. The result of the inquiry was, quod praedictum monasterium nullatenus sob jure et dominatione praefatae Romanae Ecclesiae, vel sub tributo et pensione esse deberet, and Paschalis I. was obliged to restore omnes res, quas ex eodem leonasterio potestas antecessorum ejusdem injuste abstulerat. See the diplomata Lotharii in the Chronicon Farfense in Muratorii Scriptt. rer. Ital. ii. ii. 38C. ^ Astronomus, c. 37 Sub hoc tempore [ann. 823] perlatum est Iniperatori, Theodorum
satisfaceret.

(Astronomus,

of the monastery Farfa

Romanae et Leonem Nomenclatorem luminibus privatos, ac deinde deeollatos indorao episcopali Lateranensi. Invidia porro interfectoribus inurebatur, eo quod diceretur, ob fidelitatem Lotharii eos, qui interfecti sunt, talia fuisse perpessos. In qua re fama quoque Pontificis laedebatur, dum ejus consensui totum adscriberetur. Missi were sent to Rome and Paschalis P. ab interfectorum nece se cum plurimis EpisPrimicerium
S.

Ecclesiae

coporum sacramento purgavit.


Astronomus, c. 38: Immediately after Eugeuius II. ascended the episcopal throne Lotharius comes to Rome, cumque de his, quae accesserant, quereretur, quare scilicet hi, qui Imperatori sibique et Francis fideles fuerant, iniqua nece peremti fuerint. et qui superviverent ludibrio reliquis haberentur: quare etiam tantae querelao adversus Romanorum Pontifices judicesque sonarent repertum est, quod quorundam Pontificum vel ignorantia vel desidia, sed et judicum caeca et inexplebili cupiditate, multorum praedia injuste fuerint confiscata. Ideoque reddendo quae injuste sublata erant, Lotharius magnam populo Romano creavit laetitiam. Statutum etiam juxta antiquum morem, ut ex latere Imperatoris mitterentur, qui judiciariam exercentes potestatem, justitiam omni populo, tempore quo visum foret Imperatori, aequa lance penderent. The Constitutio Roraana, by which Lotharius at that time restored order in Rome, may be seen in Pertz Monum. iii. 239. At that time clergy and people were obliged even to swear anew, Continuator supplementi Longobardicorura Pauli Diac. ap. Bouquet, vi. 173 Et hoc est juramentum, quod Romano clero et populo ipse (Lotharius) et Eugenius P. facere imperavit Promitto ego ille per Deum omnipotentem et per ista sacra iv. Evangelia, et per banc cinacem D. N. J. C. et per corpus beatissimi Petri principis Apostolorum, quod ab hac die in futurum fidelis ero dominis nostris Imperatoribus Hludowico et Hlothario diebus vitae meae, juxta vires et intellectum meum, sine fraude atque malo ingenio, salva fide, quam re^romisi domino Apostolico et quod non consentiam, ut aliter in hac sede Romaua fiat
*

(824),

electio Pontificis nisi canonice et juste,

secundum

vires et intellectum
fiat,

meum
tale

et

ille

qui

electus fuerit,

me

conseutiente, consecratus Pontifex non

priusquam

sacramentum

domini Imperatoris et populi, cum juramento, quale dominai Eugenius Papa sponte pro conservatione omnium factum babet per scriptum.
faciat in praesentia Missi

40

THIRD PERIOD. DIV.

I. A.D. 726-858.

interfere as a superior mediator in their favor. ^

Urt

!ie

was

withstood in the attempt.


popes received in the

By

the treaty of Verdjii (S lo) the


less

who was

besi(]es

Emperor Lothar a was frequently employed out

powerful master.,

of Italy, while

Rome

often threatened by the invasions of the Saracens

now eomthe choos-

meneing.

Thus attempts could now be made

to avoid the legal

sanction of the emperor at the election of popes."

At

ing of Se? g-ius II. (844) this neglect of the imperial authority was indeed blamed,^ but yet it was repeated at that of Leo IV.
(847).'
*

This pope even manifested an ambitious design, by

Astronomus, c. 48. When it was reported of Gregory, who was in the camp of the quod ideo adesset, ut tam Imperatorcm quara Episcopos excommunicationis irretire vellet viiiculis, si qui inobedicntes essent suae filiorumquo Imperatorls voluiitati porum quid subiipuit Episcopis Imperatoris praesuintionis audaciae, asscrcntibus nullo inodo se velle ejus auctoritati succumbere sed si exconimunicans adveniret, excommuuicatus
sons,
:

cum aliter se habeat antiquorum auctoritas Canonum. Pascliasius Radbcrtus in vita Walac Abb. lib. ii. (in Pertz Monuni. ii. 562) saj-s of the bishops on Lewis's side: Ineuper consiliabaiitur firmantes, proh dolor, quod eundem Apostolicum, quia, non vocatus
abiret
:

venerat, deponcre debercnt.

Q.uibus

auditis Pontifex plurinium mirabatur ac verebatur.

IJnde et ei dedinius (the bishops and


ritate finnata, praedecessorunique

monks

of Lothar's party) nonnulla S.S. Patruin aucto-

suorum conscripta, quibus nullus contradicere possit, quod ejus esset potestas, imrao Dei et b. Petri Apostoli, suaque auctoritas, ire niittcrc ad omnes gentes pro fide Christi et pace IScclesiarum, pro praedicatione Evangclii et adsertione verilatis, et in eo esset omuis auctoritas b. Petri cxcellens, et potestas viva a qua oporteret universes judicari, ita ut ipse a nemine judicandus esset (comp. 5, note 22). Qaibus profecto gratanter acceptis valde confortatus est. Agobard, though on the pope's
;

yet writes to Lewis, de coniparatione utriusque regimiiiis, c. \ Certe, clcmentissime dominc, si nunc Gregorius Papa inrationabiliter et ad pugnaiidum venit, mcrito et pugnatus et repulsus recedet. Si autom pro quiete ct pace populi et vestra laborare nititur, bene et rationabiliter obtemperanduni est illi, non repugnandum. (Jregorii Ep. ad Episcop. regni Francorum (ap. Mansi, xiv. 521, a reply to a writing of Lewis's bishops, which Bene autem subjungitis, inemoreni me esse debere jurisjurandi causa fidei is now lost) Q.uod si feci, in hoc volo vitare perjurium, si annuntiavero ei omnia, facti Imperatori. quae contra unitatem et pacem Ecclesiae et regni committit quod si non focero, pcrjurus
side,
:

ero, sicut et vos, si

tamcu

juravi.

Hincmar

Epist. 41, ad Iladrianum II.:

Et quomodo

Lothario patri suo rcpugnanto in Franciam vcnit, et pax postea in Francia ut antea non fuit, et ipse Papa cum tali houore, sicut decucrat, ot sui antecesGregorius, subreptus
uores feccrunt,
'

cum

Romam non rediit. Sec above, note 4. So still in Gregory IV. Einhardi Annales ann. 827: Gregorius electus, sed non prius ordinatus est, qnam legatus Imperatoris Romam venit, ot electiouom
populi, qualis cssct, examinavit.
'

Prudcntii Treccnsis Ann. (or Ann. Bertiniani) ann. 814

Quo

(Sergio) in sodo aposto-

lica ordiuato,

Modiomatricorum ne deiuceps deccdente Apostolico quisiiuam illic praeter sui juBsionem missorumque suorum pracaentiam ordlnetur antistes. Qui Romam veniontes,
Lotharius filium
Drogoiie,

suum Hludovicum

Romam cum

Kpiscopo,

dirigit, acturos,

honorifice suscepti sunt, etc.

Anastasius Bibl.

in vita Sergii:

Tunc dcmum

in oadeni

sedcntcs pariter tam boatissimus Pontifox, quam magnus Rex, et omnes Archiepiscopi atque Episcopi fidelitatem Lothario magno Imperatori acniper Augusto promiserunt.
Ecclesia
(S. Petri)

When Rome was just

threatened by the Saracens (Anostasius

in vita cv.

Lconis IV.)

Romani novi

electione Fontifioia contjaudeutea, coeperuut itcrum non mcdiocriter

cm-

TAUT

II.

CHAP.

II. THE

PAPACY.

G.

AFTER CHARLEMAGNE.

41

means

of

new forms which he had

inserted in the writing adstill

dressed to the princes,^ though he

saw himself under

the

necessity of giving valid assurances of his allegiance/" perhaps

which was Hence, at the election of Benedict III. (855) they did not venture to proceed again without the emj)eror's sanction.'* But inasmuch as the- Carlovingian princes, generally, with the full consciousness of mastery
in consequence of the examination of a conspiracy

alleged to have been projected at Rome.'^

over their clergy, allowed themselves to be misled into the prac-

them even rights over themselves, with the view of employing them as an instrument so much the more powerful in their hands inasmuch as they allowed themselves, by turns, to be deposed by their bishops, ^^ and then again thought
tice of yielding

up

to

tristari,

eo quod sine iuiperiali noii audebant auctoritate futarum consecrare Pontificem,


obsessa.

pericaliiiuque
faisse.t

Romanae urbis raaxime metuebant, ne iterum, ut o]ini, aliis ab hostibus Hoc timore et futui'o casu pertemti, eum sine permissa Principis Praeillius,

sulem consecravemnt, fidem quoque


oranibus conservantes.

sive

honorem post Deuni per omnia

ot in

He first put liis name before tlie names of the princes, and avoided the appellation Lominus, hitherto used toward them Cf. Garnerius ad Libr. diurnum Pontiff. Rom. p. 151. " Anastasius in vita Leonis ] V. in fine A Roman leader, Daniel, complained of another, Gratian, before the Emperor Lewis, that he had said privately to him Franci nihil nobis boni faciunt, neque adjutorium praebent, sed magis quae nostra sunt violeuter tollunt. (iuare non advocamus Graecos, et cum eis focdus pacis componentes Francorum Reg em et gentem de nostro regno et dominations expeliimus? The emperor, imnienso fLvire
: :

accensus, hastened to
It

Rome,

instituted an inquiry, but found the accusation groundless.

had been, however, calculated from probability, and

may

lead us to infer

what was *he

general voice in

Rome.
(so

II. in d'Archery Rpicileg. iii. 8i") in incompetenter aliquid egimus, et in !ibditis justae legis tramitem non conservavimus, vestro ac Missorum vestrorum cunita volumus emendare judicio. Leo IV. Lothario Augusto (ap. Gratianus, P. i. dist. x. c i)

" Leo

IV. ad Ludov. Imp.


ii.

according to Pius
c.

Gratiani Decreto, P.

c. 2,

qu.

7,

41

Nos

si

De

capitulis vel praeceptis imperialibus vestris,

irrefragabiliter custodiendis et conservandis,


pitio, et

nunc, et in

vestrorumque (pontificum) praedecesso'-nm et valemus Christo oroaeternum nos conservaturos modis omnibus protitemur. Et si fottasse

quantum valuimus

(luilibet alitor

vobis dixerit vel dicturus fuerit, sciatis


praef. ad
t. i.

eum
ss.

pro certo

mendaccm.

On

this

document see Baluzii

Capitularium, 01,

Ou

the interpolation

por.tifi-

cum
^'

see Antonii Augustini de emendatione Gratiani, lib. i. dial. 19. Anastas. in vita Benedictii III. Clerus et cuncti proceres decretum (eleclionis) componentes propriis manibus roboraverunt, et, consuetudo prisca ut poscit, invictissimis
:

Lothario ac Ludovico destinaverunt Augustis. Imperial Missi appeared, and were introduced with solemnity, and in their presence finally Benedict was consecrated.
c.

emperors Lewis and Lothar, lib. iii. Petimus humiliter vestram Excellentiam, ut per vos filii et proceres vestri uomen, potestatem, vigorem et dignitatem sacerdotalem cognoscant. Illud etiam ad exemplum eis reducendum est, quod in ecclesiastica historia (Rufini, x. 2) Constantinus Imp. Episcopis ait Deus, inquit, const!tuit vos sacerdotes, et potestatem vobis dedit de nobis quoque judicaiidi et ideo nos a vobis rocte judicamur; vos autem non potestis ab hominibus judicari, caet. This doctrine was first brought into life by the Synod of Compiegne {833J, by which the sons of Lewis
'^

The

Concil. Paris, ann. 8i9, in

an epistle

to the

8 (Mansi, xiv. 597), first asserts that bishops are the judges of kings

42
they could

THIRD PERIOD.-DIV.

I.-A.D. 72G-858.

make

their authority inviolable,

by episcopal unction

;^*

so also the emperors believed that they could place themselves in


if they derived a peculiar divine right in their from papal unction, and by this means established the danfavor gerous opinion that the imperial dignity was communicated by

a secure position

the pope.^^
caused their father to bo condemnea to do public penance (Cnnventus Conipcmlicnsis, np. Mansi, xiv. fi47. Pcrtz, iii. 365), for the purpose of making him unfit to reign (Capitull. lib. duod ad militiam saecularcm post poenitcntiani redire nemo debeat). Aftervi. c. 338 ward a council at Aix-la-Cliapellc, 842, deposed the emperor (Nithard Ilistor. iv. 1, in Pertz, ii. fiOS). When Lewis the German, 858, had invaded the kingdom of Charles tho Bold, he procured a decree approving of his conquest, from a council at Attigny, under
:

Archbishop Wenilo of Sens. When afterward he was overpowered by Charles, the latter caused him to be brought to penitence by his bishops but he would not declare his sentiments till he had asked his bishops, quia, Deo gratias, nihil sine illorutn consilio feci
;

Kpiscoporum ap. Baronius, ann. 859, no. 6. Pertz, iii. 458). All these episcopal however, were only valid so far as the princes who had procured their enactments were able or willing to maintain them. '* Caroli Calvi Libellus proclamatiouis adv. Wenilonem Archie]>isc. Senonum. a.d. 85.";, Peitz, iii. 462) A qua consecratione vel rcgni sublic. 3 (ap. Baronius, ann. 859, no. 25. mitate su[)plantari vel projici a nullo debueram, saltern sine audientia et judicio Kpiscoporum, quorum ministerio in llegem sum consccratus, ct qui throni Dei sunt dicti, in quibus Dcus sedct, et per quos sua deccrnit judicia; (]uorum patcrnis corre])tionibu3 et
(legatio

decisions,

castigatorils judiciis
1^

me

subdere

fui

paratus, et in praesenti

sum

subditus.

crowned his son Lewis the Debonairc as emperor (Annales Kinhardi, ad ann. 813: Kvocatum ad se ai)U(i Aquasgrani lilium suum Hludovicuni Aquitauiae llegem, coronam illi imposuit et imperialis noniinis sibi consortem fecit. When Stephen IV. visited the emperor, 816, he bestowed on him spiritual consecration (AstronoIn the same manner Lewis appointed his son Lotharius emperor, who was :nus, c. 2G). crowned by Po[)e Paschalis at his visit to Rome (Annalis Einhardi ad ann. 823) Lotharius again caused his son, Lewis II., to be crowned in Rome by Leo IV. (Prudentii Tree. ann. ad ann. 8.50). But this Lewis II. Mmself writes as early as the year 871 to the Greek
Charlemagne
hin>self
:

emperor Basil (Muratorii


tificis

Scriptt. Ital.

ii. ii.

243)

manus impositionem

divinitus

sumus ad hoc culmcn

Unctione et sacratione per summi PonCarolus M. abavus provecti.

uoster unctione hujusmodi per summum Pontificem delibutus primus ex gente et genealogia nostra et Icaperator dictus etChristus Domini factus est Si caluniniaris Rom. I'ontificem,

quod gesscrit calumniari poteris in ttegem ungero non reuuerit.


:

et

Samuel, quod spreto Saule, quem ipse unxerut, David

PART

II.

CHAP,

III.

FRANK CHURCH.

7.

GOVERNMENT.

43

THIRD CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF THE FRANK EMPIRE.
Capitularia regnmFraiicorum.i preserved partly in the original, partly in the Capitalariara and the lib. vii., of which the first four books were collected by Abbot Ansegisus, 827 Paris. 1677; last three books^ by Benedictus Levita, about 845, ed. Steph. Baluzius. ed. nova cura Petri de Chiniac. Paris. 1780. ii. voU. fol. The Capitularia enlarged and improved iu Pertz Monum. iii. the Capitularium libri by Ansegisus, ibid. ili. 256 those
;
;

by Benedictus Levita,

ibid. iv.

ii..

39.

7.

CHURCH GOVERNMENT.
Since the Frank Church had been raised from Carloman and Pipin, it began to develop
its its

decayed
resources

condition by

\yith freshness

and power under the management of the Carlo-

vingians, and to exercise the most important influence

among

tho

churches of the west.

The

general belief was, that there

must be

a return to the

old laws of the church, in order that

men might have

a secure

guide in this renovation.


principles of civil

But many decisions of that ancient church could not be brought into harmony with the fundamental
and feudal law, by which the relations of
churches and clergy had been principally established, and which it was thought impossible to abandon without endangering the
state.

between the law of the an church resuscitated, and the prevailing law of the state breaking forth antagonism which could only be prevented from by powerful rulers, but which, under weak princes, threatened to produce a dangerous contest between church and state. Carloman and Pipin immediately reinstated metropolitans in their ancient rights,^ and endeavored, if possible, to diminish the

Hence

arose an antagonism

On the Capitularia generally, see Eichhorn's deutsche Rechtsgeschichte, i. 626. Benedictus Levita drew not merely from the capitularies but also from otlier secular and ecclesiastical laws, and has adopted iu particular many Pseudo-Isidoriana likewise. See the accurate specification of his .sources by Knust iu Pertz Monum. iv. ii. 19.
^
=i

'

Capit. ann. 742, c.

ann- 755,

c. 2.

44

THIRD PERIOD. DIV.

I.A.D. 726-858.

and abbots;^ but the feudal relaCiiarleand monasteries r-maincd unaltered.* magne, it is true, wished to resLor; the ancient mode of choosing bishops;^ the laws issued on tliat point were not, Iiowever, universally carried out for no choice could be mtide without the king's special permission,^ and most of the bishops continued
evil of coiTinendator-bishops

tions of churches

to be appointed
siastics, this

by the kings.' In the opinion, indeed, of eccleas an abuse but that bishops should be confirmed and invested by kings was universally held to be

was regarded

necessary,'
*

The

Carlovingians allowed the possessions of the


:

Carlomanni Capitulare Liftiuense ann. 743, c. 2 Statuimus quoque cum consilio seret populi cnristiani, propter imminentia bella ct persccutioncs caetcrnrani gentium quae in circuitu nostro sunt, ut sub prccario et censu aliquam partem ecclesialis pecuniae (goods, possessions) in adjutorium exercitus nostri cum indulgentia Dei aliquanto tempore retineamus, ea conditione, ut annis singulis de unaquaque casata '(farmliouse) solidus, i. e., xii. denarii, ad Ecclesiam vel ad Monasterium reddatur; eo mode, ut si moriatur ille cui pecunia commodata fuit, Ecclesia cum propria pecunia revestita sit. Et iterum, si necessitas cogat, ut princeps jubeat, precarlum renovetur, et rescribatur novum. Et omnino observctur, ut Ecclesiae vel Monasteria penuriam et paupertatem non patiantur, quorum pecunia in praecario praestitasit: sed si paupertas cogat, Ecclesiae et domui Dei reddatur integra possessio. Eugen Montag's Gescli. d, deutsclicu staatsbiJrgcrl. Freilieit {-2 Bde. Bamb. u. Wiirzb. 1812) i. i. 3;!3. * Tlic fealty-duties were so severe in many monasteries tliat Lewis the Debonaire, 817, lightened them, and established three classes, monasteria, quae dona et militiara facere debent, quae tantum dona daro dobent sine militia, quae nee dona nee militiam dare

vorum Dei

debent, sed solas orationes pro salute Impcratoris vol filiorum ejus et stabilitate imperii,

see the
'

list in

Baluz. Capit.

i.

589,

Capit. Aquisgranense, A.D. 803,


c. 2.

and the commentary annexed, ii. 1092. (Baluz. Cap. i. 379), repeated word c. 2.
i.

Capit. Aquisgr. a.d. 817,

(Baluz.

564.

Pertz

Monum.

iii.

206.)

for word Comp. Formulae

diversae in
tern
aj).

Kpiscoporum promotionibus usurpatae post restitutam electionum liberta Especially on the management of the choice by royal missi ii. 591. Adlocutio Missoruru Imp. Ludov. P. ad clcrum et plebem electionis causa congregatum, ' Cone. Valentinum, ann. 855, c. 7 (Mansi, xv. 7). ib. p. (iOl. " IJaluzius ad Concilia Galliae Narbonensis (Paris. 1668. 8), p. 34, Ejusd. not. ad Capitul. Comp. Thegani vita Ludovici Imp. c. 20: Consiliariis suis magis crcdidit quam ii. U4I. opus esset quod ci fecit occupatio psalmodiae ct lectionum assiduitas, et aliud quod ilia Q.uia jam dudum ilia pessima consuctudo erat, ut ex vilissimis servis noil incipiebat. Leo IV. Epist. ad Lothar. et Ludov. Aug. iiebant surcmi pontilicies: hoc non prohibuit. about 853 (in Gratiani Decret. P. I. dist. 63, c. 16): Veslram mansuctudiuem deprecamur, qualenus Colono humili diacono eandem Ecclesiara [Reatinam] ad rcgendum concedere digncmini; ut vestra licentia accepta, ibidem cum Deo adjuvante consecrare valeamus Episcopum. Sin autem in praedicta Ecclesia nolueritis ut praeficiatur Episcopus, Tusculanum Ecclesiam, quae viduata existit, illi vestra Sercnitas dignetur concedere; ut
Baluz.
:

consecratus a nustro pracsulatu, Deo omnipotent! vostroque imperio grates peragere valeat. So, too, .John VIII. petitions King Carlmann, 879, to bestow the bishopric of Vercelli on one Conspertus (ap. Mansi, xvii. 125), and afterward announces the ajipoint

ment

to the inhabitants of Vercelli

ipsum
'

(I. c. p. 160), with the remark, quoniam Carolomanu.s Vercellensem episcopatum more praecessorum suorum regum et iinperatorum

concessit huic Consperbi, etc.

Hincmar Epist.
utilis,

12,

ad Ludov.

III.

Franc.

Regem

Episcopi talcm eligant, qui et

s.

Ecclesiae

et regno proficuus ct vobis fidelis ac dcvotus

coopemtor existat;

et ecu-

PART

II.

CHAP.

III.

FRANK CHURCH.

$ 7.

GOVERNMENT.

45

church to be continually set apart to foreign purposes. Bishoprics, indeed, were no longer bestowed in usufruct, but single estates and abbeys were conferred in this way on valiant soldiers (AbThe feudal system was also introduced into the bacomites).'"

Not only were candidates for lower situations of the church. ordination obliged to take a sort of oath of fealty to the bishop/'
but even
civil rulers

considered the churches founded by

them

as loans, which they had at their disposal, and thus the riglii

of patronage ^^ was developed.


ecntientibus clero et plobe eura vobis adducant, nt
facultates Ecclesiae, quas ad
dispositioni committatis, et

defendendum

et tueiidum vobis
littcris vestris

secundum miuisterium vestrum res et Dominus comraendavit, suae

cum consensu

ac

eum

ad mcti'opolitanum Epis-

copum ac coepiscopos ipsius diocceseos, qui eum ordinare debent, transmittatis. 10 For this Lewis the Debonaire was very much blamed as early as 8:^8, at Worms, by Wala, abbot of Corvey (Paschasius Radbertus in vilae Walae, ii. 3, iu Pertz Moiiuni, ii. 549): Ecce Rex noster, ut saepe ostensum est, de facultatibus Ecclesiarum multa m suis
suorumque praesumit usibus. Si rcspublica sine suffragio rerum Ecclesiarum subsistere non valet; quaereudus est modus et ordo cum summa reverentia et religione Cliristianitatis, si quid vos vestrique ab Ecclesiis ob defensionem magis qaam ad rapinam accipere
debeatis.
ut

The

Concil. Paris, ann. 829,

lib. iii. c.

15 (Mansi, xiv. 600), requests the emperor,

quasdam sedes episcopates, quae rebus propriis viduatae, immo annullatae esse videndum tempas
c.

tur,

habetis, et opportunitas se praebuerit, de earura sublevatione et consola-

tione cogitetis.

That they were not deficient


iii.

also in lay abbots piay be


i.

ann. 825,
(jue

10 (ap. Pertz,

294, according to Baluz.

635, ann. 823, c. 8)

seen from Capitul. Abbatlbns quo:

et laicis specialiter

jubemus, ut

in monasteriis,

quae ex

nosti'a largitate liaboat,

consilio et documento ea quae ad religionem canonicorum, monachorum, sanctimonialium pertinent, peragant. Agobardus de dispensatione ecclesiasticarum rcnim c. 4, exculpates Lewis the Debonaire on this account: Quoniam de sacris rebus in laicales uses illicite ti-anslatis dicimus, non fecit iste dominus Imperator, sed praecessores

Episcoporum

ejus, et

propterea

isti

impossible est omnia emendare, quae antecedentes male usurjiata

dimiserunt.

Frequently, perhaps, did powerful laymen themselves take possession of


:

church property, Cone. Aquisgran. ann. 836 ad Pippinum Regem Aquitaniae, lib. i. c. 3 Sunt etiam quidamsLbi in Deo oblatis sacratisque rebus auferendis irapunitatem inanitor promittentes, qui solent dicere: Q,uid mali, quidve discriminis est, si rebus ecclesiasticis Quid cura est inde Deo sanctisque in nostris pro libitu nostro utimur necessitatibus ? ejus, ob quorum amorem Deo dicantur oblatae, cum utique in eomndem sanctorum usus Et ubi Deus haec, quae Ecclesiarum rectorcs opponunt, juss't sibi nihil ex his cedat? ofFerri, praesortim cum omnia quae in ten-is sunt sua sint, et ille ea ad iisus hominuui Under Lewis's sons the case was still worse. See the complaints of the creaverit?

bishops, A.D. 844, in the Conveutus ad Theodonis villara,


palatio, 855,
c.

c.

and the Concilio


;

in

Vorno

c.
;

12 (Baluzii Capit.

ii.

10, 18

Pertz

Monum.

Planck,

ii.

542

Montag's Gesch.
322.

d.

Cone. Valentiiium ann. deutschen staatsburgerlichen Freiheit, i. i.


iii.

382,

38.5)

337; Mohlers'Schriften,

i.

" See an example of such an oath in the Deutschen Abscbworungs- Glaubens- Beichtnnd Betformeln vom 8ten bis 12ten Jahrh., herausgeg. von. H. F. Massmann. Q,uedlinb.
u.

Leipzig. 1839, S. 182.


^^

To

the builder of a church remained


in Baluz. Capit.
i.

by law the possession of


iii.

it

(Cone. Francof. ann.

and the privilege of appointing to it a suitable presbyter, who, however, wa? obliged to obtaia the bishop's approval, and to continue subject to his superintendence Lke other clergymen (Cone. Rom. ann. 826 and However so early as between the years 649 and 664 the 853, c. 21, ap. Mansi, xiv. 1006.
794,
c. 54,

270.

Pertz M.;uum.

75),

40

THIRD rEllIOD. DIV.


Ecclesiastical
legislation,'^
tr.e

1. A.D. 726-858.

liighcst

judicial

power

in

church
ticEil

alVairs/* the

decrees/*

management and confirmation of ccclesiasremained with the king, who summoned the

Cone. Cabilon. c. 14, complains, quod oratoria per villas potentum jam longo constructa tempore at facultatcs ibidem collatas ipsi, quorum villae snut, Episcopis contradicaut, et jam nee ipsos clcricos, qui ad ipsa oratoria dcserviunt, ab Arcbidiacono cocrceri permittant. Agobardus de Privilegio et jure sacerdotii, c. \\ (0pp. i. 13-1) Increboit consuetude impia, ut paenc nullus inveniatur anbelans et quantulumcuuque proficiens ad honores et gloriani teniporalera, qui non domesticum babeat sacerdotem, non cui obediat, sed a quo incessaiiter exigat licitam simul atque iiilicitam obedientiam, noii solum in divinis officiis, vcriiui ctiam in bumanis ita ut plerique inveniantur, qui aut ad mensas ministreut, aut saccata vina misceant, aut canes ducaut, aut caballos, quibus feminae sedent, regant, aut ageikis provideant. Et quia talcs, de quibus baec dicimus, bonos sacerdotes in domibus suis habere non possunt, non curant omnino qualcs clcrici illi sint, quanta ignorantia coeci, tantum ut babcant piesbyteros proprios, quorum occasione quaiitis criminibus involuti deseraut Ecclesias, seniorcs et officia publica. Quod autcm non habeant os propter religionis honorem, apparet ex hoc, quod non liabeut eos in lionore. Unde et contumeliose cos nominantes, quaudo volunt illos ordinari Presbyteros, rogant nos aut jubcnt, dicentes liabeo unum clericionem, quern mihi nutrivi de servis meis propriis, aut bcneficialibus, sive pagensibus, aut obtimii ab illo vel illo homine, sive de illo vel illo pago volo, at ordines cum milu Presbyterum. Comp. Isidor Kaini's Kircbenpatronatrecbt uach seiner Enstcbung, Entwickclung und heutigen Stellung ini Staate. Th. i. die Recbtsgescbichte.
:
:

Leipzig. 1845.
'^ The numerous ecclesiastical regulations in the Capitularies afford proof of this. When Charlemagne, A.n. 802, caused a general revision of legislation to be undertaken (Eichliorn's deutsche Rccbtgesch. i. 613), several capitularies respecting ecclesiastical things proceeded from it also. '* Capitulare Fraucofordiense, a.d. 794, c. 4 Statutura est a domino Rege et s. Synodo, ut Episcopi justitias faciant in suas parochias. Si non obcdierit aliqua persona Episcopo sue de Abbatibus, Prcsbyteris, Diaconibus, etc., veniant ad Metropolitanum snum, et iile Comites quoque uostri veniant ad judicium dijudicet causam cum suffraganeis suis. lilpiscoporum. Et si aliquid est, quod Episcopus metropolitanus non possit corrigerc vel
:

pacificare, tunc

tandem veniant accusatores cum accusato cum


:

litteris

Metropolitan!, nt

sciamus veritatem rei. Capitulare tertium ann. 812, c. 1 Ut Episcopi, Abbates, Comites, et potentiores quique si causam inter se habucrint ac se pacificare nolueriut ad nostram jubeantur venire pracsentiam. " De Marca, lib. vi. e. 24-23. Comp. the acts of the councils culled together by Charlemagne, at Aries, Rheims, Tours, Chalons, and Mainz (ap. Maiisi, xiv. 55, ss.), in the introductory and concluding addresses. Ex. gr. praef. ad Cone. Mogunt. ann. 813 (p. 64) Gloriosissimo Imp. Carolo Aug. verae religionis rectori ac defensori s. Ecclesiae, venimiis secundum jussionera vestram in civitatem Moguntinam gratias agimus Deo, quia s.

Ecclesiae suae tam pium ac devotum in servitio Dei concessit habere rectorem, qui suis temporibus sacrae sapicutiae fontcm aperiens, oves Christi indesinentcr Sanctis rcficit
alimentis, ac divinis instruit disciplinis, etc.
his

After enumerating
tamcn vestra pietas

their cmi)loyments:

Dc

tamen omnibus valde indigemus vestro


ih'mentur
si

adjutorio atque sana doctrina, quae et nos

jugiter admoneat, atque clcmcnter erudiat, quatenus ea quae paucis subterperstrinximus


capitulis, a vestra auctoritate
ita

dignum esse

judi-

emendatione dignum rcperitur, vestra imperialis dignitas jubeat emendare. Concluding words of the ("one. Arelat. (p. 62) Haec igitur sub brevitate, quae emendatione digna perspeximus, quam brevlssinie annotavimus, et domino Imperatori praesentanda decrevimus, poscentcs ejus clementiam, ut si quid hie minus est, ejus prudentia suppleatur: si quid sicut quam se ratio habet, ejus judicio emendetur: Bi quid rationabiliter taxatum est, ejus adjutorio divina opitulante dementia perficiatnr. Accordingly Charlemagne says, in the Libr. Curolinis praef. nd hb. i. Kcclesiao in sinu
caverit:
et quidquid in eis
:

PART

II.

CHAP.

III.

FRANK CHURCH.

7.

GOVERNMENT.

47

spiritual as well as the ci^il feudatories to diets/^ conducted spiritual causes

by the Apocrisiarius

(or Archicapellanus, after-

by the Comes and sent round into every province two extraordinary judges (missi), a bishop and a count/^ to exercise in common the highest oversight and power in things ecclesiastical as well as civil. Bishops and counts were every where instructed to work in common, and mutually to support one another '^ while ecclesiastical usurpations were not endured.^" The pope's suprein-

ward

Archicancellarius),^'' as he did civil causes


;

Falalii

*
regni

gubemacula suscepimus

nobis (Ecclesia) ad regendum commissa est;


i.

and Lewis
562), it to

the Debonaire declares, in the prologus ad Capit. Aquisgr. ann. 816 (Baluz.

be

his duty, ut quicquid sive iu ecclesiasticis negotiis, sive in statu republicae,

emendalione dignum prospexissemus, quantum Dominus posse dabat, nosti'o studio emendaretur. '* For which, since 811, the clergy begin to form a proper curia (hall) for deliberation on
ecclesiastical matters.
''

Planck,

ii.

139.
:

-Walafrid. Strabo de

Rebus

eccles. c. 31

duemadmodnm

sunt in palatiis praoceptores


illi

vel comites palatii, qui saecularium causas ventilant, ita sunt et

quos

summos CapoUapalatii, $ 13, calls*

nos Franci appellant, Clericorum causis praelati.


the spiritual minister Apocrisiarium,

Hincmar de Ordine

i. e., responsalem negotiorum ccclesiasticorum. Eichhom's deutsche Rechtsgesch. i. 194. * Comp. Eichhorn's deutsche Rechtsgesch, i. 781. Cf. Capitularc iii. ann. 789,

See
c.
1

data Missis dominicis belonging to the year 802 (p. 375), Capitulare Noviomagense belonging to the year 806, cap. 4 (p. 4.')3), Capitulare anni 828 Haec sunt capitula, quae volumus ut diligenter (Missi) inquirant. Primo de (p. 657)
(Baluz. Capitul.
i.

244), capitula

Episcopis quomodo ministcrium expleant, et qualis sit illorum couversatio vel quomodo Ecclesias et clerum sibi commissum ordiuatum habeant atque dispositura, vel quibus rebus

maxime

studeant, in spiritualibus videlicet aut in saecularibus negotiis.

Deinde

qnales

sint adjutores ministerii

eorum,

i.

e.,

Chorepiscopi, Archiprcsbyteri, Archidiaconi et Vicein populo.

domini, et Presbyteri per parochias eorum, quale scilicet studium habeant in doctrina, vel

qualem famam habeant secundum veritatera


siis

Similiter de

omnibus monasteriis

inquirant juxta uniuscujusque qualitatem et professionem.

Similiter et de caeteris Ecclein

nostra auctoritate iu beneficio datis.

Utrum Episcopi

circumcuudo parocriias suas


ab ipsis aut a ministris
causis

caeteras minores Ecclesias gravent, aut populo oneri

sint, et si

eorum indebita exenia a Presbyteris exigantur. Q,uae personao vel de quibus


culpabiles ad praesentiam nostrara venire debeant, discernendum est.
copis, Abbatibus, Comitibus, qui

Exceptis Episisti

ad placita nostra semper venire debent


5 (Baluz.
i.

venient,

si in

talibus culpis et criminibus depreheusi fuerint quales inferius adnotatae sunt.

Capitula

Misso cuidam data


tempserint.

a.d. 803,

c.

402, Pertz

Monum.

iii.

122): Referebatur de

Episcopis, Abbatibus, vel caetris uostris hominibus, qui ad placitum vesti'um venire con-

lUos vero per


Cf.

qui tunc venire contempserint,


nobis repracsentes.

bannum nosti-um ad placitum vestrum bannire fa.iatis. Et eorum nomina annotata ad placitum nostrum generale Franc, de Roye de Missis dominicis, eorum ofBcio et potestate.

Andegavi. 1672.
'^

iter. ed. J.

W.

Neuhaus.
c. 4

Lips. 1744.
i.

8.

Capitulare Bajoaricum, ann. 803,


stent, et

(Baluz.

450.

Portz Monum.

iii.

127)

Ut Epi

scopicum comitibus

Comites cum Episcopis, ut utorque pleniter suum ministerium peragere possiut. Comp. Ludovici Germ. Regis conventus Mogunt. ami. 851, 1. De Concordia Episcoporum Comituai^ue fidelium (Pertz Monum. iii. 411).
-"

Thus preventions of the administration of


c. 8

justice

Capitulare ana. 779,

(Baluz.

i.

197.

Pertz,

iii.

36), capitula,

by the privilege of Asylum. quae in lege Salica mit-

tenda sunt, ann. 803 (Baluz. i. 387. Pertz, iii. 113), c.2: Si homo furtum feoerit, aut honiicidium vel quodlibet crimen foras committens infra immunitatem fugerit, maiidet

48

THIRD PERIOD. DIV.

I. A.D. 706-858.

acy was acknowledged.


tions
^^

The kings

inquired of

him

in matters

of ecclesiastical legislation,^* and consulted


;

him

in diilicult ques-

but till the time of Lewis the Debonairc they allowed him no other influence over the Frank church, than that of advice, admonition, and remonstrance.^^ Under that weak prince, however, the

Frank bishops

felt

that they were partly threatened,

by the continued
Comes

civil disturbances,^'

and partly instigated,

to

vel Episcopo, vel Abbati, vcl Vicedomino,

iioluerit, in

prima contradictione

solidis xv. culpabilis judicetur.

ut reddat ei reum.Si earn reddere Si nee ad tortiam


iiiqui-

totum ille, qui cum infra immunitatem rctinet, solvere cogatur. Et ipse Comes veniens liccntiam babeat ipsum hominem infra inimunitatcm quaerendi, ubicunque earn inveuire potuerit. -' So Pipin in Zacbarias, about 717. See Zacbar. Epist. ad Bonifacium (iu Epist. Bonif. ed. Serarii Epist. 139, ed. Wiirdtwein Ep. 74, ap. Mansi, xii. 334) Agnoscas, cbarissime, flagitasse a nobis Pippinum, excellentissimum majorcm domus gentis Francorum, per suum bominem, nomine Ardobanium, religiosum Presbyterum, aliquanta capitula de sacerdotali ordine, et quae ad salutera animae pertinent: simul etiam et pro iliicita copula qualiter sese debcant custodire juxta ritum Christianae religionis, et sacronim ranojium instituta. Illius vocibus aurera accomraodantes, in brevi eloquio conscripta apostolica documenta direximus, etc. These capitula Zachariae P. ad Pippinum missa, besides an epistle to the same, are given in Serarius, Mansi, and Wiirdtwein, 11. cc. A more
sitioneni<;oiisentire voluerit, quicquid reus
fcccrit,

damnum

copious Codex canonum, namely, an enlarged Dionysian collection, was received from Charlemagne, 774, by Hadrian I. An epitome of the first part, or the synodical decrees,

nay be seen
is

in Canisii Lectt. ant. ed.

Basnage,

ii.

OOG.

Mansi,
i.

xii.

859, ss.

The

first

part

printed complete in J. Hartzheim Concilia Germaniae,

131, ss.
iii.

A
J.

descrijition of the

Codex see in Ballerini de Antt. Canonum collect. P. comm. do cod. cann. quern Hadr. I. Carolo M. dono dedit.
entire

c. 2.

C. Rudolph
8.

Nova

Erlangg. 1777.

Spittler's

Gescb.
-^

d.

canon. Rechts, S. 168, ss.


:

Caroli M. ad Episc. A.D. 799 (in Baluzii, Capit. i. 327) Et hoc vobiscum niagno studio pertractandum est, quid de illis Presbyteris, unde approbatio non est et semper negant, faciendum sit. Nam hoc saepissime a nobis et progenitoribus atque antecessoribus nostris ventilatum est, scd non ad liquidum hactenus definitum. Unde ad consulendum Patrem nostrum Leonem Papam sacerdotes nostros mittimus. Et quic(iuid ab eo vel a suis perceperimus, vobis una cum illis quos mittimus, renuntiare non retardabimus. Vos interdum vicissim tractate adtentius, quid ex his vobiscum constituamus una

Comp. Epist.

cum

praedicti

s.

Patris inslitutionibus, etc.


A. n. 803,

the country bishops, Capit. Aquisgr.


discutere voluissemus, placuit nobis
auctoritate atque diconte
tolicam, ut
s.
:

So respecting the ordinations performed by 1. c. p. 380) Quod jurgium cum enucleatius


:

Si

Synodus

statuit,

ex hoc apostolicam sedem consulcro, jubente canonica majores causae in medio fuerint devolutae, ad sedem aposet beata consuetudo cxigit, incunctantcr rcferatur. Comp.

Vol.
-^

I.

$ 94, note 20.

Therefore,

many

cnpitularia

ox praccepto

Pontificis.

were issued, apostolicae sedis hortatu, monente Pontificc, At the Synod of Frankfurt, 794, two papal legates were present,
:

Theopiiylactus ac Stephanus Episcopi, vicem tenentcs ejus, a quo raissi sunt, Hadriaui

but yet Charlemagne had the presidency. Sec i. 181) Synodica Concilli ad Episc. Galliac et Germaniae ap. Mansi, xiii. 884 congregatis nobis,

Papae (Ann. Einhardi ap. Pcrtz,

praecipiente piissimo et gloriosissimo domino nostro


-*

Carolo rego.

During the reign of Lewis the Debonairc, bishops were frequently deposed for taking gr., in 818, the bishops of Milan, CrcPAona, and Orleans, as being concerned in Bernhard's conspiracy, 835; Ebbo, archbishop of Rheims, etc. The sentences, it is true, proceeded from synods but those were called by the emperor, aud composed of the political opponents of the accused.
part in insurrections, ex.
;

PART

II.

CHAP.

III. i'RANK

CHURCH.

7.

GOVERNMENT.

49

enlarge the power of the church.

Hence they began

to assert

the church's supremacy, ^^ and to adduce the

Roman

see as the

natural point of

its support.^^

And

since the bishops certainly

needed protection against worldly tyranny, the right of appeal in a special case, which had been transferred to the pope at Sardica,

was

recalled,^^

but soon enlarged, so that every bishop might

choose the pope to be his judge^^ instead of his

own

provincial

-^ Thus the Concil. Paris, ann. 829, lib. i. c. 3 (Mansi, xiv. 537), again brings forward the passage Ep. Gelasii P. ad Anastasium Imp. ann. 494 (Mansi, viii. 31) Duo sunt, quibua principaliter mundus hie regitur, auctoritas sacrata Pontificum et regalis potestas. In ([uibus tanto gravius est pondus sacerdotum, quanto etiam pro ipsis regibus Domino in divino reddituri sunt examine rationem and the passage from Fulgentius de veritate
:

praedestinationis et gratiae

(lib.

ii.)

Q,uantum pertinet ad hujus temporis vitam

in

Ecclesia

nemo

Pontifice potior, et in saeculo Christiano Imperatore

nemo

celsior invenitur.

Accordingly, the council demands, for the future, that suitable respect should be paid to the bishops. Moreover, the original cause of the perplexities is given vs'ith perfect justice

and truth (Mansi,


visse cognovimus
:

xiv. 603)
id est,

Specialiter

unum obstaculum ex multo tempore jam

inole-

quia et principalis potestas diversis occasionibus intervenientibus, secus quam auctoritas divina se habeat, in causas ecclesiasticas prosilierit, et sacerdotes partim uegligentia, partim ignorantia, partim cupiditate in saecularibus negotiis et
sollicitudinibus mundi, ultra

quam

debuerant, se occupaverint.

quam
-*

divina auctoritas doceat in utraque parte actum extitisse


laesisti Christianitatem,

Et hac occasione dubium non est.

aliter

Cone. Parisiensis ann. 849.


in

Omnem
matum

dum

Synodica ad Nomenojum Ducem (ap. Mansi, xiv. 923) vicarium b. Petri apostolicum, cui dedit Deus pri:

omni orbe terrarum sprevisti. by Hadrian to Charlemagne were found certainly (see Hartzheim Concil. Germ. i. 190) the Canones Sardicenses (see Vol. I. $ 94, note 7); but there was also the African prohibition of appeal, ad transmarina (Hartzheim, i. 228), and the Epist. Cone. Afric. ad Coelestin. (Hartzheim, i. 233), see Vol. I. 94, note 61. Out of this codex Charlemagne inserted the most important canones in the Capitulare Aquisgram. s.

"

In the codex presented

primum

ann. 789

but here

of appeal to

Rome, but

we do not find those Sardican canons that establish the right rather the Nicene and Antiochian canons, which attribute the

highest authority to the provincial synod.

Accordingly, even all complaints against bishops were decided by synods, Thomassina Vetus et nova Ecclesiae disciplina de beneKciis, Benedictus Levita is the first who has in his collection of capitularies the P.ii. lib. 3,0. 109. Sardican decrees. Cap. lib. vi. c. 64 Et judicato in aliqua causa Episcopo liceat iterare
:

judicium,
'"

et, si

necesse

fuerit, libera

Episcopum
:

adire

Romanum.

Cf. lib. vii.

c.

103, c. 412.

The theory which Benedictus Levita has adopted in addition to the Sardician regulation, was developed, lib. vii. c. 315 Placuit, ut, si Episcopus accusatus appellaverit

Romanum

Pontificom, id statuendura, quod ipse censuerit (a manifest falsification of the expression of the Epitome Codicis ab Hadriano Carolo M. donati ap. Mansi, xii. 872: Si

Episcopos damnatus appellaverit Rom. Pont,


lib. vii. c.

id

observandum, quod ipse censuerit).

Cf
'

173.

Addit.

iv.

raised his claims,

when

Accordingly, Gregory IV., as early as the year 835, he asserted, in reference to the accused Aldricus, bishop of Mana
c.

27.

(Epist. ad universes Episcc. ap. Mansi, xiv. p. 513)

Liceat

illi

post auditionem Priraatum

dioeceseos,

si

necesse

fuerit,

nos appellare

nullusque

ilium ante haec judicet aut judi:

care praesumat.

And Leo

Nullam damnationem Episcoporum esse unquam censemus,

IV. (Epist. ad Episcc. Britanniae, ap. Mansi, xiv. p. 882) nisi aut ante legitimum nu-

merum Episcoporum, qui fit per xii. Episcopos, aut certe probata sententia per Ixxii. idoneos testes. Et si inter eos, quos damandos esse dixerunt homines, fuerit Episcopus, qui Buam causam in praesentia Romanae sedis Episcopi petierit audiri, nullus super illam fiuitivam praesumat dare sententiam sed omnino enm audiri decernimus.

VOL.

II.

50
synotl.

THIRD PERIOD. DIV.

I. A.D. 726-8o8.

Civil governments themselves, by calling in the papal

authority to their aid,

when they

felt

their

weakness on the

occasion of unusual ecclesiastical matters, furnished ground for

the opinion that such authority could not be dispensed with in important ecclesiastical regulations." Thus papal influence over
the Frank church increased very perceptibly,^" and new ideas of church polity arose, to which Pseudo-Isidore, in his decretals, tried
to give a historic basis.

8.
RESTORATION OF ECCLESIASTICAL ORDER.

The Carlovingians among the laity as


'

chiefly sought to reform the state of morals

well as the clergy,^ but


who had been deposed from
was

met with great


Lewis

2'

When,
German

for

example, Ebbo,
rebellion, 835,

the archbishopric of Rheims,

on account of a
the

appointed, after 844, bishop of Hildesheim by

(Cone. Tricassini ann. 8G7, Ep. ad Nicolaum P. ap Mansi, xv. 794) auctoritate

ciijusdani privilegii

a b. Gregorio Papa sibi collati, connivente snpra sua restitutione, ministerium pontificale fine tcuus exercuit. In this privilege was contained in trausmigratione altcrius parochiae ut episcopali et praedicationis licenter fungeretur officio. (The doubts which Baluzius in his Regino, p. 51)9, raises against the genuineness of this privi-

34;

legium are unsatisfactory; even llhabanus, Ebbo's metropolitan, in Ep. ad Heribaldum, c. Thus, ibid. p. 518, attests, eum ab apostolica sedc in locum suum restitutum esse). now, in an unusual case, a pope had both restored a deposed bishop to his office, and eanctioned his removal. By this means, the nile that had been hitherto observed was broken through (Capital, vi. anil. 806, c. 10, ap. Baluz. i. 456) Ne de uno loco ad alium
:

transeat Episcopus sine decreto Episcoporum we find it afterward even in Hincmar, the opponent of the Pseudo-Isidorian principles, de translationibus Episcoporum, c. 7 (written 871.'), 0pp. ii. 744. Episcopus do civitate, in qua ordinatus est, transfcratur ad
:

aliam civitatem synodali dispositione, vel apostolicae sedis consensione.


sinus, P.
^o
ii.

Comp. Thomas-

lib. 2, c. 63.

Respecting the earlier limits of

Roman

influence,

and

its

gradual enlargement, see


c. 12)
:

Agobard de Dispensatione
legati
c.

eccles. rerum, c. 20.

(Cf adv. legem. Gundobadi,

Veruni

quia sunt, qui Gallicanos canones aut aliarum regionum putent non recipiendos, eo quod

Romaui seu Imper.itoris in eorum constitutione non interfuerint (adv. leg. Gund. 1. quod neoterici Romaui eos non commendavcrint) restat, ut ctiam S.S. Patrum doctrinaa et expositiones diversosque tractatus, ut sunt Cypriani, Athanasii, etc., doceant non esse recipiendos quia cum haec tractarent legati Romani s. Iniperatoris non adcrant. Melius mihi sentire videntur, qui secundum Domini dictum, ubi duo vel tres in nomini Dotr.ini congregatos agnoscunt, Dominum quoque inter eos alTuisse non dubitant. Ubicunque cnim catholici Ecclcsiarum rcctores pro Ecclesiarum utilitalibus cum Dei timore in ejus nomine
:
:

ct honore conveniunt, quicquid consonanter s. scripluris statuunt, nuUi procul dubio sperce.ida,
'

immo veneranda omnibus

esse debent.

Prohibitions of heathenism, Capit. Liftincnsc, ann. 743, c. 4, Pcrtz, iii. 18, comp. tho Indiculus superstitionum et paganiarum, ibid. p. 19, and in the Capitularies very often.

Btatuta Salisburgensia, ann. 799 Ut omnia populis honorifice cum omnibus supplicationibus devotione, humiliter et cum reverentia absque pretiosarum vestium omatu vel etiam ilia:

cebroso cautico et lusu saeculari cum laetaniis prncedant, ct discant Kyrieeleysou clamare, ut non tam rustice, ut nunc usque, sed melius discant. So Carlomanni Capit. i. onu. 742, c. 2 (ap. Baluz. i. 14fi) Servis Dei per omnia omnibui
:

PART

II.

CHAP.

111.

FRANK CHURCH.

$ 8.

ECCLES. ORDER.

51

For end they found a weighty support in the vita canonical first introduced by Chrod^g-ang (bishop of Metz from 742760) among his clergy. This system of rules having been confirmed by Charlemagne,^ and with some additions by Lewis the Debonaire at Aix-la-Chapelle, 816,'^ was soon adopted in almost all
opposition in consequence of the grossness of the age.'
this

Nec

arniaturam portave vel puguare, aut in exercitum et in hostem pergere omnino prohibuimus. non et illas venationes et sylvaticas vagationes cum canibus omnibus servis Dei
Similiter ut accipitres et falcones non habeant, c.
:

interdiximus.

6.

Punishments

for

lewd-

ness in the clergy, Pippini Capit. ann. 744, c. 8 (ibid. p. 158) Similiter diximus, ut neque clericus mulierem habeat in dorao sua, quae cum illo habitet, nisi matrem, aut sororem,
All these laws were frequently repeated. Respecting Gewillieb, archbishop of Mainz, see Othlonus in vita Bonif i. c. 44. Conip. especially Capitulare viii. ann. 803, ap. Baluz. i. 405, ss. Petitio populi ad Imperatorem Flexis omnes precamur poplitibus majestatem vestram, ut Episcopi deinceps, sicut hactenus, non vexenter hostibus, sed quando vos nosque in hostem pergimus, ipsi propriis resideant in parochiis, Deoque fideliter famulari studeant, etc. Q,uosdam enim ex eis in hostibus et praeliis vulneratos vidimus, et quosdam perisse cognovimus. Illud tameu vobis et omnibus scire cupimus, quod non propterea haec petimus, ut eoram res aut aliquid ex eorum pecuniis, nisi ipsis aliquid sponte nobis dare placuerit, aut eorum Ecclesias viduari cupiamus. Scimus enim res Ecclesiae Deo esse sacratas, etc. In consequence of this petition, it was resolved at a synodalis conventus Ip. 409), ut nuUus sacerdos in hostem pergat, nisi duo vel tres tantum Episcopi propter benedictionem et praedicationem populique reconciliationem, et cum illis electi sacerdoies, qui bene sciant populis poenitentias dare, Missas celebrare, de infirmis curam habere, sacratique olei cum sacris precibus unctionem impendere, et hoc raaxime praevidere, ue sine viatico quis do saeculo recedat. Hi vero nec arma ferant, nec ad puguam pergant, sed tantum sauctorum pignora et sacra ministeria feraut et orationibus pro viribus insistant, ut populis qai pugnare debet, auxi'.iante Domino victor existat. Reliqui vero, qui ad Ecclesias suas remanent, suos homines bene armatos nobiscum, aut cum quibus jusserimus, dirigant et ipsi pro nobis et cuncto exei'citu nostro Missas, letanias, oblationes, eleemosynas faciant, orantes Deum caeli, ut proficiamus in itinere quo pergimus, victoresque Deo adminiculante existamus. Gentes enim et Reges earum, quae sacerdotes secum pugnare permiserunt, neque praevalebant in bello, nec victores extiterunt, quia non erat differentia inter laicos et sacerdotes, quibus pugnare non est licitum. Haec vero Galliamm, Hispaniarum, Langobardorum, nonnullasque alias gentes et Reges earum fecisse cognovimus, quae propter praedictum nefandissimum scelus nec victores extiterunt, nec patrias retinuerunt. To this is attached the vel
^

neptem suam.

Quia iustante antiquo hoste audivimus, quosdam nos suspectos habere propterea quod concessimus sacerdotibus, ut in hostes non irent, nec arma feiTent, quod houores sacerdotum et res Ecclesiarum auferre vel minuere eis voluissemus, quod nullatenus facere velle vel facere volentibus consentire omnes scire cupimus. Et ut haec certius credantur et per futui'a tempora conserventur, praecipimus, ut nullus res Ecclesiae nisi precario possideat, etc. Novimus multa regna et Reges eorum propterea cecidisse, quia Ecclesias spoliaverunt, resque earum vastaverunt, abstulerunt et pugnantibus, dederunt, etc. see here how the prejudices of a people, accustomed to war and feudal duties, were overpowered by religious prejudices. The petitio in question had been, doubtless, brought about artfully. * Chrodogangi Regula sincera ap. Mansi, xiv. 313. Cf Thomassini Vet. et nov. Eccl. discipl. P. i. lib. iii. c. 9. Rettberg's Kirchengesch. Deutschlands, i. 495. * Capit. Aquisgr. ann. 789, c. 71 (ap. Baluz i. 238) Q,ui ad clericatum accedunt, quod nos nominamus canonicam vitam, volumus, ut illi cauonice secundum suam regulam omni. modis vivaut, et Episcopus eoi'um regat vitam, sicut Abba Monachorum. Capit. i. ann. 80^ ' The regula Aquisgranensis in Hartzhemii Cone. Germ. i. 430. c. 22 (ibid. p. 369).
following regulation
:

We

52

THIRD PERIOD. DIV.

I. A.D. 726-858.

Frank empire (Canonici' cathedrales and col Monasteria canonicorum). In like manner the maintenance of order among the country clergy was secured by the division of dioceses into Archidiaconatus,^ which began to be made about the same time as the preceding regulation, and of
the cities of the
legiati,

these again into Archipresbyteratus or Decanias.^

On
;

the other

hand, the Chorepiscopi,

who were
most
still

often used as helps instead

of the bishops, were, for the


it

part,

removed

'"

and

finally

was

established that those

existing should not have epis-

copal dignity and


"

privileges,

but only sacerdotal authority.^


tlie

The

litle

Canoiiicus

was indeed

alreacy in use, but in

sense of canoni

s.

matriculae

Ecclesiae ads"ri('tus, or canoncni fi-umentarium percipiens (see Muratori diss, de Canonicis and was now iirst used iu the signiticatiou of a in the Antiquit. Ital. medii aevi, v. 183)
:

clenci regulariter,

canouice viventis. " Heddo first divided his bishopric of Strassburg into seven archdeaconries, and received Grandidier Hist, de eglise de Strasbourg, vol. i. for this, 7(4, the approval of Hadrian I. Planck, ii. 584. vol. ii. original document no. 66. p. 176, 291
i.e.,
;

'

Thoniassinus, P.

i.

1.

ii.

c.

.5.

The clergy

of every deanery

came together on

the

calends of eveiy month, chiefly for spiritual exercises and deliberations (Hincmari Capitula anno xii. Episcopatus superaddita c. 1, Opp. cd. Sirmond. i. 731 Et semper de Kalendis
:

in Kalendi,5

mensium, quando Presbyteii do Decaniis simul cunveniunt, collationem de

poenitentibus suis haboant, qualiter unusquisipie

suam poeuitentiam

faciat)

but to these

were soon joined luxurious banquets.


c.

15 (Opp.

i.

714)

Ut,

d'vi'ium mysteriura et

See Hincmari Capitula Presbyteris data ann. 852, quando Presbyteri per Kalendas siraul convenerint, post peractum necsssariam collationem non quasi ad prandium ibi ad tabulam

resideant, et per tales inconvenientes pastellos (mealtimes) se invicem gravent, quia in-

honestum est et onerosum. Saepe euim tarde ad Ecclesias suas redeuntes majus damnum de reprehensione couquirunt, et de gravedine mutua contrahunt, quam lucram ibi faciant.

Et

ideo peractis omnibus, qui voluerint,

panem cum

caritate et gratiarum actione in

domo

coufratris sui simul

cum

fratribus suis frangant, et singulos

biberes (drunk) accipiant,

maxime autcm ultra tertiam vicem poculura ibi nou contingant, et ad Ecclesias suas redeant. In Gennany the archdeaconship coincided with the province, the deanship with

the smaller districts, "hund'reds" (centen.).


'" Hence Hincmar, archbishop of Rheims, had complained of this in a Leo IV. (see Flodoardi, canon in Rheims, t 9GG, Hist. Eccl. Remensis, lib.

letter to
iii. c.

Pope
quod

10),

terrena potestas Ijac materia saepe ofTenderet, ut videlicet Episcopo quolibct dcfuncto per Chorcpiscopum soils Pontlficibus debitum mlnisterium peragcrctur, et res ac facultates Ecclesiae secularium usibus cxpcnderentur, sicut et in nostra Ecclesia

jam

se-

Besides, many bishops also consecrated such suffragans for their convenience. See Benedictus Levita in Gapitularium lib. vi. c. 121 Placuit ne Chorepiscopi a quibusquam deinceps fiant, quouiam hactenus a uescientibus sanctorum patrum et maxime Apostolicorum decreta, Buisque quietibus ac delectationibus iuhaerentibus facti

cundo actum

fuissct.

Thus, then, the decisions of ancient councils were renewed for the purpose of Se Capit. ecclesiast. nni V89, c. checking the country bishops (see Vol. I. $ 91, note 19) 9. Cap. Francof. ann. 794, c. 20 (ap. Pertz, c. 22). '1 In the controversy whether the spiritual rights of bishops belonged to the country
sunt.
.

bishops,

his opinion against the latter (Flodoardus, 1. c), so also PseudoBenedictus Levita, Capitul. lib. vi. c. 369, compiled a decision to t'lis effect. On tlie other hand, those rights were defended by llfvbanus M luras lib. de Ohorepiscopis et diguitate atque officio eorum (appended to de Marca c'e 'Joncordia saccrd. et Imp., ed. Bbhmer, p. 1261). However Albericus Mon. Triumfontium (ab.ut 1240) in Chron

Hincmar declared

Isidorus, from

whom

PART

II.

CHAP.

III. FRANK

CHURCH.

8.

ECCLES. ORDER.

53

For the amelioration of the monastic institutions, Benedict, abbot of Aniane (f 821),^^ was very active in his endeavors, who accordingly reformed several monasteries, and at whose instance the capitulare Aquisgranense de vita et conversatione
monachorum^'^ was issued by Lewis the Debonaire,
a.d.

817.

In general, Charlemagne chose the Church of Rome, as the most ancient church of the west, for his model in the ecclesiastical enactments he made. As he had received from Adrian I.
a codex canonum,^* so he afterward sent to the same person
the
for

Sacramentarium Gregorii M}^ and two singers, that he might introduce the Roman church-music into his empire. ^^ The laws concerning marriage were also conformed to the principles of the Roman church,'^ the benediction of a priest was made necessary to its legality, ^^ and points about marriage, as
ad ann. 849, Audradus Chorepiscopus Senoueusis Parisius ad concilium evocatus est, ct solum ipse, sed etiam oranes alii Chorepiscopi, qui erant in Francia, iu eodem concilio
'=*

noil

depositi sunt.
Paris. 1664. 4.

From him proceeded Codex regularum ed. Luc. Holstenius. Romae. 1661; recus. Concordia regularum ed. Hugo Menardus. Paris. 1638. Bahr'a Gescb. d.

rom. Liter, im karolingischeu Zeitalter, S. 366^ i* See above, '3 Baluz. cap. i. y!'9. 7, note 21. '5 Hadriani Epist. ad. Car. in Cod. Carol, no. 82, ap. Mansi, xii. 798. Landulpbus Senior (about 1070) Hist. Mediolan. lib. ii. c. 10 (Muratorii Scriptt. rer. Ital. iv. 73) first speaks ot a Roman council under Hadrian, which had rejected the Ambrosian ritual, on which Charlemagne, at the destruction of the Lombard empire, omnes libros Ambrosiano titulo alios comburens, alios trans montes secum detulit. sigillatos This narrative is give> in excerpt by Gulielm. Durandus (1286) Rationale divin. offic. lib. v. c. 2. See Carolus M

below, note
''

16.

787.

lib. i. c. 11. Ann. Laurissenses ad ann. Vita Adriani in Mabillonii Museum Ital. i. ii. 41 (cf. Capit. eccles. ann. 789, c. 79. Capit. iu Theodonis villa promulgatum ann. 803, c. 2). Carolus M. contra Synodum Graeciae pro adorandis imaginibus gestam, lib. i. c. 6 Nostrae partis ecclesia dum a primis fidei temporibus cum ea [Eccl. Romana] perstaret in sacra religionis unione venerandae memoriae genitoris nostri Pippini regis cura et industria, sive adventu in Gallias Stephani Romanae urbis antistitis, est etiam ei in psallendi ordiu copulata, ut non esset dispar ordo psallendi, quibus erat compar ardor credendi. Quod

Monachus Sangallensis de Gestis Car. M.


(Pertz,
i.

170).

quidem
nitentes

et nos, coulato nobis a

Deo

Italiae regno, fecimus, S.

Romanae

Ecclesiae fastigium

sublimare cupientes, et reverendissimi Papae Adriani salutaribus exhortationibus parere


:

scil.

ut plures illius partis Ecclesiae, quae

quondam

apostolicae sedis traditio-

nem

nunc earn omni diligentia amplectantur: quod noa solum omnium Galliarum provinciae, et Germania, sive Italia, sed etiam Saxones et quaedam Aquilonaris plagae gentes, per nos Deo aunuente ad verae fidei rudimenta conversae, facere noscuntur. Singing schools in Metz and Soissons. Mon. Sang. Ut nunc usque ecclesiastica cantilena dicatar Metensis, apud nos vero qui Teutonica s. Teutisca lingua loquimur, aut vemacule Mot aut Mette, vel secundum Graecam derivationem usitatc vocabulo Metisca nominetur. Cf. Thomassinus P. i. 1. ii. c. 80. " G. W. Bohmer iiber die Ehegesetze im Zeitalter Karls d. G. und seiner nachsten Re
in psallendo suscipere recusabunt,

gierungsnachfolger.
'*

Gott. 1826.

8. c.

Capitt.lib. vi. c. 130, 327, 408, lib. vii,

179.

54

THIRD PERIOD. DIV.

I. A.D. 706-838.
thfl

matters referring to the making of wills, were referred to


bishops.'^

by laws.*' Until the time of Charlemagne the party not accused of crime was permitted to marry again '* but afterward the Roman notion began to prevail more and more, viz., that divorced persons
Tlie old freedom of divorce^"
restricted
;

was

could not marry again so long as the other party was

alive.^'

The

discipline of the

terrors,^'
-'

church was enforced not only by spiritual but also by secular punishments." In particular, the
275,
ff.

* See Vol. I. 125, note 14. Bohmer, S. 89, ff. '- Thus Pipin allowed the husband who had put away liis wife for adulterj-, Capit. ann. Si qua lauliei T.O", 8 Si vult, potestatem habet accipere aliani. Capit. ann. 752, c. 5 rnortom viri sai cum aliis hominibus consiliavit ille vir potest ipsam uxorem diiiiittere,

Planck,

ii.

Bolimer, S. 12G,

fT.

^'-

Tlic lawful causes of divorce see in

f;

even allowed the husband, cap. 9, si quis provinciam fugerit et uxor ejus eura At that time, however, they were less strict even in Rome, cf. Gregorii iSequi nolucrit. II Ep. ad Himifacium, a.d. 726, c. 2, ap. Mausi, xii. 215 (also in Gratianus caus. xxxii. qu. ille, qui se non fei niulier infirmitate correpta non voluerit debitura viro redderc 7, z. iC) poterit continere, nubat magis. Zacharias P. about 744 (ap. Gratian. 1. c. c. 23, and in Lombardi Sent. lib. iv. dist. 34) Concubuisti cum sorore uxoris tuae ? Si fecisti, neutram habeas et si ilia, quae uxor tua fuerit, conscia sceleris non fuit, si se continere non vult, nubat in Domino, cui velit. Still Pope Leo VII. (t 939) writes in Epist. ad Eberhardum ducem Bojariae (in Avcntini Annal. Bajorum lib. iv. c. 23, ed. Gundling. p. 461) Si quis piani uxori adulterae repudium remiserit,*nec hi conjuges in gratian# redigi conniverint, nulla lex, nulla religio vetat ilium novas facere nuptias. Satias cnim est casto connubio This Epist. ad Eberh., which Aventinus frui, quam multarum amore deperlre aut scortari. gives in excerpt, is still extant (ap. Mansi, xviii. 379) but this passage, and another which Aventinus had, is wanting in it a circumstance that must make one very suspicious about
et, si

voluerit, allam accipiat.

The same

thing

is

necessitato inuvitabili cogente in alium ducatura

s.

the integrity of the printed papal letters.

Quod nisi causa fornilib. iii. c. 2. (Mansi, xiv. 596) uxor dimittenda, sed potius sustiuenda. Et quod hi, qui causa fornicatioiiis diraissis uxoribus suis alias ducunt, Domini sententia adulter! esse notentur. This regulation is adopted by Benedictus Levita in his collection of Capitularies (Capitt. lib. vi. c. 235), but he perverts the sense of the fust sentence by leaving out nisi, so as to make it have the opposite sense. Benedict has preserved several capi'"

So

first

Cone. Paris, ann. 829,


ait,

cationis, ut

Dominus

non

sit

tnla of older synods against the remarrying of divorced persons


73, c. 331),

(lib. vi. c. 63, c.

87

vii, c.

though he does not omit to give also the opposite regulations of Frank kings (Ex. gr. lib. V. c. 21, from Capit. ann. 757. c. 8, see above, note 22). But the civil law did not yet go as far as the ecclesiastical view. See Lothari I. legg. Langobard. c. 92 (in Walter Corp. juris Germ. t. iii. p. 656) Nulli liceat excepta causa fornicationis adhibitam
:

sibi

uxorem relinquere, et deinde aliam copulare. '* Comp. the Epistola Jesu Christi (in Baluzii
etc.
c.

S.

Bohmer,
ii.

S. 108,

ff.

Capitnl.

1396), fabricated in Charle-

magne's time, with horrible threats against those who did not keep Sunday
served heathen usages,
**

holy,

who

ob-

Childebert's decretio a.d. 595,


for incest,

2 (see Vol.

I.

Div.

II.

$ 124, note

17),

against those

excommunicated
ann. 755,
c.

who

continued obstinate.

omnia contemserit, ct Cf Capitt. lib. vii. c. SI."*. Syiiodus Regiaticinia Hoc autem om libus Christianis inliinandum [Pavia] A.D. 850, c. 12 (ap. Mansi, xiv. 934) est, ([uia hi, qui sacri altaris communione privati, et pro suis sceleribus reverendis adytia
9
:

Si ali(iuis ista
exilio

More general Pippini Capit. vem. Episcopus emondare niinime jHituerit,

Regis judicio

condemnetur.

exclu.si publicae poenitentiae subjugati sunt, nullo militiao secularis uti concilio,

nuUaoique

reipublicae debent admiuistrare dignitatem, etc.

PART

II.

CHAP.

III.

PRANK CHURCH.

9.

PRIVILEGES.

55

yearly visitations made by the clergy to inspect the churches {SynodiY^ served to preserve a certain outward decency.

9.
PRIVILEGES OF THE CLERGY.

To

the Carlovingians the clergy were indebteu for

new

pos-

sessions and privileges.

The

tithes granted to the


first,

Charlemagne, 779, were at

Church by indeed, reluctantly and ir-

regularly paid, but yet they were carried out into execution.'
2'

An improvement
Carol.

of the old church visitation

(cf.

Cone. Taracon. ann. 516,

c. 8

Ut

8fltiquae consuetudinis ordo servetur, et [Ecclesiae] annuis vicibus ab


/isitentur).

M. Capit. ann.

769,

c.

Episcopo dioceses 7: Statuimus, ut singulis annis unusquisque

Episcopus parochiam suam solicite circumeat, et populum confirraare et plebes docere, ot investigare et prohibere paganas observationes, divinosque vel sortilegos, aut auguria,

omnes spnrcitias gentiliuni studeat. Capit. ii. ann. 81.3, c. Ut Episcopi circumeant parochias sibi commissas, et ibi inquirendi studium liabeant de incestu, de panicidiis, fratricidiis, adulteriis, cenodoxiis et aliis malis, quae contraria sunt Deo, quae in sacris Scripturis leguntur quae Christiani devitare debent. Capitt. lib. Cone. Arelatense ann. 813, c. 17 (Mansi, xiv. 61) Ut unusquisque Episvii. c. 148, 465. Noverint sibi curam populorum et copus semel in anno circumeat parochiam suam. pauperum in protegendis ac defendendis impositam. Ideoque dum conspiciunt, judices ac potentes pauperum oppressores existere, prius eos sacerdotali admonitione redarguaut et si contempserint emendari, eorum insolentia Regis auribus intimetur, et quos sacerdophylactciia, incantationes, vel
1
:
:

talis

scription of the synods in

ad justitiam, regalis potestas ab improbitate coerccat. A deRegino de disciplina eccl. lib. ii. c. 1, ss. Kartzhemii Cone. Germ. ii. 511. Jo. Morini Comm. hist, de disciplina in administrationo sacramenti poeuiF. A. Biener's Beitr. zu d. Gesch. d. Inquisitionsproce?ses. Leipz. tentiae, lib. vii. c. 3.
admonitio non
flectit

1827, S. 08, ss.


^

Eichhorn's Kirchenrecht,

ii.

73.

People had very early begun to consider ecclesiastical oblations as a continuation of the Old Testament first-fruits and tithes (Vol. I. $ 53, note 16), and to assert that tiie laity should proportion the greatness of their oblations to that standard. For a long time this was only enforced as a moral duty, but subsequently it was demanded on pain of ecclesiastical punishment (Cone. Matisconense, ann. 585, c. 5): Let the disobedient person a

membris Ecclesiae omni tempore separetur.

letter of Pipin's to Lullus, archbishop of

Mainz, A.n. 764, ap. Baluz. i. 185, desires that the bishops should institute a thanksgiving feast, on account of a rich harvest, et faciat unusquisque homo sua eleemosyna, et pauperes pascat. Et sic praevidere faciatis ordinare de verbo nostro, ut unusquisque homo,
aut vellet, aut nollet,

suam decimam

donet,

viz.,

to the poor.

Charlemagne made the


:

De church law, which required a tenth, the law of the state also, Capit. ann. 779, c. 7 decimis, ut unusquisque suam decimam donet, atque per jussionem Pontificiis dispensetur.
Capitulatio de partibus Saxoniae (Pertz, iii. 49), c. 16 Et hoc Christo propitio placuit, ut undecunque census aliquid ad fiscum pervenerit, sive in frido, sive in qualicunque banno, et in omni redibutioae [i. e., reditu] ad Regem pertiuente, decima pars Ecclesiis et Sacerdotibus reddatur. C. 17 Similiter secundum Dei mandatum praecipimus, ut omnea decimam partem substantiae et laboris sui Ecclesiis et Sacerdotibus donent, tarn nobilea quam ingenui, similiter et liti, juxta quod Deus unicuiqui dederit Christiano, partem Deo reddaiit subsequently also often repeated. According to a Capit. anni inc. in Martena
: : ;

50

THIRD PERIOD. DIV.

I. A.D. 726-8J8.
\vl ich,
v-.

Parishes received a secure endowment, to


a certain extent of land

particular,

(mansus

ccclesiasticus) free of all rent

and taxes

also belonged.^

To

this

were added, not only many

donations,^ but, as the feudal system prevailed,

many

private

Many churoh.*^^ estates were converted into ecclesiastical fiefs.* judicial power over, their tenants,^ perhaps also over received
Durand Coll. ampl. vii. 10, the disobedient shall first be cxconimunicated, and if then they will not submit they shall be compelled by civil punishments, succeeding one another by gradation. This ecclesiastical tithe must be distinguished from that tenth which, at the time of the Romans, colonists had to pay from the ager publicus to the state as rent, and which snbsequently had come with the possession of that ager into many other hands,
ct

and had also in a great measure fallen into the hands of the church (Birnbaum die rcchtl. Natur der Zebnten. Bonn. 1831. 8). Such colonists had now to pay a double tithe, decimam et uonani hence Capit. Francof. aun. 794, c. 23 Ut decimas et nonas sive census cmnes gcneraliter donent, qui debitores sunt ex beneficiis et rebus Ecclesiarum. Et omExi)erimento nis homo ex sua proprietate legitimam decimam ad Ecclesiam conferat. enim didicimus, in anno, quo ilia valida fames irrepsit, ebuUire vacuas annonas a daemon; :

ibus devoratas, et voces exprobrationis auditas.


lenlhal's Gesch. des deutschen

Planck,

ii.

397.

Gfrorer,

iii. ii.

C09.

KiJh-

Zehntens. Heilbronn. 1837. 8. ' Ludov. P. Capit. aun. 810, c. 10: Statutum est, ut unicuique Ecclesiae unus mansas integer nhsfjue ullo servitio adtribuatur, et Presbyteri in eis constituti non do decimis, neque de oblntionibus iidelium, non de domibus, neque dc atriis vel liortis juxta Ecclesiam
positls, nc<iue
si

de praescripto manso

ali(iuod servitium faciaut praeter ecclcsiasticum.

Et

aliquid air.plius habuerint, indc Senioribus suis

debitum servitium impendant.


i.

On Man-

BUS see

Cone.
''

Eugen Montag's Gesch. d. deutschen staatsbiJi-gerl. Freiheit, 1, 273 u. 325. The Rom. ann. 82C, c. It! (rfl[>eatcd aim. 8.')3, ni). Mausi, xiv. 1005), forbids the bishops res

imraobiles de subjectis plebibus scu

aliis piis locis in projirio usu habere. Also by contractus precarios, Planck, ii. 390. Montag, i. i. 278. Kunstmann's Rabanus Maurus, S. 29. What means were employed in jiart to obtain these donations may be seen fi'om Caroli M. Capitulare ii. nnn. HIl, c. 5: Ini;uircndum etiam, si ille saeculum d'missum haboat, qui quotidie possessiones suas augero quolibet modo et qualibet arte non ressat, suadcndo de caelestis regni beatitudine, comminar.do de aeterno snpplicio inl'enii, et sub nomine Dei aut cujuslibet sancti tani divitem qucm pauperem, qui simplicioris

naturae sunt, et minus docti atque cauli inveniuntur, si rebus suis exspoliant, et legitimos lieredes eorum exhcredant, ac per hoc pleros(|ue ad (lagitia ct scelera propter iiiopiam, ad quam per hoc fuerint devoluti, perpetranda compellunt, ut quasi neccssario furta ot latro cinia exerceant, cui paternarum [rerum] hereditas, ne ad euui pervcniret, ab alio jirao

Iterum in piirendian, (piomodo seculuin reli(piisset, qui cupiditate Cap. 6 repta est. ductus propter adipiscendas res, (juas alium videt possidontnm, homines ad i)erjuria et ot Advocatum sive Praejiositmn non justum ac Dcuin falsa testimonia pretio conducit timeutum, sed crudolera ac cupidum, ac perjuria parvipendentem in<iuirit, etc.
: ;

* Capit. iii. ann. 811, c. 3: Dicunt etiam, quod quicunque jjroprium suum Episcopo, Abbati, vel Comiti aut Judici vel Centenario dare noluerit, occasiones quaerunt super ilium pauperem, quomodo eum conderanaro possint, et ilium semper in bostem faciant ire

usque

dum pauper factus volena nolens suum proprium tradat aut vendat, alii vero, qu traditum habent, absque ullius inquietudine domi resideant. Charles the Bald desired, on the contrary, that every one should come under the feudal obligations, Conventus apud Marsna:n, ann. 847 (Bakiz. ii. 44. Pertz, iii. 39.'")) Volumus etiam, ut unusquiscjue liber
;

homo

regno seniorem qualem voluerit, Eichhorn's deutscbe Rochtsgesch. i. 724.


in nostro

in nobis et in nnstris fidelibus accipiat,

more

Such cases had already happened singly among the Merovingians, but now they were frequent. Thus Treves received the privilege of immunity from the jurisdiction ot ponnts, for church possossious, from Pipin, 7C1 (Hontheim Hist. dipl. i. 120, confirmed bj

PART
the free

II.

CHAP.

III.

FRANK CHURCH.

7.

PRIVILEGES.

57

men

that dwelt

among them; many

also received other

Regalia^
time
all
''

(rights belonging to royalty).

From

Charlemagne's,

prelates w^ere obliged to keep advocates (Advocati


for

Ec-

clesiae)

transacting the secular affairs incompatible v.ith

their spiritual calling.

Charlemagne exempted the clergy more than ever from the


but the king continued to be supreme judge of all clergymen, even of bishops.* And since a more accurate distinction of the peculiar limits belonging to the
jurisdiction of the civil courts
;

from Charlemagne, 804, immunity from

and Lewis the Debonaire, 816, p. 167). Osnabrack received all judicial courts, even from that of Missi (Moser'a OsnabriJck. Gescli. 3te Aufl. Berlin. 1819. i. 405). Moutag, i. i. 220. Eichhorn, i. 735. ^ Comp. Montag, i. 285. Thus Lewis the Debonaire in particular bestowed on many monasteries and churches, the right of tolls, markets, and coinage (WaJch Diss, de pietate Lud. P. 1748, in Pottii Syll. comm. theol. iv. 280). Therefore Heimoldus in Chronic. Slav. Charlemagne, 773,
p. 132,
lib.

i. c. 4, 2, says that Lewis was so indulgent to the clergy, ut Episcopos, qui propter auimarum regimen principes sunt caeli, ipse eosdem nihilominus principes efticeret regni. ' Caroli Capit. ii. ann. 813, c. 14 Ut Episcopi et Abbates Advocatos habeant. Et ipsi habeaut in illo comitatu propriam hereditatem. Et ut ipsi recti et boni sint, et habeant
:

Pippini

voluntatem recte et juste causas perficere. Cf. Lotharii Capit. tit. iii. c 7, c. 9, c. 18. Ital. Reges. leges Langobard. c. 7. These Advocati had to appear in courts on behalf of the church they represented, to attend to the administration of justice in them (Montag, i. i. 232, ss. 244, ss.). Many churches had for protection also Defensores Ecclesie.e (Montag, S. 250i Both offices, however, were soon united (Montag, S. 254, ft'.), and the expressions, Advocati, Defensores, Vicedomini, became synonj-mous. The appointment
:

of such officers originated in the older, particularly African, syuodical decrees, thougli

tlie

new

Advocati were quite different from the earlier subordinate Defensores. Cf. ThomasPlanck, ii. 452. Eichhom's deutsche Rechtsgesch. i. 7ST. sinus, P. i. Hb. ii. cap. 97, ss.

Kaim's Kirchenpatronatrecht,
8

i.

70.

Comp.

Vol.
:

I.

Div.

II. 124,

Volumus primo, Subdiaconi, neque quislibet de


aun. 801,
c. 1
:

ut

note 15. Caroli M. alia capitula add. ad leg. Longob. neque Abbates, neque Presbyteri, neque Diaconi, neque

clero,

de personis suis ad publica vel ad secularia judioia

trahantur vel distringantur, sed a suis Episcopis judicati justitiam faciant. (Cf. Capit. Aquisgran, ann. 789, c. 37 Ut Clerici ecclesiastici ordinis, si culpam incurrerint, apud

non apud seculares). Si autem de possessionibus, sive ecclesiasticis, sive suis propriis, super eos clamor ad judicem venerit, mittat judex clamantem cum Misso suo ad Episcopum, ut faciat ei per advocatum justitiam percipere. Si vero talis aliqua inter eas exorta fuerit intentio, quam per se pacificare non velint aut non possint, tunc per advocatum Episcopi, qualem lex ;usserit, causa ipsa ante Comitem vel judicem veniat, et ibi secundum legem finiatur, anteposito quod dictum est de persona clericorum.
ecclesiasticos judicentur,
catio,
c. 28. Et si forte inter clericum et laicum fuerit orta alterEpiscopus et Comes simul conveniant, et unanimiter inter eos causam definiant secundum rectitudinem.) Still the final decision belonged to the king and his ministers. Lothar. imp. in lege Longobard. lib. ii. tit. 45, c. 2. (Baluz. ii. 337) Ut omues Episcopi, Abbates et Comites, excepta infirmitate vel nostra jussione, nullam habeant excusationem, quin ad placita Missorum nostrorum veniant, aut talern vicarium rnittant, qui in omnibus causis pro illis rationem reddere possit. Caroli Calvi Capit. tit. 40) ann. 859, c. 7 (ibid. p. Ut si Episcopi suis laicis injuste fecerint, et ipsi laici se ad nos inde reclamaverint, 211) nostrae regiae potestati secundum nostrunf et suum ministerium ipsi Archiepiscopi et Episcopi obedient, sicut temporibas avi et patris nostri juxta et ratiouabilis consuotuda fuit. Eichhorn, i. 177,

(Cf.

Capit. Francof. ann. 794,

58

THIRD PERIOD. DIV.

I. A.D. 726-958.

rights of the clergy did not take place as Charles had intended,*
clerical aspirings after greater

freedom and power were certainly

the more encouraged on this account under the feeble government


of his 'suceessors.
spiritual

The
*'
;

bishops strove to obtain the pope for their

judge

^
;

and, on the other hand, to raise themselves to

be judges of kings
(Vol.
I,,

an attempt was also made to change the

previously existing right of arbitration possessed by the bishops


laity, in certain cases.'^
ical
fief-

91, note 4) into a compulsory judicial power over the The royal authority, however, over cler-

holders

was

still

too firmly established for

them

to suc-

ceed in obtaining any thing in opposition to the will of the king


quae C. M. pro communi omnium ntilitate inteiTODiscutiendum est atque iuveniendum, in quantum se Episcopus aut Abbas rebus secularibus debeat inserere, vel in quantum Comes vel alter laicus in ecclesiastica negotia. Hie intcrrogandum est acutissirao, quid sit quod Apostolus pit: "Nemo militans Deo implicat se negotiis secularibus" (2 Tim. ii. 4), vel ad quos sermo '' See above, '" See above, iste perlineat. $ 6, note 13. 7, note 27, fF.
"

Cnpitularo interrogntionis de

iis,

franda constituit [ann. 811] c. 4:

c. 366: Volunius atque praecipimus, ut omnes ditioni nosti'ae Deo tam Romani, quam Franci, Alamanni, Bajuvarii, Saxones, Thuringii, 1' rssoncs. Galli, Burgundiones, Britones, Langobardi, Wascones, Beuventani, Gotlii, et Hispaiii l:anc sententiara, quam ex 16mo Theodosii Imp. libro sumsimus, et inter nostra capitula posuinius, legem cunctis perpetuo tenendani; id est: duicunque litem habcns, sive possessor give ^letitor fuerit, vel in initio litis, vel decursis temporum curriculis, sive cum negotiura perorutur, sive cum jam coeperit promi sententia, si judicium elegerit
itt.

' Cn|

lib. vi.

aixiliai:.t3 sulijocti,

sacrosauctae legis Antistitis,

illico sine aliqua dubitatione, etiamsi alia pars refragatur, ad Episcoporum judicium cum sermone litigantium dirigatur. Omnes itatiue causae, quae vel praetorio jure vel civili tractantur, Episcoporum scntentiis terminatae, perpetuo stabilitatis jure firmentui nee liceat ulterius retractari judicium, quod Episcoporum sententia deciderit. That this law, which also belongs to the eighteen "Extavangantia" of the Cod. Theod. published in Jac. Sirmondi Appendix Codicis Theodosiani, Paris. 1631. 8 (see Novellae constitutiones Impp. Theodosii II. etc. xviii. constitutiones quas J. Sirmondus Bonnae. 1844. 4. p. 445), is not at all a lex Coustantini, which it divulgavit, cd. G. Haenel. pretends to be, may be seen from Gothofred. in Cod. Theod. ed. Ritteri, vi. 339. Savigny Gesch. d. rom. Rechts im Mittelalter, ii. 281, 296. Eichhorn's Kirchenrecht, ii. 131 (although it has been recently pronounced genuine by Jungk Diss, de originibus et progressu episcopalis judicii in causis civilibus laiconim. Berol. 1832. 8, and by G. Haenel, 1. c. p. But even the capitulary form, which is only met with in Benedict's collection, pro429). needs neither from Charlemagne (to whom it has often been referred) nor from any other Frank king. C. S. Berardus (Gratiani Canones genuini ab apocrypliis discrcti. Taurini. 1752. t. iv. 4), i. 414, and Jodocus le Piatt. Diss, de sjjuriis in Gratiano canonibus, P. iii. c. 14 (in Gallandii Sylloge ed. Mogont. ii. 843, note 8), declare it to be a fabrication of BeneSchmidt Kirchengesch. v. 161, and Kichhorn deutsche Rechtsgesch. i. 776, which dict

amounts

same, declares it to be a Pseudo-lsidorianum. Since that lex Const, is Codd. of brcviarii Alaricii, since moreover Benedict used for his collcclion of capitularies the documents collected by Archbishop Riculf(sce preface), and since such records were brought from Spain by Riculf (see Ilincmar. Laud. c. 24) this law may have arisen among the Visigoths, with whom the iiishop's power was very considerable (see Vol. I. Div. II. <^ 132, note C). Thus even ihle subsccjupnl royal renewing and confirmation of it may have been originally a Visigothic deed, so that Benedict may have only added
to the

also found in

some national names

to

make

it

Frank

regulation.

PART

II.

CHAP.

III. FRANK

CHURCH.

$ 10.

THEOL. LEARNING.

59

10.

EFFORTS OF THE CARLOVINGIANS TO PROMOTE THEOLOGICAL


CULTURE.
Jo.

Launoji de Scholis celebrioribus


J.

s.

a Carolo

Magno

s.

post

eundem

iustauratis liber.

Paris. 1672. 8 (iu addition to Jo. Mabillonii Iter

lib.

Hamb. 1717. 8). L. Thomassiui Vet. et Histoire literaire de la France par des religieux Benedictins de la Cotigreg. de S. Maur. (Paris. 1733, ss. 20 tomes 4, is continued), t. iv. et v. Bossuet's Weltgeschicbte, continued by J. A. Cramer, v. ii. 118-180. C. H. van Herwerdeu Comm. de iis, quae a Carolo M. tnm ad propagandam religionem cbrist. tum ad emendandam ejusdem docendi rationem acta sunt. Lugd. Bat. 1825. 4. Dr. J. Clir. F.
by
A. Fabricius.
c.
i.

Car. per Occidentem German, republished Nov. Eccl. Discipl. P. ii.

96-100.

Bahr's Gesch. d. rom. Literatur im karoling. Zeitalter.

Carlsruhe. 1840. 8.

As

soon as Charlemagne had become acquainted with the

liberal sciences in Italy,

he became anxious to introduce them


in particular

immediately into his


clergy.
for

own kingdom, and

among

the

Accordingly he invited to his court learned foreigners,^

instance Petrus Pisanus, Paulus Warnefridl (f 799),^ Paulinus, patriarch of Aquileia (f 804),^ and in 782, the most distinguished of all, Flaccus Alcuinus or Albinus (f 804).'

By
^

precept and example, he excited a zeal for those studies, and erected schools attached to cathedrals and monasteries,* in
Annales Laurissenses ad ann. 787 (ap. Pertz, i. 171) Et domnus Rex Carolus a Roma grammaticae et computatoriae magistros secum adduxit iu Frauciam, et ubique studium literarum expandere jussit. Ante ipsum enim domnum Regem Carolura in Gallia nullum studium fuerat liberalium artiutn. 2 From him w^e have de Historia Longobardorum libb. vi. et Historiae miscellae libb. xvi., afterward enlai-ged by the addition of eight books (both best edited in Muratorii Rer. Vitae Gregorii M., Benedicti, etc. Excerpta de primis Metensium Ital. scriptor. t. i.). ^ Bihr, S. 356. Episcopis (in Pertz Monum. Germ. Hist. ii. 260). Homiliarium. * Controversial writings against Adoptians. Biblical commentaries. Doctrinal writVitae ings, especially De fide S. Trinitatis libb. iii. ad Car. M. De virtutibus et vitiis 1.
:

artis

S. Willebror(B, Martini, etc.

Homiliae.

De

vii.

artibus.

Carmina.
life

Espec. Epistolae 232.


Halle.

0pp.
1829.
*

ed.
8.

Frobenius.

Ratisbon. 1777. tomi

ii. fol.

Alcuin's

by Dr. F. Lorenz.
all

Bahr, S. 302, 78, 192. Car. M. Epist. ad Baugultiim Abb. Fuldensem, or rather a circular letter to
:

bishops

and abbots, a.d. 787 (Baluz. i. 201. Pertz, iii. 52) Notum sit devotioni vestrae, quia nos ana cum fidelibus nostris consideravimus utile esse, ut episcopia et monasteria etiam in literarum meditationibus, eis qui, donante Domino, discere possunt, secundum uniuscujusqualiter sicut regularis noi-ma que capacitatem, docendi studium debeant impeudere honestatem morum, ita quoque docendi et discendi instantia ordinet et oruet seriem verborum, ut qui Deo placere appetunt recte vivendo, ei etiam placere non negligaut recte loquendo. duamvis enim melius sit bene facere quam nosse, prius tamen est

noase quaui facere.


dirigerentur,

Nam cum

nobis iu his annis a nonnullis monasteriis saepius scripta,

cognovlmus

in plerisque

eorumdem

et sensus rectos et

sermones incultos

CO

THIRD PERIOD.- DIV.

11. A D. 72C-858.

which the trivium. and quadrivium^ were taught. Monastic schools were divided from a.d. 817 into external and internal,^ Though Lewis the Debonaire,^ Lotharius, and Charles the Bald,^ were friends and patrons of the sciences no less than
Unde factum
dontia, ita
est, ut

timere inciperemus, ne
esset,

forte, sicut,

minor erat

in

Bcribendo pru-

quam rectc esse dcbuisset, in eis SS. Scripturarum ad intelligendum sapientia. Quamobrem hortamur vos literarum studia non solam non negligcre, verum ctiam Immillima et Deo placita intentione ad hoc certatim discere,
quoqne et multo minor
ut facilius et rcctius divinarum Scripturarum mysteria valeatis penetrare.
alios instruendi, etc.

Tales vero ad

hoc opus viri eligantur, qui et voluntatem et possibilitatem discendi et desiderium habeaut
conditioiiis infantes

Capital. Aquisgr. ann. 789, c. 70 (Baluz. i. 237): Non solum servilis sede etiam ingenuorum filios (Cauonici et Moiiaclii) ndgregent sibique

Et ut scholae legentiura puerorum fiant. Paalmos, notas, cantus, computum, grammaticam per singula monastcria vel episcopia discaut. Mentioned yet again by Concil. Cabilonense (a.d. 813), c. 3. T. Konig's geschichtl. Nachrichten iiber des Gymnas. zu Manster in Westphalen seit Stiftung dess. durch. Karl d. G. bis auf die Jesuiten. Miinster. 1821. 8. Respecting Charlemagne's literary occupations see Alcuin's life by Lorenz. pp. 20, 164 on his alleged Academy, ibid. p. 169. * The notion of seven artes liberales, though previously indicated, proceeds from Augussocient.

tine de

Encyclopaedia of Martianus Capella (about 460) containing the seven Boethius (t 524) de arithmetica libb. iii. (where, i. 1, the name and establishment of the Cluadrivium are first met with); Cassiodorus (t after 5G2) de vii. disciplinis were the first manuals, and those much used in the middle ages. See Jac. Thomasius in the Observationibus select. Halens. t. ii. p. 40, ss. F. Cramer's Gesch. d. Erziehung und des Unterrichts in d. Niederlanden wahrend des Mittelalters. Stralsund. 1843. S. 5. The division into the trivium and quadrivium is given in the meOrdine
lib.
ii.;

liberal sciences, Satyricon libb. ix.

morial lines

Gram,

loquitur, Dia. verba docet,

Mus
'

canit, Ar.

Rhe. verba colorat numeral, Geo. ponOerat, As culit astra.


;

Scholae exteriores or canonicae, and interiores, in consequence of the regulation in the capitulare of the year 817, $ 45 (Pertz, iii. 202), ut schola in monasterio non habeatur, Comp. Kunstmann's Rabanus Maurus, S. 54. R. v. Raumer'a nisi eorura, qui oblati sunt.

Einwirkung des Christenth. aus die althoclideutsche Sprache.


"

Stuttgart. 1845. S. 199.


c.

Capit. Altiniacense, ann. 822,


iii.

c.

3 (ap. Pertz,

iii.
i.

231).

Capit. Aquisgr. ann. 825,

(ap. Pertz,

243J.

Cone. Paris,

vi. ann. 829, lib.

c.

30 (ap. Mansi, xiv. 558).

The

pas-

sage of the Epist. of this council ad. Ludov. Imp. (lib. iii. c. 12): Similiter obuixe ac supsuggerimus, ut morem paternum sequentes saltern, in tribus congruentissiinis imperii vestri locis scholae publicae ex vestra auctoritate fiant ut labor patris vestri et vcster per incuriam, quod absit, labefactando non j)areat, must be understood of the higher places of education. C. E. Bulaei Hist. Acad. Paris, i. 159. ' Herici Mon. ad Car. Calvum, about a.d. 876 (Dedication prefixed to hislib. vi. carmi
pliciter vestra celsitudini
:

num

de vita

S.

Germani, see Bouquet,

vii. 562)

Illud vel

maxime

vobis aeternam parat

memoriam, quod famatissimi avi vestri Caroli studium erga immortales disciplinas non modo ex aequo repraesentatis, verum etiam incomi)arabili fervore transceiiditis dum
:

quod ille sopitis eduxit cineribus, vos fomcnto mnltiplici turn bencficiorum, turn auctoritalis usquequaque provehitis, immo, ut sublimibus, sublimia conferam, ad sidera perurgetis. Ita vestra tompestate ingenia hominum duplici nituntur adminiculo, dum ad sapientiae abdita persequenda omnes quidem excmplo allicitis, quosdani vero pracmiis iiivitatis. Id vobis singulare stadium effecistis, ut sicubi terrarum magistri florerent artium, hos ad publicam eruditionem undecunque vestra celsitudo conducerct, comitas attrnheret, dapDum te tuos(iue ornamentis sapientiae illustrare contendis, cunctamm silitas provocaret. Spretis ceteris in earn mundi jiartera, quam fore gentium scholas et studia sustulisti.

vestra potestas complectitur, universa optimarum artium studia confluxeruut.

PART

II.

CHAP.

III.

FRANK CHURCH.

$ 10.

THEOL. LEARNING

Gl

their great ancestor, yet in their times

those institutions suffell

fered from internal disturbances/"

and

into

still

greater

disorder in the succeeding stormy reigns.

Among

the schools

which flourished from the time of Charlemagne, besides the Schola Palatina,^^ those of Tours, Lyons, Orleans, Rheims, Fulda, old and 7iew Corbie, Hirschau, Keiclienau, and S)t.
Gallen,^^ are especially deserving of notice.

men, by the number and importance of

Among the learned whom the f'rank empire

was distinguished in the ninth century above all the west, the most worthy of mention are, Agobard, archbishop of Lyons (t 841)'^ Rabanus Maurus, 822, abbot in Fulda, 847, archbishop of Mainz (f 856),'* i^amo, bishop of Halberstadt (f 853),*^ Walafrid Strabo, a scholastic in Fulda, 842 abbot in Reichenau Servatus Lupus, abbot at Ferrierers (f 862), '^ Ra(t 849),
'"

Cone. Valentiuuci

iii.

(aun.

85.5) c.

18 (ap. Mansi, xv. 11)

Ut de
juxta

scliolis tarn

divinae

quam Iiumanae

lileraturae, iiecnon et ecclesiasticae cantilenae,

exemplum praede-

cessorum nostrorum. aliquid inter nos


et totius scienliae iiiopia invasit.

tractetur, et si potest

fieri,

statuatur atque ordinetur:

quia ex hujus studii lotica interniissione, pleraque Ecclesiai'um Dei loca et ignorantia fidei

Cone. Lingonense ann. 859, c. 10 (Mansi, xv. 539): Ut S3. Scripturarum, et hunianae quoque literaturae, unde annis praecedentibus per religiosoium Iiuperatorum studium magna illuminatio, Ecclesiae et eruditionis utilitas
scliolae

processit, deprecandi sunt pii principes nostri, et

omnes

fratres et coppiscopi nostri in-

stantisiinie

commonendi, ut

constituantur undique scholae publicae, scilicet ut utriusque


extrema vestigia reperiantur.

eruditionis, et divinae scilicet et Iiumanae, in Ecclesiae

quia,

Dei fructus valeat accrescere: quod nimis doleudum est et pcrniciosum maxime, divinae Scripturae verax et fidelis

intelligentia
11

jam

ita delabitur, ut vix ejus

lUhr, S. 19, 31, 42. 12 Hiillmann's Stadtewesen des Mittelalters, iv. 307. Bahr, S. 21, 43. '^ Among his writings are four against the Jews, several against the superstitions of the time (adv. legem Gundobadi, et impia certamina, quae per earn genintur. Liber contra judicium Dei. De grandine et tonitruis. Epist. ad Barthol. Episc. Narbon. de

quorundam

and on the contemporary Imp. flebilis epistola. Liber apologeticus pro filiis Lud. P. Chartula porrecta Lotharia Aug. in Syn. Compendiensi). Paris. 1605. 8; castigatius St. Baluzius, Paris. 0pp. prim. ed. Papir. Masson. 1666. 2 voll. 8; and by this ap. Gallandius, xiii. 405. C. B. Hundeshagen de Agobardi vita et scriptis. P. i. vita. Giessae. 1831. 8. Bahr, S. 383. Glrorer, iii. ii. 747. '* Writings Commentaries on almost all the biblical books. Homilies. Jloral writings. On the customs of the church (De clericorum institutione et ceremoniis eccl. libb. iii. De sacris ordinibus, sacramentis divinis, et vestimentis sacerdot. De disciplina eccl. libb. iii.). 0pp. ed. G. Colvenerius. Colon. 1627, vi. t. fol. Hrabanus Magnentius Maurus, v. D. F. Kuntsmann. Mainz. 1841. 8. Hrab. Maurus, der Schopfer des deutschen Schulwesens, Programm von R. Bach. Fulda. 1835. 4. Bahr, S. 415, 105. 1^ Biblical Commentaries. Historiae eccl.breviarium libb. x. (ed. Jo. Maderus. Helmst. Bahr, S. 408. 1671). 16 Dc exordiis et incrementis rerum ecclesiasticarum (in Scriptt. de div. ofBc. ed. "Melch. Hittorp. Colon. 1568). Glossa ordinaria in Biblia (ed. Antverp. 1634. 6 voll. fol.). Vitae S. Galli, Othmari, et al. Bahr, S. 100, 217, 398. " A work on predestination. Epistolae 132. 0pp. ed. St. Balaz. Paris. 1664 emead. Antverp. 1710. 8. Bahr, S. 456.
illusione signoruni.

De

picturis et imaginibus)

political events (de divisione imperii

Francorum

inter filios Lud.

G2
traDuius,

THIRD PERIOD. DIV.

I. A.D. 726-858.

monk

in Corbie (f after 868),'^

Claudius, bishop of

Turin (f 839)/^ and Christianus Druthmar, monk in Corbie (f about 840),^" are distinguished as grammatical scholars; as
a philosopher,

John Scotus

or Erig-ena, at the court of Charles

the Bald (f after 877).''^ For the instruction of the people


1*

little

could be done, since

Called Bertramus merely by a continued error of the copyists.


v. 333.

He was
ii.

not abbot at
Hist.

Orbais, nor should be confounded with Ratramnus, abbot of Neuvillers in Elsacc.


lit.

de la France,

corum errores

libb. iv.

De partu virginis. De praedestinatione libb. De corpore ct sanguine Domini. Bihr, S. 471.


:

Contra Grae-

" The
(in (in

following works of his have been published

Praefatio in libros informationuni

literne ct spiritus super Leviticum, ad

Mabillonii Vett. analecta ed.

ii.

p.

Theodeminim Abb. and the conclusion of this work Comm. in libros Regum ad Theodcmirum Abb. 90)
;

Bedae

et Claudii Taar. aliorunique opuscula a Canonicis regul. S. Salvntoris edita.


fol.

Bononiae. 1755.

p. 4.

From

this

commentarj^ nothing more than the introductions tc

separate books had been published before in F. A. Zachariae Biblioth. Pistoriensis. Aug. Taurin. 1752. fol. p. 60, the complete edition has remained quite unnoticed in Germany) praef: iu catenani ad Matthaeum, ad Justum Abb. (in the Spicilegium Romanura, Praef in conimentarios ad epistt. Pauli ad Theodemiruni t. iv. Romae. 1840. 8. p. 301)
;

vii. i. 274) Praef in epist. ad Rom. (in Fabricii mediae et iufimae Latin, i. 1087) Comm. in epist. ad Galatas (Paris. 1542. 8. Bibl. I'atrum, Lugd. xiv. p. 134); Praefatio exposit. in epist. ad Epbesios ad Ludov. Pium (ap.

Abb.

(in

Maji Scriptt. vett. nova coUectio,


;

Bibl.

Alabillon,

1. c.

p. 91); Expositio epist. ad


s.

Philemonem

(in

the Spicileg.
; ;

Rom.

ix.

i.

109);

Evangelii sec. Matthaeum, viii. 1-13 xi. 25-29 xx. 1-16; and in epist. ad Rom. viii. 1-27 (in Claudii Taur. Ep. ineditorum operum specimina, praemissa de ejus doctrina scriptisque diss, exhibuit A. Rudelbach. Havn. 1824. 8). Manj' are still

Dicta

iu lectioneni

lying in the libraries.


p. 353.

Cf. Rich.

Simon. Hist.

crit.

des principaux conimentateurs du N. T.

The same
ii.
ii.

author's Critique de la bibliotheque de

M. du Pin.

i.

284.

Oudinus de
f.

Scriptt. eccl.

20.

Claudius of Turin by Dr. T. Schmidt in Illgeu's Zeitschr.

d. hist.

Theol. 1843,
'"

39.

evang. Matthaei, cd. Argentorati, 1514. Op. Jo. Secerii. Hagenoaef 1530. The 86. Cf. Rich. Simon Hist, des princip. comm. du N. T. p. 370. same author's Critique de la bibl. de M. du Pm. i. 299. That Drathmar does not belong to

Comm.

in

Bibl. PP.

Lugd. XV.

the 11th century, as after Fabricius, Bibl. mad. et inf Latin,

i.

374, is

Wachler, Gesch.
la

d. Literatur,

Th. 2

(2te

Umarbeit.

S. 59),

may

be seen in Histoire

assumed even by lit. de

France, v. 85. Bahr, S. 401. contemporaries Hincmar and Auastasius (Ep. ad Carolum in Usserii Vett. epist. Hibern. sylloge. Dublin. 1G32. p. 40, ss.) call him Scotigena; Trithemius for tho first time Erigcna. The story of his return to England and violent death has been often derived

" The

from the act of confounding him with one Johannes presbyter et monachus ex Ealdeaxonum genere (Asserii Hist. Alfredi regis) s. Mabillon ann. Benedict, lib. xxxv. $ 39, Hjort, S. 44. See on the opposite side Hist. lit. de la France, v. 418. lib. xxxviii. 72. Staudenmaier, S. 115. Works: De divisioiie naturae libb. v. (ed. Th. Gale, Oxon. 1681. fol.) De praedestinatione Dei. Opera S. Dionysii latino versa. Job. Scotus Erie. od.

V.

Ursprung einer christlichen Philosophie u. ihrem lieill. Beru/, v. D. Pcdcr Hjort. Kopeiih. 1823. 8. H. Schmid def Mysticismus des Mittelultcrs in seiner Entstchungsd.

pcriode.

Jenae. 1824.

8.

S. 114,
1.

fi'.

Job. Scot. Erig. u. die Wi.ssenschaft seiner Zeit


a.

v.

Dr. F. A. Staudenmaier, Th.

Mainz. 1844.
Getting. 1844.

Frkf Philosophia Erigenae ex


8.

M. 1834.

Dr. Nic. Moller, Joh. Scot. Erig.


i.

ipsius principiis deliueata ab A. Torstrick. P.

HelfTerich die christl. Mystik.

Gotha, 1842. 2 Th.


iii.

Baur's Lehre von

der Dreieinigkeit, H. 274.


Joh. Scotus Erigena
Zeitschrift
f.

Ritter's Gesch. der christl. Pliilos.

206.

vom Wesen des Boson von M.


i.

FromiJller, in Stcudel's

Die Lehre deg Tubiuger

Theol. 1830.

49,

iii.

74.

PART
tlie

II.

CHAP. III. FRANK CHURCH.

10.

THEOL. LEAKNINa.

G3

acquirements demanded of the pastors ^^ must still have been "^ very low were it for no other reason than the want of books.
Charles particularly recommended frequent preaching,^* and to end caused a homilarium to be compiled ^^ which plan of
;

this

2*

rum copia

Freculph, bishop of Lisieux, writes to Rabanus (Rab. 0pp. ii. 4) Nulla nobis librosuppeditat, dum in episcopio nostrae parvitati commisso nee ipsos novi veteris:

que testameuti reperi libros, multo minus borum expositiones. " Capit. Aquisgran. ann. 789, cap. 68, especially capitula de doctrina clericoi'ura iu tlie Haec sunt, quae jussa sunt discere omnes Capitulare Aquense, ann. 802 (Pertz, iii. 107) 1. Fidem catholicam S. Athanasii et caetera quaecunque de fide; 2. Symecclesiasticos boluin etiam apostolicum 3. Orationem dominicani ad intelligendum pleniter cum expositione sua; 4. Librum sacrameutorum pleniter tarn canonem missasque speoiales ad commutandum pleniter; 5. Exorcismum super catecliumenum sive super daemoniaooa
:
:

6.

Cominendationem animae
;

7.

Poenitentialem

8.

Computum

9.

Cautum Romanorum
;

in nocte

Evangelium intelligere, seulectiones libri comitis 12. Homilias dominicis diebus et solemnitatibus dierum ad praedicandum canonem monachi regulam similiter et canonem firmiter 13. Librum pastoralem canonici atque
10.

Etadmissa

similiter; 11.

Epistolam Gelasii pastoralem; 15. Scribere cbartas et epistolas. Hincmars (arcbbp. of Rheims) Capitula Presbyteris, data ami. 852, may be considered a commentary on these (ap. Mansi, xv. 475), c. 1 Ut unusquisque Presbyterorum expositionem symboli, atque orationis dominicae juxta ti'aditionem ortbodoxoi'um patrum plenius Praefationeni quodiscat, exinde praedicaudo populum sibi commissum sedulo instruat. que canonis et eundem canonem intelligat, et memoriter ac distincte proferre valeat, et orationes missarum, Apostolum quoque et Evangelium bene legere possit; psalmorum etiam verba et distinctiones regulariter, et ex corde cum canticis consuetudinariis pronun Nee non et sermonem Athanasii de fide, cujus initium est Ciuicunque vult tiaro sciat.
librum ofEciorum
;

14.

memoriae quisque commendet et sensum illius intelligat, et verbis communibus enuntiare queat. Farther, be must knovr by heart, c. 2, ordinem baptizandi; c. 3, exorcismos et orationes ad catechumenos faciendum, ad fontcs quoque consecrandum, et
salvus esse,"

caeteras preces super masculos et feminas, pluraliter atque singulariter c. 4, ordinem reconciliandi atque unguendi infirmos, orationes quoque eidem necessitati competentes,
;

similiter

ordinem

et preces in exequiis

atque agendis defunctorum, nee minus exorcismos


homilias
xl.

et benedictiones

aquae et
:

salis

c. 8,

Gregorii quisque Presbyter studicse

legat et intelligat
siastico esse

et ut cognoscat, so ad

formam

Ixxii.

discipulorum in ministerio eccleIxxii. discipulis a

promotum, sermonem praedicti doctoris de


circulum plenissime instruatur.
c. 14,

praedicandum missis plenissime discat ac memoriae


et cantu per anni

tradat.

Domino ad Computo etiam necessario

Similar are the Capitula Walterii

Episc. Aurelianensis (Mansi, xv. 503).


^*

Capit.

i.

ann. 813,

Mogunt.
lias

c. 25.

Rhemens,

c. 14, 15.

and the synods held in the same year. Arelatens. c. 10. Turou. c. 4, c. 17 Quilibet EpLscopus habeat homi:

continentes necessarias admonitiones, quibus subjecti erudiantur.

Et

ut easdei-.i

homilias quisque aperte transferre studiat in rusticam Romanam linguam, aut Theotiscani, quo facilius cuncti possint intelligere quae dicuutur. Cabilonense, c. 2. Theodulphi Capit.

ad parochiae suae sacerdotes, c. 28 (ap. Mansi, xiii. 28) Hortamur vos paratoa esse ad doceudas plebes. Q.ui Scripturas scit, praedicet Scripturas qui vero nescit, saltern hoc, quod notissimum est, plebibus dicat, ut declinent a male et faciant bonum, inquirant pacem Neander's K. G.iii. 246, iv. 219. Schmidt in the Theol. Stud. u. et sequantur earn, etc. Krit. 1846, ii. 250. K. v. Raumer's Einv/irkung des Christenth. auf die althochdeutsche
:
:

Sprache.
-^

Stuttgart. 1845. S. 250.

Carol.

M.

in

Homiliarium Pauli Diac. about 788

(ap. Baluz.

i.

203.

Bouquet,

v. 622)

Q.uia curae nobis est, ut Ecclesiarum nostraruni ad meliora


officiuam, et ad

semper

proficiat status, oblit-

eratam paene majorum nostrorum desidia reparare vigilanti studio literarum satagimus pernoscenda sacrorum librorum studia nostro etiam quos possumus invi

64

THIRD PEIUOD. DIV.

I. A.D. 726-858.

Theopopular instruction was followed under his successors.'^ dulph, bishop of Orleans (f 821), one of the trustiest assistants \i Charlemagne, also established schools for the common people
ii

his diocese."

His example was followed by some, but pro-

It was generally believed, that the people bably not many.^^ were sufficiently furnished with knowledge if they knew the pater nosier and the creed ^^ and even this small requirement was
;

enforced by punitive laws.^"

Clerical compositions

which now

tamus exemplo, quia ad noctuniale ofTicium compilatas quorandam casso labore, licet recto intuitu, minus tumen idonee reperimus lectiones earundotn Icctionuni in melius reformarc tramitem, mentem intendimus, idcjue opus Paulo Diacono familiari nostro eliniandum injunximus. Qui nosti'ae celsitudini devote pai'cre desiderans, tractatus atque sermones et homilias diversorum catholiconim Patrum pcrlcgcns, et optima quaeque
;

decerpens

distiucte et

duobus voluminibus per totius anni circulum congruentes cuiquc fcstivitati absque vitiis nobis obtulit lectiones. Quarum omnium textum nosti-a sagacitate perpendentes, nostra etiam auctoritate eadem volumina constabilimus, vestrae<iue religioni in Christi Ecclesiis tradimus ad legendum. The Homiliarum was printed, Spirae. 1482 Basil. 1493, fol., and iu the ICth century frequently. =6 Ludov. P. capit. Aquisgr. ann. 816, c. 28. Syn. Mogunt. ann. 847, c. 2, repeats th can. 17 Cone. Turon. ann. 813 [see note 24]. How low the state of preaching had fallen
in
;

about this time in Italy may be seen from the Ilescriptum consultationis Epp. ad domn. Ludovic. II. Imp. [about 855], c. 3, ap. Baluz. ii. 352. =' Ou Theodulph see Hist. lit. de la France iv. 459. Bahr S. 359. See capitulare ad Presbyteri per villas et vicos parocliiae suae sacerdotes (ap. Mansi, xiii. 993, ss.) c. 20
:

scholas habeant, et

fidelium suos parvulos ad discendas literas eis coramendare Cum vult, eos suscipere et docere non renuant, sed cum summa caritate eos doceant. ergo cos docent, nihil ab eis pretii pro liac re exigant, nee aliquid ab ois accipiant, excepto (j'lod eis parentes caritatis studio sua voluntatc obtulerint. =8 Herardi Archiep. Turonensis Capitula, A.D. 858, c. 17 (Baluz. i. 1286) Ut scholas
si quilibet

Presbyteri pro posse habeant, et libros emendates.


:

Walterii Episc. Aurelian. cap. c. 6. (Mansi, xv. 506) Ut unusquisque Presbyter suum habeat clcricum, quem religiose educare procurct: et si possibilitas illi est, scholam in Ecclesia sua habere non negligat.
to learn both was often repeated, Ex. gr. Cone. Mogunt. 813, c. 45 Symbolum, quod est signaculum fidei, et orationem dominicam discere semper admoueaut sacerdotes populum christianum. Voluniusque, ut disciplinam condignam habeant, qui haec discere negligunt, sive in jejunio, sive iu alia castigatione eraendentur. Pi-oi)terea dignum est, ut filios suos donent ad scholam, sive ad monasteria, sive foras Presbyteris, ut fidem catholicam recte discant, et orationem dominicam, ut domi Et qui alitor non potuerit, vel in sua lingua hoc discat. Properly alios edocere valeant. it should then have been learned in Latin, and hence arose the popular belief combated by Charlemagne in the Capitul. Francof ann. 794, c. 50 Ut nullus credat, quod nonnisi in quia in omni lingua Deus adoratur, et homo exauditur, si tribus liuguis Deus orandus sit justa peticrit. In particular, every one was to teach his godsons. Raumcr's Einwirkung
2'

The precept
:

(Mansi, xiv. 74)

des Christenthums auf die althochdeutsche Sprache, S. 266. A written exhortation to learn both, and to teach their godchildren, belonging to this period, in German and Latin, und Betformelu is published in Massmann's deutschcn Abschworungs-, Glaubcns-, Bcichtvom Sten bis zum 12ten Jahrh. duedlinb. u. Leipz. 1839. S. 150. ^^ Cap. Aquens. ann. 802, c. 15 (Pcrtz, iii. 106) Ut nullus infantem vel alium ex
:

paganis de fonte sacro suscipiat, antcquam symbolum et orationem dominican-. I resbytero Et si quis ca ntnic uon tencat, aut BUG rcddat. Capit. ann. 804, c. 2 (Pertz, iii. 130)
:

vapnlet, aut jejunet de


Mttt

omni potn excepta aqua, usque dum haec plenitcr valeat. Et qui consentire noluerit, ad nostram praesentiara dirigatur. Feminae vero aut flagellis aa(

PART
began
to

II.

CHAP. TT^.-FRA^^K

CHURTH

^ :o

THEOL. LEARNING.
i.e.,

Go

appear in the native language,'^


th*3 ir

in the

German,
ng
.^^

could only influence


the priests.^^

ultitude, in the

fi'^.st

iastance, through

Spiritual

poems were

especiajiy adapted to hi
\,",

Christian ideas into the living consciousness ol the

i.

Among

these,

two

poetical

noticed, the one in the old

Harmonies of the Gospels n^u.-^t be Saxon language, and in the alliterative

the popular poesy

form (about 830), which in a true poetic spirit attaches itself to ^* the other, by the "Weissenburg monk Otfried (868) in the Prankish dialect and in rhyme, which main;

tains a spiritual didactic tone.'^


jejuiiiis

The

clergy alone

^^
'

studied

constiingantur.

Quod

Missi

iiostri

cum Episcopis praevideant

ut ita perflciatui-

Comites similiter adjuvant Episcopis, si gratiam nostram velint habere, ad hoc conEtringere populum, ut ista discant. Cf. Cone. Mogunt. note 28. ^' On the fragments of an old High German Matthew, see Raumer's Einwirk.d. Christenth, auf die althochdeutsche Sprache, S. 35, the Gospel Harmony of Tatian (ed. J. A. Schmcller. Viennae. 1841. 41, Raumer S. 36, catechetical memorials (published in Massmann's dcutschen Abschworungs-, Giaubens-, Beicht- und Betformeln), Raumer, S. 47, fragments of sermons, Raumer, S. CG. An interlinear version of ihe Benedictine rule by Kero, and a translation of Isidorus de Nativitate Domini, Raumer, S. 42.
2t
^'

The German

glosses on Biblical and ecclesiastical writers

were intended

for

the

clergy in particular.
^^

See Raumer,

S. 81, 218.

Hymnorum
4.

veteris Ecclesiae xxvi. interpretatio theotisca, ed. Jac. Grim.

Gottiiigac.
i.

1830.

Spiritual songs belonging to the ninth century, in Hoffmann's


u. Literatur.

Fundgruben

Gesch. deutscher Sprache

Th.

(Breslau. 1830), S.
v. d.

1,

fF.

A
8. S.

translation ol
<).

thePsalms
^'

in the

low German

dialect,

published by F. H.

Hagen.

Breslau. 18JG.
38.

Dr. K. G. P. Mackernagel's deutsches Kirchenlied.

Stuttgart. 1841. gr.


J.

Heliand, or the old Saxon Gospel Harmony, published by

A. Schmeller, two parts,

Miinchen. 1830 and 39. 4to.

Without doubt what

the praef. in Libruni ant. lingua Saxon-

ica conscriptum in Flacii Catalog, testium veritatis no. 101, p. 126, relates of
:

Lewis the

Debonaire, refers to it Praecepit cuidam viro de gente Saxonum, qui apud suos non ignobilis vates habebatur, ut vetus ac novum Testamentum in germanicam liuguam
poetice trausferre studeret, quateuus non solum literatis, verum etiam iUiteratis sacra divinorum praeceptorum lectio panderetur. Qui jussis imperialibus libenter obteni perans ad tam difBcile tamque arduum se statim contulit opus. Igitur muudi creatione ijiitium capiens, juxta historiae veritatem quaeque excellentiora summatim decerpens, et interdum quaedam ubi commodum duxit mjstico sensu depingens, ad finem totius Veteris ac Novi Testamenti iuterpretando more poctico satis faceta eloquentia perduxit, etc. Cf Walch de pietate Ludov. P. diss. 20, in Pottii Syll. comra. theol. iv. 309. Dr. A. F C Viimars deutsche Alterthiimer ini Heliand als Einkleidung der evangel. Geschichte

Marbr.ra. 1845.
"'

4.

herousgcg von C. G. Graff.

im 9ten Jahrh. verfasste hoehdeutsche Gcdieht, kritisoh 4. On both Gospel Hanuonics see iyer vinus Gfi'.-h. d. poet. National-Literatur der Deutscben, Tli. i. (3te Ausg. Leipz. 1846), S. ViL^rnr's Vorlesungen iiber die Gesch. d. deutscben National-Literatur. Marburg u. 81.
Krist, das alteste von Otfried

Konigsberg. 1831.

Le'cz!?. 1845, S. 33.


2' Of whom many were exclusively occupied with this department. See Agobardus de Gcirectione antiphonarii, c. 18 (ed. Baluz. ii. 99) Quamplurimi ab ineunte pneritia usqiio ad senectutis canitiem omnes dies vitae suae in parando et confirmando cantu expendunt, et totum tempus utilium et spiritaliura studiorum, legendi videlicet et divina eloquia perscrutandi, in istiusmodi occupatione consumunt quodque animabus eorura proculdubio valde est noxium, ignari fidei suae, inscii Scvi[iturarum sanctan^m, et divinae
:

VOL. n.

CG
the Latin

THIRD PERIODDIV.

I. A.D. 726-858.

Church music

while the people sang simply Kp"

rieeleison.^''

11.
POSITION OF THE

FRANK CHURCH

IN

THE CONTROVERSY CONCERN-

ING IMAGE-WORSHIP.
See the
literature before ^
1,

especially

Walch's

Ketzerliist. xi.

1.

In the controversy concerning images, the Frank Church gave


evident proof, not only of
its

independence of the Romish see,

but of

its

higher theological culture.

Of

the transactions, in-

deed, of the synod at Gentiliacum (767),^

connected with a

but Charlemagne caused a refutation of the decrees of the second Nicene council (libri Carolini),^ to be drawn up (790),^ and, without being
nothing further
;

Greek embassy, we know

jntelligentiae inanes ac vacui, hoc solum sibi sufficere putant


inflati iiicedunt, si

et ob hoc etiam ventosi et

sonum

et

vocem decantationis utcuntiue

8,

addiacant, et in

numero

cauto-

rum

deputari videatitur.
Salisb. ann. 799,
f.

^^ Stat.

note

1.

Dr. H.

HofTmamrs Gesch.

d.

deutschen Kirchenin supradicta villa

liedes bis auf Luthers Zeit.


'

Breslau. 1832, S.
:

3.

Aunalcs Lauriss. ad anu. 7G7

Tunc habuit domnus Pippinus Rex

[Gentiliaco]

Synodum magnara

inter

Romanes

et

Graecos de

s.

Trinitate et de

Sanctorum

imaginibus.

then of Meaux.

Pliili. (Elias Philyra, i. e., Jean du Tillet, afterward bishop of Brieux, See du Chesne Scriptt. Franc, ii. p. 352) 1549. Reprinted in Goldasti Imperial, decret. de cultu imaginum, p. 67, ss., and in his CoUectio constitutionem imperialium, i. 23, ss. Last Augusta Cone. Nic. ii. censura, h. e., Caroli M. de impio imaginum cultu libb. iv. ed. Ch. A. Heumann. Hanover. 1731. 8. Mentioned by the Syn. Paris (see below, note 8), and Hincmar Opusc. adv. Hincmar, Lauduucnsem, c. 20. Sixti Senensis praef. in Biblloth. sanctam (Venet. 1566) p. 3, advances the singular opinion, in which, however, others have followed him, that Audr. of Carlstadt was the author. On the other hand, Baronius, ad anu. 79-J, $ 30. Bellarmine and many others say, that they were the work of a heretic, and sent to Rome by Charlemagne for condemnation. Correct is the opinion of Sirmond Concil. Gall. ii. 19. Natalis Alex. Diss, de imaginibus in his Hisi. Comp. chiefly Walch's Ketzerhist. xi. Hist. lit. de la France, iv. 410, etc. eccl. v. 782. That these books were written in 790 follows from the praef ad. libr. i., according to 49. which the Nicene synod was held fernie ante triennium. Charlemagne alone appears as the speaker, for example, lib. i. c. 6 Venerandae memoriae gcnitoris nostri Pippiiii He had, indeed, aid from others, from Alcuin, it is commonly supposed regis cura, etc.
-

Prim. ed. Eli.

has been recently defended against Frohenius's doubts, expressed in his cdi. Opp. Alcuini, ii. 459, by Lorenz in Alcuin's Lcbcn (life), p. 132. Neander, K. G. Gfrorer, K. G. iii. ii. 024. iii. 475. ' Fundamental principles of these books lib. ii. c. 21 Solus igitar Dcus coleudus. Bolus adorandus, solus glorificandus est, de quo per Prophetam dicitiir: " Exaltatum est nomen ejus solius" (Ps. cxlviii. 13) cujus etiam Sanctis, qui triumphato diabolo cum eo
this position

tion of

rejfiiant,

sive quia viriliter certaverunt, ut ad nos incoluniis status Ecclcsiae pervcniret,

PART
satisfied

II.

CHAP.

III.

FRANK CHURCH.

U.

IMAGE CONTROV.

67

Tejectcd at the Si/nod of

with Pope Hadrian's reply/ the worship of pictures was Frankfurt (794),* according to later

accounts, with the approbation of the English Church.''

An

embassy which King Michael Balbus sent to Lewis the Debonaire, and to Eome,^ led to another declaration of the Synod of Paris
give qjia caii'Jctn Ecclesiam assiduis suffragiis et intercessionibus adjuvarc noscuntur,

imagines vero, omni sui cultura et adoratione seclusa, utrum in menioriam rerum gestarum et ornamentum sint, an etiam non sint, nullum Udei catholicae adferrc poterunt praejudicium quippe cum ad peragenda nostrae Lib. iii. c. 16 Nam dum nos ealutis mysteria nullum pcnitiis officium habere noscantur. nihil in imaginibus spemanius praeter adorationem, quippe qui in basilicis Sanctorum imagines nor. ad adorandiim, sed ad memoviain rerura gestanim et venustatem parietum habere pennittimus illi vera paene omnem suae credulitatis spem in imaginibus collocent restat, ut nos Sanctos in eorum corporibus vel potius reliquiis corporum, seu etiam illi vero parietes et vestimentis voneremur, juxta antiquorum Patrum traditionem tabulas adoranles in eo se arbiti'entur magnum fidei habere emolumentum, eo quod operibus sint subjccti pictorun:. Nam etsi a doctis quibusque vitari possit hoc, quod illi in adorandis iinnginibus exercent, qui videlicet non quid sint, sed quid innuant venerantur, indoctis tanieii quibusque scandahim generant, qui nihil aliud in his praeter id quod vident
veneratio exliibenda est
basllicis propter
: : : : ; :

venerantur et adorant. * Epist. Hudriani P. ad Carol. R. de imaginibus, qua confutantur illi, qui Synodum Nicaenani ii. oppugnuruiit, ap. Mansi, xiii. 759 (p. 795: Praedecessores nosti'i saepius
sanctissimi poritilices in sacris conciliis talem dedere sententiam si quis sanctas imagines Domini nostri J. Clu-. et ejus genitricis, atque omnium Sanctorem secundum SS. Patrum doctrinam vei.erari noluerit, anathema sit. Cf. Cone. Lateran. ann. 7G9, Act. iv. ap. Mansi, xii. 7i!0). ^ Cone. Francofordiensis, can. ii. prim. ed. du Tillet in praef. ad libr. Carol, (from an old Cod. Ecciesiae ILeniensis, see Baluz. ad Capitt. ii. 753) ap. Mansi, xiii. 909 Allata est in medium quaestio de nova Graecorum synodo, quam de adorandis imaginibus Constantinopoll feeerunt, in qua scriptum habebatur, ut qui imaginibus Sanctorum, ita ut deificae Q,ui supra, Triiiitati, servitiui i aut adorationem non impenderent, anathema judicarentm*. sanctissimi Patres nostri, omnimodis et adorationem et servitutem eis renucntes contemserunt atque consentientes condemnavenint. Comp. Annales Laurissenses, ad ann. 794, Pseudosynodus Graecorum, quam falso septimam vocabant, et of the Frankfurt Synod pro adorandis imagiriibus fecerant, rejecta est a Pontificibus. Einhard. de. Gest. Car. M. ad ann. 794. Synodus etiam, quae ante paucos annos in Constantinopoli sub Irene et Constantino lilio ejus congregata, et ab ipsis non solum septima, verum etiam universalis erat appellata, ut ncc septima nee universalis haberetur dicereturve, quasi supervacua iu totum omnibus abdicata est (the Nicene synod was closed at Constantinople). Basquez, Suarez, Surius, Viniiis, and others, pretend that the decrees of the Nicene synod vi^ere confirmed at Frankfurt, and, on tlie contrary, the Pseudoseptima, a.d. 754, rejected. Baronius, Bellarmine, Natalis Alex., and others, think that the Nicene decrees were misunderstood and rejected in a false sense. Barruel du Pape et de ses droits religieux, Paris. 1803, ii. 402, declares the Frankfurt Acts supposititious. Correct is the opinion of Sirmond ad Cone. Francof. Petav. Dogmat. theol. lib. xv. c. 11. J. Mabillon de Cultu sacrarum imaginum. prefixed to his Act. SS. Ord. S. Bened. saec. iv. vol. i. ' So lii'st Simeon Dunelmensis (about 1100) Hist, de gestis regum Anglorum (in Twysdeii Hist. Angl. scriptores decem. i. Ill), from whom first llogerus de Hovedeu (about 1198) in his Annal. Anglican, ad. ann. 792, drew; comp. Wilkins Cone. magn. Britann. i. 73, Dullaeus de Imag. lib. iii. c. 2, p. 380. Gfrorer K. G. iii. ii. 621. Its object see in Michaelis Balbi Ep. ad Ludov. P. a.d. 824 (cf. 1, note 22) Propterea juidam illorum, qui noluerunt suscipere Concilia localia et a veritate rcdargui, fugenmt uinc et venerunt ad anti<iuam Romam, injurianj et calumnias Ecciesiae inferentes ct
dicti
:

'

68

THIRD rEIlIOD. DIV. I A.D.

72C-853.

^825) against image-worship, at this time accompanied with an express rebuke of the pope.* The Franks, indeed, were not suecessful in reconciling the pope and the Greeks by means of their
views
;^

but,

on the other hand, neither did the pope venture

verae religioui detralieutes. Unde honorcm Ecclesiae Cliiisti qunercntes feciiiius litcras ad s. Papam antiquae llomae, et eas missimus per praodictos Missus nostros ad euni. De caetero ordinet vestra spiritalis Dilectio, ut cum omni liouore et illaesione ad euiu
vcniant, auxiliam eis ferentes in his, quae
festi fuerint

Deo

placeant,

jubentes

ei,

ut

si

a niodo maiii-

quidam seductores

pseudochristiaiii, Ecclesiae calumniatorcs, illuc eos ex-

pellere, etc.
"

Acta Synod.
6215.

Paris, prim. ed. (Jac. Bongars).

Francof. 1596. 12.

Also

in

Goldasti

Imp

decret. p.

First included in the coUectiofts of Councils, by Mansi, xiv. 415.

Comix

Walch,

xi. 96.

Synod. Paris, ad. Ludov. et Lothariuni Imp.

(ap. Goldast. p. 026, ss.)

epistolam domini Hadriani Papae, quam pridom pro imaginibus crigendis Constantino Imp. et Helenae matri ejus ad corum precationcm iu transmarinis partibus direxit, coram nobis legi fecimus, et quantum nostrae parvitati res patuit, sicut juste

Primum

reprehcndit

illos,

qui imagines Sanctorum temerario ausu in

illis

partibus confriugere et

penitus abolere praesumscrunt, sic indiscrete noscitur fecisse in

eo,

quod superstitiose eas

adorare jussit.
nobis datur

Inseruit etiam in

eadem

epistola

quaedam testimonia SS. Patrum, quantum

intelligi,

valde absona, ct ad rem, dc qua agebatur, rainime pcrtincntia.


[Nicacnani]

Eau

memoriae genitor vestcr coram se suisquc pcrlegi fecisset, et multis in locis, ut dignum crat, reprehendisset, et quaedam capitula, quae reprehensione patebant, praonotasset, eaque per Angilbertum Abbatem eidem Hadriauo Papae

dem

porro

Synodum

cum

s.

direxisset, ut illius judicio et auctoritate corrigerentur

ipse rursus favcndo

illis,

qui ejus

instinctu

tam

superstitiosa

quamque iucongrua testimonia memorato

operi inseruerant,

decuit, conatus est.

per singula capitula in illorum excusationem respondere quae voluit, non tamen quae Talia quippe quaedam sunt, quae in illorum objcctiouem opposuit,

quae remota

pontificali auctoritate, et veritati et auctoritate refragantur.

Sed

licet in

cliam repreheusione digna testimonia defensionis gratia proferre nisus sit; in fine tamen cjusdem apolo giae sic sentire et tenere et praedicare ac praecipere de his quae agebantur professus est,
ipsis objectionibus aliquando absona, aliquaudo inconvenientia, aliquando

sicut a b.

Papa Gregorio institutum esse constabat

(see Vol. I. Div. II. 121, note 10).

(iuibus verbis liquido colligitur, quod non tantum scienter, quantum ignorauter in eodeni facto a recto tramite deviaverit. Venerabilis namque FrL(;ulfus Episc. subtiliter prudenterque, qualiter ipse et Adegarius socius illius (the two Frank embassadors, who had accompanied the Greek embassadors to Rome), cgissent, viva voce parvitati nostrae
innotuit.

Sed cum prudcnti relatu

illius

cuncta cogiiovissemus, qualiter partim veritatis

igiwrantia, partim pessimae consuetudinis usu Imjus superstitionis pestis illis in partibus (lomc and Italy) inolcvisset, et priora ct postcriora studio.sissime considerassemus, iiitel-

leximus, quantum nobis res patuit, quo zelo ad haec consideranda vestra s. Devotio cxcitata fuerit. Non enim ignoramus animum vestrum magno taedio posse affici, cum illos a
recto tramite quoquo

modo

conspicitis deviare, qui,

summa

auctoritate praediti, deviantes

quosque debuerant corripere (the Pope). Sed quoniam maximum vobis in eo obstaculum erat, eo quod pars ilia, quae debebat errata corrigere, suaque auctoritate hujusce superstitionis eiTori obniti, ipsa prorsus eidem supcrstitioni non solum resistere, verum etiam incauta defensione contra auctoritatem divinam et SS. Patrum dicta nilebatur suflragari, aperuit vobis Dominus ostium juxta optatum vobis desiderium, ut licentiae vobis ab eadem tribueretur auctoritate tantae rei cum vestris quaerendi familiaritcr veritatem quatcnus
sancto vestro desiderio ac vigilanti studio Veritas patefacta, dum se in medium osteuderet, etiam ipsa auctoritas volens nolensque veritati cederet atipie succumberet. This was the object, the Parisian fathers advising for this eml the following, 1. c. \>.0M
:

Credimus

itaquc,

quod

illos

reprehendendo, illisque compalicndo, istos vero demulcnndu,


s.

laudaudo et praefercndo, eorumque auctoritatem magnis laudum praeconiis cfTerendo et

PART

II.

CHAP.

III.

FRANK CHURCH.
as
his

$11.

IMAGE CONTROV.

69

to treat the

Franks,

predecessors treated the Greeks.

Throughout the ninth century, the worship of images continued


empire of the Franks,'" without Rome excommunicating any one on that account. This is the more remarkable, inasmuch as the Frank Churches,
to be rejected in the in

some

cases,

went

still

farther than the Grreeks themselves, in the

ninth century, in the growing civilization.


Romanae

Claudius^^ as bishop

Ecclesiae coudignam laudem deferendo, veritatem tamen ex testimoiiiis SS.

Scripturarutn et sententiis SS. Patram in


ref'ragator vinculis veritatis

medium

proferendo, et veraciter sobrieque cxpo-

nendo, poterit vestra sanctissima Devotio, sicut optat, uti'isque consulere.

Sic quippe

modo

blandiendo,

modo honorando, modo secundum rationem

habet, etc.

veritatem demonstrando subtiliter adstrictus, non audebit aliter docere, quam quod Veritas In the same spirit also Lewis issued his letter to Eugenius II. and the com-

mouitorium [instmction] to the embassadors sent to Rome, Jeremy, archbishop of Sens, and Jonas, bishop of Orleans (ap. Goldast. p. 747. Baluzii Capital, i. 643, and thence in Mansi, in the App. ad t. xv. 435). In these instructions we read, among otlier things Sed et vos ipsi tarn patienter ac modeste cum eo de hac causa disputationem habeatis, vX Bummopere caveatis, ne nimis ei resistendo eum in aliquam inrevocabilem pertinaciam iacidere compellatis, sed paulatim verbis ejus quasi obsequendo magis quam aperte resistendo ad mensuram, quae in habendis imaginibus tenenda est, eum deducere valeatis. Postquam vero banc rationem de earuudem imaginum causa consunimaveritis, si tamen
:

hoc ad nihilum

Legati pariter
'^

Romana pertiuacia permiserit, eum interrogetis, si ei placeat, ut nostri cum suis in Graeciam pergant, etc. Amstasius in his Praef. in septimam Synodum ad Joaun. VIII. Papam about 880 (ap.
:

>l.nsi, xi;. 983)

Q,uae enim super venerabilium imaginum adoratione praesens Syuodas

docel haec et apostolica sedes vestra

antiquitus

tenuit, et universalis Ecclesia

semper
uti-

eenerata est et hactenus veneratur: quibusdam dumtaxat Gallorum exceptis, quibus

que uonduin est harum

Ajunt namque, quod non sit quodlibet opus nianuum hominum adorandura, etc. The annales Mettenses (toward the end of the tenth I'enturj-) write ad ann. 794, still without ever stumbling at them, after the old annalists, Pseudosy nodus Graecorum \)Xo adorandis imaginibus habita, et falso septima vocata, ab Episciipis damuatur (ap. Pertz. i. 335). '' Comp. above, 10, note 19. The root of his doctrines was Augustinism, conip. his praef. in Comm. ad epistt. Pauli (in Maji Scriptt. vett. nova coll. vii. i. 'J75) De admonitione fratrum et exhortatione, unde rogasti quod scriberem, ut votum quod voverunt Domino reddant, nullam admonitionem meliorem potui invenire, quam epistolae primae Pauli Apostoli, quam misi, quia tota inde agitur, ut merita hominum tollat, unde maxirae nunc mouachi gloriantur, et gratiani Dei commendat, per quam omnis qui vovit, quod vovit, j?omino reddat. Expositio epist. ad Philem. (Spicileg. Rom. ix. i. 110) Gratia est, quia nullo merito, nee opere salvamur. To this also his opponents point, Jonas de Cuitu imag. de cujus dictis nihil te latere lib : 'Bibl. PP. Lugd. xiv. 169) Patet, te dicta b. Augustini, Dungali Liber respons. (1. c. p. 204) Augustinum adsumit, jactitaba.s, penitus ignorasse. a djus subtilitate ingenii christianique seusus rectitudine longissime distat. Alios quidem praeter eum solum paene omues abjicit. On his peculiar doctrines see Claudii Libri infor:aationum literae et spiritus super Leviticum ad Theodemirum Abbatem, a.d. 823, at the conclusion (in Mabillonii Vett. amial. p. 91) Et quia ita est, non jubemur ad creaturam t^ndere, ut efficiamur beati, sed ad ipsum Creatorem de quo si aliud quam oportet ac sese res habet nobis persuadetur, perniciosissimo errore decipimur. Beatitudine autem alterius hominis non fit alter beatus. Neque prudentia cujusdam fit prudens alius, aut fortis fortitudine, aut temperans temperantia, aut justis justitia hominis alterius quisquam efEcitur sed coaptando aniraum illis incommutabilibus regulis luminibusque virtutum, quae incorruptibiliter vivunt in ipsa veritate sapieutiaque communi, quibus et ille coaptavit, et fixit
utilitas

revelata.

70

THIRD PEIUOD.-DIV.

I. A.D. 72C-S58.

of Turin (from 820839) opposed the reigning prejudices with such freedom as soon to provoke the opposition (before 424),
a!iimiini,

quem
sit

istis virtutibus

pracditum

sibi

ad imitaudum proposuit.
sit

Voluntas ergo
bona,

adliaercns coinmuni atque iiiconimutabili bono impetrat prima et

magna hominis

cum

ipsa

medium (luoddam bonum.


si

Et

ideo non

nobis religio cultus lioniinuni

inortuorura, quia

pie vixenint non sic liabentur, ut tales quaerant lionores, sed ilium a

nobis eoli volunt, quo illuminati laetautur, meriti sui nos esse consortes, etc. (from Augustin.

de vera

rclig. c. 5S).

Hanc adstruendo
meis
:

et

defendendo veritatem, opprobrium factus sum

vicinis meis, et timor notis

in

tantum, ut qui videbant nos, non solum deridcbant,

sed etiam digito unus


et

alteri

ostendebant.

Sed consolatus
licet

est nos Pater misericordiarum


etc.

Deus
vi.

totius

consolationis in

omni

tribulatione,

nostra,

Claudii

Comment,

ia

PP. Lugd. novum dogma, quod latitat


Gal.
5
(Bibl.
:

xiv. 164):

Obscure

docemur per hanc sententiolam


sumus, sive orationibus, sive con-

dum

in praesenti saeculo

siliis

invicem posse nos adjuvari; cum autcm ante tribunal Christi venerimus, nee Job, nee Daniel, nee Noe rogare posse pro quoquam, sed ununiquemque portare onus suum. Claudii Apologeticum atque rescriptum adv. Tlicodemirum Abb. was, in 14G1, still in the

monastery of Bobbio (see TuU. Ciceronis Oratt. fragm. inedita ed. Am. Peyron. Stuttg. The codex is now in the Ambrosiani, but the Apologeticum is wanting in I8',M. 4, p. 13). Even Papirius Masson employed a complete codex, for he says, after tiie it (ibid. p. 167). Paris. 1608: Liber, de <iuo ista I'xtra.'ts which he gives before his edition of Duugal. CM-erpisimus, tantae magnitudinis est, quantum liber Psalmorum et L. Psalmi plus. Before Dungal only these extracts are known, and those scattered in the answer of Jonas, Postquam coactus suscepi sarcinam pastoralis ofalso in Goldasti Impcr. deer. p. 704: Ludovico, vcni in Italium, civilatem Taurini, inveni omnes ficii, missus a pio Principe Et quia, basilicas, contra ordinem vcritatis, sordibus anatheraatum et imaginibus plenas. quod homines colebant, ego destruere solus coepi, idcirco aperuerunt omnes ora sua ad blasphemandum me, et nisi adjuvisset me Dominus, vivuni deglutisseut me. Dicuut isti, contra quos Dei Ecclesiam defendendam suscepimus, " non putamus imagini, quam (idoramus, aliquid inesse divinum. Sed tantummodo pro honore ejus, cujus efligies est, Cui respondoo, quia, si Sanctorum imagines hi qui tali earn veneratione adoramus."' daemonum cultum reliiiuerant, venerantur, non idola reliijuerunt, sed nomina mutaverunt, Si omne lignum schemate crucis factum volunt adorarc, pro eo quod Chrislus in crace

adorentur ergo puellae virgines, (luia virgo peperit Christum, adorentur et praesepia, quia niox natus in praesepio est reclinatus, adorentur et veteres panni, quia lledite praevaiicatores ad con'.iauo cum natus est pannis veteribus est involutus, etc.

pependit;

I'or,

qui recessistis a veritate et diligitis vanitatem, et estis vani facti, qui rursum cruciK-

f,itis

actas

Filium Dei, et ostentui habetis, et per hoc catervatim animas miseroiiim socias daemonum habetis alienando eas per nefanda sacrilegia simulacrorum a cTeatore
;

sao, habetis eas dejectas et projectas in

damnationem jierpetuam.

quod ego prohibeam, homines poenitentiae causa pergerc Romam, falsum Ego enim iter illud nee adprobo nee improbo, quia scio, quod nee omnibus t.i loq'ieris. obest, nee omnibus prodest. Scimus enim, quod non iutellecta evangelica verba Domini " Tu es Petrus et super hanc petram aedificabo feaUatiiris, u^ii ait b. Apostolo Petro K-'clt'siam nieam, et tibi dabo claves regni caelorum," propter ista jam dicta Domini verba imperitum honiiiiura genus pro adcpiirenda vita aeterna, postposita omni si)iritali Si proprietatem verborum Domini subtiiifer con"lel'.igeiitia, volunt j)ergere Romam.

y uod

vero

ais,

s'lieramus, non est ei dictum

" Q.uodcun<jue solveris in caelo, erit sohitum et in terra, et qoixh unque iigaveris in caelo, erit ligatum super torram." Ac per hoc sciendum est, 'V'ld tani diu antistitibus Ecclesiae istud niinisterium concessum est, usque dum ipsi paregrinantur in hoc mortal! corpore cum vero debitum mortis reddiilerint, alii succcdunt
: :

loco i|>soruni.

ipii

eandem obtinent judioiariam potestatem.

populo, et stulti ali(inando sapite, qui intercessionem Apostoli

Audite et hoe insipientes iu Romam pergendo quaeritis,

quid contra vos dicat idem saepe dictus b. Augustinus, etc. Proraittente Deo debet "Si fuerint in medio ejut tidelis qnisque credere quanto magis jurante quidem dicere
:

PART

II.

CHAP. III.FRANK CHURCH.

$ 11.

IMAGE CONTROV.

71

of the abbot Theodemir,''' and (827) of one DungalP he was not molested, though, perhaps, even in France,
there Jonas, bishop of Orleans (840), wrote against him.'^

Still

many
-A^go-

believed that he v/ent too far, and though, after his death, even

Noe, Daniel et Job," i. e., si tantae sanctitatis, tantae justitiae, tantique meriti siiit, quanti fuenint, " non liberabunt filium neque filiatn" (Ezech. xiv. 20). Haec idcirco dicit, ut nemo de nierito vel intercessione Sanctorum confidat, quia nisi eandem fidem, justitiam, veritatemque teneat, quam illi tenuerunt, per quam illi placuerunt Deo, salvus esse non duiuta tua in me objectio est, et displicere tibi dicis, eo quod Domnus Apostolipoterit. Hoc dixisti de Paschali Ecclesiae Romanae Episcopo, qui cus iudignatus sit niibi.
illi

praeseute jam corruit vita.


ille

diceudus est Apostolicus, qui

Apostolicus autem dicitur, quasi Apostoli custos. Certe non in cathedra sedet Apostoli, sed qui apostolicura implet

ofScium. De illis enim, qui eum locum tenent, et non implent oHicium, Dominus dixit " Super cathedram Moysi sederunt Scribae et Pharisaei, etc." (Matth. xxiii. 1, 2.) Comp.

Rudelbach's and Schmidt's treatises cited above, $ 10, note 19. Walch's Ketzerhist. xi. 140. Neander's K. G. iv. 225. '^ Abbot of Psalmodi in the diocese of Nismes. To him Claudius -dedicated many of his commentaries, and Theodemir had mentioned to him what approbation they met witli

from the Frank bishops. (See Epist. prefixed to Claudii Comm. in libros Regum, in Bsdae et Claudii Taur. Opuscula. Bononiae. 1755. fol. p. 7). But subsequently be took offense at the commentary on the epistles to the Corinthians, Claudii Epist. ad Tiieutmirum (1. c. p. 164) Pervenit ad manus meas epistola ex Aquis, regio directa palatio, qualiter tu libnim tractatus mei, quem tibi ante biennium praestiti, in epistolas ad Corinthios, Episcoporum judicio atque Optimatum damnandum ad eundem jam dictum palatium praesentari feceris. Q,uem tractatum ibidem non damnandum, sed scribendum amici mei non solum hurailiter, sed etiam amabiliter susceperunt. Ignoscat tibi Dominus, testis vitae meae, et largitor operis mei, qui non timnisti sermonibus detrahere veritatis, et sedens adversum me loqueris mendacium, etc. On this follovred an epistle of Theodotniiand against him Claudius in which he designates several opinions of Claudius as errors
: :

set forth his apologeticum.

Dungali Liber responsionum adv. Claudii Taur. Ep. sententias ed. Pauperius Massoii Lugdun, xiv. 197 (comp. Ba.hr, S. 372). In the prologue on account of the differences of opinion caused by Claudius, de sancta pictura, de cruce Pari ratione de memoriis Sanctorum causa orationis adeundis, et eeliquiis eorum veneraudis obnituntur aliis adfirmantibus, bonam et religiosam esse consuetudinem, basilicas Martyrum frequentare, ubi eorum sacri cineres et sancta corpora cum honore eorum mcritis congruo condita habentur, ubique ipsis intervenientibus corporales ac spiritales qwntidie languores, diviua operante manu et gloria coruscante, copiosissime et praesentissime sanantur: alii vero resistant, dicentes, Sanctos post obitum nullum adjuvare, nullique posse intercedendo succurrere, nihil eonim duntaxat scientes, quae in terris gerunlT, illorumque reliquias nullum alicujus reverentiae gratiam comitari, sicat nee ossa villissima qaorumlibet animalium reliquarave terram communem. '* Jonae de Cultu imaginum libb. iii. in Bibl. PP. Lugdun. xiv. 167. (Comp. BTihr, S. Deo dilectissimus Princeps [Ludovicus] inter caetera hoiiitatis 394). In the praefatio suae studia erga divinum cultura amplificandum multiplici modo ferventia, qucndam Presbytei-um, natione Hispanum, nomine Claudium, qui aliquid temporis in Palatio sao in Presbyteratus militaverat honore, cui in explanandis SS. Evangeliorum lectionibus qiiintulacunque notitia inesse videbatur, ut Italicae plebis (quae magna ex parte a SS. Evangelistarum sensibus procul aberat) sacrae doctrinae consultum ferret, Taurinensi praesnlem Q,ui dum super gregem sibi creditum pro viribus sabrogari fecit Ecclesiae. Lib. i. above snperintenderet vidit eum inter caetera, quae emendatione digna gerebat, superstitiosae, imo perniciosae, imaginum adorationi, qua plurimum nonnulli illarum partium laborant, ex iuolita consuetudine deditum esse. Unde immoderato et indiscreto zelo succensus non
>^

Paris. 1608, in Bibl. PP.

72

THIRD rERIOD. DIV.

I. A.D.

7-^0-858.

bard, archbishop of
of ail superstition,

Lyons (from 816840), tlie was little behind Claudius

liberal o))ponc!it

in his

views

:ii

image and saint worship, ^^ without giving much


Bolatn picturas
b.

offense in bis
s(iluuini')'!u (t^ste
lie'-;

sanctarum rerum gestaruni, quae

lion

ad adoraiuluni sed

Gregoria) ad iiistrueiidas nesciontiiiai inciites, in Ecclesiis suis

aiitijiiitus

|M.'iinissae,

veriim etiam cruccs materiales, quibus ob lionorem et recordationeiu rcdeniptionis suae sancta consuevit uti Ecclesia, a cunctis Parorhiae suae basilicis dloilui delcvisao, overtisse
et penitus abdicasse.

Sed quia errorein gregis

sui ratione corrigcru hcgltf.xit. ct ecirum

nnimis scandaluin generavit, et in sui detestationem eos quodamiuodu ])rori;iupcro cot'git Dicitur etiani, Claudium eundem adversus rcliquias Sanctorum eorumcjue sepulcrii

quaedam uefaiida dogmatizasse, et usque nunc dogmatizare. tluac licet series liierarum suarum nianifeste nonindicit, ex liis tamen, quae innuit, et ex veridiira quorundam fideliiiin Theodemirus eidein Claudio, ut ab his se relatione, ita se rem habere liquido claret.

compcsceret, Uteris caritate refertis mandari curavit. Ille e contra fraternae admonitionia impatiens, turbidaque indignatione permotus, non solum in ilium juste se redarguontein, verum etiam in oranes s. catholicae et apostolicae Ecclesiae siticerissimoa cultures Gniliam Gcrmaniamque incolentes et ab iraaginum superstitiosa adoratione iiuniunes, diversarum

reprehensionum ac vituperatiouum jacula intorsit, eosque et idulolutriae uboinlnatioiic, et falsae religionis superstitione et innumeris aliis sceleribus irretilos, sicut tcxtus suarum The book of Claudius against literarum demonstrat, appellare non crubuit. Praefatio Tlieodemir had been brought to the emperor Lewis, qui ab eo suique palati prudc-jjlissimis On this Jonas received extracts i'rora it viris examiiiatus justo judicio est repudiatus. from the emperor for the purpose of refuting them, but at tlie news of Cliiudius's death abandoned the task. Sed quia, ut relatione veridica didici, non niodo error, do quo agitur, in discipulorum suorum nientibus reviviscit, quin, potius hacresis Ariaiia pulliilare deprehenditur, de qua fertur, quaedam monunienta librorum congessissc; et ia armario episcopii opus, quod praeleriniscram, Bui clandestiiia calliditate reliquisse non sum ausus, quiri enucleatim, discutienduni rcpeterem, etc. '^ Agobardi Lib. contra eorum superstitioneni, qui picturis etimaginibus SS. adorutionis obscquium deferendum putant. (Comp. $ 10, note 1',)). It is said c. ''7: Non solum vero divinum deferre lionorem, quibus non licet, sed et ambitiose honorare Sanctorum moriiorias ob captandam gloriam popularem, reprehensibile est. Arguit super his Dominus J'liari: ;

" Vae vobis, Sc.r;bae et Fharisaei Faeos in Evangelio, teste b. Hieronj'ino, his verbis C. 23: Si liypocritae, qui aedificatis sepulcra Prophetarum," etc. (Mattli. xxiii. 2!*, 30).
:

serpentem aenoum quern Deus fieri praecepit, quoniam errans I'opulus tanniunni idolam colore coejiit, Ezechias religiosius rex cum magna pietatis laude 'ontrivit mulio religiosius Sanctorum imagines (ipsis quoque Sanctis faveiitibus, qui o'> sui bonorcm cum divinae religionis contemtu eas adorari more idolorum indignantissin e feruntj onifii gcnere fonpraese'iim cum i:on illas lieri iJcus terendae, ct usque ad pulverein sunt eradendae
; :

Adoretur, colulur, vonerctur a liilolibus mystorio corporis et sangiinis quo suuius redcnili, vel in Angeli vel hom'nes snncli amentur, lionoreiitur sacrilicio cordis contriti et liumiliati. Non eis corpus Cliristi offeratar, cum sint lioc el ipsi. Non caritate, non servitute. [lonamus speni nostram in homine sed in Deo, ne forte redundet in nos illud pr<)(ilielii'uiii " iMaledictus homo qui confidit in homine," etc. (.Ter. xvii. 5). As,'it lioc nimirum C. 31
jusserit, sed
;

humanus sensus

excogitaverit.

C. 30

licus

illi

soli sacrilicetur, vel

versutus et callidus humani generis inimicus, ut sub praetextu lionoris Sairctoruiii rursus idola introducat, rursus per divcrsas efHgies adoretur; ut avertat nos ub .^piritalibus, ad
caroalia vero demcrgat; ac per

vos fascinavit?" etc.

C. 35:

nomen; ne si alteri liunc secundum desideria cordis nostri ire in adinventionibus nostris. Tlie verbal aL.rcement of Claudius and Agobard in several sentences deserves imrticulur nttention. Claudius has, Certe si adoraudi fuissent, vivi putius quam niortui adorandi esse dcbuonnt, for example
:

omnia simus digni ab Aposfolo auilirc " (J insensali, quis Flectamus goiiu ifi nomine solius .lenu, quod est super omne honorem tribuinius, alieni judiceniur a Deo, et diniittamur
:

i.

bi aimilitadiuera Dei habcnt, non nbi pecoruni vel,

qiiuil

veriua est, lapiJ-np sou

PART
circle.

II.

C^'^P. III. FRANK

CHURCH.

$ 12.

CREED.

73

Even

in

Rome

itself,

this

tendency appears to h?ve

f >und adherents/^

12.
IN

ON THE ADDITION FILIOQUE


G.
J.

THE CREED.
iii.

Vossii de Tribus Symbolis (ed.

ii.

Amstel. 1660.

4) diss.

$ 15, ss.

Mich.

Le

ftu-en

Diss, de processione Sp. S.

Joh. Damasc. i. 1. J. C. L. Ziegler's Geschichtsentwickelung des cessione Spir. S. Jenae. 1751. 8. vom h. Geiste, in his theologischen Abliandl. i. 204.

Damascen. preKxed to the Opi>. G. Walchii Hist, controversiae Graecorum Latinorumque de prois tlie lirst

of his dissertatt.

W.

Dogma

An

older doctrine, peculiar to the

Latin

fathers, viz., that

the Holy Spirit proceeds from the Father and the Son,^ had

been inserted before this time in the Nicene-Constantinopolitan


creed, in Spain ;^ but

now,

for

the

first

time,

it

excited the atit,

tention of the Greeks.^

What was
not known.

decided respecting

at the

Synod

of Gentilly,^

is

As

to the insertion in the

symbolura which had by degrees obtained in the Frank Church,


lignorum, vita, sensu et ratione carentium.

Agobard,

c. 28,

exactly the same, only he


of St.

says

Vivi magis
ii.

quam
Hist.

picti.
lit.

Controversy concerning the sanctity


la

Agobard, Act.
vita

SS. Junii

748.

de

France,

iv. 571.

"

A Roman

cardinal priest, Anastasius,

was deposed under Leo IV. (Anastasius

Leonis), because he

had

left his

parish and remained five years abroad, and did not appear

though he h'-d been cited even by two councils. After the death of this pope, he entered Rome with the imperial messengers who had been sent to the new election, destroyed the images in Peter's church (imagines confregit, ignique concremavit Dominique Jesa Christi, ejusque semper virginis genitricis iconam bipenni, quod non debuerat, ad ima dejecit), met with adherents, and by the aid of the legates had almost become pope (1. c.

vita Benedicti III.).

dicere, quod Sp. S. et a Filio non procedat,


;
:

Supported especially by the example of Augustine (de Trinit. iv. 20 Nee possumus neque enim frustra idem Spiritus et Patris et v. 14. xv. 26 De utroque procedere sic docetur, etc.) and Leo the Filii Spiritus dicitur
1
: :

Great (Epist. xv. ad Turibium, c. 1 Tamquam nee alius sit, qui genuit, alius, qui genitus Comp. Wundemann's Gesch. der Glaiilienslehren, est, alius, qui de utroque processit).
i.

383.
2

Miinscher's Dogmengesch.

iii.

500.

iii. ann. 589 (ap. Mansi, ix. 981) : Credimus et in Spiritum S. dominum et vivificatorem ex Patre et Filio procedentem etc. In like manner the Cone. Tolet. viii. ann. 653, Bracar. iii. 675, Tolet. xii. 681, xiii. 683, xv. 688, xvii. 694. The Cone. Tolet. iii. c. 2, had also decreed ut per omnes Ecclesias Hispauiae secundum

First appeared at the Concil. Tolet.

formam orieutalium Ecclesiarum,

Concilii Constantinopolitani

symbolum

fidei recitetur,

ul priusquam dominica dicatur oratio voce clara a populo decantetur etc. 3 It had been so at an earlier period (about 650) Maximi Epist. ad Mariiium. Ziegler, S. 208.

See

Comp.
inter
a Filio.

$ 11, note
et

1.

More

plainly

Ado

in Chron. ad ann. 767

Q,uaestio veulilata est

Graecos

Romanes de

Trinitate, et

utrum

Spir. S. sicut procedit a Patre ita procedat

74

THIRD PERIOD. DIV.

I. A.D. 726-838.

opinions were divided.*

The

doctrine, however,

was
It

generally

had strong support, in particular, in the so-called Athanasian creed, whidi had also been probably brought from Spain into France.'' When
*

defended, for instance, by Alcuin and Theodidph.^

Walafrid. Strabo de Rebus eccles.

c.

22

Felicis haeretici sub gloriosissimo Carolo


latius et crebrius iu

Apud Gallos et Gemianos post dejectionem Francorum Rectore damnati, idem Symbolum
:

Missarum coepit
(ap.

officiis iterari.

Paulinus Patr. Aquilejensis ia Concil.


p.

Forojuliensi, ami. 791

Mansi,

xiii.

829) expresses himself violently indeed against

additions to the creed, but

est subdole contra sacrosanctum

what he thereby understands, see in corum sensum, alitor quam

836

Addere

vel

minuere

illi,

callida tergiversationc

diversa sentire.

Explanatory additions therefore he does not include. Si rccenseatur Nicaeni symboli series veneranda, nihil aliud de Spiritu S. in ea nisi hoc raodo rcperiri potcrit promulgatum et iu Sanctum, inquiunt, Spiritum Supple vcrunt tameu [el. Patresj quasi exponendo eorum sensum, et in Spiritum S. confitentur se credere, Dominum et vivificatorem, ex Patre procedentem. Sed ct postmodum propter eos videlicet haereticos, qui susurrant Spiritum S. solius esse Pati-is et a solo procedere Patre, additum est Q.ui ex
:

Patre Filioque procedit.

Et tamen non sunt

hi SS. Patres culpandi, quasi addidissent

aliquid vel minuissent de fide cccxviii. Patram, quia non contra eorum sensum diversa sensemnt, sed immaculatum coram intellectum sanis nioribus supplere studuerant, etc. Ziegler, p. 211, is wrong in supposing that here there is any i-ejection of the addition; the reading in the symbol inserted among the Synodical Acts, p. 842 Qui ex Patre Filioque
:

procedit, is not interpolated.


fratres

Lugdun.:

the other hand Alcuinus Epist. 75 (ed. Frobon.), ad Hispanici erroris sectas tota vobis cavete inteutione. Et Symbolo

On

catholicae lidei nova nolite inserere, et in ecclesiasticis


traditiones nolite diligere.
'
i.

officiis inaudit.is priscis

temporibus

Alcuini Lib. de processione Spir. S. ad Car. M.

first

printed in 0pp. Alcuin. ed. Frobcn


J.
c. 3

743.
in

Theodulphi de Spir.
Sirmondii Ojip.
ii.

S. liber (in

Theodulphi 0pp. ed.


iii.
:

and
'

695).

Cf. libr. Carolin. lib.

Ex

Sirmond. Par. 1646. 8; Patre et Filio omnis

universaliter coiifitetur et credit Ecclesia

eum

procedere.

G. J. Vossius de Tribus symbolis.

Judicia eraditorum de symb. Athauas.


of the Athanasian Creed.
lib?llis in

Amstelod. 1662, 4. diss. ii. Guil. E. Tentzelii Gothae. 1687. 12. Dan. Waterland Critical History
2,

Cambridge. 1724, ed.

1728.

8.

duesnelli Diss, de variis

fidei

Rom. Ecclesia Codice contentis (diss. xiv. iu Leon. M. and in Gallaudii de Vetustt. canonum collectionibus dissertatt. syll. ed. Mogunt. i. 829) and Ballerinoram Obss. Ai\. Quesnelli diss. (ib. p. 842). D. M. Spcroni de Symb. vulgo S. Athanasii dicto
antiquo
ii. Patav. 1750, 51. D. E. Kollner's Symbolik d. luth. Kirche S. 53. All the testimonies respecting the existence of this creed before the end of the 8th century arc insecure. A scmio which has fallen among the Augustinian (0pp. v. ap. Sermo 244), refers to it but

diss.

belongs to Caesarius Arelat. about 520, is a mere conjecture. The Expositio fide: catholicae Fortunati, published by Muratori Anecdota, ii. 212, can not be from Venantius
that
it

Fortunat'js, about 560, since

it presupposes the Symb. Quicunque as a confession of faith already adopted in general, and endeavors to justify polemically Filiociue. Probably Fortunati Expositio symb. apostol. was the reason why this expositio was also erroneously attributed to him. Respecting a Canon Augustodunensis, which mention.s the fides S.

Athanasii,
first

it is

uncertain to what time


cites in the notes to

it

belongs

many even
S.,

regard

it

as sjmrious.

The

certain witnesses are Tlieodulplius de Spir.

a contemporary

anonymous
:

auth'^r.

whom

Theodulf and Agobardus adv. Felicem, c. 3. Probablv, Cone. Francof. ana. 794, c. 31 (Baluzii Capit. i. p. 268 Ut fides catliulica sanctae Trinitatis et oratio dominica atquc Symbolura fide omnibus praedicetur ct tradatur) the fides cath. b. Trin. is this symbol, which characterizes itself at the beginnic^'j

Sirmond

too, so early as the

and end as
Spain.

fides catholica.

It is

The

councils of Toledo
;

all

most likely that we should seek for the origin of it in begin with a confession of fuitii, jcver*! with the
it,

unaltered Nicene creed

others enlarge

especially in the articles rcspeclins the Trinity

PART

II.

CHAP.

III.

FRANK CHURCH.

13.

ADOPTIAN CONTR.

75

Charlemagne, at a synod in Aix-la-Chapelle (809), brought forward the matter, Pope Leo III. decided in favor of the doctrine, but against its insertion in the symbol.*

13.

ADOPTIAN CONTROVERSY.
Chr. G. F. Walchii Hist. Adoptianorum. Gottiug. 1755. 8. Frobenii Diss, liist. de haeresi Elipaiidi et Felicia, in his 0pp. Alcuini, i. ii. 923. Walcb's Ketzerhist. ix.667. Neander,
iii.

314.

Since Christ could only be the adopted Son of


to the

God

according

Arian creed, the Catholic Church had often asserted polemically against the Arians in Spain his natural sonshipi' To this Elipand, archbishop of Toledo, and Felix, bishop of
Urgel, appealing to older authorities,^
and incarnation of
Tolet.
iv.

now

attached the asserSymb. Cluicunque, and it. So Cone.

Christ, just in the dialectic


it,

manner

of the

coincide in single sentences with ann. 633,


c. 1, vi.

without, however, being dependent on


c. 1, xi.

ann. 638,
is

ann. 675, praef. (a similar dialectic develop-

ment respecting the


symbol appears
turies, in Spain,
to

Cone. Tolet. xiv. ann. 684, c. 8). Hence that have been formed after these patterns, in the seventh and eighth cenincarnation
in the

and from thence

to

the eighth.
stood, as if
at first

Even the

old appellation, fides Athanasii,


to Spain.

have been transferred to France toward the end of which was afterward misunder-

Athanasius were the author, points have been designated by the Arians as as their creed was named by opponents and longest opposed to that of Athanasius.
;

For the

catholic faith could only

fides Athanasii, in opposition to fides Arii,

in Spain, the party of

Arius continued the


Collatio

On

the disputes of the

monks

at

Jerusalem, Baluzii Miscellan.

vii. 14.

cum

Papa Romae
:

a legatis habita, et Epist. Caroli Imp. ad


17, ss.).

Leonem

P. III. utraqne a

Smaragdo

Abb. edita (ap. Mansi, xiv. Hie vero pro amore 208)

et cantela ortliodoxae fidei

Anastasii vita xcviii. Leonis III. (ap. Muratori, p. fecit in basilica S. Petri scuta

argentea duo, scripta utraque Symbolc, unum quidem Uteris Graecis, et aliud Latinis, etc. is also related by Photius Epist. ad Patriarcham Aquilej. in Combetisii Auctario noviss. i. 529, and Petrus Lomb. Sentent. lib. i. diss. xi. (in quo quidem symbolo in

The same

processione Spiritus solus commemoratur Pater his verbis


ficatorem ex Patre procedentem).
1

et in Spir. S.

dominum
:

et vivi-

Hie etiani fidei, which is found in the preface non adoptione. ^ Comp. especially Walchii Hist. Adopt, cap. 1. Fabius Marius Victorinus [about360| adv. Arium. lib. i. Non sic Filius, quemadmodum nos. Nos eniin adoptione filii, ilia natura. Etiani quadam adoptione filius et Christus, sed secundum carnem. Isidurus Hispaleusis Originn. s. Etymologg. lib. vii. c. 2: Unigenitus autem vocatur secundum Primogenitus secundum susccptionera Divinitatis excellentiam, quia sine fratribus homiuis, in qua per adoptionem gratiae fratres habere dignatus est, do quibus esset primogenitus. Authorities of the Adoptians enumerated in the Epist. Episeoporura Hispan. ad Episc. Galliae, and in the Epist. Elipandi ad Alcuinum (see notes 3 and 11), Ambrose, Hilary, Jerome, Augustine, Isidore of Spain, mostly inapplicable. At the close: Item praedecessores nostri Eugenius, Ildephonsas, Jalianns, Toletanae antistites,
Cone. Tolet. ann. 675, in the confessio
Filius

Dei natura est


:

Filius,

7G
tion,

THIRD PERIOD. DIV.


that Christ, as God,

I. A.D. 726-858.

adopted, son of God.^


in suis

was the natural, und, as man, the Having been long contested in Spain,*
:

Qui per adoptivi liominis in Missa de " Hodie Salvator noster post adoptionem caniis sedem repetit DeitaAscejisioiie Domini tis." Item in Missa defunctorum " duos fecisti adoptiouis participes, jubeas liereditatis tuae esse consortes." These passages are actually found in the Liturgia Mozarabica ed. Alex. Lesle. Romae. 1755. 4. The passage of Hilarius de Trinit. ii. c. 29, has become
ita

dogmatibus

dixerunt in Missa de Coena Domini

"

passlonem,

dum

suo non indulsit corpori, nostro


:

demum pcpercit." Item

remarkable: Parit virgo partus a Deo est. Infans vagit laudantes angeli Panni sordent dcus adoratur. Ita potestatis dignitas non amittitur, dum carnis humilitas adoptatur. Alcuinus c. Felicem, lib. vi. c. 6, complains of corruption, and would read adoratur. Agobardus adv. Felic. c. 40, explains it correctly by adsumitur (juxta hunc modum et caeteros doctores dixisse et sensisse, ubicumque nomen et verbuni adoptionis in fidei dogmatibus inserucrunt, credimus). On the controversy between P. Constant, who, in his edition of Hilary, defended adoptatur and the Jesuit Barth. Germonius, who with great vehemence would have adoratur, see Walch Hist. Adopt, p. 26, BS. (Germonius went so far as to accomplish the falsification of the oldest MS. of Hilary in the Vatican in favor of his reading, by means of the royal confessor, which was discovered immediately after, and judicially authenticated. See Le Bret's pragmatische Gesch. d. Bulle in Coena Domini, Bd. 1, 2te Aufl. 1772, S. 52. ^ Epist. Episc. Hisp. ad Episc. Galliae, etc. c. 2 (in Alcuini Opp- ed. Froben. ii. 568) Nos confitemur et credimus, Deum Dei filium ante omnia tempera sine initio ex Patre gcnitum non adoptione sed genere, neque gratia sed natura: pro salute vero humatii generis, in line temporis ex ilia intima et inett'abili Patris substantia egrediens, et a Palru non recedens, hujus mundi inlima peteus, ad publicum humani generis af)parens, invisibills visibile corpus adsumens de virgine, ineff'abiliter per Integra virginaliaMatris enixus secundum traditionem Patrum conlitemur et credimus, eum factum ex muliere, factum sub lege, non genere esse filium Dei sed adoptione; neque natura sed gratia, idipsnm eodem Domino attestante, qui ait: Pater major me est (Jo. xiv. 28, farther, Luc. i. 80, Ji). Cap. 9. Credimus igitur et confitemur Deum Dei Filium, lumen de luminc, Deum i. 14). verum ex Deo vero, ex Patre Unigenitum sine adoptione Primogenitum vero in liue temporis, verum liominem assumendo de Virgine in carnis adoptione Unigenitum in natura: Primogenitum in adoptione et gratia. Proofs from Rom. viii. 29 (primogcnitus in multis fratribus). Ps. xxii. 23. Unde fratres, nisi de sola carnis adoptione, per (juod fratres habere dignatus est? Then especially 1 Joh. iii. 2 (similes ei erimus) Similes utique in carnis adoptione, non similes ei in Divinitate. For the Filius unigenitus were quoted Ps. ex. 4 (Ex utero ante Lucifcrum genui te) xliv. 2; Jes. xlv. 23; Prov. viii. 25; for the Filius primogcnitus et adoptivus Deut. xviii. 15 (Prophetam suscitabit Duminus Dcus de fratribus vestris). Matth. xvii. 5; Ps. Ixxxix. 27, ss. Ps. ii. 8: Jes. xlv. 2, ;; Mich. vi. 7, etc. Cap. 10 (Credimus) in uno eodemque Dei et liominis Filio in una j)er sona duabus quoque naturis plenis atque perfectis, Dei et liominis, domini et servi, visioilis atque invisibilis, tribus quoque substantiis, verbi scilicet, animae et carnis. Felix (ap. Alcuin. contra Felicem lib. iv. e. 2) Secundo autem modo nuncupative Deus dii.-itr.r, sicut superias dictum est de Sanctis praedicatoribus, de quibus Salvator Judaeis ail: Si qui tameu non natura ut Deus, enira illos dixit deos, ad quos Dei sermo factus (Jo. x. 35) sed per Dei gratiam ab eo, qui verus est Dcus, deificati dii sunt sub illo vocnti in hoc quippe ordine Dei Filius dominus et redemtor noster juxta humanitatcm, sicut in natura Ita et in nomine, quamvis excellentius cunctis electis, verissime tamcn cum illis communicat, sicut et in caeteris omnibus, i. e., in praedestinatione, in electione, in gratia, in susceptione, in adsumtione nominis servi at(iue api)licatione, seu caetera. his similia, ut idem qui essentialiter cum Patre et Spiritu Sancto in unitatc Deitatis venis est Deus, ipse in forma humanilatis cum electis suis per adoptionis gratiam deiHcatus fierot, et nuncritically
: :

audiuntur.

cupative Deus.
*

First contradicted by Bcatus and Eutlierius.

Eli[mndi Ep. ad Fidelem Abbatcm, A.D.

PART

li.

C7HAP. III. FRANK

CHURCH.

^ 13.

ADOPTIAN CONTR.

77

Ad"ptianism, by penetrating into France, caused Charlemagne Felix was obliged to recant at Rato interfere in tiie matter. Elipand having complained then at E-ome.^ tisbon (792), and
to

Charles of this treatment,*' the latter called the Sijitod of

Frankfurt (794), at which Adoptianism was rejected anewJ After many fruitless attempts of various writers, of whom Alcuin was the most important," to convince the Adoptians of their error,^
785 (preserved in the following answer, best edited in Alcuiui 0pp. ed. Froban. ii. 537). On the other side, Beati et Etherii adv. Elipandum libb. ii. (in Canasii Lect. antt. ed. Basnage, ii. i. 269, and ap. Gallandius, xiii. 290, but might still be con-ected from Codd.
Tolctanis
:

cf.

Gregor. Majans in Alcuini 0pp. ed. Froben.

ii.

592, ss.)

Hadriani

P. I.

uuiversam Spaniam commorantes in the Cod. Carol, no. 97, ap. Mansi, xii. 814. Doubts of the genuineness, Walch's Ketzerhist. Bd. ix. 747. * In the Acts of the Synod of Narbonne, a.d. 788 (ed. Baluz. ad de Marca Concord. Sac. et Imp. lib. vi. c. 25, ap. Mansi, xiii. 821), the introduction and the signatures, which have reference to this subject, are perhaps spurious. Walch, ix. 687, 749. Concerning the Alcuinus adv. Elitransactions at the Synod of Ratisbon and in Rome see the accounts panihim, lib. c. 16. Acta Cone. Rom. ann. 799 (ap. Mansi, xiii. 1031), and all the Frank
Epist. ad Episcopos per
:

annals.
s
5.")8.

Epist. Episcop. Hispaniae ad Carol.

M.

(pi-ini.

ed.

H. Florez

in

Espanna sagrada
ed.
c.

v.

Walch

Hist. Adopt, p. 154.

With emendations
(ap.

in

0pp. Alcuini
(1.

Froben.

ii.

567).

Epiat. Episcop. Hispaniae ad Episc. Galliae, Aquitan. et Austriae


'

p. 568, ss.).

Acta Cone. Francofordensis

Mansi,

xiii. 863).

To

this

belong Epist. Hadriani P.

I.

Episcoporum Italiae contra Elipandum or Paullini and m the works of Paullinus), Synodica Concilii ah Episc. Galliae et Germaniae ad Praesules Hispaniae missa (p. 883), then Can. Francof. i. (p. 909), and lastly Caroli M. Epist. ad Elipandum et caeteros Episc. Hispaniae (p. 899). 8 First, Alcuini libellus adv. haeresin Felicis ad Abbates et Monachos Gothiae missus (prim. ed. Froben. in 0pp. Alcuini, i. ii.759, ss.) and Epist. ad Felicem (1. c. p. 783, ss.). Against the latter, Felicis libellus contra Alcuinum, of which remain only fragments in the works written against it. Of this work Alcuini Epist. 68, ad doranum Regem Hujus vero libri, vel magis erroris responsio multa diligentia et pluribus adjutoribus est consideranda. Ego solus non sufficio ad responsionem. Praevideat vero tua sancta Pictas huic
ad Episc. Hispaniae
(p. 865), libellus
(p.

Aquilej. libellus sacrosyllabus

873,

operi

tam arduo

et necessario adjutores idoneos, etc.

Ejusd. Epist.

69,

ad eund.:

De

li-

hello vero Infelicis.

non magistri sed subversoris, placet mihi valde, quod vestra sanctissima Voluntas et Devotio habet curam respondendi ad defonsionem fidei catholicae. Sed obsecro, si vestrae placeat Pietati, ut exemplarium illius libelli domno dirigatur Apostolico,
aliud quoque Paullino Patriarchae, similiter Richbono, et Teudulfo Episcopis, doctoribus
et magistris, ut singuli pro se respondeant.

Flaccus vero tuus tecum laborat

in

reddenda
illi

ratione catholicae fidei.

Tantum

detur ei spatium, ut quiete et diligenter liccat

cum

pueris suis considerare Patrum sensus;quid unusquisque diceret de senteutiis, quas posuit praefatus subversor in suo libello. Et tempore praefinito a vobis ferantur vestrae auctori-

singulorum responsa. This was followed by the Cone. Roman ann. 799, at which Leo in. pronounces an anathema against Felix, ap. Mansi, xiii. 1029. Works written
tati

against
ed. J.
i.

ii.

it by Paullinus Aquilej. libb. iii. adv. Felicem Orgelitanuni (best in Paullini 0pp. F. Madrissi. Venet. 1737. p. 95, ss.) and Alcuini libb. vii. adv. Felicem (ed. Froben. 783), first appeared after the synod of Aix-la-Chapelle.

' The greatest reproach against the Adoptians was constantly that of Nestorianism. For example, Alc;iw .i .-''r^ Felicem, lib. i. c. 11 Sicut Nestoriana impietas in duas ita et vestra indocta temeritas in duos Christum div'iV.t jir.t..?! r is' p'Opter duas naturas
:
:

eum

div'.i

-lij?,
ir"r.r.-s

\z,'"-a
r.\

jripriura, alterrfm adoptivum.


:

Si vero Christus est proprius


Similiter si in divinitate

Filius Dei

di'.opcivus

ergo est alter et

alter.

Deus

78

TIIIRD PERIOD. DIV. I. A.D.

726-838.

Felix was at last persuaded by Alcuin to yield, at a synod at Aix-la-Chapelle (799);' while Elipand violently resisted all the exhortations of Alcuin." Felix, indeed, left proofs after his

death at Lyons (f 818) that he had not entirely given up his opinions '^ but with the death of its leaders, Adoptianism tr^cxk
;

into oblivion.'^
verus
est, et in

humanitate Deus nuncupativus, alter et alter


:

est, ct

nuUatcnus

sic sentien-

tes potestis vobis evitare impietatein Nestorianac doctrinae

duas perEonas dividit propter duas naturas, hiinc vos dividitis in duos filios, et in duos Deos per adoptionis nomen et nuncupationis. Lib. iv. c. 5 Nam si duas personas in uno Christo
ille in
:

quia quern

propter apertam blasphemiam timeas

fateri,

tamen omnia, quae duabus personis inesse

necesse

est, in

tua confessioiio confirmare non metuis.

On

the other hand,

lib. ii. c.

12

Adsumsit namquc sibi Dei Filius camem ex Virgine, et non amisit proprietatem, quam nbuit in Filii nomine sed quamquam duas habuisset post nativitatcm ex Virgine naturas, tamen unam proprietatem iu Filii persona firniiter tenuit. Acccssit humanitas in unitatem personae Filii Dei, et mansit eadem proprietas in duabus naturis in Filii nomine, .^uae ante fuit in una substantia. In adsumtione nanique carnis a Deo persona perit hominis, non natura. In nobis est persona adoptionis, non in Filio Dei quia singulariter ille unus homo ex Deo conceptus et in Deum adsumtus habet proprietatem Filius Dei esse, quod omnes Sancti habent per adoptionem gratiae Dei. Nee in ilia adsumtione alius est Deus, alius homo, vel alius Filius Dei, et alius Filius Virginis sed idem est Filius Dei, qui et Filius Virginis ut sit unus Filius etiam proprius et perfectus in duabus naturis Dei et hominis. '" See on this, Confessio fidei Felicis, Orgelitanae scdis Episcopi, quam ipse post spre

tum errorem suum


ss.),

in

conspectu Concilii

edidit, et eis,
ss.,

qui in ipso errorc ci

dudum

consen917,

tientes fuerant, direxit (ap. Mansi, xiii. 1035,

and

iu Alcuini

0pp.

ed. Froben.

i. ii.

i. ii. 863) and Epist. Elipandi ad Alcuinum (ib. p. 868), both a.d. 799. The latter begins Reverendissimo fratri Albino Diacono, non Christi ministro, sed Antiphrasii Beati foetidissimi discipulo, tempore gloriosi Principis in finibus Austriae exorto, novo Airio, sanctorum vcnerabilium Patram Ambrosii,
:

and Alcuinus adv. Elipandum, lib. i. c. 16. " First Epist. Alcuini ad Elipandum {0pp. ed. Froben.

Augustini, Isidori, Hicronymi doctriuis contrario,


:

si

se converterit ab erroro viae suae, a

Domino aeternam salutem et si noluerit, aeteruam damnalioncm. After this Alcuini adv. Elipandum libb. iv. (ib. p. 876, ss.). " A posthumous work of his given in extracts, and refuted in Agobardi Liber adv. dogma Felicis Episc. Urgellensis ad Ludovicum Pium Imp. '3 In the middle ages, Folmar was accused of Adoptian or Nostorian opinions (about Comp. Cramers Forts, v. Bossuet's Welt1160) (Walch Hist. Adoptianorum, p. 017. gesch. vii. 43). Duns Scotus (1300) and Durandus a S. Porciano (1320) allow the expression Filius adoptivus in a certain sense to Christ (Walch,
1.

c. p. 253),

In modem times,

the Adoptians have been defended

among

the Catholics, particularly by the Jesuit Gabr.

Vasquez. Commentar. in Thomam (Ingolst. 1606. fol.) in P. iii. diss. 60, c. 7; among the Protestants, by G. Calixtus (a Helmstadt programme of 1643, reprinted in his de Persona Helmst. 1663. p. 96), and others Christi dissertationum fasciculus ed. F. U. Calixtus. (Walch, 1. c. p. 256, SB.).

PART

II.

CHAP.

III. FRAlSfK

CHURCH.

$.14.

PASCH. RADBERT.

79

14.

CONTROVERSIES OP PASCHASIUS RADBERT.

The

ecclesiastical

mode

of speaking, that bread

and wine in

the Lord's Supper became by consecration the body and blood


of Christ,

may have

tion of substance,

by the uneducated

been frequently understood of a transformabut among the theologians


;

of the west, this misconception could not so readily find acceptance,' in consequence of the clear explanations given

celebrated Augustine.^

When,

therefore,

by the Paschasius Radbert,


(f 865),^ expressly

monk and

abbot of Corbey, from

844851

taught such a transformation,* he met with considerable opposi'

The views
V. Colhi,
ii.

of the time immediately preceding


v.
i.

Radbert (Bede,

Alcuiii,

Charlemagne)

see in Cramer's continuation of Bossaet,

222.

Miinscher's Lehrb. d. Dogmengesch.

von
2
^

i.

223.
II.

See Vol.

I.

Div.

101, note 15.


lit.

Concerning him see Hist.

de

la

France,

v. 287.

Bihr's Gesch.

d. ro"i. lit.

iiu

karoling. Zeitalter, S. 462.


lib. xi. is still

Opera

worthy of notice) ed. PP. Lugd. xiv. 3.52, ss. * Pasch. Radb. lib. de Corpore et Sanguine Domini, 831, dedicated to Marinus, abbot of New Corvey in a second edition, 844, presented to Charles the Bald. The earliest printed editions (prim. ed. Hiob. Gastius. Hagenoae. 1528. 4) are mutilated. The first genuine Colon. 1550. 8. Afterward many editions; the best in edition ed. Nicol. Mameranus. Edm. Martene et Ursini Durand Veterum script, et Monument, amplissima collectio, ix. 367. Cf. Hist. lit. de laFr. v. 294. Cap. 1 Patet igitur quod nihil extra vel contra Dei velle potest, sed cedunt illi omnia omnino. Et ideo nullus moveatur de hoc corpore Christi et sanguine, quod in mysterio vera sit caro et verus sit sanguis, duni sic voluit ille qui Omnia enim quaecunque voluit fecit in caelo et in terra (Ps. cxxxv. 6) et quia creavit. voluit, licet in figura panis et vini maneat, haec sic esse omnino, nihilque aliud quam caro Christi et sanguis post consecrationem credenda sunt unde ipsa Veritas ad discipulos " Haec, inquit, caro mea est pro mundi vita :" et ut mirabilius loquar, non alia plane, quam quae nata est de Maria, et passa in cruce et resurrexit de sepulcro. Cap. 4 Sed quia Christum vorari fas dentibus non est, voluit in mysterio hunc panem et vinum vere carnem suam et sanguiuem consecratione Spiritus Saucti potentialiter creari, creando vero quotidie pro mundi vita mystice immolari, ut sicut de Virgine per Spiritum vera caro sine coitu creatur, ita per eundem ex substantia panis ac vini mystice idem Christi corpus et sanguis consecretur de qua videlicet came et sanguine: "Amen, amen," inquit, dico vobis, nisi manducaveritis camem filii hominis, etc." (Jo. vi. 53). Si camera illam vere credis de Maria virgine in utero sine semine potestate Sp. S. creatam, ut Verbum caro fieret vere crede, et hoc, quod conficitur in verbo Christi per Sp. S., corpus ipsius esse ex Virgine, potentia divinitatis contra naturam ultra nostrae rationis capacitatem efficaciter operatur. Cap. 8 Substantia panis et vini in Christi carnem et sanguinem efScaciter interius commutatur. Cap. 14 Examples, quod haec mystica corporis et sanguinis sacramenta visibili specie in agni formam aut in camis et sanguinis colorem monstrata sint, ur tamquara puenilus jacens super altare, etc. Cap. 20: Non modo caro aut sang^uis
:

(among which the Commentar. in Evang. Matthaei, J. Sirniond. Paris. 1618. fol., and afterward in Bibl.

80
tion.

THIRD PERIOD. DIV.

I. A.D.

726-8.18.

Raharms Maurus

rejected the

new

doctrine as erroneous.*

Ralramnus,'^ in the opinion


Christi in nosti'am convertuntur
et spiritales efficiunt.

for whicli

he was asked by the em-

Hoc sane
cibi.

nutriunt in nobis, quod ex

camera aut sauguinem, vcrum nos a camalibus elevant Deo natum est, et non quod ex

came
S.

et san^iine.

Frivolum
spiritalis.
:

est ergo

iu

hoc mysterio cogitare de stcrcore, ne coniniisspiritalis

ccatur in digestionc alterius

Donique ubi

esca et potus sumitur, et Spiiitus

per

eum

in liominc operatur, ut si quid iu nobis carnalo

adhuc

est, traiisferatur in spi-

Sirmond confesses at Genuinuni Eeclesiae catholicac sensum ita primus explicuit, ut viam caeteris aperuerit, qui de eoJeni argumento multa postoa scripscrunt. Of. HisAmst. 1669. 4. p. 357. H. Renter de Erroritoire de reucharistie par Matth. Larroque. bus, qui aetate media doctriuani Christ, de s. Eucharistia turpavcrunt. Berol. 1840. 8. p. 26. It is surprising that Dr. A. Ebrard (das Dogma vom heil. Abendmal u. s. Geschichte, Bd. 1. Frankf. a M. 1845, S. 406) iinds in Paschasius not a substantial transfonnation, but only the doctrine that bread and wine became the body and blood of Christ, according
ritual, et iiat

homo

quid commixtionis habere poterit?

.east, in his

Vita Faschacii

to poteutia (potentially).

Rab. M. Epist. ad Heribaldum Antissidorensem Episc. (written 853) cap. 33. Regilibb. ii. de Ecclesiast. disciplinis, cd. Baluzius p. 516, the passage con'ected by MSS. in Mabillonii Iter Germ, in his Vett. analectis ed. ii. p. 17) " Q.uod autcm iiiterrogasti, utrum Eucharistia, postquam consumitur, et in secessum, emittitur more aliorum ciborum, iterum redeat in naturam pristinam, quam habuerat, antequam in altari cousesuperflua est hujusmodi quaestio, cum ipse Salvator dixerit in Evaugelio: craretur " Omne quod intrat iu os, in ventrem vadit, ct in secessum emittitur" (Matth. xv. )7) Sacramentum ergo corporis et sanguinis Domini ex rebus visibllibus et coi-jjoralibns conficitur, sed invisibilem tam corporis quam animae efficit sanctiiicationcm ct salutem. Q.uae est enim ratio, ut hoc, quod stomacho digeritur, et iu secessum emittitur, iterum in Btatum pristinum redeat, cum nullus hoc unquam iieri assenicrit. Nam (juidam nuper do ipso Sacramento corporis et sanguinis Domini non rite sentientes dixerunt, hoc ipsum esse corpus et sanguinem Domini, quod de Maria Virginc natum est, et in quo ipse Dominus passus est in cruce, et resurrexit de sepulcro. Cui errori quantum potuimas, ad Eigilum Abbatem scribentes, de corpore ipso quid vere credendum sit aperuimus. This Mabillon supposes it to be the Dicta cujusdam epistle to Eigilus, abbot of Priim, is lost. sapientis de corpore et sanguine Domini adv. Radbertum, edited by him from a Cod. Gemblac. (Act. SS. Ord. Bened. saec. iv. ii. 591). Comp. the praef. ad h. torn. no. 57-60. See on the other hand, v. Colin on Miinscher's Leb.rbuch d. Dogmengesch. ii. i. 229. Cf. Rab. Maur. de Institutione clericorura, lib. i. c. 31 (ap. Hittorp, p. 324) Maluit enim Dominus corporis et sanguinis sui sacramenta fidelium ore percipi, et in pastum eorum Sicut enim cibus matcrialis redigi, ut per visibile opus invisibilis ostcnderetur effectus. forinsecus uutrit corpus et vegetat, ita ctiam verbum Dei intus animam uutrit et roborat. Sacramentum enim ore percipitur, aliud est sacramentum, aliud virtus sacramenti. sacramentum iu alimentum corporis redigitur, virtute sacramenti interior homo satiatur Q,uia panis corpus confirmat, ideo ille virtute autem sacramenti aeterna vita adipiscitur. corpus Christi congruentur nuncupatur, vinam autem, quia sanguinem operatur in carne, liaec autem dum sunt visibilia, sanctificata tameu ideo ad sanguinem Christi refertur per Spiritum S., in sacramentum divini corporis traiiseunt. Lib. iii. c. 13. Among the examples of oratio figurata "Nisi manducavcriiis," inquit, "carnem filii hominis," etc.
*

nonis Abb.

Facinus vel flagitium videtur jubere. Figurata ergo est, praecipiens iiaset suaviter atque utiliter recolendum in memoria, eioni Domini esse communicandum quod pro nobis caro ejus crucifixa et vulncrata sit (taken word for word from Aagustlu. de
(Jo. vi. 53.)
:

Doctr. Christ,
'

iii. c.

16).
,]

Ratr. de Corpore et Sang. Domini liber ad Carol. R.

rim. kI. cuta

[.ratf.

Leoiiis

Judae.

Colon. 1532.

9,

frequently published in the original niii in traUbl'itNus. esjiccially


Paris. 1712. :n
'iS.)

by the Reformed; best by Jac. Boileau.

viaod

in

Fcclesia

o'x>

fidelium sumitur corpus et sanguis Christi, quaerit vestrae Mftj^ji'/iU'Lla Excellentia, in

PART
peror,
mysterio

II.

CHAP.

III.

FRANK CHURCH.

14.

PASCH. RADBERT.

81
erro-

and which has subsequently been often attributed


fiat

utrum aliquid secreti contineat, quod oculis fidei solumAccordsit, quod de Maria natum est et passum? ing to these two questions the book is divided into two parts. On the first lUe panis, qui per sacerdotis ministerium Christi corpus efBcitur, aliud exterius humanis sensibus Exterius quidem panis, quod ante ostendit, et aliud interius fidelium mentibus clamat.
an in veritate?
i.

e.,

modo

pateat,

et utram ipsum corpus

fuerat,

forma praetenditur, color ostenditur, sapor accipitur

ast interius longe aliud, mut-

toque pretiosius multoque excellentius intimatur, quia caeleste, quia divinum, i. e., corpus Christi ostenditur, quod non sensibus carnis, sed animi fidelis coutuitu vel adspicitur vel Haec ita esse dum nemo potest abnegare, claret, quia accipitur, vel comeditur. 2
:

panis

ille

vinumque

figurate Christi corpus et sanguis exsistit.

Nam

si

secundum quos-

dam

totum in veritate conspiciatur; nihil hie fides operatur, quoniam nihil spirituale geratur: sed quicquid illud est, totum secundum corpus accipitur. At quia confitentur et corpus et sanguinem Christi esse, nee hoc esse potuisse, nisi facta in melius commutatione neque ista commutatio corporaliter, sed spiritualiter facta sit necesse est, ut jam figurate facta esse dicatur, quoniam sub velamento corporei panis corporeique vini spirituale corpus Christi spiritualisque sanguis exsistit. Non quod duarum
figurate nihil hie accipiatur, sed
;

sint exsistentiae

rerum inter se diversarum, corporis videlicet et spiritus verum una secundum aliud species panis et vini consistit, secundum aliud autem corpus Secundum namque, quod utrumque corporaliter contingitur, species et sanguis Christi. sunt creaturae coi-porea, secundum potentiam vero, quod spiritualiter factae sunt, mysteria
:

eademque

res

non immerito nuncupatur,

sunt corporis et sanguinis Christi. Consideremus fontem sacri baptism atis, qui fons vitae si consideretur solummodo, quod corporeus aspicit sensus,

elementum flaidum
virtus.

conspicitur.

Igitur

Sed

accessit S. Spiritus per sacerdotis consecratioueia


corruptibilis, in mj'stcrio vero virtus sanabilis.

in proprietate

humor

Sic

itaque Christi corpus et sanguis superficie teuus considerata creatura est mutabilitati

coiTuptelaeque subjecta,
tribuens immortalitatem.

si

mysterii vero perpendis virtutem, vita

est,

participantibus se
Se-

Non

ergo sunt idem, quod cernuntur, et quod creduntur.


:

cundum enim quod

secundum vero quod creduntur, animas pascunt in aeternam victuras, ipsa immortalia. To the second question: Ait enim (Ambrosius) "in illo sacramento Christus est;" non enim " ille panis et illud vinum Christus est.'' Est quidem corpus Christi, sed non cor ait
cernuntur, corpus pascunt corruptibile, ipsa coiTuptibilia
:
:

non corporalis sed spirirualis. Corpus immortale factum, jam non moritur, aetemum est nee jam passibile. Hoc autem, quod in Ecclesia celebratur, teraporale est, non aeterquodsi non sunt idem, quomodo verum corpus nura, corruptibile est non iucorruptum, De vero corpore Christi dicitur, quod sit verus Deus et Christi dicitur et verus sanguis? verus homo, qui in fine saeculi ex Maria virgine genitus. Haec autem dum de corpore Christi, quod in Ecclesia per mysterium geritur, dici non possunt, secundum quendara
porale sed spirituale
Christi,
;

est sanguis Christi, sed


et resurrexit et

quod mortuum est

modum

corpus Christi esse cognoscitur.

Et modus

iste in figura est et imagine, ut Veritas

res ipsa sentiatur.


dicuntur, et a

In orationibus, quae post mysterium sanguinis corporisque Christi populo respoudetur amen, sic sacerdotis voce dicitur " Pignus aeternae
:

quod imagine contingimus, sacramenti manifesta participatione sumamus." Et pignus nempe et imago alterius rei sunt, i. e., non ad se, sed ad aliud adspiciunt. Pignus nempe illius rei est, pro qua donatur, imago illius, cujus similitudinem ostendit. Significant nempe ista rem, cujus sunt, non mauifeste ostendunt. Q,uod cum ita est, apparet, quod hoc corpus et sanguis pignus et imago rei sunt futurae, ut quod nunc per similitudinem ostenditur, in futuro per manifestationem reveletur. Item " Perficiant in nobis, Domine, quaesumus, tua sacramenta, quod continent, ut quae alibi nunc specie gerimus, rerum veritate, capiamus." Dicit quod specie gerantur ista, non
vitae capientes humiliter imploramus, ut

veritate,

per similitudinem, non per ipsius rei manifestationem. Diflterunt autem Quapropter corpus et sanguis, quod in Ecclesia geritur. differt ab illo corpore et sanguine, quod in Christi corpore per resurrectionem jam glorificatum cognoscitur. Et hoc corpus pignus est et species, illud vero ipsa Veritas. Videmus itaque molta differentia separari mysterium sanguinis et corporis Christi, quod nunc a fidelibus
i.

e.,

a se species et Veritas.

VOL.

II.

82
niously to

THIRD PERIOD. DIV.

I. A.D. 726-858.
it;

John Scot us,'' declared against

and the most

distinguished theologians of this period firmly adiiered to the

Augustiuian view,^ so that Paschasius saw that he was called


sumitur in Ecclesia, et
illud quod uatum est de Maria virginc, quod passum, quod sepultum, quod resuiTexit, quod caelos ascendit, quod ad dcxtcram Patri.s sedet. Docemur a Salvatore iiec non a S. Paulo Apostolo, quod iste panis et iste sanguis, qui super altare ponitnr, in figuram sive memoriam doniiuicae mortis pouatur, ut quod gestnm est in praetcrito, praosenti rcvocet memoriae, ut illius passionis memores eiiecti, per earn efficiainur divini muneris consortes, per quam sumus a morte liberati. Cognoscentes, quod ubi perveneriraus ad visioncm Christi, talibus non opus liabobimus iiistruraentis, quibus admoueamnr The older Catholic theologians universally considered this work as heretical, and (tc.

believed that

it

had been

in part interpolated

by Protestants.
first

Hence

it

stands in the

endeavored to show that it was ('atholic, in which opinion he was followed particularly by Jo. Mabillon Act. SS. Ord. Bened. sacc. iv. P. ii. pracf. p. 44, and Ann. Bened. lib. xxxv. $ 40, and J. Boileau in his Index
libr.

prohibit, of 1559.

De

Sainte Boeuve

edition.
' All the writers of the next succeeding centuries speak either of a work of Ratramnus, or of John Scotus, on the Lord's Supper; those who mention the one say nothing of the All the citations suit the only extant one, which in Codd. is attiibutcd to Ratramother.

works were spoken of together as distinct, and that of Scotus Marca (Epist. ad d'Acherium, in the Spicileg. iii. 852, ed. 2 of the latter,) first asserted correctly, that the alleged two works were only one and the same, but he attributed it to the heterodox Scotus, in order to weaken its importance. But this author has quite another doctrine respecting the Supper, de Divis. naturae, ii. 11, V. .18 comp. Ebrard's Dogma vom hell. Abendmal, S. 420. The identity of both writings, and, at the same time, that Ratramnus was the author, is shown by F.W. Laufs iJber die
nus. Afterward, indeed, both

declared to be

lost.

P. de

fur verloren gehaltene Schrilt des

.Studien u. Kritiken.

Johannes Scotus von der Eucharistie, in the Theol. Bd. 1 (1828), Heft 4, S. 75.5, ss. Gfrorer's (K. G. iii. ii. 921) objections may be set aside by the consideration, that the work of Ratramnus, as having been directed against his abbot, was doubtless circulated anonymously at first, and that therefore even contemporaries as Hincmar (de Praedest. c. 31) and Adrevaldus (de Corporc et Sanguine Christi contra incptias Jo. Scoti, ap. d'Achery, i. 150, a fragment, but which may have been intended to oppose the eucharistie opinions of the book de Divis. naturae) might have erroneously regarded John Scotu.s as the author, because in such cases he was
often interrogated
8

by Charles the Bald. For example Walafrid. Strabo de Rebus

eccles.

c.

16: (Christus) corporis et sanguinis

sacramenta in panis et vini substantia eisdem discipulis tradidit, et ea in commemorationem sanctissimae suae i)assionis celebrare perdocuit. C. 17: Illius unitatis perfectae, c|uam cum capite nostro jam spe, postea re, tenebimus, pignora. Christiani Druthmar Expos, in Matth. xxvi. 26, ss. (Bibl. PP. Lugd. xv. 165): Dedit discipulis sacramentum corporis sui ut memores illius facti semper hoc in figura faccrent, quod pro cis acturus " Hoc est corpis meum," i. e., in sacramcnto erat, et hujus caritatis non obliviscerentur. (Sixt. Senensis Bibl. sanct. lib. vi. p. 158, would read after a Cod. Lugd.: hoc est vere in Sacramento subsistens). Vinum et laetilicat et sanguinem auget. Et idcirco non inconvenienter sanguis Christi per hoc figuratur. Sicut denique si aliquis peregrc proficiscens dilectoribus suis quoddam vinculum dilectionis reliu(iuit, eo tenorc, ut omni die haec agant, ut
sui

illius
I.

non obliviscantur ita Deus praecepit agi a nobis, transferens spiritualiter (Sixt. Sen. would have the word spiritualiter left out) corpus in panem, vinum in sanguinem, ut per haec duo memorcmus, (juae fecit pro nobis, etc. (That the edition by J. Wimpheling.
:

c.

Strasb. 1514, really exists, and has the


V. 89, J.

common text, see Cave, ii. 2.^), Hist. lit. dc la Fr. G. Schelhorn Amoenitates hist. eccl. et literariae, i. 823.) Florus Mngister de Expositione Missae (for the first time complete in Martene et Durand Aniplissima Collect. Hiijus sacrificii caro et sanguis ante adventum Christi per victimas t. ix. p. 577, ss.), c. 4 Bimilitudine prcniittcbatur, in passione Christi per ipsam veritatem reddcbatur, post at
:

PART upon

II.

CHAP.

III.

FRANK CHURCH.
for

$ 14.

PASCH. RADBERT.
reasons.^

83

to defend his sentiments,

many

Still the

mystical, and apparently pious, doctrine, which

was

easier of

apprehension, and seemed to correspond better to the sacred

words, obtained
that
it

its

advocates too

^"

and

it

was easy

to see,

only needed times of darkness, such as soon followed, to


general.

become

In the same spirit Radbert" also taught a miraculous decensum


ss.), c.

Christi per
:

sacramentum raemoria
ille

celebratur.

Idem

adv.

Amalarium

(ibid. p.

C41

Prorsus panis

sacrosanctae oblationis corpus est Christi, non materio vel


spirituali.

specie

visibili,

sed virtute ct potentia

Simplex
:

e frugibus panis conhcitnr,

simplex e botris vinum liquatur, accedit ad haec offerentis Ecclesiae fides, accedit myssicque miro et ineflabili modo, ticae precis consecratio, accedit divinae virtutis infusio quod est nataraliter ex germine ten-eiio panis et vinum, efficitar spiritualiter corpus Christi, i. e., vitae et saliitis nostrae mysterium, in quo aliud oculis corporis, aliud fidei videmus obtentu [leg. obtuitu], nee id tantum, quod ore percipimus, sed quod mente credimus, libanius. Mentis ergo est cibus iste, non ventris, non coiTumpitur, sed pennr.Corpus igitur Christi non est in specie visibili, sed in virtuto iiet in vitam aeternam.

spirituali, etc.

Exposit. in Matth.

lib. xii.

ad Matth. xxvi.
corporis,

qui volunt extenuare hoc

vcrbum

Sacramento celebratur in Ecclesia Christi, plaudere aut fingere, quasi quaedam virtus sit carnis et sanguinis in eo tantummodo Sacramento. Miror, quid velint nunc quidam dicere, non in re esse veritatem carnis sed in Sacramento virtutem quandam carnis et non carncm, virtuChristi vel sanguinis tern fore sanguinis et non sangainem, figuram et non veritatem, urabrana et non corpus Haec idcirco prolixius dixerim et expressius, quia audivi quosdam me reprehendere, quasi ego in eo libro, queni de sacramcntis Christi ediderara, aliquid his dictis (namely, Hoc est corpus m. etc.) plus tribuere voluerim aut aliud, quam ipsa Veritas repromittit, etc. Ejusd. Epist. de Corpore et Sanguine Domini ad Frudegardum (1. c. p. 754): Cluaeris de re, ex qua multi dubitant. duam si forte ad plenum intelliguut, utique credere debuerant verba Salvatoris, quia non mentitur verax Deus, cum ait nisi manducaveritis carncm filii hominis, non habebitis vitam. Cum ait hoc est corpus meum vel caro nif a, BeQ hie est sanguis meus, non aliam puto insiuuasse, quam propriam ct quae nata est dc Maria virgine, ct pcpendit in cruce, neque sanguinem alium, quam qui profusus est in

26. (Bibl. PP. Lugd. xiv. G68) Audiant quod non sit vera caro Christi, quae nunc in neque verus sanguis ejus, nescio quid voleiUes
:

crace, et tunc erat in proprio corpore.

Alius

auteni qualitercunque intelligitur,

si

alius

osset sanguis, et alia esset caro in hoc mysterio, non in eo esset remissio pcccatorum

Then he

enters particularly on a consideration of several passages in Augustine, which Fnidegard had 'adduced against him. '" Especially Haimonis Tract, de Corp. et Sang. Dom. or rather a fragment of a commentary on the first epistle to the Corinthians (in d'Achei-y Spicileg. i. 42), and Hincmari Ep. ad Carol. Calv. de Cavendis vitiis et virtutibus exercendis, c. 13. " Pasch. Radb. Opusc. de partu Virginis addressed to a venerabilis matrona Christi una cum sacris virgiuibus Vesonae monastice degentibus (in d'Achery Spicil. i. 44) Dicuut enim (namely^ his ojjposers), non aliter b. virginem Mariam parere potuisse, neque aliter debuisse, quam communi lege naturae, et sicut mos est omnium feminarum, ut vera nativitas Christi dlci possit.

Non dico,

quod dicaut, virgiuitatem amisisse, quae


:

nesciens virum virgo concepit, virgo peperit et virgo permansit sed quia idipsum, quod coufitentur, [negant, dum dicunt, earn communi lege naturae puerperam filium edidisse.

quod absit, Maria virgo non est, Christus sub de carne peccati, etc. Nam et ipsa lex naturae, sub qua nunc mulieres concipiunt et pariunt, ut ita dicam, vere non est lex naturae quodamraodo, eed maledictiouis et culpae. Ideo sicut (Christus) clausis visceribus jure creditur consi

Quod

ita est, ut astruunt et affirmant,


est, irae filius

maledicto natus

84
livery of

THIRD PERIOD. DIV.

I. A.D.

72fi-

858.

Mary, but here again he was opposed by Ratram

15.

CONTROVERSY OF GOTTSCHALK.
Jac. Usserii Gottescbalci ct Praedestiiiationae controversico ab eo motae liist. Dublini. Gilb. Mauj,'uiiu Vett. auctorar/i, qui saec. ix. de pracdestina1C31. 4. Hanov. 1662. 8. Gottione et gratia scripserunt, opera et fragm. Paris. 1650. Tonii ii. 4 (in Tom. ii.
:

tesclialcanae Controvcrsiae bistorica et chronica dissertatio). Lud. Ccllotii Hist. GotteNatalis Alex. Diss, de causa Gottescbalci Paris. 1655. fol. scbalci praedestinatiani.
Jo. Jac. Hottingeri Diatribe bist. tbcol. qua saec. ix. et x. diss. Vta.) praedestinatianam et Godescbalci pscudobaereses comnienta esse demonstratur. TiEjusd. Fata doctrinae de praedestinatione et gratia Dei (Tig. 1727. 4), guri. 1710. 4. W. F. Gess Merkwurdigk. aus deni Leben Hiukmars. (Getting. 1806. 8), p. 397, ss.
(in Hist. eccl.

S. 15,

ff.

in the

Augustinism had never been generally adopted even and, therefore, Gottschalk,"^ a monk of Orbais, west a faithful follower of Augustine and Fulgentius, while on a
Strict
;

'

ceptus, ita omnino ct claiiso utero natus,


et

sicut niirabilitcr conceptus ita mirabiliter Deus Non est credendum, quod ejus (Mariae) puerperium doloribus ct geniitibus more feminarum subjacuerit. Cbristus de Virgine speciali ct ineffabili quodara mode procreatus, absque vexatione matris ingressus est mundum sine dolore et sine gemitu et
bomo
natus.

sine ulla coiruptione carnis. Cf. (Cb.^V. Virginis (a programme). Goett. 1758. 4.
'2

Walcbii) Hist, controvcrsiae saec. ix.de partu

Fama lib. de eo, quod Cbristus ex Virgine natus est (in d'Acbery, i. 52), c. 1 quorundam non contemnenda cognovimus relatione, quod per Germaniae partes serpens antiquus perfidiae novae venena diffuudat, et catbolicam super nativitate Salvadogmatizans Cbristi infantoris fidem, nescio qua fraudis subtilitatc subvertere molitur tiam, per virginalis januam vulvae, humanae nativitatis vcrum non babuissc ortum, sed raonstruose de secreto ventris incerto tramite luminis in auras exissc, quod non est nasci,
Ratr.
:

est, et

sed erumpi. Jam ergo nee verc natus Cbristus, nee vere genuit Maria. He concludes, c. Ergo omnifariam advcrsario devicto, teneamus vera fide, confiteamur ore veridico, 10 Verbum carncm factum, per ministcrium vulvae naturaliter natum ct secundum rationis cousequentiani, et secundum divinarum testimonia Scripturarum et secundum doctorum nou contemnendam auctoritatcm. Satis abundeque, ut acstimo, monstratum est, Dominum Salvatorcm de Virgine sicut boniinera natum, non ut integritatcm violaret ilia nativitas, quia Maria virgo fuit ante partum, virgo in partu, virgo mansit ct post partum sed ut qui
: ;

de virgine corpus assumsit, et intra gremium virginale coucrevit, per aulam quoqu<* virgineam naturaliter nascerctur. ' See Vol. I. Div. I. 113, note 16, ff. ' Conceniing an earlier controversy of Gottscbalk's, tben a monk at Fulda, wilb bis abbot Raban, and respecting tbe decision of tbe synod of Mainz, 829, see tbe extracts of the Centur. Magdeburg, from tbe Epistola Rabani, since lost, and Ep. Hattonis ad Otgarium, centur. ix. cap. 9, p. 404, and cap. 10, p. 543 and 546. This was no doubt tbe occa sion of Raban's work contra eos qui repugnant institutis b. P. Bcnedicti (prim. cd. J Mabillon in append. Aunal. Bencd. t. ii. no. 11.) See Mabillon Annal. Bened. lib. xxx. c
30.

Kunstmann's Hrabanos Maurus,

S. 69.

PART

II.

CHAP.

III. FRAiNK

CHURCH.

15.

GOTTSCHALK.

85

pilgrimage to Rome, by teaching the doctrine of a twofold predestination,

excited

the
it

attention of

Rabanus Maurus, who


sin.'

thought he perceived in

a predestination to

Gottschalk

condemned by a synod at Mainz (848),* and delivered over to his metropolitan, Hincmar, archbishop of Rheims, for punishment by whom, after much ill-treatment, he was

was

therefore

sentenced to imprisonment, at the synod of Chiersy (849).* Gottschalk maintained that he had merely abided by the doc
trine of
=

Augustine

^
;

and, indeed, there were not a few

who

See Rabani Epist. ad Notinguin Episc. Veronensern and ad Eberardum comitem Rabani de Praedestinatione Dei contra 847, both published first by J. Sirmond Gotteschalcum epistolae iii. Paris. 1647. 8. (in Sirni. 0pp. ii. 1289), ap. Mauguin, i. i. 3. Kunstmann, S. 119. * Fragments of the writing handed over by Gottschalk, at this synod, to Rabanus, are preserved in Hincmar de Praedestin. c. 5 Ego Gothescalcus credo et confiteor quod gemina est praedestinatio, sive electomm ad requiem, sive reproborum ad mortem (word for word from Isidori Hispal. Sent. lib. ii. c. 6) Q,uia sicut Deus incommutabilis ante muudi constitutionem omnes electos suos incommutabiliter per gratuitam gratiam suam praedestinavit ad vitam aeteruam, similiter omnino omnes reprobos, qui in die judicii daraiiabuutur propter ipsorum mala merita, idem ipse incommutabilis Deus per justum
A.D.
: :

judicium suum incommutabiliter praedestinavit ad mortem merito sempiternam. C. 21 De quo videlicet libero arbitrio quid Ecclesiae Christi tenendum sit cum a caeteris catholicis Patribus evidentcr sit Deo gratias disputatum, turn praecipue contra Pelagianos
:

et Caelestianos a b. Augustino plenius et uberius diversis in opusculis, et maxime in Hypomnesticon esse cognoscitur inculcatum. Unde te [Rabane] potius ejusdem catholicissimi doctoris fructuosissimis assertionibus incomparabiliter inde quoque malueram
niti,

quam

erroneis opinionibus Massiliensis Genadii, qui

praesumpsit
C. 27
:

fidei

catholicae
et

infelicis

Uassiani perniciosum nimis

dogma sequens,
filius

reniti.

Itlos

omnes impios
:

peccatores, quos proprio fuso sanguine

Dei redimere

venit, hos omnipotentis

Dei

omnos impios

tantummodo velit et rursuni illos idem filius Dei nee corpus assumsit, nee orationem, ne dico sanguiuem fudit neque pro eis uUo raodo crucifixus fuit, quippe quos pessimos futuros esse praescivit, quosque justissime in aeterna praecipitandos tormenta praefinivit, ipsos omnino perpetim salvari peuitus uolit. Of tlie synod of Mainz we have only Rabani Epist. synodalis ad Hincmarum (in Sirmondi 0pp. ii. 1293, ap. Mansi, xiv. 914), according to which Gottschalk taught, quod praedestinatio Dei, sicut in bono, sic ita et in malo et tales sint in hoc mundo quidam, qui propter praedestinationem Dei, quae eos cogat in mortem ire, non possent ab errore et peccato se corrigere quasi Deus eos fecisset ab initio iucorrigibiles, et poenae obnoxios in interitum ire. On the other hand, Hincmar de
bonitas ad vitam praedestinatos irretractibiliter salvari
et peccatores, pro quibus
:
;

Praedestin.

c. 15, concedes: Dicunt [moderni Praedestinatiani] praedestinavit Deus reprobos ad interitum, non ad peccatum. Cf Remigius in Libro de tribus epistolis, note 13, below.
:

Cone, apud Carisiacum ap. Mansi, xiv. 919.


lib. iii. c.

According to Flodoardus (about 940) Hist.

Ecclesiae Rhemensis,

Deum

et

bona praescire

et

Hincmar afterward called on Gottschalk to confess, mala; sed mala tantuna praescire, bona vero et praescire
28.
:

et praedestinare.

Unde

praescientia esse potest sine praedestinatione


:

iii'aeJestinatio

autem esse non potest sine praescieotia et quia bonos praescivit et prnedestinavit ad regnura, males autem praescivit tautum, non praedestinavit, nee ut perirent sua ;irae
Gottschalk refused to subscribe this. His two confessions written in prison (prim. ed. J. Usseri'is, 1. c. in Append, p. 211, ss. ap. Mauguin, i. i. 7). In the longer one he says of his opponents Te precor, Domine Deus, gratis Ecclesiam tuam custodias, ne sua diutias earn fulsitate pervertant haercsescientia compulit.
'
:

8G

THIKD PERIOD. DIV.

I. A.D. 72C-8D8.

bishop of Troyes,'

thought that Ilincmar had encroached on it. Hence Prudentius, Rairamnus,^ and Sen'atus Lvpus,^ came forward in defense of the Augustinian orthodoxy Rabanus could
;
;

no longer come to the proposed refutation of these writings '" while John Scolus, who attempted to answer them,'^ could only
osque suae pestifera de reliijuo pravitate subvertant, evertant. Ego vero gratis edoctus ab ipsa verilate
licet so
liic

suosque secum luijubriter


ct

evidenter exprcssam de prae:

destinatione tua fidem catholicam fortiter teneo, veraciter patcnteniue defendo

quem-

canque contraria dogmatizare cognosco, tamquam pestem


abjicio.

fugio, et

tamquam haereticum

Porro conflictnm cujuslibet coram,

si

scniol his lectis et intclleclis cedere uoluerit,

tam manifestae veritati acquiescere secundum consilium vel potius praeceptum Apostoli, jam niilii vitaiiduiu censeo Attamen propter minus peritos, et ob id ab eis illectos, et nisi coirigantur, perdilos, optarem publicum, si tibi Domine placeret, fieri conventum quatenus adstructa palam Namely, veritate, et destructa funditus falsitate, gratias ageremus communiter tibi.
et instar Pharaonis iiiduratus liaerctico videlicet more,

contemserit,

unum positis atque ferventi sigillatim repletis aqua, oleo, pingui, et ad ultimum accenso copiosissimo igne, liccret milii ad adprobandam banc fidem meam, immo fidem catholicam, in singula introire, ct ita per singula transire etc. ^ Prudentii Trecassini Epistola ad Hincraarum Rbem. et Parduluin Lauduiiensem (about 849) prim. ed. Lud. Cellot in Hist. Gottesch. p. 425, s3. Comp. Raben's judgment thereupon Ep. ad. Hincmarum in Sirmondi Opp. ii. 129.3. Mauguin, i. i. 5.
quatuor doliis uno post
pice, et

8 '

Rati'amni de Praedestinatione

libb.

ii.

(about 850) prim. ed. G. Maoguiii,

i.

i.

27

Serv. Lupi Lib. de tribus quaestionibus (namely de Libero arbitrio, de Praedesti-

natione bonorum et maloruni, and de Sanguinis Cliristi sui)crflua ta.Katione), besides a collectancum de tribus quacst. after 850. Tiie first faulty edition by Donatus Candidus. 1648. 16. A corrected text by J. Sirmond. Paris. 1650. 8. (Opp. ii. 1227) and G. Maugnin i. ii. 9 cf. Hist. lit. de la France, v. 262, where Cave's statements are con-ected. '" See his two letters to Hincmar, published by Kunstmann, in the Tiibingen theol. (iuartalschr. 1836. S. 445, and al.so appendeil to his Rabanus Maurus, p. 215. '* Jo. Scotus de Praedestinatione Dei contra Gottesclialcum (851) prim. ed. G. Mauguiii,
;

i.i. 103.

Comp.

Fronmiiller's above
6,

( 10,

note 21) cited treatise: ex.

gr.

the following

Firmissime igitur tenendum, nullum peccatum nullamque ejus poenam aliunde nasci, nisi propria hominis voluutate, libero male utentis arbitrio. Cap. 7, 6 1 Non ergo liberum arbitrium malum est, cum co quisque male utatur, sed est numerandum inter bona, quae homini divina largitate donata sunt praesertim cum potius ad bene utendum eo datum sit: in hoc enini maxime arguitur liumana voluntas, quod eo Cap. 8, $ 7 Si omne doDo, cjuod ei datum est ad recte utendum, maluit perverse uti. quodmovet plus est quam (juod movetur, neeessario majora a minoribus moveri non sinunt, Rcstut plane, huniauam voluntatom aut a siniili ratione paria non possunt paria movere. Hoc ergo nisi fallor prolixae ratiocinase ipsa moveri, aut ab ea, quae cam condiiiit. 9 in libero huniauae voluntatis tionis ambitu confectum est, causas omnium recte factorura arbitrio, praei)arantc ipsum ipsiquc cooperante gratuito divinac gratiae maltipliciijue done malefactorum vero in pcrverso motu liberi arbitrii suaiicnte diabolo constilutas esse [irincipalem radicem esse lixam. duanta igitur dementia est eorum, cpii talium causas
assertions, cap.

1
: :
:

inevitabiles,

conctivasfiue necessitates

in

praedestinatione

divina

falsissime

fingunt,

impudentissime adstrunt. Cap. 9, $ 5. The expressions praescire and praedestinare can not be used of God proprie in co enim sicut nulla locorum spatia sunt, ita nulla temporura intervalla. Cap. 10, $ 3: Omne igitur malum aut peccatum est aut poena i)eccati quae duo si nulla ratio vera sinit Deum praescire, quanto niugis praedestinare quis audeat dicere, nisi e contrario? (/car' uvr'Kppaaiv, namely, according to $ 1, in the sense, quod Deus in creatura, quam ipse condidit, fieri siuit motu proprio liberoquo rationalis naturae perverse utentis naturalibus bonis). Ciuid cniin, numijuid possumus recte scntire do Peo
: :

eorum quae nee

i[)se est,

nee ab eo sunt, quia

nihil

sunt praes'-ieutiam seu i>raedestina

PART

II.

CHAP.

III.

FRANK CHURCH. own

15.

GOTTSCHALK.

87 length

do injury to Hincmar by his

heterodoxy. ^^

At

Remigius, archbishop of Lyons from 852, appeared in the name of his church, expressly as defender of the unfortunate Gottschalk.^^

Hincmar procured
?

the confirmation of his doctrinal


reram, quae sunt, intelligentia, qua
?

tionem habere
est

Si

enim

nihil aliud est scientia, nisi

ratione in his, quae non sunt scientia vel praescientia diceuda est

malum

nisi boui corruptio

omnis autem corruptio

Deinde
sit ?

si nihil

aliud
sit

nihil appetit, nisi ut

bonum non
4
:

quis dubitare potest, esse

malum, quod appetit bonum delere ne


:

Cluis non

quod dicitur peccatum, ejusque conseqaentias in morte atque miseria connon aliud esse, quam integrae vitae beataeque con-uptiones ita ut singula singulis opponantur, integritati quidem peccatum, vitae mors beatitudini miseria. Ilia sunt, ista penitus non sunt. $ 5 Omnino igitur non sunt, ac per hoc nee praesciri, nee praedestinari ab eo, qui summus est, possunt. Cap. 11 and 12, that praescientia and praedestinatio are one in God, that there is only a praedestinatio ad vitam, not ad mortem. Cap. 16, 1 In magno aetemi ignis ardore nihil aliud sit poenalis miseria, quam beatae ielicitatis absentia,
videat
stitutas,

totum

in

qua tamen nullus

erit qui

non habeat insitam

sibi naturaliter absentis beatitudinis

notionem, ejusque desiderium, ut eo

maxime

torqueatur, quo ardenter appetat, quod

justum Dei judicium comprehendere non


profecto,

sinat.

Cap.

17,

Sive itaque ignis


;

ille

corporeus (ut ait Augustinus), sive incorporeus (ut Gregoria placet)

idem

ignis bonuiJ

quoniam a bono

factus.

Non

ergo

ille

ignis est poena,

neque ad earn praeparatus,

vel praedestinatus, sed qui fuerat praedestinatus, ut esset inuniversitate

sedes factus est impiorum.

In quo proculdubio non minus habitabunt beati,

omnium bonorum, quam miseri


etc.

sed sicut una eademque lux sanis oculis convenit, impedit dolentibus, bonorum illi non noceret, quando ei auctor omnium placere non poterat ?
nulla beatitudo est, nisi vita aeterna
:

duid enim
:

Proiude
:

si

vita

autem aetema
Ita
:

est veritatis cognitio

nulla

igitur beatitudo est nisi veritatis cognitio.

si

nulla miseria est, nisi mors aeterna

aetema autem mors


antia.

est veritatis ignorantia


:

nulla igitur miseria est nisi veritatis ignor

Cap.

18,

Errorem itaque saevissimum eorum, qui venerabilium Patrum,

maximeque S. Augustini sententias confuse, ac per hoc mortifere ad suum pravissimum sensum redigunt, ex utilium discipliuarum ignorantia crediderim sunipsisse primordia

insuper etiam ex Graecarum literarum inscita. In quibus praedestinationis interpretatio nullam ambiguitatis caliginem giguit for npoopdu) means both praevidere and praedes;

tinare, etc.

Tractatus de praedestinatione contra Jo. (852) by Prudentius Mauguin, i. I, 191, afterward in the Bibl. PP. Lugdun. xv. 4G7), and Florus Magister Lib. de praedestinatione contra Jo. Scoti erroneas definitiones (also called Ecclesiae Lugd. lib. etc., because written in the name of it; best edited ap. Mauguin, i. 1, 575, and in the Bibl. PP. Lugd. xv. 611) comp. Staudenraaier's Job. Scotus Erig. S. 183. 1^ Kincmar and Pardulus, bishop of Laon, had written on this occasion to Amolo, arch bishop of Lyons, two letters (preserved in part in the following work of Remigius), and accompanied them with Rabani Epist. ad Notingum (cf note 3). On this Remigius, who had already begun to officiate, wrote in the name of his church: Liber de tribus epistolis {ap. Mauguin, i. ii. 61, Bibl. PP. Lugd. xv. 666). Here it is said directly, cap. 24 Videtur nobis sine dubio, quod ilia, quae [Gotteschalcus] -de divina praedestinatione dixit, juxta regulam catholicae fidei vera sint, et a veridicis Patribus manifestissime confirmata, nee ab uUo penitus nostrum, qui catholicus haberi vult, respuenda sive damnanda. Et ideo in has re dolemus non hunc miserabilem, sed ecclesiasticam veritatem esse damnatam. Rabanas is reproached with the false interpretation he had put on Gotlschalk's system (comp. note 4). Cap. 41 Tertia epistola assumit, quantum nobis videtur, non necessarium, nee uUatenus ad rem, de qua quaeritur, pertinentem disputationem. Quaeritur namque non illud, uti'um irapios Deus et iniquos praedestinaverit ad ipsam itapietatem et iniquitatem, i. e., ut impii et iniqui essent, et aliud esse non possent: quod nullus omnino moderno tempore dicere vel dixisse invenitur, qaod est utique immanis et detestabilix
'*

Scotus

was ansvrered

Scot. (prim. ed.


:

88

THIRD rERIOD. DIV.

I. A.D. 726-858.

creed at the synod of CJiicrsy (8o3), in presence of the emperor

Charles the Bald;

*^

but Reniigius at once protested against

it,'*

and the synod of Valence (S55\ sanctioned, in opposition to it, a twofold predestination as an ecclesiastical dogma. '^ But the
blasphoniia
:

sed

illud potius quaeritur, utruni eos,

quos veraciter omnino praescivit, pro-

prio vitio impios et iniquos futuros, ct in suis impictatibus at<iue iuiiiuitatibus

usque ad

mortem perseveraturos, justo judicio praedestinaverit aetemo supplicio puuieudos. '* The Capitula iv. Carisiacensia from Hincmar de Pracdcst. c. 2, ap. Mansi, xiv. 920
(by Siniiond. in Concill. Gall.
to the
t. iii.

and the succeeding editors of councils


sine peccato rectum

falsely assigned

Cone. Carisiac.
99.')),

1.

819; comp. ou the other side, Ann. Bertiniani ad ann. 853, ap.

Mansi, xiv.

cap.

i.

Deus omnipotens bominem

cum

libero arbi-

trio condidit, et in

paradise posuit,

quem

in sanctitate justitiae

permanere

voluit.

Homo

libero arbitrio

generis.

male utens peccavit et cecidit, et factus est raassa perditionis totius humani Deus autcm bonus et Justus elegit ex eadem raassa perditionis, secundum praeillis

scientiam suam, quos per gratiara praedestinavit ad vitam, et vitam

pracdestinavit

aeternam

caeteros autem, quos justitiae judicio in massa perditionis reliquit, perituros

uon ut perirent praedestinavit: poenam autem illis, quia Justus est, praeAc per hoc unum Dei praedestinationem tantummodo diciraus, qaae aut ad donum pertinet gratiae, aut ad retributionem justitiae. Cap. ii. Libertatem arbiti'ii in primo homine perdidimus, quani per Christum Dominum nostnim recepimus et babemus et habemus liberum arbitrium ad bonum, praeventum et adjutum gratia liberum arbitrium ad malum, desertum gratia. Liberum autem babemus arbitrium, quia Cap. iii. Deus omnipotens omnes homigratia liberatum, et gratia de corrupto sanatum. nes sine exceptione vult salvos fieri, licet non omnes salventur. Quod autem quidam quod autem quidam pereunt, pereuntium est meritum. salvantur, salvantis est donum Cap. iv. Christus Jesus Dominus noster, sicut nuUus homo est, fuit vel erit, cujus natura in illo assumta non fuerit, ita nullus est, fuit, vel erit homo, pro quo passus non fuerit licet non omnes passionis ejus mysterio rcdimantur. Quod vero omnes passionis ejus mysterio non redimuutur, non respicit ad magnitudinem et i)retii copiositatem, sod ad infidelium, et ad non credentium ea fide, quae per dilectionem opcratur, respicit partem cjuia poculum humanae salutis, quod confectum est infirmitate nostra, et virtute divina, habet quidem in sed si non bibitur, non medctur. ee, ut omnibus prosit " In the libellus de tenenda immobiliter S. Scripturae veritate, et SS. ortliodoxorum Patrum auctoi-itate fideliter sectanda, in which Remigius, in the name of the Church of Lyons, condemns those four chapters (ap. Mauguin, i. ii. 178, Bibl. PP. Lugd. xv. 701). '* Cone. Valentinum (ap. Mansi, xv. 1, ss.) can. iii. Fidenter fatemur praedestinationem elcctorum ad vitam, et praedestinationem impiorum ad mortem in elcctione tamen salvaiidorum misericordiam Dei praecedere meritum bonum in damnatione autem periturorum meritum malum praecedere justum Dei judicium. Praedestinatione autem Deum a tantum statuisse, quae ipse vel gratuita misericordia, vol justo judicio factui-us erat, secundum Scripturam dicentcm "qui fecit quae futura sunt" (Jes. xiv. 11, according to the LXX.) in mails vero (Deum) ipsomm maliliam praescisse, quia ex ipsis est; non praedestinasse, (juia ex illo non est. Poenam sane malum meritum eorum sequei'tem,
praescivit, sed

destinavit aeternam.

uti
iv.

Deum,
:

([ui

omnia

prospicit, praescivisse, et praedestinasse, quia Justus est, etc.

Can.

Item de redemtione sanguinis Christi propter niniium errorem, <iui de hac causa exortus est, ita ut quidam, sicut eorum scripta indicant, etiam i)ro illis impiis, qui a mundi exordio usque ad passionom Domini in sua impietate mortui aeterna damnntionc
illud nobis simpliciter et fideliter tenendum ac hoc datum pretium tencamus, de quibus ipse Dominus noster dicit " Sicut Moyses exaltavit serpcntem in deserto, ita exaltari oportet filium horainis, ftt omnis qui credit in ipso non pereat," etc. (Job. iii. H-lf>) et Apostolus,

puniti sunt, efl'usum

eum

dofiniant
illis

docendum

placet,
:

quod

pro

Porro capitula

"Christus," inquit, " semel oblatus est ad multorum exhaurienda pcccata" (Hebr. ix. 28). iv. quae a concilio fratrum nostrorum minus prospccto suscopta sunt.

PART

II.

CHAP.

III.

FRANK CHURCH.
to

$ 15.

GOTTSCHALK.

89
''

an understanding (859) better than before, especially as he had provoked Hincrnar anew by blaming him for altering Gottschalk's defenders were silent, one of the church hymns.** after Hincrnar had published several works in justification of An appeal of the unfortunate man to his conduct and creed.*^ Pope Nicolaus I. was without success.^" He at last died during
his imprisonment,

two archbishops soon after came and Gottschalk's situation was no

and under the ban of the church,


:

a.d. 868.^'
sed et alia xix.
jactetur,

propter iuutilitatem vel etiain noxietatem et errorem contrarium veritati


syllogismis ineptissime conclusa (namely, the writing of John Scotus),

et, licet

nulla saeculari literatuva nitentia, in quibus

commentura

diaboli potius,

quam argumentum

aliquod iidei deprehenditur, a pio auditu fidelium penitus explodimus, et ut talia et similia caveantur per omnia auctoritate Spiritus S. interdicimus. Can. v. Item firmissime tenendum credimus, quod omnis multitudo fidelium ex aqua et Spiritu S. regenerata et iu morte Christi baptizata, in ejus sanguine sit a peccatis suis abluta. Ex ipsa tamen multitudine fidelium et redemtorum, alios salvari aeterna salute, quia per gratiam Dei in redemtione sua fideliter pennanent; alios, quia nolueruut permanere in salute fidei, a<l plenitudiuem salutis et ad perceptioneni aeternae beatitudinis uuUo modo pervenire. ''' At tlie Cone. TuUense apud Sapouarias (Mansi, xv. 527), at which, according to the titulis canonum iii., still extant, the subjects discussed were de stabile uuioue principum Caroli et Lotharii atque Caroli Reguni, et x. de capitulis quibusdam in synodo relectis, de quibus inter quosdam Episcopos erat controversia. In the can. Valentinus iv., the
:

passage leveled at the capitula Carisiac. had been taken out by Remigius and his bishops at the Cone. Lingonense held a few days before, and in this form it was presented to Hincrnar and his bishops at Savonnieres. Cf. Mansi, xv. 525 and 533. Hincm. poster. Diss, de praedest. in praefat. '" Te, trina Deltas unaque, posciraus, Hincmar wished, as an Arian, to have altered
into

Te summa
10,

Deltas.

Even Rabanus

declared himself, in the letters referred to in

note
is

little treatise in defense of the expression, contained in Hincmar's refutation, de Una et non Trina Deitate, about 857 (in Hincm. 0pp. ed. Sirmond. i. 413), in which also Ratramnus's defense of the trina Deltas (since

against that expression.

Gottschalk's

lost) is

combated.
856.
all

" Since
chalk aud

First de Praedestinatione Dei et Libero Arbitrio libb.

iii.

against Gotts-

no longer extant. Then posterior de Praedest. Dei et libero arbitrio diss, contra Gotesc. et caeteros Praedestina tianos (begun 859, finished before 863), in 0pp. ed. Sirmond. i. 1. ''" Comp. Hincmari Ep. ad Nicolaum I. a.d. 864, preserved by Flodoard. iii. 12-14 (in ed. Sirm. ii. 244), and Hincm. Epist. ad Egilonem Archiep. Senonsem, a.d. 860 (in ed. Sirm. ii. 290, ap. Mauguin, ii. i. 237). '" Obstinacy and vanity, strengthened by external oppresion, may yet have proluced in Gottschalk such dreams as Hincmar de Non trina Deit. p. 550 describes Scripsit laoque ad Deum loquens, et dicens, ei, quod ipse illi praeceperit, ut pro me non oraret, et quia primurn filius in eum intraverit, postea Pater, delude Spiritus S., qui in ilium iutrars ei circa os barbara adussit. Ante hos annos revelatum sibi quibusdam familiaribus suis rcripsit, quod ego statim post tres seraisannos suae revelationis, sicut Antichristus usurprvns sibi potestatis potentiam, mori, et ipse Remonim Episcopus fieri, et post septennium vcneno interfici, et sic gloriae martyrum adequari deberet, etc. Gottschalk is defended by the reformed (Usser, Hettinger, etc.), the Jansenists (Corn. Jausenii Augustinus, t. i. lib. 8, c. 23: Mauguin, etc.), and also by the Roman Catholic Morisius, who was inclin.id io Augustinian sentiments; on the other hand, he is most violently opposed as a predea tinarian by the Jesuits (Sirmond, Potaviu*!, Cellot, Rnd others). Comp. Vol. I. Div. JI
his defenders (Flodoard. Hist. Eccl.
c. IT''

Rhem.

is

} 113, note 11.

90

THIRD PERIOD DIV.

I. A.D.

726-S:i8.

subordinate critical dispute respecting the genuineness of the Hypognosticon lib. vi.,^^ ascribed to Augustine, developed in this controversy, is worthy of notice, so far as it affords a
favorable proof of the learned education of the period.

The

16.

SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY BY THE CARLOVINGIANS.


Charlemagne endeavored
to spread Christianity in like degree

But by this means he with the extension of his dominions. hatred to the neighboring made it an object of suspicion and Thus his wars against the Saxons^ from 772, had free states. A peace for their object both their subjection and conversion. ensued, on Wittekind's and Alboin's of eight years' duration From that time, the Frieslanders continued baptism (785).
faithful in their adherence but a new rebellion of the Saxons (793) could to Christianity;^ The Saxons were invited to embrace not be quieted till 803. the way of conviction, but of the rudest Christianity, not in compulsion ^ and it was therefore natural that heathenism found
'oyal to the

Frank sovereignty, and

After Gottschalk had candidly appealed to them against Rabanus (Hincmar de PracJ see above, note 4). Joh. Scotus de Praedest. c. 14, $ 4, adduced passages from them to prove qnod Deus neminem praedestinavit ad poenam. On the other hand it was asserted by Floi-us de Praedest. contra Jo. Scot. c. 18 (ap. Mauguin, i. i. 726), and still more with historical and critical reasons by Prudentius de Praedest. contra Jo. Scot. c. 14 (ap. Mau*

c. 21,

guin,

It is true that Hincmar in Ep. i. i. 398), that they were not written by Augustine. ad Amolonem (ap. Remigius de tribus epistt. c. 34) appealed again to these books, and Pardulus Ep. ad Amolonem (1. c. cap. 39) went so far as to endeavor to defend their authenticity but Remegius (de tribus epistt. c. 35, ap. Mauguin, i. ii. 124, and lib. de tenenda S. Scripturae veritate, c. 9, 1. c. p. 204), proved their spuriousness by so decisive arguments, that Hincmar's defense (posterior de Praedest. Dei diss. ed. Sirmond. p. 10,
;

ss.)

on the other

side,

remains quite insignificant.


173.5. 4.

Cf. J.

W.

Feuerlini Disqu.
alibi.

hist, cvit.

de
'

libris

hypognosticon, an ab Hincmaro, in Augustana confessionc et


Altorf

rocte tribuantur

divo Augustino.

Nic. Schatcn Historia Westphaliae. Tract de statu relig. et reipubl. sub Gar.

Ncuhusii. 1690.

M.

et
1.

Just. Moser's Osnabriick. Gcschichte, Th.

H. A. Meindera fol. p. 417, ss. Lud. P. in veteri Saxonia. Lemgo. 1711. 4. A. F. H. Schaumanu's Gesch. d. neider-

suchsischen Volks bis 1180. Getting. 1839. S. 338. 2 St. Ludgerus had* already preached here, a man descended from a leading Frieso family. Now he completed the conversion of the Frieslanders. See vita S. Liudgeri, written by his second successor in the see of Munster, Altfried (t 849), in the Act. SS. ad
26 Mart, and in Pertz Mon.
^
ii.

403.

Cf. Capitulatio
ii.

Baluz.

de partibus Saxoniae ap. Baluz. i. 249. Pertz, iii. 48 (according to 1039, a.d. 788. According to Pertz, A.D. 785), with a commentary ap. Meinders,

PART

II.

CHAP.

III.

FRANK CHURCH.
for a

16.

CARLOVINGIANS.

91

secret adherents

among them

long time.

The

principal

had been established here and there in Saxony, and placed at first under the superintendence of Frank bishops/ obtained by degrees bishops of their own, whose diomission-stations which
1.

christiauitatis contemaerit, et

Si quis sanctum quadragesimale jejuuium pro despectu carnem comedeiLt, morte raoriatur. Cap. vii. Si quis corpus defuncti hominis secundum ritum paganorum flamma consumi fecerit, et ossa ejus ad
c. p. 23, ss.

ex. gr. cap. iv.

cinerenj redegerit, capite punietur.

Cap.

viii.

Si quis deinceps in gente

Saxonum

inter

eos latens non baptizatus se abscondere voluerit, et ad

baptismum venire contemserit,

paganasque permanere voluerit, morte raoriatur. Then foUovy laws against heathen images, c. xvi. and xvii. concerning tithes, see 9, note 1. The remarks of Alcuin on this subject in his letters are very appropriate. Ex. gr. Epist. xxviii. (ed. Froben.) ad domnum Regem (a.d. 7.96) Sed nunc praevideat sapientissima et Deo placabilis Devotio
:

vestra pios populo novello praedicatores, moribus honestos, scientia sacrae fidei cdoctos

SS. quoque Apostolorum in praedicatione verbi Dei exemplis iutentos, qui lac, i. e., suavia praecepta, suis auditoribus in initio fidei ministrare solebant, dicente Apostolo Paulo: "Et ego, fratres, non potui vobis loqui quasi spiritaliet evangelicis praeceptis imbutos
:

bus," etc.

(1

significavit, ut

aetas lacte,

iii. 1, 2.) Hoc enira totius mundi praedicator, Christo in se loquente, nova populorum ad fidem conversio mollioribus praeceptis, quasi infantilis esset nutrieuda: ne per austeriora praecepta fragilis mens evomat, quod bibit.

Cor.

His
sit,

ita consideratis, vestra

sanctissima Pietas sapienti consilio praevideat,

si

melius

rudibus populis in principio fidei


:

doraus exactio illarum

jugum imponere decimarum, ut plena fiat per singulas an Apostoli quoque ab ipso Deo Christo edocti et ad praedicandum
est.

mundo

missi exactiones decimarum exegissent, vel alicubi demandassent dari, considest.

erandura

Scimus quia decimatio substantiae nostrae valde bona

Sed melius

est illam amittere,

quam fidem

perdere.

Nos vero

in fide catholica nati, nutriti et edocti

vix consentimus, substantiam nostram pleniter decimare. Q,uanto magis tenera fides, ec infantilis animus, et avara mens illarum largitati non consentit ? Roborata vero fide et coufirmata consuetudine christiapitatis, tunc quasi viris perfectis fortiora danda sunt praecepta, quae solidata mens religione Christiana non abhorreat. Illud quoque maxima consideraudum est diligentia, ut ordinate fiat praedicationis ofiicium et baptismi sacra-

inentum

ne

nihil prosit

sacri ablutio baptismi in corpore, si in

anima ratione utenti

catholicae fidei agnitio non praecesserit in corde.


suis praecipiens ait
19, 20.)
:

Ipse Domiuus in Evangelio discipulis


in

" Ite,

docete omnes geutes, baptizantes eos," etc. (Matth. xxviii.


b.

Hujus vero praecepti ordinem

Hieronymus

Primum doceant omnes


xxxi. ad
trasted)
:

gentes, deinde doctas iutinguant aqua.


nisi

commeutario suo ita exposuit Non enim potest fieri, ut


Epist.

corpus baptismi capiat sacramentum,

ante anima fidei susceperit veritatem.

Amonem

(bishop of Salzburg, to

whom

the conversion of the Avari

was

in-

Idcirco misera

Saxonum geus

toties

quam
quod

fidei

fundamentum habuit

in corde.

baptismi perdidit sacramentum, quia uunSed et hoc sciendum est, quod fides, secundum

Augustinus ait, ex voluntate fit, non ex necessitate. Q.uoraodo potest homo cogi, ut credat, quod non credit? Impelli potest homo ad baptismum, sed non ad fidem, etc.
S.

Epist. xxxvii. ad
durissiuio

Megenfridum

Si tanta instantia

suave Christi jugum et onus ejus leve

decimanim redditio, vel legalis pro parvissimus quibuslibet culpis edicti necessitas exigebatur, forte baptismatis sacrameuta non abhorrerent. Sint tandem aliquando doctores fidei apostolicis eruditi, sint praedicapraedicaretur, quanta
tores,

Saxonum populo

non praedatores,

etc.

Epist. Ixxii. ad

Arnonem

Tu

vero

esto praedicator pietatis, non

verterunt fidem.

decimarum exactor. Decimae, ut dicitur, Saxonum Quid injungendum est jugum cervicibus idiotanim, quod neque
?

perge

in

opus Dei,

et
subnos,

neque
per

fratres nostri sufl'erre potuerant

Trauslatio S. Liborii, written about 890,

c.

2 (Pertz

Mon.

vi. 150)

(Carolus) Eoclesias

atque parochias dUigenti ratione suis quasque terminis servandas designans, quia civitates, in quibus
fecit,

omuem regionem

illam

sub quanta

potuit celeritate construi

92
ceses,

THIRD PERIOD. DIV.


however, were
not

I. A.D. 72C-858.

very

securely

fixed

till

after

the

peace of Salz (804).

These ^axon bishoprics, the years of whose foundations have been very differently stated, on account
of their gradual origination,^ were, for Westphalia,
(year
of foundation

Osnabriicic

variously

marked 783, 788, 793, 803);^


801),'
for

Nimigardeford, afterward Miinster (791,

Engera,

more antiquo sedes episcopales constituerentur, illi penitus provinciae deerant, loca tamen ad lioc, quae et natural! quadara excellentia et populi frequentia prae caeteris
opportuna videbantur,

Turn vero vix reperiebantur, qui barbarae et seniipaganae cujas iutcrdum ad perfidiam relabentis cohabitatio nuUi niericorum tuta videbantur. Ciuocirca unamtiuamque praedictarum pontificaliuni sedium cum sua dioeccsi singulis aliarum regni sui Ecclesiarum praesulibus conimendavit, qui et ipsi, quotieus sibi vacaret, ad instruendam confirmaudamque in sacra rcligione plebem eo pergerent, et ex clero suo personas probabiles cujuscunque ordinis, cum diverso rerum ecclesiasticarum apparatu, ibidem, inaiisuros jugiter destiuarent et hoc tamdiii, donee
elegit.

nationi praesules ordinarentur

ar.nuente

Domino

salutaris

illic

fidei

doctrina convalesceret, et ita divini usus niiuisterii

quoque in singulis parochiis digna et fiducialiter possent ruaiiere Vita S. Sturmi (written by his pupil Eigil, about 800), c. 22 (ap. Pertz, ii 370) Congregato grandi exercitu, invocato Christi nomine, (Carolus) Saxoniam profcctns est. adsumtis universis sacerdotibus, Abbatibus, Presbyteris et omnibus orthodoxis atijjo fide; cultoribus, ut gentem, quae ab initio mundi daemonum vinculis fuerat obligata, docitinis sacris mite et si ave Christi jugum credendo subire fecisscnt. Q.uo cum rex pervcr.isso.t, partim bellis, partim suasionibus, partem etiam muneribus, maxima ex parte genle'u illam ad fideni Christi convertit et post non longum tempus totam provinciam illam in parochias episcopales divisit, et servis Domini ad docendum et baptizaudum polestsJom dcdit. Tunc pars maxima beato Sturmi populi et ten-ae illius ad procurandum comaiti.jtur. Q.UO cum multum temporis praedicando et baptizando cum suis Presbyteris jieregisset, et per regiones quasque siugulas Ecclesias construxisset then the Saxons .* After tiiey were vanquished, Ehrosburg was belled, and Sturm was obliged to flee. assigned to him and his friends as a place of abode by Charlemagne, but there Slurm
p.'iveheretur, ut proprii
^

):t:fices.

died as early as 779.


*

Original documents alleged to have been executed by

Charlemagne

1.

deed

o\

foundation of the

dcr freien

Bremen Church, a.d. 788 (in Adami Brem. Hist. eccl. i. c. 10). Clirj!i:fc Hansestadt Bremen von Carsten Miesegaes, i. 1C9. J. M. Lappenbu:g's liaai
1

1842. 4), S. 4. 2. A similar founJaf-' deed fi published by J. J. Maderus after his Ad.imiis Brcni 1670, then ex Verdcnsis Ecclesiae tabulario by N. Schaten Hist. Westph. .50,"), iip. Lappenlerg, i. 1). 3. Two titles bestowed on the OsnabriJok Church, a.d. 804 (from the alleged

burgisches Urkundenbuch, Bd.

(Hamburg.

the Church of Verden, a.d. 786

(first

original in Ferd. de Fiirstenberg


p. 325, ss.; also in Schaten, p. 607

Monumenta
and
p. 612,

Paterbornensia, ed.

ii.

Amsteloil. 1672.

4.

and in M6ser"s Osnabruck Gesch. Th. 1. (Jrkunden, S. 3, ff.). 4. Praeceptum pro Tnitmanno Comite, by which the right of advocacy for all Saxon bishoprics is made over to it a.d. 789 (Baluzii Cap. i. 249). ^Vllilu the older Protestants after Gryphiander's (de Weichbildis Saxonicis, c. 33) example even deny
that

Charlemagne founded the Saxon bishoprics generally Catholics, on the other hand, such as Furstenburg, and with especial violence Nic. Schaten, undertook to detbnd the untenable authenticity of those patents. The more impartial of both parties, Papebroch, Car. le Cointe, Mabillon, J. G. Eccard, as also Meinders and Ludewig, perceived on the
;

contrary, that they could not be genuine, at least in their present form.

See Meinder's
p.

Tract, de statu religionis et reipubl. sub. Car. M. et Lud. Pio, in veteri Saxonia,
'

217, 86.

Moscr,

1. c.

Th.

1,

275.

' In the Southemgau (the present province of Miinster) a monk Bernard first preached. After his death Charlemagne sent thither the apostle of the Frieslanders Ludger. about (Even in 801 he is still called Presbyter or Abbas. 791, who first became bishop, 802.

PART

II.

CHAP.

III. FRxVNK

CHURCH.

^ 16.

CARLOVINGIANS.

93

Minden
for

(stated to be 780), and Paderborn (usually 795);' Eastphalia Verden (786),=' Bremen (788),^" and Hildesheim (said to have been established 796 in Else, and removed under
;

^^ for North Thuringia Halberstadt (said been established at Seligenstadt, 781, and soon after removed).^" Lewis the Debonaire founded the monasteries of

Lewis the Debonaire)


to have

Urkundensammlung, ii. 1 ) See vita S. Liudgeri (comp. note 2) comp. (F. M. v. Raet's) Munsterische Gescliichte, Th. 1 (Gottingen. 1788) S. 127, 142. T. Konig's geschichtl. Naclirichten uber das Gymnasium zu Miinster (Miinster. H. A. Erhard's Geschichte Miiusters. (Miinster, 1837) S. 28. 1821), S. 20, * It was probably this diocese in particular which was assigned to the monastery of Fulda to be converted (see Vita Sturmi, above, note 4) In Paderborn, as early as 777, Charles built a church (Ann. Petav. and Sangallenses, ap. Pertz, i. 16, 63). Subsequently
Niesert's Munsterische
ap. Pertz,
ii.

411,

fip.

(after Pope Leo III. had been with Charles in Paderborn, consequently about 800) this church was assigned to the superintendence of the bishop of Wiirzburg, and received, about 8L0, its first bishop Hathumar. See Translatio S. Liborii, c. 5 Hie ex praecepto Post cujiis Priiicipis (Caroli) primus est Patherbrunnensis Ecclesiae ordinatus Episcopus. ordiuationem paucis annis transactis idem gloriosissimus Princeps ab hac luce migravit. Among other things we find G. T. Bessen's Gesch. des Bisthums Paderborn (2 Bde. Pa:

derb. 1820),
'

i.

73.

See Chronography of the it was Kuhfeld, not far from Salzwedel. Bishops at Verden, in A. Chr. Wedekind's Noten zu eiuigen Geschichtschreibern des deutschen Mittelalters Heft. i. (Hamb. 1821) S. 92. On the extent of the bishopric see Asmussen in the Archiv. f. Staats- und Kirchengesch. der Herzogthiimer Schleswig, Holstein, Lauenburg. Bd. 1, Heft. 1 (Kiel. 1833), S. 214, P. v. Kobbe's Ge.sch. und Landesbeschreibung der Herzogthiimer Bremen und Verden (Gottingen. 1824), Th. 2, S. SCO. Pfiimikuche iiltere Gesch. d. vormal. Bisth. Verden. Verden. 1830.

The

first

seat of

-" Willehad, an English Benedictine, first preached among the Frieslanders, afterward, from 780, among the Saxons in the pagus Wigmodia (the present duchy of Bremen). So early as the succeeding year, Christianity had been generally diflfused there externally; buj at the rebellion of Wittekind, 782, there succeeded an apostasy as general, and the priests who could not flee were murdered. After Wittekind's baptism, Willehad, in 785, v.'as again sent to Wigmodia.. restored the churches and Christianity, and was consecrated See vita S. Willehadi, written by his later successor Aiischar, first bishop of Bremen, 788. best given in Pertz, Monum. ii. 378. Leben des St. Willehad's u. St. Ansgar's iibers. mit. Anm. V. Carsteu Miesegaes. Bremen. 1826. 8; v. Kobbe, ii. 58. Delius in Ersch und

Giuber's Encyclop.
''

xii. 436.
(2

J.

B. Lauenstein's diplomat. Historic des Bisthums Hildesheim


1,

Th.

Hildesh. 1740.

4),

Th.
'^

S. 199.

Ann. duedlinburg. ad aim. 781

(Pertz, v. 38)

Eodem anno

in Franciam, teiram
et S.

Saxonum

inter

Episcopos

divisit, et

Carolus de Roma revcrsua terminos Episcopis constituit

Stephano protomartyri

in loco, qui dicitur Seliganstedi


est,

monasterium construxit, quod

postea in locum translatum


b.

qui dicitur Halverstede, ubi nunc est sedcs episcopalis.

Idque ad corrigendum et propagandum Catalaunensi Episcopo Hildegrino, qui frater erat Liudgeri confessoris, cominendavit. This Hildegi'in was, up to 782, assistant to his brother Ludgerus, among the Frieslanders (vita Liudgeri, i. 18, ap. Pertz, ii. 410), consequently he can not have been at that time bishop of Chalons. The immunities and boundaries of the bishopric of Halberstadt were confirmed in a diploma of 814 (ap. Leukfeld. Antt. Groning. p. 10). Hildegrin continued bishop of Chalons till his death, 827, and Halberstadt was his benefice in commendam. Hence he is designated by Theitmar, iv. 45 (Pertz, V. 787), in the account of his death, as Cathelaunensis Episcopus sanctaeque Halverstadensis Ecclesiae rector primus. Seligenstadt is not Osterwyk. See Delius in

94

THIRD PERIOD. DIV.

I. A.D.

7-.'b-8.-.fi.

Corbeia nova (822, a colony from Corbeia vetus)


ford.

^^

and Her-

Against the Slavonians and Avari Charles' wars were as


unsuccessful as his attempts to effect their conversion.

The appearance
at Lewis' court,

of the banished Jiitland prince,

Harald Klak,

drew the attention of this emperor to the conversion of the north. Harald was baptized in the year 826 at Ingelheim, and then returned to his native country, attended by

Anschar}^ This apostle of the north diffused Christianity chieffy North Albingia ; in Jutland and Sivcden, which he visited 829 and 855, he laid a foundation which was still insecure. For the management of these new churches, the recently founded archbishopric of Hamburg was bestowed on Anschar, 831, which was united with the bishopric of Bremen in 849.'* Anschar died A.D. 865.
in
Ledebur's Archiv.
'^
f.

d. Gescliiclitskunde d. preutz. Staats,

Bd.

9,

no.

and

5.

Nieinaun's

Gescli. Halberstadts,

Bd.

(Halberstadt. 1829), S. 19.

of Corvey, the author of the Hist, translationis S. and Paschasius Radbert iii his vita Adalhardi, c. 65 (ap. Pertz, ii. 531). Wigand's Gesch. v. Corvey, Bd. 1 (HOxter. 1819). S. 36, ff. '* Vita S. Anskarii by his pupil Rimbertus (Act. SS. Febr. i. 559, ed. Dahhnann in Pertz, Monunienta Germ, historica, ii. C83, translated by Miesegacs. See above, note 10). Mocller Hist. Cimbriae literaria, iii. 8. Langebeck Chronol. aevi Anschar. in Script, rer. Dan. i. 496. Miinter's Kirchengesch. v. Diinem. u. Norweg. i. 266. St. Anschar von G. Ch. Kruse. Altona. 1823. F. C. Kraft. NaiTatio de Ansgario Aquilonarium gentium Apostolo. Hamb. 1840. 4 (also in his Klciuen Schulschriften, neue Folge. Stuttgart. 1843,8.98). Dr. G. H. Klippel's Lebensbeschreibuug des Erzb. Ansgar. Bremen. 1845. It is to be regretted that Anschar's diarinm is lost, as also all his letters, except one. See Miinter's Kirchengesch. i. 319. Kruse, S. 227. >* L. Giesebrecht's wendische Geschichte, v. 780, bis 1182. Bd. 1 (Berlin. 1843), S. 161. J. Asmussen iiber den Umfang der Hamburger Diocese und Archidiocese, in Michelsen's u. Asmussen's Archiv. f. Gesch. d. Hcrzogthiimer Schleswig, Hol.stoin, Lauenburg. Bd. ",
Viti, c. 5, ss. (ap. Pertz,
ii.

See the contemporaries, a monk


577),

Heft.

(Kiel. 1833), S. 109.

PART

II.

CHAP. IV. SPANISH CHURCH.

$ 17

95

FOURTH CHAPTER.
SPANISH CHURCH.
Ealogii Cordubensis
tyribus.

Apolog^eticus pro mar(t S59) Opera (Menioriale Sanctorum lib. iii. Epistolae) ed. cum scholiis Ambros. Morales. Exhortatio ad martyrium. Compluti. 1574 also in the Bibl. PP. and in A. Schotti Hispan. illusti-. iv. 217 best in SS. PP. Toletanoram opera (2 tomi. Matriti. 1782, 85. fol.) ii. 391. Petri Alvari Cordubensis (t 8C2) opera (Confessio. Epistolae. Indiculus luminosus. Versus) in the Espana sagrada por Henr. Florez (Madrid. 1747-1801, 42. t. 4) xi. 62. Neander, iv. 89. Gfrorer,
; ;

iii. ii.

810,

iii. iii.

1590.

17.

(Mozarabes),' had enjoyed legal under their Saracen rulers,^ but they had to suffer in various ways from the fanatical hatred of the Moslems, which had been excited chiefly by the wars of the free Spaniards.
Christians
religious freedom

The Spanish

While many Christians devoted themselves to Arabic literature, endeavored to attain prosperity in the service of the sovereigns, and avoided every thing which was offensive to the Arabians,
though at the same time they were also lukewarm in
Christianity
'

their

^
;

others

felt,

in

consequence of the success with


{t

Not, as Rodericus, archbishop of Toledo

1245) in Histor. Hispan.

iii.

c. 22,

supposes,
insititii)

Mixtiarabes, eo quod mixti Arabibns convivebant, but Arabi Mustaraba


in opposition to the

(i. e.,

Ar.

Arabi Araba, cf. Ed. Pocookii Spec, histor. Arabum. Oxon. 1650. p. 39. Herbelot, s. v. Arab and Mostarab. 2 Comp. Ant. Morales de Statu christ. relig. etc. in Schotti Hispan. illustr. iv. 220. ' Alvari Indiculus luminosus (written 854) c. 9 (ap. Florez, xi. 232) Nunc ad temporem nostrorum reflectamus narrationis articulum. Numquid ipsi nostri, qui palatino officio illorum jussis inserviunt, eorum non sunt implicati palam erroribus, eorumque inquinati
:

ethnicis orationem non non muniunt, Deum Christum non aperte coram eos sed fugatis sennonibus profenint, Verbum Dei et Spiritum, ut illi asserunt (as also the Koran), profitentes, suasque confessiones corde, quasi Deo omnia inspiciente, servantes. duid his omnibus nisi varietatem pardi zelo Dei zelantibus, sibi inesse ostendunt, dum non integre, sed medie Christianismum defendunt ? Cap. 35 CLuis rogo hodie solers in nostris fidelibus laicis invenitur, qui Scripturis Sanctis intentus volumina quorumcumque Doctorum latine conscripta respiciat? Nonne omnes juvenes Christiani vultu decori,
?

fulgentes se dicmit esse foetoribus

cum enim palam coram

laciunt, signo crucis oscitantes frontera

lingua diserti, habitu gestuque conspicui, gentilicia eruditione praeclari, Arabico eloquio
sublimati, volumina
disserunt,

Chaldaeoram avidissime

tractant, intentissime legunt, ardentissime


?

Ecclesiae flumina de paradiso manantia quasi vilissima contemnentes


suam nesciunt
Christiani, et

Heu

ILnguam propriam non advertunt Latini, ita ut omni Christi collegio vix inveniatur unus in milleno hominum numero, qui salutatorias fratri possit rationabiliter dirigere literas. Et reperitur absque numero multiplex turba. quae eradite chaldaicas verborum exjjlicet pompas.
proh dolor linguam

96

THIllD PEllIOD. DIV. I. A.D.

726-8.;8.

which

their brethren in the faith fought for the cross

and their

freedom, that they were called upon to


Christians against their oppressors.''
so

make

a decided stand as

This disposition increased

much under the Ommajad Abd-er-Rahman II. (822852) that many were filled with a fanatical zeal for the glories of
martyrdom (850),

in consequence of the execution of a monk.* This conduct again provoked the Saracens to redoubled hatred and new attacks. In vain did the moderate, and even a national synod assembled at Cordova (852),^ declare against this longing for martyrdom * the fanaticism which had for its
;

mentcs

Thus, even about the year 780, one Migetius asserted, quod cibus infidelium pollaat fidelium, and was thereupon reproved for it by Elipand, archbishop of Toledo (Elipandi Epist. ad. Migetium, oil, ap. Elorez, iii. 552).

' The first martyr Perfectus (Eulogii Memor. ii. c. 1) was certainly provoked by the Mohammedans. Res vero tanti facinoris in sacerdote commissi multos otio secure professionis per deserta montium et nemora solitudinum in Dei contemplatioue fmentes ad

sponte et publice dctestandum et maledicendum sceleratum vatcm (Moliammed) exsilire coegit majorisque ardoris fomiteni moriendi pro justitia cunctis ministravit. Ex. gr. (Eulog. Epist. ad Wiliesindum, c. 11) Ciuidam Presbyterorum, Diaconorum, Monacho:

rum, Virginum et Laicorum repentino zelo divinitatis armati in forum desceudentes, hostem fidei rcpulerunt, detcstantes, atque maledicentes, ncfandum et scelerosum ipsorum vatem Mahomat, et hoc modo contra euni animosum spiritum erigentes, testimonium
protulcrunt.

"Virum
It

hunc,

qucm

vos

summa
omnes

veneratione excolitis

magum adulterum et

mendacera esse cognovimus ejusque credulos aeternae perditionis laqueis mancipandos


confitemur," etc.
'

was

natural that

gladio vindice intcremti sunt.

Eulogius Memor. Sanctorum lib. i. (written 851) c. 01, complains of diruptiones basilicarum, o[)probia saccrdotum, et quod lunariter solviraus cum gravi moerore tributum, nemo nostrum (i. e., sacerdotnm) inter eos securus ingreditur, nemo quietus permeat,

nemo septum eorum


mentorum
obruti,

nisi

dehonestatus pertransit,
6

etc.

Adeo

ut multi ex cis tactu indu-

suorura nos

indignos
c.
:

dijudicent, jjropiusque

sibimet

accedere

execrentiir.

Alvari Indiculus lumiuosus,

Q.uotidie opprobriis et mille contumeliarum fascibu.s

pcrsccutioncm nos dicimus non habere. Nam, ut alia taceam, certe duni defunctorum corpora a saccrdotibus vidcnt hunio dando portare nonne dicunt Deus non

miserearis

illis

et lapidihus sacerdotes

Domini impetentes, ignominiosis verbis populum

Domini dcuotantes, spurcltianim fimo christicolas transeuntes paedore infando adspar gunt? Sic itidem et cum sacerdotes Dei casu quo quem obviant pcrviantes, lapides testasque ante vestigia eoi-um revolventes, ac improperioso et infami nomine derogantes,

vulgari proverbio et cantico inhonesto sugillant, et fidei signum, opprobrioso elogio decolorant.

Sed cum Basilicae signum,

h. e. tinnientis aeris

sonitum

audiunt, Christi Domini


nialcdice impetunt

gregem non uniformi subsannio, sed millcno contumeliarum infamio


et derident.

' Respecting it see J. S. de Aguirre Collect, concill. omn. Hispaniae ft. iv. Rom. 1G9:1 and 1694. fol.) iii. 149. Ferreras Histoire generale d'Espagne, ii.fi04. liulogii Memoriale SS. ii. c. 14 Of the Mctropolitanorum jndicio, qui ob eandcm causam tunc e diversi."! provinciis a rcge fuerant adunati. Their determination: Inhibitum esse raartyrium, nee licere quirjuam deinceps ad palaestram professionis discurrere, praemisso pontifical!
:

decreto ipsae literae nuntiarunt.


The views of this synod on the subject are given by its bitterest opponent, Eulogius Memor. lib. i. c. 18: Jubent eos non recipi in catalogo Sanctorum, inusitatum scilicet atque profanum asserentes hujusmodi mnrtyrium. Quippc quos nulla violentia praesidalis Gdem suam negare compulit nee a cultu sanctae piaeque rcligionis araovit, sed propria so

PAET

II.

CHAP. IV. SPANISH CHURCH.

$ 17.

97

spokesmen Eulogius and Alvarus still brought many to death.^ Under the succeeding prince Mohammed (852886), as long as
the fanaticism of the Christians continued/" their oppressions
also continued
;

and consequently many of the


suam
;

indifferent

'^

went

voluntate discrimiui offerentes, ob superbiam


peccati,

(ita dicunt),

quae initiom est omnis


;

nteremti suarum parricidae effecti sunt animarnm. Praeceptis etiam Evangelicis eos arguendos esse credunt (Matth. v. 44 Luc. iii. 14 1 Pet. ii. 23 1 Cor. vi. 10), Non debere esse martyres, aut haberi, qui non violenter tracti sunt ad martyrium, p. 247 sed sponte sua venientes his convitium intulerant, qui eos in nullo molestia affecerint. Id.
; :

in Apologetico pro martyrib.

fessores ab ictu

They said Isti tiroues mucronis celerem tantummodo excipientes


(c. 3).
:

et nostrorum

temporum

con-

interitum, nullam furentium

acerbitatem perpessi tortorum, non sub diutinum desudarunt stimulara. Praesfir*;ini cum ab hominibus Deum colentibus et caelestia jura fatentibua compendiosa raorte peremtl sint. Unde sat eis est si praeteritorum curationem adepti sunt criminum, etc.
'

Eulogius Memor.

perseoutionis, non

i. c. 6 Et Ucet formidolosis tamen passim hoc observandum


:

facultas collata sit decHnandi


est a perfectis, qui

rabiem

jam praescia Re-

demtoris jiotentia denotati et conscript!, quasi ab immeusis legionibus ad exercitium proeliorum Dei electi sunt, secundum Apostolum dissolvi cupiunt et esse cum Cbristo, viam compendii requirentes, qua de corpore mortis hujaa eruti prepare ad caelestcm

pati'iam pervenirent, et pia violentia


justitiae in

forum

prosiliunt,

praedicantes

reguum Dei arriperent. Evangelium Dei


sacrilegiis
;

Sic quoque armati lorica

principibus et nationibus

raundi.

ideo

perfecto odio contra adversarios Ecclesiae insurgentes, arguunt impios de

falsidica vatis iniqui doctrina, praestigiis,

detestantur

quoque

et maledic-

tionibus auctorem tantae perversitatis impugnant,


culturis fjeremii

eundemque coetam

talibus inservientem

vati resistere, virtus

anathemate damnant. C. 20: Idcirco huic perdito atque spurcissimo mactae coronae est summumque trophaeum tanti dcrisoris cultum
:

aetas nostra superstitem haberet, nequaquam ab ejus esset Foretque (ut reor) tunc melius poenitudinem unius interitu christicolis resilicndum. occisi homuuculi gerere, quam tot nationum lucre perniciera. duoniam quemadraodum
evertere
:

adeo ut

si ilbira

sine culpa non est maledicere justos, pios persequi adversitatem parare electis

ita

magni

meriti esse credo, subvertere impios, Ecclesiae hostibus contraire, bellum parare incredulis, et framea verbi Dei concidere adversarios fidei, etc. C. 24: Et idcirco, ut quidarn sapientium meminit, inter primas dignitates regnorum caelestium sunt ponendi,. qui ad

passionem venerunt non quaesiti et excellentis voti est inter tormenta prosilire, ubi nou est criminis latuisse. Against the milder view of Mohammedanism Apolog. pro mart, Deum ergo et legem isti vanitatis cultores ullo modo habere credendi sunt, qui c. 12 evangelicae institutionis per totum orbem vitalia ditfusa praecepta non solum non. credunt, verum etiam omni zelo perversitatis magnum discrimen ea fatentibus ingerunt, exosum et iniquum putantes, Christum veiiim Deum et verum hominem credere ? etc. Alvari ludiculus luminosus, c. 2 Eugiant debiles et infirmi, certent fortes et animi houestate praeciucti. Et certe non eos veritatem supprimere, sed tergum persequentibus ob seminarium Evangelii jussit praebere fugiant de una civitate in aliam (Matth. x. 23), praedicando quae vera sunt et honesta, non (quod absit) tegendo quae sancta sunt et roodesta. C. 10: Nee tantum ilia apostolica tempora praedicationi fidei sunt contradenda, imo quousque omnis gens et lingua Christi Evangelio credaut, praedicatio Ecclesiae est per omne saeculum seminauda. Puto, quod in hac Ismaelitica gente nullus harteuus extitit praedicator, per quod debitores fidei tenerentur. Et evangelizantibus genti justitiam,.in qua nullius praedicatio hactenus praebuit viam, insaniae vociferamus esse vecordiara, non coraplec. entum evangelizantium praescientiam praesagatam '" In the year 864, Samson presbyter in Corduba, wrote with this view. See Apologeticus contra Hostegisum Episc. Malacitanum (ap. Florez. iii. 325.) " Memor. SS. ii. c. 15: Q,ui [Mahomad] ingenito quod am odio saepius quaestionem adversus fideles proponens, non illo iaferior esse meritis apparuit, enjus nomine insignitos
:

VOL.

II.

98

THIRD PERIOD. DIV.

I. A.D. 726-858.

over to Islamism.
returned.^*

Gradually, however, a calmer state of things

FIFTH CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF PUBLIC WORSHIP.
PAUTicur.AK Sources
1. Liturgical: Ordo Romanus de Divinis Officiis per totius anni circulum (belonging to the 8th century). Amalarii Cliorepiscopi Metensis de Divinis OiKciis libb. iv. ad Ludov. Imp. (written 819, 2d ed. after 827) and de Ordine antiphonarii Rabani lib. (after 827), comp. Bahr's Gesch. d. rom. Lit. ini. karol. Zeitalter S. 381. Mauri do Clericorum institutione et ceremoniis eccl. libb. iii. (written 819) and de Sacris ordinibu.s, sacramentis divinis et vestimentis saccrdotalibus, see above, 10, note 14. Walafiidi Strabonis de Exordiis et incrementis rerum ecclesiasticaram, see above, $ 10, note 16. All collected in: de Divinis cathol. Eccl. OlBciis varii vetustorum Patrum ac Colon. 1568. Paris. 1610. fol. scriptt. libri. editi per Melch. Hittorpium. Martyrologies especially the Kalendarium Rom. belonging to the 8th century (in Jo. The MartyroFrontonis Epistt. et dissert, eccl. ed. J. A. Fabricius. Hamb. 1720. 8). logium Aquilejense (not Romanum, see H. Valesii Diss, at the end of his Eusebius), which Ado prefixes to his, as of great antiquity, and which is at least as old as the beginWandelberti Mon. Pruniiensis niartyrologium rhythmicum ning of the 9th century. about 850 (erroneously inserted in Bede's works as Ephemerides Bedae) best edited in d'Achery Spicileg. ii. 39; comp. Buhr, S. 114. Adonis Archiep. Vienn. (t 875), written about 858, Martyrologium (ed. Herib. Rosweydus appended to Baronii Martyrol. Rom. Antverp. 1C13. fol.) Comp. Bahr, S. 501. In part also the later martyrologies of Usuardns
: :

2.

(about 876) and Notker (892-89.5).

18.
particular tendencies of ec-

Though Charlemagne withstood


clesiastical
ostenditur.

superstition,^ others

had taken too deep root to be


2

Nam

ipso die, ()uo sceptrum regni adeptus est, Christianoa abdicari Palatio

jussit, dignitate privavit,

honore destituit.
iniquis,

iii. c.

Multi autem sua se sponte a Christo

divertentes

adhaerebant

sectamque

diaboli

snmmo

colebant affectu.

C. 3

[Mahomad] jubet

ecclcsias nuper structas dirure, et quicquid novo cultu in antiquis basilicis

("plendebat, fueratque temporibus

Arabum
by

rudi formatione adjectura elidere.

Ealogius
223.

was put
'2

to

death in 859.
ii.

See

life

his friend

Alvarus in Schotti Hisp.

illustr. iv.

Patres Tolet.

39-1.

Otto
iii.

To Johannes Abb. Gorzicnsis, who in 959 came to Spain, as legate of the Emperor I., H was said by a bishop of the country (see vita Johannis 122, in the Act. SS. Feb. Resistcre potestati verbo prohibemur Apostoli: tantnm 713. Pertz Monum. vi. 372)
: ;

hoc unum relictum est solatii, quod in tantao calamitatis malo legibus nos propriis titi non prohibent qui quos diligentes christianitatis vidcrint obscrvatorcs, colunt et amplectuntnr, simul ipsorura convictu dclcctantnr, cum Judaeos pcnitns exborrcant. Pro tempore igitur hoc videmur tenere cousilii, ut, quia religionis nulla infertur jactnro, caetera eis obsequamnr,

mean

quantum fidem non impediunt, obtemperemus. The Christians, in the must have been very accommodating to the Moslems at that time, if what John Ad ritum eorum vos audio circumcisos. reproaches them with be true ' Cap. i. ann. 789, c. 76 De pseudograpbiia et dubiia narralionibus, c. 77. De mogouibua
jusssique eorum in
time,
:

PART

II. WEST.

CHAP, v. PUBLIC WORSHIP.

^18.

99

perceived by him, especially an exaggerated veneration of saints

and their relics.^ The latter, the legends concerning which became more and more marvelous,^ were brought chiefly from the east^ and from Rome.^ As they worked miraclos*' of all
et nudis
ill

cum

ferro.

Capit.

iii.

ann. 789,

c. 4

Ut nullus

in Psalterio vel in

aliis

rebus sortire praesumat, nee divinationes aliquas observare.

C. 18

Evangelio vel Ut clocas non

baptizent, nee ehartas per perticas appendant propter grandinem.


794, c. 40
:

Capit. Francof. ann.

nee memoriae eorum per vias erigantur sed ii soli in Ecclesia venerandi sunt, qui ex auctoritate passionum aut vitae merito electi sunt. Comp. his principles concerning images of the saints, $ II, note 3. " Comp. the controversial writings Christ. Nifanii Ostensio hist, theol. quod Car. M. in quamplurimis fidei articulis formaliter non fuerit Papista. Francof. 1670. 8. On the other side, Nic. Schaten Carolus M. Rom. Imp. romano-cathol. libb. iv. explicatus et vindieatus. Neuhus. 1674. 4. In reply to this, Nifanii Car. M. confessor veritatis evangel. Francof. lf>79. 8. Other works see in Walchii Bibl. theol. ii. 369. Karlomanni Capit. i. aun. 742, The army must be accompanied by priests, qui propter divinum ministerium, c. 2. Missarum scilicet solemnia adimplenda, et Sanctorum patrocinia portanda, ad hoc electi sunt, i. e., unum vel duos Episcopos cum capellanis Presbyteris Princeps secum habeat, etc. In like manner Caroli M. Capit. viii. aun. 803 (see above 8, note 3. Capellaui a Capa, see Du Fresne Glossar. ad scriptt. med. et. inf. Latin, s. v.); cf. Monachus Sangall. de Even an Alcuiu (Homil. de natali S. Willibrordi ed. Froben. ii. 195) 'Jestis C. M. I. c. 4. says Te continuis, O pater, prosequimur laudibus, tu nobis assiduis auxiliare precibus. Credimus te in praesentia Domini Dei tui omnia posse impetrare, quae poscis dum tanta potuisti in praesentia nostra per ejus gratiam efficere miracula, etc. ^ Tiius Angilbertus Abb. Centulensis, about 801, of a long series of relics of his cloister, speaks (in Mabillon Act. SS. ord. S. Bened. saec. iv. i. 114), among other things De ligno Domini, de veste ejus, de sandaliis ejus, de praesepe ejus, de spougia ejus, de Jordane ubi baptizatus est, de petra ubi sedit, quando quinque millia hominum pavit, do pane undo distribuit discipulis suis, de templo Domini, de candela quae in nativitate ejus accensa 2St, de monte Horeb, de lignis trium tabernaculorum. De lacte S. Mariae, de capillis De barba S. Petri, de sandaliis ejus, de casula ejus, ejus, de veste ejus, de pallio ejus. De mensa S. Pauli, de orario ejus, de cippo in quo missus fuit, etc. et de mensa ejus. * Ex. gr. Annales Laurissenses ad ann. 799 Monachus quidam de Hierosolymis venieus, benedictionem et reliquias de sepulchro Domini, quas Patriarcha Hierosolymitanus domno
nulli novi Sancti colantur, aut invocentur,
; : : ;
:

Ut

Regi
*

niiserat, detulit.
(in

Grcgor. IV. Epist. ad Otgar.

Mabillonii Analectt. vett. ed.

ii.

p. 570),

confesses that

in

Rome
'

there remained no bodies of the saints unappropriated.

Miraculous corpses in the monasteries became often a source of annoyance to serious When among the Voges the body of a monk who had died there, called Spinulus, attracted, by the miracles it wrought, too many people, in the monast. Medianum (Moyen M. utier)) the abbot Hildulf (t 707) spoke seriously to the saint on this account (Vita Hildulli

monks.

in the Historia

Mediaui in monte Vosago monasterii. Argentor. 1724. 4. p. 62): Si hac populorum confluentia pressi fuerimus, non parum a proposito declinabimus licet enini
:

Domino cooperante subsidia nostro conferantur loco, tameu auimarum timemus pericula. Unde concun-entium comprime turbas, etc. Tunc ergo videres spiritum came solutum et
vita potitum obedire mortal!
:

nam
iii.

signis cessantibus frequentia

quoque

desivit.

Ci.

Mabillon Acta SS. ord. Ben. saec.

P.

i.

Praef. p. 87,

s.

The expression
:

of Autjjertus

Abbas monast.
predecessors,
tur de eis

S.

Vincentii ad Vulturnum in Benevento, in the biography of his three

1. c. p. 430 Et quidem narrautantum fuit studium incitatum, ut quibus modis saeculum ac diaholum vicerint apicibus prosequamur. Et quia multa videnlur miraculorum esse pailicipes, sed nuUatenus nomina habent scripta in caelis nequaquam hoc in tempore virtutes in ]']cclesia, sed ptrfectam vitam requirimus.

is also

worthy of notice

(t

778), ap. Mabillon.

quaedam digua

miraculis, sed nostram ad hoc

100

THIRD PERIOD. DIV.

I. A.D. 7M-S58.

kinds, so were magic powers also ascribed to the mass;" privat: masses^ began, and in consequence of this measure altars wero multiplied in the churches.^ To the festivals ^ were added that of the Birth of the Virgin on the 8 th September '^ the Festival
;

' Lul'; Epist. ad Presbyteros in Thuringia (iu Bouifacii Epist. ed. Serar. Ep. GO. Wiirdtw. Ep. 107): Admoueiuus Vos, ut rogetis oranes, ut in communi misericordiam Domini deprecentur, quatenus ab imminenti pluviarum flagello liberemur, i. e., ut uiiaru hebdomadam abstineant bc a* onini carne, et ab onini potu, in quo mel sit secunda feria, iv. feria et vi. feria jejune' is usque ad vesperum et unusquisque servorum Dei et sanctimonialium L. psalmos cuitet omni die in ilia septiniana, et illas Missas, quae pro tenipestatibus fieri soleant, celebrare Vos, Presbyteri, recordanilui. Missimus Vobis nomina doniini Romani Kpiscopi, pro quo unusquisque Vestrum xxx. Missas car.tet et illos psalmos, et jejunium juxta constitutioiiem nostram. Similiter pro duobus laicis nomine Megenfrith et Hrabau X. Missas unusquisque Vestrum cantet. * Walafridus Strabo de Reb. eccles. c. 22 Per totam Missam pro eis quam maximc et quasi nominatim oratur, qui ibi ofFerunt atque communicant. Possumus autem et debemus dicere, caeteros in fide et in devotione oft'erentium et communicautium porsistentes ejusdem oblationis et communionis dici et esse participes. Quam vis autem, cum soli sacerdotes Missas celebrant, iutelligi possit, illos ejusdem actionis esse co-operatores, pro quibus tunc ipsa celebrantur ofEcia, et quorum personam in quibusdam responsionibus tamen fatendum est, illam esse legitimam Missam, cui intersnnt aacerdos exequitur sacerdos, respondens, offerens atque communicans, sicut ipsa compositio precum evidenti

ratione demonstrat.

Even
ii.

Pseudo-Isidore directs (Anacleti P. Epist.


;

i.

c. 2,

in Gratiani

Decreto P.
Ecclesia.

iii.

dist.

c.

10)

Peracta consecratione omncs communicent,


Sic

<jui

noluerint

ecclesiasticia carere
Cf. J.

liminibus.

enim

et Apostoli

statuerunt, et

s.

Romana

tenet

F. Buddeus de Origine Missae pontificiae in bis Miscellaneis sacr. i. I. Karl d. G. und seine Biscbofe, die Synod von Mainz, A.D 813 (in tlie Tiibinger katli. theol. Some priests went so far as to begin to read mass w^itbout Uuartalscbrift, 1824, iii. 416).

any one being present, but


74.)

tins
c.

was
(1.

forbidden, Cone.
c. p.

Mogunt. ann.

S13,

c.

43.

(Mansi, xiv.

Cone. Paris, ann. 829,

4t

5C7)

Irrepsit in plerisque locis, partim incuria,

partim avaritia, reprebensibilis usus, eo quod nonnulli Presbyterorum sine ministris Missarum solemnia frequentent. Unde interrogandus nobis videtur hujusmodi corporis Dominus vobiscum, et a quo illi et sanguinis Domini solitarius consecrator, quibus dicit respondetur: Et cum spiritu tuo vol pro quibus supplicando Domino inter caetera: Me-

mento, Domine, et
'

omnium circumstantium, cum


villa,

nullus circumstet, dicit.


i.

Capitulare in Theodonis
:

ann. 805 promulgatum,


in Ecclesiis.

c.

6 (Baluz.

i.

422.

Pertz,

iii.

132)
'"

De

altaribus, ut
lib.

non superflua siut


i.

Capitularinm,

c.

158

Hae

sunt festivitates in anno, quae per omnia vcnerari

debeant.

Natalis Domini, S. Stepbani, S. Jobannis Evangelistae, Innocentum, Octabas Domini, Epipbania, Octabas Epipbaniae, Purificatio S. Mariae, Pascha dies octo, Lctania major, Ascensio Domini, Pentecosten, S. Jobannis Bapt., S. Petri et Pauli, S. Martini. Cone. Mogunt. ann. S. Mariae interrogandum reliuquimus. Fcstos dies in anno celebrare sancimus. Hoc est dicni dominicum Paschae cum omni lionoro et sobrictate venerari, simili modo totam bcbdomadem Item Penteillam observari decrevimus. Diem Ascensionis Domini pleniter celebrare. costen similiter ut in Pascha. In natali App. Petri et Pauli diem unum, nativitatem S. Joanuis Baptistae, assumtionem S. Maria, dedicationem S. Micbaelis, natalem S. Romigii, S. Martini S. Andreae. In natali Domini dies quatuor, octavas Domini, epipbaniam Domini, pdrificationem S. Mariae. Et illas festivitates martyrum vel confcssornm observare deS.

Andreae.

De

adsumtione

813, can. 36 (Mansi, xiv. 73):

crevimus, quorum in unaquaque parocbia sancta corpora requiescunt.

Similiter ctiam

dedicationem templi. '" Celebrated in the Greek Church as early as the seventh century (see Andreae Cretensis Homil. ii. m Gallandii Bibl. PP. xiii. 93), at Rome in the eighth century (Kalendar.

PART

II.WEST.

CHAP. V. PUBLIC WORSHIP.


'^
;

$ 18.

101

of Mary' s ascension on the 15th August


Church.
'^

and the

feast oi All

Frontonis, ed. Fabric, p. 225), and under Charles the Bald, adopted also in the Galilean

See Augusti's Denkwurdigk.


early there

iii.

102.

Very

were conjectures respecting the end


she suffered martyrdom.

of

Mary.

At

first it

was

sup-

In opposition to this Origiues Horn, xvii. in Lucam Nulla docet historia, b. Virginem gladii occisione migrasse praesertim cum non anima sed corpus ferro soleat interfici. In like manner Anibros. Conim. in Luc. ii. Isidorus Hisp. de Vita et obitu SS. Bedae coram, in Luc. ii. The fable introduced by
posed, from

Luke
:

ii.

35, that

Epiphan. Haer. Ixxviii. $ 11 "ZjjTr'jauGi tu lx'''V ^^^ ypa<j)uv, Kal evpuaiv av ovre OdvaTov Mapia^, ovte el TidvrjKev, ovre el jif] riOvriKev ovre el -eOaTZTui, ovre el (itj reOaTTTaf uTJC ttTrAwf iciuTrriaev y ypof^rj, 6ia to vnepjSuXXov tov davfiarog' iva fiij tl<; EKnTiTj^iv ayayi) tjjv diuvoiav tuv avdpuwuv. rdxa yip tov Kal i,^;v7? ei'po/uev ttjc uylac iKelvTjg Kal fiaKaplag, ug ovtc evpelv eari tov duvuTov avTijc;. m'/ fiiv yap 6 "Zvfieijv (pdanf/ lU r//f Ket nepl avrf/c "Kal aov avrfjc tt/v i/'ivt^i' i^ieT^evaerai [jofiqiala" (Luc. ii. 35) 'XiTOKaXvTpEug 'luuvvov (paaKOVGTjg, oTi Kal eaTvevdtv 6 dpuKuv enl ri/v yvvalKU tijv ytv:

vr/aaaav tov

u/if)eva,

kuI idodijaav avrtj nTepvyeg uerov, Kal

eXij(f>d7j

elg t//v

eprj/xov,

OKUQ uv

fitj

XuiSij avT7]v 6
(5e

SpuKCJv (Apoc.

xii. 13, 14).

Tuxa

de dvvaTal

^n-'

aiiTy ttXt/ ovai^ta/ic-

Oaf oh nuvTug
^aiovfiat
Eiaae,
el
k. t. A.

opl^ofiat tovto, Kal ov Xiycj, ore

uBuvarog Ifieivev u7JC ovre


2,

TeOvr]Kev. vKepefiaXe

yap
of

rj

ypadf/ tov vovv tov uv6pu)Tvivov Kal ev ficreupu

(Similarly Hilarius, can. 20,

ing the death of Moses).


iv. c. 64.
:

Gregor. Tur. de Gloria confess. An;5iversarius assumtionis S. Aviti dies) contributed probably to the existence of c. 99 such a fable. It is first found in apocrj-phal books, in Joannis Ap. elg Ti/v KolftTjaiv Ttjg vnepaylag Seanolvrjg (according to Thilo, belonging to the end of the fourth or beginning
BGCt?.evg
of the fifth century), Melitonis Ep. Sard, de transitu Virgiuis Mariae
(cf.

irpbg tov avrov Oeov uveXafilSdveTO.

The use

and Ambrosius de Cain et Abel, i. c. ambiguous expressions (ex. gr. Euseb. de

retpect-

vit.

Const.

Thilo Acta S.
ss.).

Thomae Apost. Lips. 1823, in The Roman bishop Gelasius


sacris et apocryphis
:

the Notitia uberior novae Cod. Apocr. editionis, p. xvi.


(about 495) declares, however, in his

Librum, qui appellatur transitus S.


i.

Decretum de libiis Mariae, apocryphum. But Gre:

gorius Turon. de Glor. Mart.

c. 4,

unhesitatingly adopts the fabulous tradition

Impleto

ab. Mariae, hujus vitae cursu cum jam vocaretur a saeculo, congregati sunt omnes AposCumque audissent, quia essent adsumenda de toli de singulis regionibus ad domum ejus. et ecce Dominus Jesus advenit cum angelis suis, et mundo, vigilabant cum ca simul accipiens animam ejus ti'adidit Michaeli angelo et recessit. Diluculo autem levavormit Apostoli cum lectulo corpus ejus, posueruntque illud in monumento, et custodiebaut ipsum, adventum Domini praestolantes. Et ecce iterum adstitit eis Dominus, suscepfujique corpus sanctum in nube deferri jussit in Paradisum ubi nunc resumta anima cum clectis In the Greek Cli in;' it is ejus exultans aetemitatis bonis nullo occasuris fine perfruitur. time that even Andreas Cretensis (about 650) Horn, in dormitionera Mariae (ap. <7alland. xiii. 147) hints at the fable; but it is found complete for the first time in Jo. Daniasceni QeoTOKOV, and in Nicephori Callisti Hist. Keel. ii. c. 21, ss. ?^6yoi y' elg tt/v Koi^TjGiv T^g According to Niceph. Call. xvii. c. 28, the emperor Maurice commanded the et XV. c. 14. celebration of the Koi/irjaLg Ttjg QeoTOKOV on the 15th August. So also in the Kalendar. Rom. of the eighth century, ed. Fronto-Fabricius, p. 231 Die xv. mens. Aug. sollenuiia de pausatione S. Mariae. The Frank Church, on the other hand, celebrated it on the 18th
: :

January (Mabillon. Liturg. Galilean, p. 118, ss. 211, ss). In the eighth century they did not go beyond the pausatio or domiitio, Beda de Locis Sanctis, an extract from the account of the travels of a Frank bishop, Arculf, who had been in Palestine shortly before 700, e. 7 In the valley of Josaphat was a church of Mary, and in it an altar, ad eius dexterani monumentum vacuum, in quo S. Maria aliquamdiu pausasse dicitur, sed a quo vel (juando Introduction of the festum assumptionis into the Frank Church, see Bit ablata, neacitur. Fecit vestem de chrysoclavo, habenteni liisnote 10. Anastasius in vita C. Paschalis Oetavaiu toriam, qualiter b. Dei Genetrix Maria corpore est assumta. Vita cv. Leouis IV Assumptionis b. Dei Genetricis diem, quae minime Romae antea colebatur, celebrari pr.ie cepit. Hiacmari Carmen ad b. Virg. Mariam in A. Maji Classlcorum auctoium v. 45.')
:
:

102

THIRD PERIOD. DIV.

I.A.D.

7-26-8r.8.

Saints on the 1st November."

The circumstance

that the

Qune caro snncta Dei non est corrupta sepulchru, Nee tua, qua corpus suiiipserat ipse Dous.

Cum

qui) Stella uiar s resides

iii

culniine cacli,
is.

Cimceletirata piis laudibus angelic

Wandelberti Martyrolog, ad

8 kal. Sept.

Orlava el derima muudi lux flosque Maria Aogelico comitala olioro petit acthera Virgo.
S'ipposititious writingscontributed to

nymi de

recommend the festival. Thus the sermo b. Hierowhich a monk of Corbcy afBrmed to be spurious, but Mabil. Ann. Hencd. t. iii Hiiicmar defended (Flodoardi Hist. Reel. Ueniensis,1ib. iii. c. There were also a lib. and a sermo de Assumt. b. Mariae, falsely attriblib. :)r), no. 100). in the Benedictine edition, nted to Augustine (in the old edition serm. de Sanctis 34 and However, Hunfried, bishop of Terouaune, t. V. ap. Sermo. 208, and t. vi. app. p. 24"J^ See Aunal. A.D. 862, still needed a miracle for introducing this festival into his diocese. Bertin. ad ann. 8U2. Notker Balbulus in Martyrologio (Canisii Lectt. ant. ed. Basnage, ii.
ipsius

Dominae

a.ssumtione,

.'>.

:).'>,

iii.

167)

defends the account of Gregor. Tur., but bdds

De

quihus quia doctissinii tracta-

tores videntur inter se dissidere, non est

meum

in tarn brevi

opusculo delinire
si

hoc tamen
utique

certissimo c'um universali Kcclesia et credimus et confiteniur, quia


illud corpus,

reverendissimum

ex quo Deus
Assiunptionem

est incarnatus.

aahuc alicubi

in terra celatur. revelatio

ipsius ad destrnctionem Antichristi reservatur


cellensis in
b.

But

still

we

find,

about 1004, Atto Vercollcctio, vi.


(juia
ii.

Mariae

(in

A. Maji Vett. scriptt.

nova

39):

Corporis vero ejus

jam factam resuirectionem

affirmare

minime audemus,

nee a SS.

Patribus hoc declaratnm esse cogiioscimus. Deniipie in valle Josaphat ejus sopulturae nianet locus, ubi tamen ejus non rcperitur corpus. Sed qui de ea ineffabilitercarnem eduxit, Tamen sive in corpore, sive extra corpus, super chores ijjse quid de ejus sit corpore novit.

angelorum
'^

in caelis

cxaltatam confitcmur.
after

In the

Greek (/hurch the Sunday

Whitsuntide

is

called

fi

KvpiaKj] riov iiyiuv

iTuvTuv (Heincccius Abbild der gricch. Kirche, iii. 18:!) as early as the time of ChrysosLeo Allad. de Hebd. et tiuu (cf. his iyKUfiiov ti( tov(; uyiovg niivrac, ed. Montf. ii. 711. dcmin. Grace, c. 31). In the Latin Church erroneously derived from Boniface IV. cf.
i

auhis Diac. Hist. Longob

lib

iv

c 37: (Phocas)

Papa Bonifacio petente

jussit in veteri

quod Pantheon vocahant, ablatis idololatriae sordibus Ecc;lesiani beatae semper Virgini.s Mariae et omnium Martyrum iieri, ut ubi ipiondam omnium non deorum sed daemoiium cultus erat ibi deince[)s omnium fioret menioria Sanctorum. In like manner Anastas. This church was called S. Mariae ad Martyres (Anastas. vit. Ixxvii. vi'. Ixviii. Bonif iv. ^'ltaliani and vit. Ixxxii Benedicti II.), the festival of its dedication on the Kith May. Conip the Martyrol Aiiuilejensc ap. Ado belonging to the beginning of the ninth century "H id Maj. S. Mariae ad Martyres dcdicationis dies agitur a Bonifacio Papa statutus. t?o Besides this tlso the Kalond. Rom. of the eighth century, ed. Fronto-Fabricius, p. 198 festival the Martyrol. Acpiil. of Ado mentions ad kal. Nov. Festivitas Sanctorum, quae (See Fro:itODis Celebris et gcneralis agitur Romae, which is wanting in Fronto's calendar. nota in ed. Fabric, p. 233). Consequently, 1. The festival omnium SS. is dilferunl troiu
fano.
:

the dedic. Mariae ad Martt.

2. It

was

celebrated in

Rome

as early as the eighth century,

and in addition to the <ledic. Mariae ad Martt. Probably the celebration of it is coni.(K;iefl with the Oratorium in honorcm omnium Sanctorum (see Anastasius in vita Greg. III.,erected by Gregory III. Ado is the first to confound the two festivals. Adonis Martyrri. Pboco Imjieratore b. Ponifacius Papa ad. iii. idus Maj.: Natalis S. Mariae ad Martyres. ecclesiani beatae semper virginis Ma-'no rt in veteri fano quod Pantheon vocabatur, omnium Martyrum dedicavit. Cnjus dedicationis sacratissima dies agiti.r Romae ..i idus Petente namqno P. Bouifaci;! ;ij.sit Maji. Id. ad. kal. Nov. Festivitas SS. omnium. Phocas Imp. in veteri fano, quod Pantheon vocabatur, ecclesiam b. semperqus vi'^;. Mariae et omnium Martynini fieri, ut ubi quondam omnium non Deorum sed dac'oo.iiorani quae an illo tempore Ctlltus agebatur, ibi deinceps omnium fieret mcmoria Sanctorum Sed et in Galliis, monente s. rekal. Nov. in urhe Honia Celebris et generalis aL;itur.

TART
I'

II. WEST.

CHAP. V.PUBLIC WORSHIP.

$ 18.

103

rencl), after

them
their

in the writings attributed to

Dionysius the Areopagite had become known to him/^ confounded him with

own

Dionysius,'^ helped to obtain acceptance for the Dioomnibus regni


et imperii su;

fordationis Gregorio Pontifici, piissimus Ludovicus Imp.

Episcopis consentientibus, imatim perpetuo ageretur.


vitas b.

statuit, ut

solenniter festivitas oo. SS. in praedicta die an-

As

the dedicatio S. Mar. ad Martt.

was

not observed in

other countries, Usuardus in Martyrol. explained the matter thus: Kal.

Novemb.

Festi-

Dei genetricis et omnium Martyrum, quam Bonifacius Papa celebrem et generalem instituit agi omnibus annis in uvbe Roma. Sed et Gregorius Pontifex postmodum decrevit, eandem in honore omnium Sanctorum solemniter observari ab omni Eeclesia. Ptoloniaeus Luc. Hist. eccl. ix. c. 6 (Murat. Scriptt. rer. Ital. xi. 921) and Durandus (Rationale divin. offic. lib. vii. c. 34) that Boniface had fixed the festum b. Mariae ad Martyrea for the iv. [iii.] idus Maji, but that Gregory IV. transferred it to the kal. Nov. and converted the festival into a fest. omnium SS. This opinion, though frequently repeated, is
;

manifestly erroneous.
'* As soon as the Franks heard of tlie writings of Dionysius they were eager after them, because they immediately called to their thoughts the patron saint of the country. Pauli P. Ep. ad Pippinum (cod. Car. no. 65, ap. Mansi, xii. 612) iu Embolo Direximus etiam Praecellentiae vestrae et libros, quantos reperire potuimus, i.e., Dionysii Areopagiti libros, etc. (Neander DenkwiJrdigkeiten, iii. ii. 54, even supposes a trace of the PseudoDionys. in Columbanus). Pope Hadrian I. presented these writings to Fulradus, abbot of St. Denys (Mabillon Ann. Bened. lib. xxxi. c. 42j. King Michael sent them, 827, to Lewis the Debonaire. See Rescriptum Hilduini ad Ludov. [in the Areopagiticis] $ 4. Caeterum de notitia librorum ejus, quos patrio sermone conscripsit, lectio nobis per Dei gratiam et
:

vestrara ordinationem, cujus dispensatione interpretatos scrinia nostra petentibus rese-

Authenticos autem eosdem libros Graeca lingua conscriptos, quaudo satisfacit. Oeconomus Ecclesiae Constantiuop. et caeteri missi Michaelis, legatione publica ad vestram gloriam Compendio functi sunt, in ipsa vigilia solennitatis S. Dionysii pro munere raagno suscepimus. Hence Michael did not send them in a Latin translation, as Mabillon
rant,

Ann. Bened. lib. xxix. c. 59, and the Hist, liter, de la France, t. v. p. 425, represent. John Scotus translated them anew at the instance of Charles the Bald, about 859 (eoinp. his two dedications addressed to Charles, and Anastasii Bibl. Ep. ad Carol, in Jac. Usserii Vett. epistolanim Hibemic. sylloge, Dublini. 1632. p. 58; and Nicolai P. I. Ep. ad Car. Calv. in Bulaei Hist. univ. Paris, i. 184), and wrote expositions of them (see Ang. Maji
Classicorum auctorum,
v. p. xlvi.),

corap.

Bahr rom.

Lit. in karol. Zeitalter, S. 486.


c.

^
A.I).

First in the (written under Charlemagne) Gestis Dagoberti,

3 (ap. Bouquet,
:

ii.

580),

that Dionysius Episc. Parisiensis temporibus Domitiani

was martyred

S24 (ap. Mansi, xiv. 466), that he a. s. Clemente ii Gallias cum primus praedicator directus et martyrio coronatus est. ^incmar relates (823) that he had read something of the same kind in the Actis S. Sanctrni (Hincmari Epist. ad Carol, in the Areopagiticis and in Mabillonii Vett. analect. ed. ii. p. 2 2). The two Dionysii were completely confounded iL the Actis Dionysii, which were first printed in the Act. SS. mens. Octob. iv. 792, and are older than Hilduin (see Act. SS. 1. i. p. 790, no. 17, ss. p. The fable indeed was completed and made more general by Hilduin's 701, no. 23, SS.). Vita et passio Dionysii, etc. This Kilduin was abbot of St. Denys. and the work was written by order of Lewis the Debonaire, 834. (Areopagitica ed. Matti Galenus, Colon. 1563. 8, and contained in Surii Vitis SS ad. ix. Oct.: Epist. Ludov P. ad Hilduinum Rescriptum Hild. ad Lud. Imp. Ep. Hild. ad c;:uc-t03 s. cath. matris Ecclesiae filios et

and Synod. Paris. duodenario numero

Passio Dionysii Revelatio facta P. Stephano. Ep. Hincmari Rhem. ad Carol. Imp. de Dion. Ar. Ep. Anastasii Bibl. ad Carol. Imp. contra falsas quoruudam opiniones,
fidelos
s.

asserentium b. Dionys. Parisiorum Episc. nou esse Areopagitami. Tnat Hilduin was not a lying impostor originating the fable, as is maintained by J. Launoji Judicium de Areopagiticis, Paris. 1641. 8, and is frequently asserted, may be seen from Act SS. mens. Oct. iv. 096. The fable was doubted for a long time on account of Gregor. Tu'. Hist. Fr. i. 28.

104

THIRD PERIOD DIV.

I. A.D. 726-658.

nysian mysticism.
called

discovered their apostle

About the same time the free Spaniards James the Elder in the person afterward Compostella,' and found in him a powerful ally against
I.

the Saracens.
(See Vol.
8.

Div.

I.

^T, note 2),

and because

tlie

martyrologies, as also UsuarJns, Ado,

Notker (other instances


cap.
19),

in Launoji Discussio responsionis

de duobus Dionys. Paris. 1642.


14)

distinguished

two

Dionysii, the Areopagita on the 3d October, and the Parisi-

ensis on the 9th October.

John Scotus Epist. ad Car. Imp. (see note

says: Fertur

j)racfatus Dionysius (Areopagita) fuisse discipulus atque adjutor Pauli Apostoli,

cujus

Lucas comniemorat
I)raefati
viri,

in Act.

sed

alii

Apost. et Dionysius Corinth, etc. Hunc eundem quoque non moderni temporis asserunt teraporibus P. Clcmentis llomam

For the purpose of overthrowing these doubts the Roman abbot Anastasius, about 875, translated a Greek vita Cf Anastasii Ep. ad Carol. Imp. in AreopaDionj'sii, in which the same fable appears. giticis Passionem s. hieromartyris Dionysii quondam Areopagitae latino eloquio tradidi Cesset ergo jam etsi non ex toto verbum e verbo, seusum tamen penitus hauriens. (juorutidam opinio, perliibentium, non esse Areopagitam Dionysium eum, qui prope Parivenisse, et ab eo

in

partes Galliarum directum fuisse, etc.

sium corpore ac virtutibus redolet, cum hoc et Graecorura quoque stylus tcstetur et praeHujus autem textum b. Methodius, (jui a sede apostolica Constantiuopolin Pres(licet. byter missus, ejusdem urbis tenuit pontiiicium edidit, pauca de multis praecedentibus This Methodius (from 842 patriarch of Constantiuople) had formerly scriptens excerpens. been deputy of the patriarch Nicephorus in Rome, and was always in close connection with Rome. It is therefore beyond a doubt that he drew the materials lor his vita Dionysii from Western sources, perhaps, as Sirmond and Launoi think, from Hilduini

Arcopagiticis. Since this lime the fable obtained general belief, till in the seventeenth century Sirmond, and especially Launoi, detected the groundlessness of it. See the numerous (ontroversial writings on the subject in Fabricii Salutaris lux Evang. p. 38C, and

W'alchii Bibl. theolog.

iii.

195.
c. 71

" Even

Isidore Hispal. de Ortu ac obitu Patrum,

(Ojip. ed. Arevalo, v. 183), says,

Respecting the finding of bis body the ohiest source is the Historia Compostellana of Munno, bishop of Montotrnedo, written in the beginning of the 12th century, published inFlorez Espana sagrada. xx. 8, an extract in the Act. SS. mens. .Jul. vi. 16. The discovery belongs therefore to the time of Adefousi Casti (Alfonso el Casto, v. 791-842) and Charlemagne. It is put sometimes in the yeai798, sometimes 808, sometimes 816 (so Baronius ad h. a. no. 48-52), sometimes still later. Ado, however (about 858), has in his martyrolog. ad. viii. kal. Aug. merely: Natalis b. On the other hand Usuardus (about 876) adds: Hujus b. Jacobi Zcbedaei Apostoli. Apostoli sacratissima ossa ab Hierosolymis ad Hispanias translata, et in ultimis earum iinibus condita, celeberrima illarum gentium vcnoratione excoluntur. The battle of Clavijo said to have been won by his miraculous assistance, 849 (first narrated by Rodericus Rer. See Act. SS. Jul. vi. 37. His"- lib. iv. o 13), is doubted even by Spanish historians.
that this apostle preached the gospel to the Spaniards.

PART

II. WEST.

CHAP. VI. DISCIPLINE.

$19.

105

SIXTH CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF CHURCH DISCIPLINE.
Particular Sources: Besides
the capitularies of the French kings, and tae decrees of synods and individual bishops: Halitgarii Ep. Cameraceusis (t 831) Opus de vitiis et virtutibus, remediis peccatoruni, et ordine vel judiciis poenitentiae, libb. vi. (in Cauisii Lcctt. ant. ed. Basnage, t. ii. P. ii. p. 87).

19.

Jo V

Iru laws concerning penance,


It

which had long ago become

miN.Vj,
v,'jilr!

j-zas

now

established, that only public sins should be

-.vi..,!!
;

public penance, and that too


'

by bishops

in synodical

judior*! Tres
v'|io ;n.
c
(

while private offenses were confessed to the priests, be expected afterward,^ without, however, holding

mediately granted absolution under the condition of a time

I'.i.Tance to

confession to be an indispensable condition of the forgiveness of


sins.^
'

The
$

substitution of other so-called penitential works for


8,

See above

note

26.
(a. d. 745, first

S. Bonifacii Statuta

in

d'Achery

Spicil.

i.

507, ap. Mansi, xii. 386), c.

31,

and thence extracted

in

Capitularium,
:

lib. vi. c.

206,

where the corrupted text must be

corrected after that source

reconciliandis poenitentibus pleuiter observare, propterea


:

duia varia necessitate praepedimur, Cauonum statuta de omnino non dimittatur. Curet

unusquisque Presbyter (an addition in the capit. jussione Episcopi de occultis tautuui, quiade manifestis Episcopos semper convenit judicare), statim post acce[)tam confessionem poenitentium, singulos data oratione reconciliari. Capitula Roduiti Archiep. Bituricensi.s Mansi, xiv. 962) c. 44: Q,uoruni peccata in publico sunt, in (in Baluzii Miscell. vi. 139. publico debet esse poenitentia per tempora, quae Episcopi arbitrio poenitentibus secundum Q,uorum autem peccata occulta sunt, et spontanea ditt'erentiam peccatorura decernuntur. confessione soli tantummodo Presbytero ab eis fuerint revelata, horuni occulta debet esse poenitentia secundum Presbyteri judicium, cui confessi sunt, ne infirmi in Ecclesia scandalizentur videntes eorura poenas, quorum peuitus ignorant causas. The procedure at confession is described by Alcuinus de Divinis officiis (de Div. off. libri, ed. M. Hittorp. Colon. 1568. fol. p. 51.) How much rarer public penance had become is shown by the decrees of the three councils, a.d. 613, Arelat. c. 26, Rhem. c. 31, Cabilon. c. 25, Jonas i]pisc. Aurelian. (t 843) de Institutione laiconim lib. i. c. 10. (d'Achery Spicileg. i. 258J, Rhaban de Instit. cleric, c. 30, cf. J. Morinus de Disciplina in administratione sacramenti poenitentiae. Paris. 1651. fol. R. v. Raumer's Einwirkung des Christenth. auf die althochdeutsche Sprache. Stuttgart. 1845. S. 254. 3 T''eodulfi Episc. Aurelian. Capitulare ann. 797 ad parochiae suae sacerdotes, c. 30. (Mansi, xiii. p. 1001) Omni eteuim die Deo in oratione nosti'a, aut seme!, aut bis, aut quanto amplius possumus, confiteri debemus peccata nostra. Q,uia confessio, quam sacerdotibus facinius, hoc nobis adminiculum aftert, quia accepto ab eis salutari consilio, saluberrimis poenitentiae observationibus, sive mutuis orationibus peceatorum niacula.s diluimus. Confessio vero, quam soli Deo facimus, in hoc juvat, quia quanto nos memorea
:

106

THIRD PERIOD DIV.

I. A.D. 726-838.

the penitential time, the conditions for doing which acts had

already found their

considered an abuse.*

way into the Ubri pocnitc7itiales,^ was still As excommunication became less frequent,
:
:

suraus peccatorum nostroruni, tanto Iiorum Deus obliviscitur et e contrario, quanto iios Quidam Iiorum oblivisoiTiur, tauto Doniiiuis rcminiscitur. Cone. Cabilon. ann. 813, can. 33

quidam vero sacerdotibus coiifitenda esse percenset: quod utrumque non sine ma^no fructu intra sanctam fit Ecclesiam. Ita dunitaxat et Deo, qui remissor est peccatorum, confitcamur peccata nostra, et cum David dicamus " Delictum meum cognitum tibi feci," etc. (Ps. xxxii. 5.) Et secundum institutionem Apostoli confiteamur altcrutrum peccata nostra, et oremus pro invicera, ut salvemur Confcssio itaque, quae Deo fit, purgat peccata: ea vero, quae sacerdoti fit, (Jac. V. 16).

Deo

solurirnodo confiteri debere dicunt peccata,

docet,

qualiter ipsa purgentur peccata.

Deus namqu"

salutis

ct sanitatis

auctor ct

largitor,

plerumque banc pracbet suae potentiae invisibili admiuistrationc, jilerumque mediconim operatione. * Particularly in England, first in Theodori Carituar. Lib. poenit. (see Vol. I. Div. II. Then similar insertions are found in the Lib. poen. Romanus, as well as 5* 133, note 11. in the shorter edition, which Halitgar. Camcrac. appended to bis books de pocnicentia (ap. Canisius-Basuage, ii. ii. 134), as well as in the more copious edition (ibid. p. 122 and 129). ' Cone. Cloveshov. ann. 747 (under Cuthbert, the second successor of Theodore in the see of Canterbury) ran. 2G (ap. Mansi, xii. 403) Postrcmo igitur (sicuti nova adinvenlio, juxta placitum scilicet propriac voluntatis suae, nunc plurimis periculosa consuctudo est) non sit eleemosyiia porreeta ad rainacndain vel ad mutandam satisfactionem per Jejuniura et reliqua expiationi.s opera, a sacerdote Dei pro Buis criminibus jure canonico indictam, sed magis ad augmentandum emendationem suam, ut eo citius placetur divinae indiguaBonum est omnino psalmodiae insistere, bonum est genua sae[,ius veraci tionis ira. sed pro his non est abstinentia flectere intentione, bonum est eleemosynas quotidie dare remittonda, non est jejunium impositum semel juxta Ecclcsiae rcgulam, sine qua non Can. 27 Non eis eo licentius peccare vel remittuntur uUa peccata, relaxandum. jejunium pro peccatis indicium relaxare, vel eleemosynas minus largire, uUo modo licet, quo pro ipsis alios psalmos cantare putant, vel jcjunare. Nuper quidam dives secundum
:

hoc saeculum, petens reconcilationem pro magno quodam facinore suo citius sibi dari, affirmans in suis literis idem nefas juxta multorum promissa in tantum esse expiatum, ut si deinceps vivere possit, trecentorum annorum pro eo plene jejunium, satisfactionum modis per aliorum seilicct psalmodiam, et jejunium, et eleemosynas, persolutum esset, excepto illius jejunio, et quamvis ipse utciimque vel parum jejunaret. Ergo si ita placari per alios potest divina justitia, cur divitos dillicilius voce veritatis regnum intraro

caelorum

Cone. Cabilonense, ann. 813, can. 36, against those, qui ex iudustria pcccante.s propter eleemosynarum largitionem quandam sibi promittunt impunitatcm. Can. 38 Modus autcm poenitentiae peccata sua confitentibus aut per antiquorum
etc.
:

diountur?
imponi

canonum

institutioneni, aut per S. Sr.ripturarum auctoritatcm, aut

per ecclesiasticam con-

suetudinem

debet, repudiates ac penitus eliminatis libcUis quos poenilentialcs

vocant quorum sunt certi errores, incerti auctoros. Q,ui dum pro peccatis gravibus levea quosdam et inusitatos imponunt poenitentiae modos, consuunt pulvillos secundum propheticum semionum, sub omni cubito manus, ct faciunt ccrvicalia sub capite universae aetatis

ad capiendas animas, Ezech.


Paris, ann. 829,
alia
lib.
i.

xiii.

i5 (repeated in Cone. Mogunt. ann. 847,


c.

c.

31,

and

in

the Capitulis Rodulfi Archiepisc. Pituriccnsis


c. 32).

33. ap.

Mansi, xiv. 958; similarly Cone.

Can. 45;

Nam

et a

quibusdam, qui
<iui

Romam
plurimum

Turonumve,
erratur.

et

quaedam

loca sub praetcxtu orationis ineonsulte peragrant,

Sunt Sunt

Presbyteri et Diacones et caeteri in clcro constiluti,


nihilorainus laici, qui putant se

negligenter viventes, in eo purgai'i


si

Be a peccatis putant, et ministcrio suo fungi debere,

praefata loca altingant.

impuno peccare aut peccasse, quia haec loca oraturi Non Hierosolymam vidisse sed frequentant non attendentcs quod ait b. Hieronymus Uierosolymis bene vixisse landaudura est. Qui vero peccata sua sacerdotibas, in qactiom

PART

II.WP:ST.

chap. VI.discipline.

^ 19.

107

in consequence of tliis arrangement in the system of penance, it had become more fearful by the civil forfeitures which were connected with it,^ and by the distinction which began to be made in the ninth century between excommunication and analliema} Besides, in all matters of this kind the highest appeal was to the

diocesan bishop.^
sunt parochiis, confessi sunt, et ab his agendae poenitentiao consilium acceperunt,
ovationibus
insistendo,
liniina,
si

Apostoloruni
*

eleemosynas largiendo, vitam emendando, mores coraponendo, vel quorumlibet Sanctorum invisere disiderant, borum est devotio
lib.
i.

modis omnibus collaudanda.


Caroli
:

217
^

M. Capit. iii. anni 803, and thence extracted in Capitul. Ut excommunicationes passim {for which capit. lib. vi. subito)
8,

e. 136, lib. vi. c.

et sine

causa non

fiant.

Cf.

note 25.
:

The germs of such a distinction in Augustin. Horn. 50, de Poenitentia Prohibitio communione) mortalis and medicinalis. Syn. Rom. v. sub Symmacho a.d. 504 (Mansi, viii. Q98j Si vero monachus aut laicis fuerit, communione privetur, et si non emendaverit vitium, anathemate feriatur. Cf. du Pin de Ant. eccl. discipl. p. 261, ss. Synodus Regiaticina A.n. 850, can. 12: Hoc autem omnibus Christianis intimandum est, quia hi, qui
'

(a

sacri altaris

communione

privati, et pro suis sceleribus

reverendis adytis exclusi publicae

poenitentiao subjugati sunt, nullo militiae saecularis ut concilio, nullamque reipublicae

debent administrare dignitatem.

Q,ui vero

administratione Episcopi seu saccrdotum

remedium suscipere noluerint, magis abjiciendi sunt, anathematizandi scilicet, tamquam putrida ac desperata membra ab universalis Ecclesiae corpore dissecandi, cujusmodi jam inter Christianos nulla legum, nulla morum, nulla collegii participatio est, quibus neque in ipso exitu communicatur, et quorum neque post mortem saltern inter defunctos fideles commemoratio fit. Sed si ad hoc irrevocabilo judicium obdurati cordus contemtus trahit, non sine magna tamen examinatione veniendum est, et omnia sacerdoti prius experienda, nee absque metropolitani cogitatione, et provincialum Episcoporum communi judicio quemlibet anathematizandum esse permittimus. Comp. Arsenii Episc. (legate of Nicol. I.) Ep. gener. ad omnes Episc. (ap. Mansi,
perpetrato palam scelere poenitentiae
Planck's Gesch. d. kirchlichen Gesellschaftsverfassung, iii. 507. Ahytonis Episc. Basiliensis Capitulare (about 820), c. 18 (Mansi, xiv. 396) NuUus ordinatus sive ordinandus migret de sua parochia ad aliam nee ad limina Apostolorura causa orationis, Ecclesiae suae cura derelicta, nee ad palatium causa interpellandi, nee a communione snspensus ab alio communionem recipiendi, sine permissione et praescientia Episcopi sui quod si fecerit, nihil valet hujusmodi communio, aut ordinatio, aut demiXV. 326).
'
:

fidelibus denuntiandum, ut qui causa orationis ad limina Apostolorum pergcre cupiunt, domi confiteantur peccata sua et sic proficiscantur quia a proprio Episcopo aut sacerdote ligandi aut exsolvendi sunt, non ab extraneo.
gratio.
:

Et hoc omnibus

103

THIIID PKIIIOD.-DIV. II. A.D.

if58-]073.

SECOND DIVISION.
PROM NICOLA.'S
[.

TO GllEGOllY VH.

A.D. 858-107..

MOST fMl'ORTANT SOURCKS.


I. D.

IJv/.ASTiSK.?: Qeorg.

Cedrenns ami Joli Zdiiaras (see preface to Div. I.) Latins: AnnaJes Fulden.ses and Qcrtiuiaui (see prcf. to Div. I. Part.
(t lii.'i),

II.)

llegino,

abbot of Pniiii

Clironicon fn.in the

birtli

of Clirist

till

907, iniporlant from 670,

best edireii iu Pertzii Motium. i. 537. Flodoardus, canon and archives in iliieims, afterward abbot of a neighboring monastery (t 966), Hist. Ecoles'ae Reniensis libb. iv. till 948, ed. J. Sirniond. Paris. 6U 8. G. Colwit'.i c'oiit'irialion till !I67,

keeper of
venerius.
V. 363.

tl.n

Duaci.

Iti:?. ".

Hibl.

PP. Lugd.

xvii.

."iOO.

Annales from 919-960, ap. Pertz,


:

Comp. BiUir's llom. Liter in karol. Zeitaltcr. S. 274, 188. Luitprandus, bishop of Cremona (t 972), wrote llie liisicry of his time from 893 to 964 Antapodosis libb. vi. and de Rebus gestis O tie .is M. best ap. Pertz, v. 264. The credibility of this, source
which
is

often underestimated jy those

who

follow Mui*atori,

is

vindicated by Martini

in the Denksclir. d.

K. Akal. zu Miinchen fiir 1809 und 10. Hist. Class. S. 3, ff. R. A. Koepke de Vita et scriptis Liadprandi. Berol. 1842. 8. llichenis, monk in the monastery of St. Reinigius in llhonns, a friend of Gerbert's, wrote about 99'), Historiarum libb. iv. from 888 till 99."), especially important from 969 and onward, ap. Pertz, v. 561. Richer Historic de son temps par Guadet, t. i. Paris. 1845. 8 (Latin and French with introduction and commentary). Thietmarus, bishop of Merseburg (t 1018) Chronicon, embracing the period of the Saxon eni[)erors, first ed. complete in Leibtiitii Scriptt. Brunsvecens, t. i. then ed. J. A. Wagner, Norimb. 1807. 4, in German by M. UrsinuS; Dresd. 17 0. 8, and .1. M. Lappenberg in Pertz Monum. v. 723. Comp. M. Th. Contzen, die Geschichtschreiber d. siJclis. Kaiserzeit nach ihrem Leben u. ihren Schriften Regensburgh. 1837. 8. Hermannus Contractus, monk in Reichenau (t 1054), Chronicon from the birth of Christ till 1054, important for chronology, especially from 1045, an important source of history (ap. Pertz, vii. 67), continued by Bertholdus, Hermann's disciple, and likewise monk of Reichenau, till lOrfO (ap. Pertz, vii. 264) both abbreviated and continued till 1100 by Bernoldus, Bernaldiis, or Bernardus, monk in St. Blascia (ap. Pertz, Hermaim and his continuator were first edited complete by P. Acm. Usservii. 385). mann in the Monumenta res Alcmannicas illustrantia, 2 tomi. Typis San-Blasianis. 179J and 1792. 4to. Comp. Docen in the Archive, fur ultcre deutsche Geschichskunde, iii. 1. Stenzel's Gescli. Deutschlands untcr den frunkischen Kaisern, ii. 99.- Marianus Scotus, monk, last in Mentz (t 1082), Chron. from the creation of the world to the year 1083. continued by Dodechinu till 1200 in Pistorii Rorum Germ, scrip'tor I. i. (Viar Scoti lib. 1-1082, ed. G. Waitz ap. Pertz, vii. 841). Lambertas, monk m Hersfeld, iii. frc'ri", usually but incorrectly styled Schafnaburgensis, Aimales, fullest from 1040-1077, ap. Hal. 1797. 8, in German by F. B. Buckliolz. Frunkf. Pistorius, t. i., then ed. J. C. Krause, Comp. Stenzel, ii. 101. Locherer, in the a. M. 1819. 8, ed. Hesse ap. Pertz, vii. 134. Siessener Jahrbuchcm f. Theol. und christlrche Philosophic, 1834. ii. 3. Sigebertus, monk in Gerablours (t 1113), Chronicon, continuation of Jer me from 381-1112, ap. Pistorius, t. i. ed. L. C. Beihmann ap. Pertz, viii. 268; cf. S. Hirsch Conun. de. Sigeb.

Gembl. vita et scriptis. Berol. 1841. 8. [Of Flodoardi's Chronicle a new edition is in the course of publication by the Imperial Academy of llhcims, with an appendix and notes by Abbe Baudeville. The third volume appeared in 1855.]

PART

1.WEST.

CHAP. I.PAPACY.

$ 20.

PSEUDO-ISIDOttlANA. 109

FIRST PART.
HISTORY OF THE WESTER^r CHURCH.

FIRST CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF THE PAPACY.
20.

PSEUDO-ISIDORIAN DECRETALS AND CONST ANTINES DEEDS OF GIFT.


Dav. r/ondelli Pseudo-Isidorus et Turr'anus vapalantes. Genev. 16-28. 4. C. Blasci Co;iiM. lie collect, cann. Isid. Merc, in Galiandii Sylloge. ed. Mogont. ii. 1 (Sjjittler's Ges-.<i. lies canon. RcoJits bis auf die Zeiten des t'alschen Isidorus. Halle. 1778. S. 220, r^. im Spittler's Werken. lierausgeg. v. Wiichter, Bd. i.). Planck's Gescli. d.cliri.stl. kirciJ. t/esellschaftsverf. ii. 800, F. Walter's Lehrbuch des Kirchenrechts, vierte
ff".

Mulder's Fragmente aus und iiber PseudoTsidor. in liis So:.;i'vt-.: u. Aufsatzen, herausgegeben, v. DoUinger (Regensburg. 1839. 2 Bde.) i. 283. F. H. Knust de Foutibus et cousilio pseudoisidoriauae collectionis. Gotting. 1832. 4.
Aus-;. ilionu. 1829) S. 135,
ff.

About the middle


object
'

of the ninth century appeared gradually an

Isidorian collection,* enlarged with

many

false decretals,

whose

generally tended to counteract the oppression and the


Isidorus Mercator servus Christi lectori conserve suo et parenti The Merlin editor omits Mercator, some Codd. have, partly as a

in

The preface begins: Domino !:dp,i .a!utem.


{.'.>:,

for example, Rabanus calls himself before some of his letters Rabanus Kunstmann's Rab. Maurus, S. 215, 219). See Ballerini de Aut. collection, canonum (prefixed to t. iii. 0pp. Leonis, and in Galiandii Syll.; P. lii. c. 6, no. 18. Blascus, The Pseudolsidorian collection has undergone many additions, omis1. c. c.\\>. G, p. 35. sions, r.id alterations, and appears therefore perfectly pure in few codices So also not even i.i llio only complete edition where it is found undivided: J. Merlini torn prim. iv.

gloss, Peccaroi;
Siji!

peccator.

conciiicr. generall. xlvii. cone, provinc. decrett.

Ixix. Pontiticum

ab Apostolis usque ad
fol.

Zachariam
221,
ft".

I.

Isidore autore. Paris. 1523.


its

fol.

(reprinted Colon. 1530.


1.

Paris. 1535.
Spittler,
1. c.

8).

Inquiries respecting

original form see in Ballerini,

c.

P.

iii.

c.

5-8.

S.

description of five Pseudolsidorian MSS., especially a Cod. Vatican, written about 8C8 in France, in the Notices et extraits, vi. 265. critical edition, such

Comp. the

as Constant designed in the second part of his Epistt.

Pontitt'., is still

wanting.

of three parts

I.

CI epistolae decretales of the

popes of the

first

It consisted three centuries, from

Melchiades (two from Clement to James were before forged, but newly interII. Canons of councils, chiefly from the genuine Isidorian collection. III. Epist. decrett. from Sylvester till Gregory the Great, of which 35 PseudoIsid., the others mostly from the Isidorian collection. Many regulations were fabricated after the accounts of the liber pontificalis. These, which were intended only to give credibility to the imposture, must therefore be left out of the question in determining the
to

Clement

polated, 59 Pseudolsidoriana).

object of the imposture.

Blascus,

1.

c.
1.

cap. 15.
c.

How

rich this period generally

was

in

Buch forgeries

may be

seen

in Spittler,

S. 24:i

and 252.

110

THIRD PERIOD.DIV.

II. A.D. 858-1073.

disorder of the clergy^ as well as ecclesiastical

irregularities

generally,

which were the consequences

of political

divisions

and disturbances under the successors of Charlemagne.^ These decretals consisted of admonitions, instructions, and regulations, compiled for the most part from existing ecclesiastical literature. "But they are of historical importance, only in consequence of the new principles of ecclesiastical law by which, developing a tendency that had arisen already in the Church amid the weakness and disunion of wordly power (see 7, nc^tc 25, fl'.) they wore

meant
it

to

make

the Church independent of the state, and to give


of protection in the
;'

a self-dependent center

Romish

see.

Ex-

altation of the episcopal dignity


*

numerous

definitions for the


the Rn'jr;es of

The

contents and sources in general are pointed out ap. Knust, p.


p. 33.
1

2'J;

individual documents are indicated, ibid.


^

Comp.

7,

note 24.

et despectio Ecclesiarum atque Clericorum ct inusitato mode.

Prcss^rae, odia Agobardus de Privilegio et jure saccrdotii, c. nunc iufervescere coeperunt saeculis inaudito
:

dam

Idem de Dispeiisatione ecclesiasticarum rcruni, c. )5: Niinc in quibusuuUus ordo hominura, sive sint liberi, sive servi, de Iialiitaiione sua tani infidus utpote qui nullo niodo securi esse possint, nee scire, quot dicbus Eccleest, ut sacerdotes siam vel babitaculum suum eis habere sit licituni. Nunc non solum possessiones eccleThus the synod at siasticae, sed ipsa etiam Ecclesiae cum possessionibus venundantur. Thionville, 844, complained to the assembled kings (Pertz, I'ii. 380, Baiuz. cap. ii. 7), c. 1 Constat hanc sanctam Ecclesiam, praedecessorum vestrorum multo labore rcdintegratam ac adunatam atque gubernatam, vcstra discordia esse discissam et pcrturbatam Monemus ut sedes, quae vestra discordia sine Episcopis viduatae atcjue atilictam. C. 2 maueut, subraota funditus peste simoniacae haeresos aut Episcopos a vobis regulariter designatos accipiant, aut quae suis Episcopis quacunque occasioue privatae sunt, canonice eos recipiant. C. 5 On the restoration of the monasteries bestowed on laymen. In liiie manner the Concil. in Verno palatio, 844 (Pertz, iii. 383. Baluz. ii. 13). The Synod of Mainz, 847, to Lewis the Gennau (Mansi, xiv. 901) Proh dolor, his temporibus nee loca sancta venerantur, neque ministri Dei condigne honorantur: sed versa vice illi, qui honorari
locis
: :

debuerunt, flagellantur, spoliantur, atque diversis caluniniis Irangiiutur.


i.

Comp. Mohler,

Such a condition is also presupposed and indicated in the Pseudolsidorianis. See Mohler, i. 294. Ex. gr. Pii I. Ep. ii. Ad sedem apostolicam perlutum est, quod praedia divinis usibus tradita (juidam humanis applicant usibus, et Domino Deo, cui tradita sunt, ea subtrahuut, ut suis usibus inserviant. Zephyrini Ep. ii.: Nuntiatam est sedi apostolicao per apocrisiarios vestros, quosdam fratrum nostroruni Episcoporum videlicet, ab ecclssiis et sedibus propriis pelli, suaquc eis aufcrri supcUectilia, et sic nudos et excpoliatos ad
321.
:

judicia vocari.

Ex. gr. Urbani P. (a.d. 222) Ep. unic. Ideo ista praetdimus, carissimi, ut intelliga;i3 potestatem Episcoporum vestrorum, in 'jisque Doniinum veneremini, et eos ut animas vestras diligatis, et quibus illi non communicant, non communicetis, et quos ejecerint iwn
:

recipiatis. Valde enim timonda est sententia Episcopi, licet injusto liget aliqucm, quod tamcn suipmoperc providcre debet. Pontiani P. (a.u. 230) Ep. 1: De illis enim dic:uni
est, " <ini

ini(iue gessit;" et alibi:

vos con';ristabit, mo contristabit, et qui vobis facit injuriam, recipiet id, quod " Q,ui w? uudit, me audit, et qui vos speniit, me spernit. Q.ui

autem me spernit, spernit ecun, qui me misit." Hi enim non sunt infcstaudi, sed honorandi. In eis quoque Dominus iionoratnr, cujus legatione funguntur. Hi ergo si forte ceciderint, a Kdelibus sunt sublevandi et portandi. Accusandi autem non sunt ab infamibus, aut
sueleratis, vel inlmicis, aut altcrius scctae hoiuiuibus vel religiuuis.

Si peccaveruit, a

PART

I.WEST.

CHAP. I. PAPACY,

ij

20.

PSEUDO-ISIDORIANA. Ill

purpose of securing the clergy, and in particular, the bishops against attacks * limitation of the metropolitans, who were often
;

reliquis arguantur sacerdotibus, sed et a sumniis pontificibus constringantur, et noa a saecularibus aut malae vitae hominibus arguantur vel arceantur.
^

Here belong the many declamations against robbing clergymen, and the new

prin-

ciples respecting accusations brought against them, the last derived in part from the

law, cf. Blascus, cap. 8, p. 54, ss. Walter, S. 151, ss. Ex. gr. Pii P. Ep. i. (ann. Oves pastoBum suum non reprehendant, plebs vero Episcopum nou accuset, nee vulgus eum arguat, quum non est discipulus super magistrum, neque servus supra dominuiu. Episcopi autem a Deo sunt judicandi, qui eos sibi oculos elegit, nam a subditis aut pravae vitae hominibus non sunt arguendi vel accusaudi aut lacerandi, ipso domino exemplura dante, qui per se ipsum, et non per alium vendentes sacerdotes, et ementes ejecit de templo, etc. Eleatherii P. Ep. de Accusationibus Clericorum, quia omnes eorum acCQsatioues difficile est ad sedem apostolicam defen-e, fiuitiva Episcoporum tsntu r. ju'liciit hue deferantur, ut hujus s. sedis auctoritate finiantur. Nee in eorum Ecc es'is a.:i at.t praeponantur aut ordinentur, antequam hie eorum juste terminentur negot-a. 'Juctiin.'v. quamvis liceat apud Provinciales et Metropolitanos atque Primates eorum ventilaro o-^'.j sationes vel criminationes, nou tamen licet diffinire secus quam praedictum ot. Kcli quorum vero Clericorum causas apud Provinciales et Metropolitanos ac Primiti';* ei ventilaro et juste finire licet. Eusebii P. Ep. ii.: In scripturis vesti-is reperimn-;. c,ii;s
147):

Homan

dam Episcopos

vestris in partibus a propriis ovibus accusatos, aliquos videlicet e.x siis-

picione, et aliquos

ex certa ratione

et idcirco

vero a propria sede pulsos.


)udicari,

Q.uos sciatis nee ad

antequam cuncta, quae eis Pnus ergo oportet omnia iUius legibus rediutegrari, et ecclesias, quae eis sublatae sunt, cum omni privilegio, sibi restitui, et postmodum non sub angusti temporis spatio, sed tautum temporis spatium eis indulgeatur, quantum exspoliati vel expulsi esse videntar, antequam ad synodum convocentur, et ab omnibus quibusque sua proviuciae Episcopis
audiaotur.

quosdam esse rebus suis exspoliatos, qucfilani synodum posse vocari, nee in allq^o sublata sunt, legibus, potestati eorum redintegrentur.

nee convocari ad causam, nee dijudicari potest exspoliatus vel expulsus, jam nudatus. Zephyrini P. Ep. i. (a.d. 208): Patriarchae vero vel Primates accusatum discutientes Episcopum, non ante sententtam proferant finitivam, quam apostolica fulti auctoritate, aut reum seipsum coufiteatur, aut per innocentes et regulariter examinatos couvincatur testes. Q,ui minori non sint numero, ([uam illi discipuli fuerunt, quos Domiims ad adjumentum Apostolorum eligere praecepit, i. e., septuaginta duo. (Even earlier it appears that this number of bishops was called to the condemnation of a bishop, either with reference to the 70 disciples, or to the great Jewish Sanhedrim. So Macedouius was deposed by 72 bishops, chron. Pasch. ad anu. 3G0 so Chronopius by 70, cod Theod. xi. 3G, 20, cf Gothofred. ad h. 1. So also the constitutio Sylvestri (cap. iii. ap. Mansi, ii. 623), which had been previously forged, demands Nou damnabitur praesul nisi in septuaginta duobus but even Alcuinus, Ep. 92,
quia non est pi-ivilegiura, quo exspoliari possit
; : ;

Nam

ad Arnonem, a.d. 800, interprets this sentence, non minus LXXH. testibus Poutificem accusandum esse. In like manner, too, Leo IV., about 850, see above, $ 7, note 28. Since

two forms before Pseudocan not suppose a change of the custom but the later acceptation of it is merely a consequence of the ambiguity of the expression in the Constit. Sylvestri.) Accusatores autem eorum omni careaut suspicione, quia columnas suas Dominus firmiter stare voluit, non a quibuslibet agitari. Duodecim enim judices quilibet Episcopus accusatus, si neoesse fuerit, eligat (so the Cone. Carthag. i. a.d. 348, can. 11, determines si Episcopus, a XII. 'hat a deacon shall be judged by three, a presbyter by six bishops oonsacerdotibus aadiatur, i. e., a successor of the apostles by the apostolic number. Also Leo IV. requires 12 bishops as judges, or 72 witnesses. See above, 7, note 28), a quibus ejus causa juste judicetur nee prius audiatur, aut excommunicetur, vel judicetnr, quam ipsi per se eligautur, et regolariter vocato ad suorum primo conventum Episcoporum, per eos ejus c&aoa jaste audiatbr et rationabiliter discernatur. Finis vero ejus causa ad sedem
this regulation

was

carried out into practice in none of the

Isidore in the west,

we

112

TIIIKD PERIOD. DIV. IL A.D.

858-1073.

very

much dependent upon the

civil

power

"

elevation of
;

^.ho p-i-

mates to be the first ular, an enlargement of the privileges of the

instruments of the pope?


il-

'

and

i.i

partic*

nan

seo

thti-e

apostolicam deferatur, ut ibidem termiuetur. Nee antea finiantur, :'t,')\ il- (5.['C4toi'. rI successoribus eorum olim statutum est, quam ejus auctoritate fulciat'-r. ' Against these and provincial synods tlie objection in Sixti II. Ef-. :. if. 'o'i'i Frtra<.
:

quos timore teireno injuste damnastis, scitote a nobis juste esse restitutjs ' Aniceti P. Ep. (in part ap. Gratian. ii. ix. iii. 6) Nulli Arcliiepisccpi I'rirnelr.s ')^S3tur, nisi illi, qui primas tenent civitates, quanim Episcopos, Apostoli ct suroi'ss" (" ;'po3tolorum regulariter Patriarchas et Primates esse constitucrunt, nisi aliqua "f- b iJeincepa
:

ad fidem convertatur, cui necesse sit propter multitudinem eomm Pri-j-Ut^m ct)r#titui. Reliqui vero, qui alias metropolitanas sedes adepti sunt, non Primates sod N!f.trG:>..'.la..i nominentur. Si autcm aliquis Metroi)olitanonim inflatus fuerit, et sine omniutn compr; vincialiuni ])raesentia vel consilio Episcoporum, aut eorum aut alias causas, nisi ?8.s racalturn, quae ad propriam suam parochiam pertinent, agere aut eos gravare voIlct'!
:

omnibus

districte coiTigatur,

ne

talia

deinceps praesumere audeat.

Si vero inccnipliilis,

eisque inobediens apparuerit, ad banc apostolicam sedem, cui omnia Episcoporum jidici-. terminare praecepta sunt, ejus contuniacia referatur, ut vindicta de eo fiat, et ci-^to. timorem babeant. Si autem propter nimiam longinquitatem, aut temporis incommodii.*
tern, vel itineris

asperitatem gi-ave ad banc sedem ejus causam deferrc fuerit, tunc afl Primatem causa deferatur, et penes ipsum bujus sanctae sedis auctoritate judicetuf Comp. Stepbani P. Ep. ii., where it is added besides: Si prohiberi non potuerunt accu sationes Episcoporum, ad memoratos Primates debcnt ab accusatoribus deferri. Comp Blascus, cap. 12, p. 99, ss., and cap. 13, p. Ill, ss., the just remark that the object of this provision w^as to exalt the archbishop of Mainz. In fact a distinctioii began to be made already between primates and metropolitans (de Marca de Primatu Lugdunensi, c. 23, ss., de Concord. Sac. et Imp. ed. Boebmer, p. 23) but this did in bis di ertatt. appended
ejus
^^o
;

not prevent the rights taken from the metropolitans eventually falling into the net ol

Rome. 8 For
liberari

Ab hac enim sancta sede a Sanctis Apostolis tueri, defendi et Sixti I. Bp. ii. Episcopi jussi sunt. On the Pseudo-Isidorian papal system see Planck, ii. 815. Knust, p. 30. Designation of the pope as universalis Ecclesiae Episcopus in Sixti I. Ep. ii., Vict-'s Ep. i., Stepbani Ep. ii., Pontiani Ep. ii., Vigilii Ep. ad Profuturum (where
:

cap. 6 and 7 are Pseudo-Isidorian),

c.

7 (partly ap. Grat.


est,

ii.

ii.

vi. 12)

Nulli vel tenuiter


et

eentienti vel pleniter sapienti


sit

dubium

quod Ecclesia

Romana fundamentum
gi'egis),

forma

Ecclesiaiiim {rvnoi tov

liOLjivlov, 1 Petr. v. 3.

Vulg. forma

a qua

omnes Ec-

nemo recte credentium ignorat, cum licet omnium Apostolorum par esset electio, beato tanien Petro concessum est, ut cacteris praemineret, unde et Cephas vocatur, quia caput est et primus omnium Apostolorum. Et quod in capite praeQuamobrem S. Romana Ecclesia ejus raerito cessit, in membris sequi necesse est.
clesias priucipium sumsisse

Domini voce consecrata, ct SS. Patrum auctoritate roborata primatum tenet omnium Ecclesiarum, ad quam tam sumrna Episcoporum ncgotia et judicia atque querclae, quam Nam et qui et majores Ecclesiarum quaestiones, quasi ad caput, semper referenda sunt. se scit aliis esse praepositum, non moleste ferat aliquem esse sibi praelatum ipsa nam:

que Ecclesia, quae prima est, ita reliquis Ecclesiis vices suas credidit largien<las, ut in partem siut vocatae solicitudinis, non in plenitudinem potcstatis (this remarkaljlc expresVices enim nostras ita tuae sion bon-owed from Leonis M. Ep. xii. ad Anastas. Thessal. credimus Caritati, ut in partem sis vocatus solicitudinis, non in plenitudinem potestatis, uamely, as papal vicar in Illyria cf. de Marca Cone. Sac. ct Imp. lib. v. c. 2fi, ^ 5, ss. Hacc vero Gibert. Corp. jur. can. torn. i. Proleg. p. 261, Sect. 3). Anacleti I. Ep. iii. apostolica sedes cardo et caput omnium Ecclesiarum a Domino, et non ab alio est cousti:

tuta.

Et sicut cardine ostium regitur Domino disponente reguntur. By its


remarkable (see Vol.
I.

sic

bujus sanctae sedis auctoritate omnes Ecclcsiao

side, the expression Ijorrowcd from

Cyprian

is

singu:

larly

Div.

I.

^ C8, note 10).

Anacleti

I.

Ep.

ii.

(Graliaa.

i.

xxi. 2)

PART IWEST. CHAP.

I. PAPACY.

20.

PSEUDO-ISIDORIANA. 113

doriana.

form the chief ecclesiastical and legal contents of the Pseudo-IsiThey must have been written between 829^ and 845 ^
:

In novo testamento post Christum Dominum a Petro sacerdotalis coepit ordo quia ipsi primo pontificatus in Ecclesia Christi datus est (Mattli. xvi. 18). Hie ergo ligandi atque solvendi potestatem primus accepit a Domino. Caeteri vero Apostoli cum eodem pari consortio honorem et potestatem accepei'unt, ipsumque principem eorum esse volueruut. New papal rights: 1. Regarding the power of making laws: Damasi Ep. v. (Grat. ii. XXV. i. 12) Omnia' decretalia et cunctorum decessorum nostrorum constituta, quae de ecclesiasticis ordinibus et canonum promulgata sunt disciplinis ita a vobis et ab omnibus Episcopis ac cunctis generaliter sacerdotibus custodiri debere mandamus, ut, si quis in ilia commiserit, veniam sibi deinceps noverit denegari. This passage is from Leonis 1. but is there addressed to the bishops of the Roman patriarchal jurisdiction, Ep. iv. c. here to the Numidian bishops, and, accordingly, contains here an obligation devolving on all bishops, which the forger has made still more remarkable by this circumstance, that he changed Leo's more modest foiTnula, a vestra dilectione, for the other, a vobis sacerdoti. bus). 2. Regarding ecclesiastical judicature: Julii Ep. i. (Grat. ii. iii. vi. 9) Dudum a SS. Apostolis, successoribusque eorum in antiqnis decretum fuerat statutis, quae hactenus s. et universalis apostolica tenet Ecclesia, non oportere praeter sententiam Romani Pontificis concilia celebrari, nee Episcopum damnari, quouiam s. Romanam Ecclesiam primatem omnium Ecclesiarum esse voluerunt, et sicut b. Petrus Ap. primus fuit omnium Apostoloram, ita et haec Ecclesia suo nomine consecrata (Domino instituente) prima et caput sit caeterarum, et ad eam, quasi ad matrem atque apicem, omnes majores Ecclesiae causae et judicia Episcoporum recurrant et juxta ejus sententiam terminum sumant nee extra Romanum quicquam ex his debere decerni Pontificem. Zephyrini Ep. 1 (Grat. ii. ii. vi. Ad Romanam Ecclesiam ab omnibus, maxime tamen ab oppressis, appellandum est 8) et concuiTendum quasi ad matrem, ut ejus uberlbus nutriantur, auctoritate defendantur, et a suis oppressionibus releventur; quia nee potest nee debet mater oblivisci filium suum. Discutere namque Episcoporum et summoi-um ecclesiasticorum Of. Damasi Ep. iv. negotiorum causas Metropolitanos una cum omnibus suis comprovincialibus, ita ut nemo ex eis desit et omnes in singulorum concordent negotiis, licet; sed definire eorum atque eccle siasticarum summas querelas causarum, vel damnare Episcopos absque hujus s. sedis auctoritate minime licet, quam omnes appellare, si necesse fuerit, et ejus fulciri auxilio Nam, vit nostis, synodum sine ejus auctoritate fieri, non est catholicum, etc opoi-tet. Nee ullum [concilium] ratum est aut erit unquam quod Julii Ep. ii. (Gratian. i. xvii. 2) non fultum fuerit ejus [Romanae Ecclesiae] auctoritate. How the way had been gradu ally prepared for the doctrine Praeter sententiam Rom. Pont, non oportere Episcopum damnari, since the time of Gregory IV., may be seen above, 7, note 28, de Marca, lib vii. c. 21. The position Non oportere praeter sententiam Romani Pontificis concilia cele brari, is borrowed from the historia tripartita, etc. (see Vol. I. Div. II. $ 94, note 28), there, perhaps, meant only of general councils, but was also never in force in respect to provin3. Relating to the ecclesiastical administration, Calixti Ep. ii. cial and diocesan synods. (Grat. ii. vii. i. 39) Si utilitatis causa fuerit mutandus [Episcopus], non per se hoc agat, sed frati-ibus invitantibus, et auctoritate hujus sanctae sedis faciat, non ambitus causa, sed
: ; .'5,

utilitatis et necessitatis.

uniformity of sentiment. supradicto

However, the Pseudo-Isidore does not continue here to observe See Anteri Ep. Sicut Episcopi habent potestatem ordinare
:

regulariter Episcopos et reliquos sacerdotes, sic quoties utilitas aut necessitas coegerit,

mode

et
vii.

mutare
qu.
i. c.

et inthronizare potestatem habent.


34,

Gratian,
it

who
:

adopts this

passage. Causa,
'

has

for

the

first

time appended

to

the words

Non tamen
I.

sine sacrosanctae

Romanae

sedis auctoritate et licentia.

For passages
III.

of the synod of Paris of 829 are inserted in the letters of


1. c.

Urban

and

John

Blascus, however,

p. 39, ss. is

of another opinion.

'" Because in this year Benedictus Lev. began to compile his collection of capitularies (comp. the pref. to $ 7), in which Pseudolsidoriana first appear in great numbers, bat w ithout being quoted by name, as if they were taken from capitularies. Comp. Beaed.

VOL.

II.

114

THIRD PERIOD. DIV.

II.--A.D. SD8-1073.

in eastern France;^'

Isidorian

collection

and were first publishcii, in a pretended which Archbishop Riculf (786-814) is

brought from Spain, at Mainz, in the time of They were soon circuArchbishop Autcarius (826847).'^ lated in various collections,'^ appealed to without suspicion in
said to have
i. 803: Haec vero capitnla, quae in subseqneutibus tribus libellis coadunare studuimus, in diversis locis et in diversis schedulis, sicut in diversis synodis ac placitis generalibus edita erant, sparsim invenimus, et maxime in s Magontiaeensis

pracf. (ap. lialoz.

metropolis ecclesiae scrinio a Riculfo ejasdem s. sedis Metropolitano (from 786-814) recon dita. et demum ab Autcario secundo ejus successore atque consanguineo inventareperimus " So HlondeUus, Ballerini, Spittler, Planck. On the otlier hand, their origin is put in
Blascus,

the time of Charlemagne by Natalis Alexander, Baluzius, Pelms de Marca, Mabillon, and Febronius de Statu Eccles. t. i. p. 643, supposes that they were 1. c. cap. 6.

Theiner de Pseudo-Isidoriana canonun collectione diss. they were written between 774 and 785 in Rome at the instigation of the popes Eichhorn Gnindsatze des Kirchenrechts, i. 158, that they appeared in Rome in the eighth century, and were subsequently foisted into the Isidorian

composed

in

Rome
8.

soon after 744

Vratislav. 1827.

p. 71, 79, that


;

collection, in the

larum ab

c. 24, designates it as liber collectarum episto de Hispania allatum Riculfus, Moguntinus Episcopus, obtinuit, et Hincmar, however, was wrong in tl)is, that Riculf had istas regiones ex illo repleri fecit. already circulated it, for, according to Benedictus Levita (note 10), it was in s. Magontiaeensis ecclesiae scrinio a Riculfo recondita, et demum ab Autcario inventa. Probably Riculf had received the genuine Spanish collection from Spain; for it is this which his suffragan bishop Rachio, bishop of Strasburgh, caused to be copied in the year 787. This genuine collection was afterward transformed into the Pseudolsidorian, which was then

" Hence Hincmar.

Frank empire. adv. Hincm. Laud.

Isidoro, quern

put forward, pretending to be the other.

Benedictus Levita has frequently been looked that made use of the false decretals in his collection of capitularies, and gave them more extended circulation. But, in any case, Autcarius must have been privy to it. It is probable, indeed, that he was the proper As an instrument for the author, and that he employed Benedict solely as an instrument.

upon as the

forger,

who

certainly

was

the

first

propagation of them, he was the more useful, the less he suspected the forgery. Petr. de Marca (de Cone. Sac. et Imp. lib. iii. c. 5), and Blascus (1. c. cap. 6) regard Ricalf as the
forger, but incorrectly.
'^ Rabanus Maurus, however, does not mix any Pseudo-Isidoriana in his Liber poenitentiarum between 841 and 847. See Ballerini de Ant. coll. can. P. iv. cap. 8, 4. Collections in which they are found are besides Bened. Capitul. libb. iii. the additio quarta capitularium (see Spittler Gesch. des canon. Rechts S. 247). Hadriani P. I. Capitula Angilramno tradita, or Capitula Augilramni, ap. Mansi, xii. 903, ss., supposed to belong to See Hincm. Rhem. A.D. 785, were first brought to light about 870 by Hincmar of Laon.

Opusc. adv. Hincm. Laud.


cap. vi.
2,

c.

24,

see below, note

16,

evidently spurious; Ballerini, P.

iii.

note 8; Blascus, p. 151; but not perhaps by


S. 235, 271,

Hincmar
iii.
ii.

of Laon, as Spittler

Gesch. des canon. Rechts,


S. 14), they

assumes.

See

Gft-orer,

1079.

According to

Wasserschleben (Beitrage zur Gesch.


:

d. vorgratian. Kirclicnrochtsnuellen, Leipz. 1839,

proceeded really from Angi'.rarcncig and Hadrian, and ih-j P.se'.(!o Isidorian was a later interpretation on the other hand, Rettber^ iC. G. Deutschhn-Is, i. 647, holds that the chapters were composed by the author of tlic false decretals, br.t eu-iiar than the Comp. generally Rettbcrg, i. M\ and 646. Capitula Romedii (in Goldast. Scriptt. latter. Die Kanonensammhr.ig des Remt-.dir.s 7. Clicr, ZQcrst vcUtdndig rer. Alem. ii. ii. 119. hcrausgegeben u. krit. prlautert v. Dr. K. Knr.slmi.n. T-ibingen. U36. e), aU-!(f-<d tc belong to the time of Charicmagne.
tler

On

the other

si le

seo Ballerini, P

iii

4,

")

;3.

Spit-

Gesch. des canon. Reclits. S. 236: acc-rdit-g to Knust in the Tbeo'. S!ei. u. Kri'. leSo, i. 161, the series of canons drawn from Pseudo-Isidore belonged to a Bavarian synod,

PART I WEST. CHAP.

I. PAPACY.

20.

PSEUDO-ISIDORIANA. 115
I.,

public transactions/^ and used by the popes, from Nicolaus


irpjTiediately after

he had become acquainted with them (864),^*


;

probably at Ratisbon, A.D. 693 according to Kunstmann, 1. c. p. 58, they were composed aboat 6T0 in Bretagne, by a clergyman addicted to the metropolitan of Tours. Capitala Isaaci Ep. Litigouensis (in Baluzii Capital, i. 1333, about the year 859. See Ballerini, P.
belonging to

A MS. collection in the royal librarj- at Paris, No. 3859, end of the ninth century, See Dr. Aug. Theiner uber Ivo's vermeintl. Decret. t-fainz. 1832. S. 9. Collectio Anselmo dedicata between 883 and 897 (cf Constant Diss, de ant. canonum collect, no. 169, s. Ballerini, P. iv. c. 10), from which Burchard has borrowed the greatest part of his work, Theiner, p. 13. Subsequently Regino Pnimiensis in his de Disciplinis eccles. libb. ii. (about 906) made indeed little use of the Pseudo-Isidoriar.a (Ballerini, P. iv. c. 11) But Burcardus Ep. Wormatiensis took so much the more paiu.s to introduce them into the general usage of the church, by his Decretorum volumen
iv. c. 9, 5

8; Spittler, 8. 231).
llie

(about 1020j.
'*

First A.D.

8.';7

in

the epistola sjTiodalis (written

by Hincmar

at the Sjii. Carisiaca)

sub nomine Carcli R. ad Episc. et Com. Galliae scripta ap. Baluz. ii. 92, Pertz, iii. 453, Mansi, xv. 127) Audiaat raptores et praedones rerum ecclesiasticanim, quod S. Anacletus P. ab ipso Petro Apostolo Presbyter ordinatus cum totius mundi sacerdotibus jadicavit, etc. Item S. Urbanus Papa et martjT, etc. Item S. Lucius Papa, etc. About 860, when Hennanu, bishop of Nevers, was to be deposed on account of fatuitj-, Wenilo, archbishop of Sens sent by Servatus Lupus to Nicolaus I. to ask (ap. Mansi, xv. 397, Sen'. Lup. Epist. 130, ed. Baluz. p. 194 comp. Baluz. 's remarks, p. 466, ss.) Dicitur autem Melchiades P. decrevisse, ne quis unquam Pontifex sine consensu Papae Romani deponeretu;-. Unde snpplicamus, ut statuta iUius, sicut penes vos habentur, nobis dirigere dignemini, etc. Nicolaus in his reply (ap. Mansi, 1. c.) praises highly his determination to send to Rome Antequam ad consulta vestra mentis oculum inclinemus, parumper in laudibiis vestiis stylum operae pretium duximus immorandum, and goes on to speaK of Hormann's case, but gives not one syllable of reply to his question. Respecting the proceedings, sec
:
; :

Blascus,
15

1. c.

p. 17.

xiv. 884, ap. Gratiau. P.

Ep. ii. ad Episc. Britann. c. 6. (ap. Mansi. xx. c. 1) De libellis et commentariis aliorum non convenit aliquem judicare, et ss. Conciliorum canones relinquere, vel decretalium regulas, i. e., quae habentur apud nos simul cum iUis in canoue, et quibus in omnibus ecclesiasticis utimor judiciis, i. e. Apostolorum, Nicaenorum, etc. et cum illis regulae praesulum Romanorum Sylvestri (the constit. Sylv. were forged still earlier than the Pseudo-Isidorian, see Vol. I. Div II. 117, note 15. Blascus, 1. c. p. 11. 25), Siricii, Innocentii, Zosimi, Caelestini, Leonis, GeiaIsti omnino sunt, per quos judicant Episcopi. et perquos Eii, Hiiarii, S^-mmachi, Simplicii.
says, as late as the year 850, in
i.

Leo rV.

dist.

Episcopi simul et
860 (see note
14),

clerici judicantur.

Even Nicolaus
in 863, in.

I.

neither

knew

of those decretals in
(ap.

nor does he

know

Ep.

v.

ad Hincmarum

of older constitutiones

Rom.

sedis Pontiff, than those of Siricius, Innocentii, etc.


(863) only to the
first

Mansi, xv. 374^ In like

manner he

refers in Rotbad's case oa the day before Christmas, 864, he

Sardican canons

in his

semio made

appeals to the Psendo-Isidoriana. See below $ 21 notes 15, 16. Hence it is probable, as Gfrorer, iii. ii. 1022, assumes, Rothad, wLo came to Rome in June 864, had brought thither the false decretals. In the year 865 Nicolaus

demonstrates their validitj' in the following manner. Ep. ad univ. Episc. Gall. (Mansi, xv. Etsi (Rothadus Episc.) sedem apostolicam nullatenus appellasset, contra tot tamen 694)
:

et tanta vos decretalia effeni statna, et

Episcopum

inconsultis nobis deponere nullo

debuistis.

Absit enim, ut

decretalia constituta debito cultu et cum summa discretione


s.

modo

non amplectamnr opuscula, quae dumtaxat et antiquitus


recondita veneratur.

Romana

Ecclesia conservans,

nobis quoque custodienda mandavit, et penes se in suis archivis et vetustis rite nonumentis

Absit ut scripta eomm quoquomodo parvipendenda dicamus, quorum videmus Deo auctore s. Ecclesiam aut roseo cruore floridam, aut rorifluis sudoribus et salubribus eloquiis adomatam. duamquam quidam vestrum scripserunt, baud ilia decre-

talia

priscoram pontificum in toto codicis canonum corpore coutineri descripta,

cum

ipsi,

116

THIRD PERIOD. DR'.

II--A.D. S5^-::73.

without any opposition being made to their authenticity/ and


ubi suae inlentioni liaec sufTragari conspiciunt,

imminutionem

potestatis sedis apostolicae, et ad

accepta esse pcrhibeant.


pracforre noscuntur.

Nam

indiffcrentcr utantur, et solum nunc, ad suorum augnientum privilegioium, ruinua nonnulla eorum scripta penes nos babentur, quae nou
illis

solum quorumcumque Romauorum Poutificum, verum etiam prionim decreta

iu suis causis

dccvetales
8.52)

epistolae

Rom. Pontiiicum
II.

sunt recipieudae, etiamsi non

Ep. xxxii. ad Episc. Synodi DuziaEpistolam Auteri P., etc. In otber points not affecting the papal dignity, the popes did not at once adopt the Pscudolsidoriau Thus not only Nicolaus I., but even Gregory VII. (Epist. lib. vii. Ep. 31), prini:iples. decided that priests convicted of crimes should be expelled from the clergy, though Pseudoaunt

canonum

codici compaginatae.

Hadriauus

censis (ap. Mans:, xv.

expressly

cites, a.d. 871,

Callistus, Ep. 2, had written: EiTant itaque, qui putant sacerdotes post lapsuni, si condignam egerint poenitcntiam, Domino non posse ministrare. Comp. Blascus, 1. c. p. 18, ss. ' Even Hincmar did not doubt the authenticity, but the validity, of those decretals (cf.

Blascus,

1.

c. p.

16)

he appealed to them, 857, against robbers of churches (note

14),

and,

868, against Charles the Bald,

when

the latter had

summoned

the younger

a civil tribunal, and had imposed taxes on his revenues (Hincm. Ep. 20.
ed. Simiond.
ii.

Hincmar before ad Car. Calv. 0pp.

of Nicolaus

Ep. and Ste})haui Ep. ii.). On this account the objection him in particular (note 1.5), that he sometimes made use of those letters, sometimes disowned them, according as they favored or not his own interest. The authority of these decretals is combated by Hincmar in regard to the rights of metroThe Pseudo-Isidorian politans, especially in his Opusc. adv. Hincmar. Laudun. a.d. 870. positions of the Capitula Angilramni, to which the younger Hincmar had appealed, are with him, c. 10, (0pp. ii. 413), circumposita nobis omnibus Metropolitauis a te muscipula Cap. 24, p. 475: De sententiis vero, quae dicuntur ex Graecis et Latinis canonibus, et synodis Romanis atque decrctis praesulum ac ducum Romanorum collectac ab Adriano Papa, et Engclramno Metensium Episcopo datae, quando pro sui negotii causa agebatur, ex quibus quaedam tuis commentis interposuisti, quam dissonae inter se habeantur et quam diversae a sacris canonibus, et quam discrepantes in quibusdam ab ecclesiasticis Proofs, that they were even opposed hy evidenter manifestatur. judiciis habeantur Hincmar of Laon. Si vero ideo talia, quae tibi visa sunt de praefatis sententiis ac saepe memoratis epistolis, detruncando et praeposterando atque disordinandc, coVegisti, quia forte putasti, neminem alium easdem sententias, vel ipsas epistolas praela.- te habprs, et
223, cites Lucii
I.

held good against

idcirco talia libere te existimasti posse colligere, res

mira

est,

cum de

ipsJs sententiis

plena

sit ista terra,

sicut et de libro collectarum epistolaram ab Isidoro, quer.i

de

H',s] iuiia

allatnm Riculfus Moguntinus Episcopus, inhujusmodi sicut et in capitulis regiis studiosus, Cap. 25, p. 482 Animadverteuda est disobtinuit, et istas regiones ex illo repleri fecit.
:

cretio

decretum de libris recipiendis et non re\.:ipieudis) inter synodalia Concilia et apostolicorum virorum epistolas, quas ante Concilia celebrata diversia temporibus pro diversorum Patrum consolatione dedcrunt, quasque ven':,rabihtcr suscipiendas dicit si qua sunt autem Concilia a Sanctis Patribus instituta post qur.tuor CouciliQuantum enim distct i'jtct ilia oiTim auctoritatem, custodienda et obscrvauda decrevit. nemo in dogmatibus ecclcsiasticis exerci:atvs i^J.orat et illas epistolas scilicet Concilia Si enim quaedam ex his, quae in quibusdam ilUs epistolis continentur, tenero et cusudiro E<. rirsus si velle inceperimus, contra alia plurima illarum epistolarum facere incipiemus. a Couciliis sacris, qaae peialia, contra quae feceramus, tcnere et custodire inceperimus petuo nobis recipienda, tenenda, ac custodienda, atque sequenda sunt, deviabimus sed ot a consuetudinc, quam catholica Ecclesia habuit, ex quo in sacrum Nicaeuum Concilium patres nostri convenerunt peniiciosissime discedemus, et nihil certi tenentes in sectam

ex verbis

b. Gelasii (in the

Mathematicorum offendemus, qui diiKnierunt omnia in incertum. Nam et b. Gelasius easdem epistolas non solum sacris canonibus iu quibusdam ailvcrsas, sed etiam sibi ipsis diversas ostendit cum dicit, illas diversis temporibus pro diversomm ergo calumniaris apostolicam sedcm consolatione datas. Et hinc forte adversum me dices Unde in Sanctis ejus Pontificibus, co quod male senserint, et non tenenda decreverint.
Genethliacianorum,
i.

e.,

tibi

respondeo, quod de lege non judaice servanda, contiadiceutibus sibi et diccntibus

lex

PART

I.WEST.

CHAP. I. PAPACY.

$20.

PSEUDO-ISIDOR[ANA. 117
till

continued in undiminished reputation'''^


led to the detection of the cheat. ^*

the

Reformation

On

these false decretals

were founded the pretensions of the popes ^^ to universal sway in the Church ;^^ while the pretended donatio Constantini
1 (Gal. iii. 21) respondit Apostolus Absit lex quidem sancta, mandatutn sanctum, et justum et bouum (ROii.. vii. 12), sed personis et temporibus suis congrua quae propter trausgressiones posits, est, donee veiiiret semen (Gal. iii. 19.) Et illas epistolas sanctorum et apostolicorum vircram, divcrsis temjjcribus pro diversorum consolatione a sede apostolica datas veuera.biliter suscipiendas d'co. Q,uae suis temporibus congruentes fuerunt, donee per sacra Concilia patros nostri ia ununi convenientes suggerente sibimet sancto Spiritu mansuras usque in fineni saecui leges condiderunt. That Hincmar suspected the spuriousness of these decretals, but said nothing on the
:
:

ergo adversus promissa Dei


et

iii. ii. 1081, assumes, is in my opinion improcombating of the authenticity could not be looked on as contempt of the holy see, but probably, if the authenticity were conceded, a denial of tb^ir validity might be so

subject, from motives of prudence, as Gfrorer,

bable

for a

regarded.
''

Concerning those

who
:

are supposed to have doubted the authenticity of the forged

decretals, in the middle ages, Petrus Coraestor (1170), Marsilius Patavinus (1324), (not

he asserted Decretales epistolae sunt apocryphae et seducunt a Christi fide, apocryphae erroneae), Gobelinus Persona (1418), Heinr. v. Kalteisen (1432, comp. however, Spittler's doubts, 1. c. p. 250), Nicolaus Cusanus (1448). Erasmus, see Blascus,
Wicliffe
also
;

1.

c. cap. 5, p. 30, ss.


'8

Calvin Institutt.

iv. c. 7, 11, 20,

the spuriousness

the

Magdeburg Centuries

(centur.

gave a copious proof of it, which opinion was also adopted about the same time by Anton. Contius and Antonius Augustinus, archbp. of Tarragona see Blascus, 1. c. p. 33), while the Jesuit Franc. Turrianus wrote libb. v. adv. Magdeburgeuses Centuriatores pro canonibus Apostolorum et epistolis decretalibus Pontificnm apostolicorum. Florent. 1572. Colon. 1573. 4. Bellarmine (de Pont. Rom. lib. ii. c. 14), and Baronius (ad ann. 8fi5, 8) abandoned these decretals. The question was decided by Dav. Blondelli Pseudo-Isidorus et Tan-ianus vapulantes. Genev. 1628. 4. " The Ultramontanists, though they admit the deception, deny the revolution of ecclesiastical principles caused by it. So Ballerini, 1. c. P. iii. c. 6, $ 3, and P. Ballerini de Potest, eccl. summ. Pontif. et Concill. generall. una cum vindiciis contra J. Febronium. Veron. 1768. Aug. Vindel. 1770; in the Vindiciis, cap. 5. On the other side see Jo. Gerbasii Diss, de causis majoribus. Paris. 1679. 4. Fleury Hist. eccl. t. xvi. diss, preliminaire. Justification des discours et de I'hist. eccles. de M. I'Abbe de Fleury. 1736. P. ii. Tiibinger
ii.

c. 7,

and cent.

iii. c. 7),

first

knth. theol. Quartalschrift, 1823, 2tes ftuart. S. 277,


20

ff.

$ 56, note 40. Above, 5, note 18. It is found so early as in the Collectio cann. Colbertina, which is older than Pseudo-Isidore (see Coustant Diss, de
Vol.
I.

Comp.

Div.

I.

Aut. canonum collectionibus no. 103). There are also obvious references to it by Hincmar, Ep. iii. c. 13: Constantinus M. propter amorem et honorem SS. Apostolorum Petri et
Pauli

locum et sedem suam, urbem


sedem saam

scilicet

Romanam, Papae

Sylvestro edicto privilegii

quae antea Byzantium vocabatur, aedificavit. Aeneae Paris, liber adv. Graecos (a.d. 868), c. 209 (in d'Achery Spicileg. i. 147) Singulare privilegium et mirabile testaraentum toto tunc orbe vulgatum apostolicae sedi conscribi jassit, cujus exemplaribus Ecclesiarum in Gallia consistentium armaria ex integro potiuntur. Blascus, cap. 2, p. 13, rightly shows indeed that this act can not have originated with Pseudo-Isidore, as many suppose, but he erroneously assumes, that because it appears first in Leonis IX. Ep. ad Michael. Const. Patriarch, (a. 1054) c. 13 et 14 (ap.
ti-adidit, et

in civitate sua,

Mansi, xix. 643), it was forged long after Pseudo-Isidore. Worthy of notice is Ottonis III. diploma ana. 999 (see below, ^ 22, note 28): Haec sunt etiam commeuta ab illis ipsis inventa, quibus Joannes Diaconns, cognomento digitorum mutius (raozzo, rautilus), praecp-

tum

aoreis Uteris scripsit, sub titulo


is

magni Constantini longa meudacii tempera

linxit.
4,

This John

discovered, (Marqu. Freberus) Constantini donatio integre edita, 1610.

in

118
ikf.,^'

THIRD PERIOD. DIV.

II.A.D. 858-1073.

a fiction of an earlier time, but soon adopted into them,


the
first

was

step from

which the papacy endeavored

to elevate

itself

even above the

state.

the antlior of the life of S. Gregorii M. ahont 875; Jo. Moriuus Hist, de la delivrance de I'egl. chret. par I'Emp. Constantin, Paris. lG:iO. fol., identities liim with Jolianncs Diaronua.

about 063.

On

the other side

is

de Marca, Hb.

iii.

c. V2,

according to

whom

the original

document was composed a.d.

Pope Paul [. Against the opinion of Baronius ann. 324, no. 117, ss., that the document was forged by Greeks, see Morinus, I.e. Comp. E. Miinch iiber die Schenkung Constantin's, in his vennischte Schrilten. Ludwigsburg. 1828. ii. 183). The original document was meant in part to establish an older
767, at the

command

of

right than the Donatio of Pipin and Charles, and to favor the efforts of the popes to obtain

independence (see $ 6); partly also to justify the views of the papal coronation of emperors which then appeared (see 6, note 15). "' There is one old Latin text of it, but four Greek texts. See F. A. Biener de Collectionibus cann. Ecclesiae Graecae.
torical

Berol. 1827. 8. p. 72, ss. The first alone is of hisimportance, being found in the Pseudolsidorian decretals under the title of Edictum domini Constantini Imp., and extracts from it in the Decret. Gratiani, dist. xcvi. c. 13.

Among
(Petri)

other things we read Et sicut nostram terrenam imperialem potentiam, sic ejus sacrosanctum Romanam Ecclesiam decreviwus veneranter lioiiorari, et amplius quam nostrum imperium terrenumqne thronum, sedera sacratissimam b. Petri gloriose exaltari tribuentes ei potestatem et gloriae dignitatem, atque vigorem et honoriliceiitiam imperialem. Therefore he gives him palatiura Lateranense and all imperial insignia. Unde ut pontiticalis apex non vilescat, sed magis quam imperii dignitas, gloria et poteutia decoretur, ecce tam palatium nostrum, ut praedictum est, quam Romanam urbem, et omnes Italiae, seu occidentalium regionum provincias, loca et civitatcs (i. e., the western
:

empire, as

it

was

still

limited to
:

ti'ansferred to the

Franks
:

the forger

some provinces of Italy, in the eighth century, and was knows only of this, and puts it back in the tirr.=:s

of Constantine) praefato beatissimo Pontifici nostro Sylvestro, universal! Papae, contradiet ab eo et a successoribus ejus per hanc divalem nostram, et pragmaticum constitutum decernimus disponcnda, atque juri s. Romarae Ecclesiae concedimus permansura. Unde congruum perspexiraus nostrum imperium, et regni potestatem in orientalibus transfeiri regionibus, et in Byzantinae provinciae optimo loco, nomini quouiam ubi principatus iiostro civitatem aediticari, et nostrum iliic coustitui imperium sacerdotum, et christianae religionis caput ab Imperatore caelesti constitutum est, juslum non est, ut illic Iniperator terrenus habeat potestatem. That there never was any such donatio was acknowledged by Otto III. in the year 999 (note 20) and in 1152 by the
:

mus atque relinquimus

In the fifteenth centurj' this was shown to (see below, Div. II. 51, note 18). be the case by Nicolaus Cusanus de Concordantia catholica (about 1432), and in particular by Laurentius Valla (t 1457) de False credita et ementita Constantini donatione dt>clamatio (in S. Schardii Syntagma tractatuum de imperiali jurisdictione. Argentor. 1609. Since then the document is univerfol. p. 401), (see Miinch verm. hist. Scbriften, ii. 214). sally given up as spurious, but the donation itself is still defended by Baronius, and tl;e Jesuits, Jac. Gretser, Nic. Schaten, and others, ex. gr. Blanchini ad Anastas. de vitis Pon
tiff. ii. ii.

Romans

295,

and Mamachii Antiquitt.

christ.

ii.

232.

PART

I.WEST.

CHAP.

-PAPACY.

21,

NICOLAUS

I.

119

21.
II.

PAPACY UNDER- NICOLAUS I. (858-867), HADRIAN JOHN VIII. (TILL 882).


Planck's Gesch.
tier kirchl.

(TILL

872),

AND

Gesellschaftsverf.

iii.

1.

Neander,

iv.

112.

Gfrurer,

iii. ii.

983.

The

rulers of the divided

Frank empire/ unable

to

withstand

the attacks of foreign enemies and the encroachments of their

own

nobles, were obliged, in consequence, to seek protection from the Church and had been long since induced to invest How much the position their bishops with important rights.^ of the pope, as the highest bishop, was heightened by this means, Nicnlaus I.^ was the first fully to perceive. The success of his new pretensions and encroachments was made more certain by his appearing not only as the champion of the oppressed, and thus securing a powerful ally in public opinion, but in being also assisted by the disunion of the civil princes, who, mutually suspicious and ambitious, were ready to aid in humbling one
;

another.
to

The

first

opportunity for interference was presented


II.,

Waldrade, had long treated

who, out of love to his mistress, Teutberg, most shamefully, till he at length divorced her at a synod held at Aix-laCharles the Bald and his bishops having sided Chapelle (862).''
his spouse,
^

him by King Lothar

After the death of the emperor Lothar


875),

I.

(t

855),

his sons received


(t

the emperor
the

Lewis II., Italy (t last, however was

Lothar

II.,

Lon-aiue

(t

869),

and Charles

863),

Provence, which

divided, after his death,

by the two older brothers.

Lewis

German

reigned over the East Franks (t 876), and Charles the Bald over the West Franks (t 877). 2 For instance, bishops judges of kings comp. $ 0, notes 13, 14. ^ He was the first pope who, without doubt, allowed himself to be crowned agreeably Coronatur to the Donatio Constantiui (remarkably short is Anastasius vita cvii. Nicolai I.
;

denique), and to
:

performed the office of equeiTy (Anastasius, 1. c. Frenum Caesar equi Pontiiicis suis manibus apprehendens pedestri more, quantum sagittae jactus extenditur, traxit). A description of Nicolaus I. ap. Regino ad ann. 868 Post b. Gregorium usque in praesens nuUus Praesul in Romana urbe pontificali honore Bublimatus iUi videtur aequiparandus regibus ac tyrannis imperavit, eisque, ac si dominus
II.,
:

whom

an emperor, Lewis

orbis ten-arum, auctoritate

praefuit

Episcopis et Sacerdotibus religiosis ac mandata

Domini observantibus
Helias,
*

humilis, blandus, pius,

mansuetus apparuit

irreligiosis et a recto

tramite exorbitantibus terribilis atque austeritate plenus extitit, ut merito credatur alter

Deo

suscitante, nostris in temporibus resurrexisse, etsi non corpore,

tamen

spiritu

et virtute.

After churcli penance had been imposed on Teutberg, at a synod held at Aix-la547),

Chapelle (Mansi, xv.


{j.c.p. 611).

the synod of 862 gave Lothar permission to

many

again

120

THIRD PERIOD. mV.

II. A.D. 858-1073.

with the persecuted one,^ Nicolaus, to whom she liad long ago applied for aid," ventured to send legates to Lotharingia to examine the matter anew. But when these legates, having been bribed, confirmed the former decision at the synod of Metz (863),^ Nicolaus went so far as to declare tiiis synod iv^]l and
;

to depose the

heads of the Lorraine clergy, archbishops

(.

Junthar

of Coin, and

Thietgaud of Treves.*

The danger with which

he was threatened from the emperor Lewis for this presuiiijjtion soon passed ^ but Lothar submitted through fear of his uncles,
;

who were

desirous to seize on his territories.'"


illicit

When

afterward

he endeavored to continue his

intercourse with Waldrade,

' Hincmar, archbishop, wrote against the proceedings of the cone. Aquisgr. a.T). SSO, his work de Divortio Hlotharii Regis et Teutbergae Reginae, in Opp. ed. Sirmond, i. !>o7. ^ Nic. Epist. ad Carol. Calv. 867 (Mansi, xv. 319) Cum nos ex utraque parte, i. e., tam
:

a Teutberga

quam

a Lothario fuerimus provocati judices,


:

ad

nuUos

alios couvenit

super

hoc negotio jadices convolare

cum secundum

sacros cauones a judicibus, quos

commnnis

consensus elegerit nou liceat provocare. ' Ann. Hertiniani (i. e., Hincmari) ad ann. 8G3. * Concil. Romanum ann. 863, ap. Mansi, xv, 649. ' Regiuo ad ann. 865 Q.ui tam turpiter dehouestati [the two archbishops] Hludovicum Imp. adeunt, qui ea tempestate Bencventanis morabatur in partibus, scriptis ac dictis vociferantes, se injustc esse depositos ipsi Imperatori et omui s. Ecclesiae iiijuriam esse
:

factam,

cum numquam auditum

sit,

vel

uspiam

Icctura

quod

ullus Metropolitanus sine

conscientia Principis vel praesentia alioram Metropolitanorum fuerit degradatus.

Con-

Rome, see especially Annal. Bertin. ad ann. 864, where, too, may be found the protest of the two archbislioi)s laid on Peter's grave, in which they prove the invalidity of their deposal, c. 3, in this manner Sine Synodo et
cerning Lotliar's expedition against
:

canonico examine, uullo accusante, nullo testificante, nullaciue disputationis districtione dirimente, vel auctoritatem probatione couvincente, absque nostri oris confcssione, absentibus
aliis

Metropolitanis et dioecesanis Coepiscopis et confi'atribus nostris extra

omnium
:

omnino consensum, tuo solius arbitrio et tyrannico furore damnare nosniet voluisti. C. 4 Sed tuam maledictam sententiam nequaquam recipimus immo cum omni coetu fratemo f ontemnimus atque abjicimius. Te ipsum quoque in nosti-am coraniunionem nostrumque consorUum recipcre nolumus, contenti totius Ecclesiae communione et fratenia societate, quam tu arr(i^a:.ter te superexaltans despicis, teque ab ea elationis tumore indignum faciens sequosiras. The conclusion in the Annal. Fuld. ad ann. 863: Scies nos non tuos

esse, ut te jactas et extoUis, Clericos, quos ut fratres et Cocpiscopos recognoscere, si

Et haec tibi nostri ordinis non inscii, nimiura tua iniprobinon quasi ad illitam nobis contumeliam provocati, sed contra tuam iuiquiratem ecch.iiastico zelo accensi, nee nostrae vilitatis personam attendentes, Bed omnern nostri ordi.i^is universitatem, cui vim inferro couaris, prae oculis habcntes. '" Cn]jituia quae Hlud. et Car. Roges in Tusiaco villa populo annuntiaverunt, si. kal. Mart. 865, cap. d. (Baluz. Capit. ii. 203). Ann. Bertinn. (Hincmar) ad ann. S6o. Nicolaus was the tirst pope who enjoyed the triumph of protecting a king. Ann. liert. 1. c. Nicolaus P. Arsenium cum epistolis ad Hludovicum et Carolum fratres, sed et ad Ejii-scopog ac Primores regnorum illorum, ea quae Lotliarius per fratrem petierat contiiicntibus (namely, ann. Fuld.: ob pacem et concordiam inter Hlud. et Car., necnon Hlotharium nepotem eorum, renovandam atque constituendam), non cum apostolica niansuetudine, et
elatio permitleret, dobacras.

tate compulsi respon.lrraus,

Bulita honorabilitatc, sicut Ejiiscopi

Bed cum malltiosa intenuinatione transmittit. nn. 865, no. 8, believes.

Romani Reges consueveraiit in suis epistolis honoraro, The letters are not extant, as Pagt, ad

PART

I.WEST.

CHAP. I.PAPACY.

21.

NICOLAUS

I.

121
affecta-

and at the same time

to conciliate the pope

by crouching

tions of humility,'' the severity of the latter

was the

less

blamed

At the on account of the king's cowardly voluptuousness.'^ same time, Nicolaus also humbled the proud archbishop of Rheims, Hincmar, who had first suspended from his office
(861), Rot had, bishop of Soissons, perhaps, without sufficient reason '^ and afterward, without regarding his appeal to the pope, had deposed him, at a synod held at Soissons (863).'^
;

these decisions and called Rothad to he appealed at first for his justification in such a (864), course to the canons'^ of Sardica, and afterward for the first

While the pope annulled

Rome
'^

Comp.

his letter to Nicolaus ap.

Baronius ad ann. 866, no.

36.

'2

Nic. Epist. ad univ. Episcopos, a.d. 863 (Mansi, xv. 649), begins:
si

Scelus, quod

Lotharius Rex,
feminis,

tanien rex veraciter dici possit, qui nuUo salubri regimine coiiioris
scilicet et

illicitis raotibus cedit, in duabus Waldrada, coinmisit, omnibus manifestum est. He wrote to Adveutius, bishop of Metz, with reference to the synod at that place (Mansi, xv. 373) Venimtamen videte, utrum reges isti et principes, quibus vos subjectos esse distis, veraciter reges et principes sint. Videte, si primum se bene regunt, delude subdituni populum nam qui sibi uequam est, cui alii bonus erit? Videte si jure principantur alioqui potius t3Tanni credendi sunt, quam reges habendi quibus magis resistere, et ex adverse ascendere, quam subdi debemus. Alioquin si talibus subditi, et non praelati fuerimus nos, necesse est eorum vitlis faveamus. Nic. Ep. li. ad Lothar. R. (ap. Mansi, xv. 324): praecipue Waldradae pellicis tuae et dudum a te Igitur consilium nostrum accipe, repudiatae communionem declinans. Excommunicata est enim. tiuamobrem caveudum est, ne cum ea pari mucrone percellaris sententiae, ac pro unius mulieris passione, et brevissimi temporis desiderio, viiictus et obligatus ad sulfureos foetores et ad perenne ne hoc Ecclesia sanctae dicamus, et, quod non optamus, de traharis exitum. Praecave caetero fias cunctis sicut ethnicus et publicanus. Such conduct, however, was entirely consistent with the prevailing principles, comp. note 2. So also Hincmar de Divort. Dicunt quoque etiam Hlot. et Teutb., to the question which had been propounded to him

appetitus refraenavit, sed lubrica enervntione magis ipsius

Teutberga

nullorum legibus vel judiciis subjacet, nisi Regem constituit et sicut a suis Episcopis, quicquid egerit, non solius Dei, qui eum debet excommunicari, ita ab aliis Episcopis uon potest judicari quoniam solius Dei prinHaec vox non est catholici Christiani, sed cipaCui debet subjici, etc. To this he replies nimium blasphemi, et spiritu diabolico pleni. Q,uod dicitur, "quia Rex nullorum legibus,
aliqui sapientes quia iste princeps
est, et

Rex

vel judiciis subjacet, nisi solius Dei,"

varum

dicitur, si

Rex

est, sicuti

nominatur.

Rex

ipsum secundum voluntatem Dei regit, et bonos in viam rectam dirigit, raalos autera do via prava ad rectam corrigit, tunc Rex est, et nulloram legibus vel judiciis nisi solius Dei subjacet "quia lex non est posita justo sed injustis, Alioquin adulter, homicida, injustus, raptor, et aliorum vitiorum obr etc. (1 Tim. i. 9)."

enim a regendo

dicitur, et si se

Doxius quilibet, vel secrete vel publico, judicabitur a sacerdotibus, qui sunt throni Dei,
'^

etc.

See Annal. Bertin ad ann.

861.

Comp. generally

W.F.

d.

Leben

u. d. Schrifler Hincmar's.

Gotting. 1806. S. 233.

Gess Merkwiirdigkeiten aus E. Rossteuscher de Rothado

Ep. Suessionensi, Part. ii. Marburgi. 1845. 8. '* Both sides oi this controversy are narrated in Hincmari Epist. ad Nicol. I. a.d. 864, in ejusd. 0pp. ed, Sirmond, ii. 244, and Rothadi Libellus proclamationis in the acts of the Roman synod of 8G5 (Mansi, xv. Ii81). As Hincijjs.t had declared against the Lorrain bishops in tiie affair of Lothar, they now took the pa. t of Rothad. Cf Epist. synod. Episcoporum regni Loth, ad Episc. regni Ludovici (Matisi, xv. 6^5).

**

Tiiere vvas certainly a

violftti>r.

of these, snjce

Hincmar had forthwith consecrated a

122

THIRD PERIOD. DIV.


to

II.A.D. S58-1073.

time

the Pseudo-Isidorian decretals/^ and

endur'iiif opposition in proportion as they

met with the less appeared to promote

the inievcsits of the suflragan bishops.'^


principle, that obedience

Tiie Pseudo-Isidorian

was due

to

all

the papal decrees as

such,

must have been

particularly advanced by the fact/* that

Nicolaus began to have such obedience in the metropolitans bidden at their investiture with the pallium.^^

But that these new papal pretensions owed much of


had obtained very
fact,
little

their

success to the peculiar relations of the times, and that they


legal after

approbation,

is

clear

from the
decrees

that

immediately
and
still

Nicolaus's

death,^

his

successor to Rothad, without regarding- his appeal.


(Maiisi, XV. 291),

(Mansi, xv. 302),

See Nicolai Epist. 28 ad Hincniarum ad Episcopos Synodi Silvanectensis where the constituta Sardicensis coucilii, namely, c. iv. and viii., are ex-

more

fully in his Epist.

pressly given.

" Sermo

Nic. preached on the

day before Christmas, 864 (Mansi, xv.

686)

Facto con-

cilio general!, fjuod

sine apostolicae sedis praecepto nulli fas est vocandi vocaverunt hunc

[Rothadum] Episcopi, etc. Quamvis et ipse sedera apostolicam si nuUatenus appellasset; tameu et tanta decretalia se efferre statuta, et Episcopum incousulte doponere, sicut vos bene nostis, non debuerunt. Comp. the Epist. ad univ. Episc. Gall. $ 20, note 1.5; Hincmar's judgment on it in the Annal. Berlin, ad ann. 8G5 (Pertz Monum. i. 468) Rothadum canonice a (juinque provinciarum Episcopis dejectuni, et a Nic Jao Papa non
contra tot
:

regulariter sed potentialiter restitutum, etc.

" To

this Nicholas

himself adverts as early as 8C3 in Epist. xxxii. ad Ejiisc. Synod.


:

Silvanectensis (Mansi, xv. 305)


totius Ecclesiae

Privilegia sedis apostolicae tegmina sunt, ut ita dicamus,

catholicae

privilegia,

omnes impetus pravitatum.


cuilibet

Nam
?

inquam, hujus Ecclesiae munimina sunt circa quod Rothado hodie contigit, unde scitis, quod eras
si contigerit,

non eveniat vestrum

Q,uod

ad cujus, rogo, confugi

3tis

auxilium

Hence

the Synod of Troyes, 807, wrote on another occasion, Ep. cone. Tricassini ad Nic. P.
:

Exoramus magnificam beatitudinem, ut more b. pracdecessorum I. (Mansi, xv. 795) vestrorum, quae de statu sacri pontificalis ordluis ab eis statuta sunt, ut immota de cactero maneant, mucrone apostolico quorumcunque Metropolitanonim temeraria prae-

Bumtione sujipressa, quin etiam reliquorum Episcoi)oruni

audaci

conniventia penittiS
:

summota, privilegia
ne*.-

ita ut nee vestris consultum Rom. Pontificis de gi-adu suo quilibct Episcoporum dejiciatur, sicut corundera ss. antecessorum multiplicibus decretis et nunerosis privilegiis stabilitum modis mirificis cxtat. '8 Nicol. I. Ep. ad univ. Episc. Gall. a.d. 865 (above, $ 20, note 15) Decretalcs cpistolae Kom. Pontificum sunt recipiendao, etiamsi non sunt cf.nonum codiei compaginatae. " The first case is that of Anschar. He had before received the Pallium as archbishop of Hamburg, 835, from Gregory IV., without any such condition annexed (St. Anscliar by

ct decreta servari innovata constitutione

dcccmatis

futuris terajtoribus, praeter

Kruse, p. 277) but when Nicolaus I. confirmed the junction of the two dioceses )( Hamburg and Rremen, and sent a new pallium to Anschar (864), he annoancsd to him, at the same time, in the deed issued respecting it (Staphorst's Hamburg. Kircheugesch. i 41. Hartzheim Cone. Germ. ii. 172) Pon-o te (Anscharium) pallio uti nonnisi iv.ore sedis concedimus apostolicae, scil. ut successores tui per semetipsos, vel per legatos suos ot scriptum fidem nobiscum tenere, ac sanctas sex synodos recipcre, atque dorrcta omnium ilomanae sedis Praesulum et epistolas, quae sibi delatae fuerint, venerabiliter observaro atque perficere omnibus diebus suis scripto se et juramenlo profiteantur. *" Anastasius, librarian of the Roman Church, writes, in the letter in which he mentions Verum nunc conthe death of Nicolaus to Ado, archbishop of Viemie (Mansi, xv. 453)
;
:

PART

I. WEST.

CHAP. I. PAPACY,

f 21.

NICOLAUS

I.

123

were very much endangered, and that

his successor,

who much less


II.,

proceeded completely in the


success.

same

spirit,
II.

Hadrian met with

After the death of Lothar

(869), Charles
it

the
of

Bald having conquered Lorraine and divided

with Lewis

(870), the pope sought to defend the rights of the lavrful heir, the emperor Lewis II. with spiritual weapons ^^
;

Germany

but was insultingly repulsed, especially by Hincmar.^^ When afterward he sought to interfere with the measures of Charles
gregatio omiiis, quos
vel pro diverso adultevii genere, vel pro aliis criminibus redarguit,

ille

ad hoc exarsenirit, ut universa ejus opera destruere, et cuncta scripta delere meditari noii metuant. And iu the Embolo Adjuro autem, ut omnibus Metropolitis Galliarum intime:

tis,

in

recuperationem sui status assequantur, ut derogationem defuncti praesulis prosiliant. 2' Hadr. Ep. 19, ad Proceres regni Lotharii (Mansi, xv. 838) Cluem ex vobis aposto:

ue, si hie factum fuerit concilium, sic quasi

licae sedis monitis iu

contemtum

b.

Petri Apostoli, caelestis regni clavigeri, spretis, ad

oontrarium, a nostri apostolatus

aliam se partem conferre cognoverimus, velut infidelem et ecclesiasticae paci ac saluti communione nou solum alienum habebimus, sed etlam anathematis vinculo jure meritoque alligare omuino curabimus et nos secundum aposto:

licae privilegium dignitatis et potestatis

vinciae

Regem, dominum

et

ipsum domnum Hludovicum regni hujus proImperatorem, sicuti jam olim a Deo praeordinatuni esse
studebimus.
Q.uod sane

constat, et ab antecessoribus nostris Pontilicibus statutum multis videtur indiciis haberaus

et quosque superiuerit ipse

eum habere

regnum

si

tyrannus

ali-

quis contra divinam et apostolicam voluntatem invadere praesumserit, apostolicae sine

mora
rally
^2

sustinebit ultionis censuram.

So, too, the letters to Proceres Calv.,

Caroli Calvi, ad

Hincmarum, ad Car.

and ad Episcopos regni and Ludov. Reg. Epist. 20-28. Comp. gene-

Gess Merkwiirdigk. Hincmar's, S. 331. Hincm. Ep. ad Hadr. a.d. 870 (0pp. ed. Sirm. ii. 689. Bouquet, vii. 537). He puts the answers to the assumptions of the pope into the mouth of others Dicunt saecularem
:

scripturam dicere, quia


et

omne regnum

saeculi hujus bellis quaeritur, viotoriis propagatur,

nou Apostolici vel Episcoporum excommunicationibus obtinetur, et Scripturam divinam proponunt dicere, quia Domini est regnum, per quem Reges regnant, et cui voluerit dat illud. Et cum potestatem a Christo S. Petro primo Apostolorum, et in eo suis successoribus datam, sed et Apostolis, et in eis, Elpiscopus pontificium ligandi et solvendi collatum illis insinuare volumus, respondent: "Et vos ergo solis orationibus vestris regnum contra Nortmannos et alios impetentes defendite, et nostram defensionem nolite quaerere et si vultis ad defensionem habere nostrum auxilium, sicut volumus de vestris orationibus habere arjutorium, nolite qi.'aerere nostrum dispeudium, et petite domnum Apostolicum, ut, quia Rex et Episcopus simul esse non potest, et sui antecessores ecclesiasticum ordinem, quod suum est, et nou rempublicam. quod Regum est, disposuerunt, non praecipiat nobis habere
:

Rogem,

qui nos in sic longinquis partibus adjuvare non possit contra subitaneos et frequentes pagauorura impetus, et nos Francos non jubeat servire, cui nolumus servire quia istud jugum sui antecessores nostris antecessoribus non imposuerunt, et nos illud portare
:

ron possunms, qui scriptum esse iu sacris libris audimus, ut pro libertate et hereditate nostra usque ad mortem certare debeamus. Et si aliquis Episcopus aliquem Christianum contra legem excommunicat, sibi potestatem ligandi tollit et nuUi vitam aeternam potest tollere, si sua peccata illi eam non tollunt-. Et non convenit uUi Episcopo dicere, ut Christianum, qui non est incorrigibilis non propter propria crimina, sed pro terreno regno ulicui tollendo vel acquirendo, nomine Christianitatis debeat privare, et eum cum Diabolo collo care Propterea si domnus Apostolicus vult pacem quaerere, sic pacem quaerat, ut rLxam non moveat quia non nos concredemus, ut aliter ad regnum Dei pervenire non possimasi si ilium, quem ipse commendat, terrenum Regem non habuerimus."
;

124

THIRD PERIOD. DIV.

11. A.D. 858-1073.

the Bald against his rebellious son Carlmann," his presumptuous

And finally, Hincmar^ bishop of letter remained disregarded. Laon, having been deposed by the synod of DUziacum (871)^* for disobedience to his king and to his metropolitan and uncle Hincmar of Rheims,^* the pope, to whom he had appealed, undertook to interfere in his favor, as Nicolaus I.^ had done in the case of Rothad'; but in this new contest in favor of the Pseudo-Isidorian principles he was so unexpectedly repulsed, ^^ that he
-^ Respecting the histoiy, sec Hincinnr in the Annal. Bertin. ad ann. 870, 873, and Ep. ad Episc. prov. Lugdun. a.d. 871 (0pp. ii. 353, complete in de la Laude Suppl. concill. ant. Gall. Par. 1660. fol. p. 204). Hadr. Ep. xxix. ad Carol. Calv. a.d. 871 (Mansi, xvi. 850)

crcderis, illud, quoque quod etiain bestiarum feritateni excedens, contra propria viscera, i.e., contra Carolom annum genitum tuum saevire minime vcrearis, etc. In the same tone, Ep. XXX. ad Proceres, and Ep. xxxi. ad Episc. regni Car.

Inter caetera

excessum tuorum, quibus aliena usurpando invasisse

nihiloniinus objicitur,

^*

Comp. Annal.

Bertin. ad ana. 868 et 8G9.

The

earlier writers concerning this affair,


Iv.

see in Hincmar's 0pp. ii. 316-352, in particular, Hincm. Rhem. Opusculum adv. Hincra. Laudun. a.d. 870. 0pp. ii. 377. Gess Merkwiirdigk. S. 271.

capitulorum

=* Acta cone. Duziacensis prim, ed Lud. Cellot. Par. 1658. 4. ap. Mansi, xvi. 569, ss. Tn Mie Ep. synod, ad Hadr. P. (p. 680), it is said Et si forte, quod non putamus, visum vobis recessario fucrit, ut secundum Sardicenses canones renovetis judicium, et detis
:

judii'es,

sc.pendo Fpiscopis, qui

in finitimis et vicinis provinciis sunt, ut et ipsi diligenter


:

omnino

rcquirant. et juxta fidem veritatis definiant

vel, si decreveritis

mittere a latere

vestro habentes .uctcrtatcm vestram, qui


restitute,

cum Episcopis

judicent, eo in gradu adliuc nou

sicut sacri Sardicensis canones praecipiunt; non abnuimus. Verumtamen quanta possumus devotionis humilitate deposcimus, ut etiam in iiac causa nobis canonicam definitionem servetis. Videlicet ut si, quod non crediraus, et quae regulariter definivimus, vobis pracsentialiter non placuerit vestra sententia roborare, non antea communioui sacerdotal!, a qua separatus est, restituatur, antequam secundum regulas et leges in proQ,uia usque ad nostra tempera vincia, in qua causae gestae et judicatae sunt, requirantur. praesertim nulla Patrum defiuitione hoc Ecclesiis Gallicanis et Belgicis est -derogatuni quia decreta Nicacna, sive inferioris gradus clericos, sive Episcopos ipsos, ut Africanum Comparison with the Ep. Bcribit concilium, suis Metropolitanis aptissime commiserunt. cone. Trie, above, note 17, shows how circumstances threw the chief influence at councils sometimes into the hands of the metropolitan, sometimes into the hands of the suffragans. =" Hadr. Ep. xxxii. ad Episc. Syn. Duziacensis (Mansrr xv. 852) and Ep. xxxiii. ad In the latter he says Jubemus ipsum Hincm. Laud. Episc, vestra Carol. Calv. (p. 855). fretum potentia, ad limina SS. Apostolorum, nostramque venire praesentiam. Q,uo sano

veniente, veniat pariter accusator idoneus, qui nulla possit auctoritate legitima respui.

Nos

in depositione

Hincmari, quamdiu vivimus, nullatenus consentiemus,

nisi,

ad nostram

ipso veniente praesentiam, causa ejus depositionis nostro fuerit

examine

diligenter inquisita

atque
^'

fiiiita.

CLuibus nimii^um admonitis, aliter in praesenti de praedicto Hincmaro, nisi


veniendi, vobis

eum Romara
Bouquet,
vii.

Car. C. Ep. ad. Hadr.


542)
:

II.,

mandare distulinius. composed by Hincmar

(in

Hincmar. 0pp.

ii.

701,

and ap.

Cogitis nos, indeccntibus potcstati regiae literis vestris inhonoratura,

inconvenientibus episcopali modestiae vestrae mandatus gravatum, contumeliis et opprout tandem briis dehoncstatum, aliter quam vellemus mente pacifica vobis rescribere
:

perturbationibus huinanis obnoxium, in imagine tamen Dei ambulantem esse nos hominem, habere sensum paterna et avita successione Dei gratia, regie nomine ac culmine sublimatum, et quod liis niajus est. Christianum, Catliolicum,
onimadvertatis,
fidei

quamquam

orthodoxae cultorem.

invenerit esse

apostolica auctoritate

Valde mirati sumus, ubi hoc dictator epistol.ic scrijitum praecijiiondum, ut Rex, corrector iniquorum, et

PART

-WEST. CHAP.

I. PAPACY.

$ 21.

HADRIAN

TI.

125

found it expedient to make every effort in his power to pacify the enraged king.^* On the other hand, John VIII. enjoyed the triumph of having plainly dared to affirm the pope's right to bestow the imperial
orown, after he had crowned as emperor Charles the Bald, subsequently to the death of Lewis II. (f 875), notwithstanding The new emperor, too, the opposition of Lewis of Germany.^^
ilistnctor reorum, ac

secundum leges

ecclesiasticas atqtie

legaliter ac regulariter pro excessibus suit


)-?.axime

mundanas ultor criminum. reum damnatum, sua fretum potentia, Roniam dirigat

autem ilium, qui et ante depositioueni contra custodiam publicam et contra quietem moliri in tribus synodis extitit deprehensus et post depositionera suam a sua pervicacia non quievit. Reges Francorum ex regio genere nati, non Episcoporum viceet ut Leo ac Romana Synodus domini, sed terrae domini hactenus fuimus computati

quos terris divina potentia, praecepit praeesse, jus distinguendorum negotiorum Episcopis Sanctis juxta divalia constituta permiserunt ;" non autem Episcoporum villici extiterunt. Et si revolveritis regesta decessorum ac praedecessoruni vestrorum, talia mandata, sicut habentur in literis ex nomine vestro nobis
scripsit
:

"

Reges

et Imperatores,

directis

scribimus

decessores nostros a decessoribus vestris accepisse nullatenus invenietis iterato deprecantes vos ut tales inhonorationis nostrae epistolas, taliaque mandata,

ex nomine vestro suscepimus, nobis et regni nostri Episcopis ac Primoribus de caetero non mandetis, et non compellatis nos mandata et epistolas vestras inlionorandas contemnere, et missos vestros dehonorare^ qui vobis in his, quae ad vestrum ministerium pertinent (si tamen ministerium vestrum) cupimus obtemperare. '" HaJr. Ep. xxxiv. ad Car. C. (Mansi, xv. 857): Et quidem quia quasi tumores et laesiones vestras palpitare sensimus, has oleo consolationis per melos dulcissimae caritatis. et sanctae dilectionis unguentum fovere, lenire, et ad integritatis sanitatem perdin^ere medicamento, quo valemus, optamus. Praedicatur enim de te, et longe lateque dillunditur, quod sis sapiens et Deum timens quod sis Justus quod sis amator, exaltator et illustrator vobis con'itemur devospecialis in orbe terrarum et permaximus Ecclesiaruni Dei, etc. vendo, et notescimus affirmando, salva fidelitate Inipcratoris nostri, quia, si superstea ei
sicut hactenus

fuerit vestra nobilitas, vita nobis comite, si dederit nobis quis libet niultorum

modiorum cumulum nunquam acquieseemus, exposcemus, aut spoute suscipiemus alium in He even yielded the disputed point. regnuni et imperium Romanum, nisi te ipsum. Hmcmar of Laon, it is true, w&s still ordered to come to Rome to see whether he persisted in his innocence Tunc electis judicibus, non tamen eo prius in gradu restituto, aut ex latere nostro directis legatis, cum auctoritate nostra refricentur quae gesta sunt, et
auri
:

negotia in qua orta sunt provincia canonice terminentur.


propcsition.

Entirely according to the


314, ad

first

Hincm. Rhem. Agnovimus justum fuisse omnino (Mansi, xvii. 226) a.d. 87G, confirmed the decision judicium. Neque enim tantus princeps, nisi veritate Fultum quidquam poterat affirmare. Undo nefas esse duximus ejus relationi non pracberc incunctanter auditum. Hincmar of See Reclamatio Hincm. in Actis cone. TricasJ. aon was kept in prison and even blinded. sini, A.D. 878 (Mansi, xvii. 3.52), and at this council. Pope John VIII., merely out of pity for hiiE; permitted ut Hincm. caecus, si vellet, missam cantaret, et partem de rebus episcopii Laudunensis haberet, see Annal. Bertin. ad ann. 878. ' Job. VIII. Epist. 315, ad Episcop. regni Ludov., a.d. Imperium, 876, (Mansi, xvii. 227) quod Carolo constat non humane coUatum beneficio, licet per nostrae mediocritatis ministerium, sed divino. [Deus] per apostolicae sedis privilegium, cunctonim favoribus approbatum sceptris imperialibus subliniavit. Reproaches that they had not prevented Lewis from invading Charles' realms Ubi est, qaesumus, quod vicem Christi in Ecclesia fungimur, si pro Christo contra insolentiam principum non luctamur praesertini cum secundum Apostolum non sit nobis colluctatio adversus caniem et sanguinem, sed adversus priucipes

But even

this did not

take place.

Johannes VHI. Ep.


:

126

THIRD PERIOD. DIV.

II. A.D. 858-1073.

proved his gratitude by


see

many

regulations in favor of the

Roman

and church.^"
!

He

even appointed Ansegisus, archbishop of

Ejusd. Epist. 316, ad Comites in regno Ludoy. (ib. p. 230). !) Synodus apud Ticinum ad Carol. Imp. a.d. 876 (ib. p. 310) Jam quia divina pietas vos, bb. Principum Apostolorum Petri et Pauli interventione, per vicarium ipsorum, domnum
:

et potestates (Eph. vi. 12

videlicet

Joannem summum Pontificem

vesti-um

ad

et universalem Papam, spiritalemque patrem imperiale culmeu S. Spiritus judicio provexit nos unanimiter vos protec:

dominum ac defensorem omnium nostrum eligiraus. At the Conventus Ticinensis, in the year 876 (Pertz, iii. 530), Charles ordains, c. Ut s. Rom. Ecclesia, sicut est caput omnium Ecclesiarum, ita ab omnibus lionorctur
torem,
^f'
:

et

veneretur; neque quisquam contra jus et potestatem ipsius aliquid injuste agere praesuxnat sed liceat ei debitum tenere vigorem, et i)ro aniversali Ecclesia pastoralem exhibere
C. 2 Ut honor domno et spiritali patri nostro Johanni, summo Pontifici et univorPapae ab omnibus conservetur; et quae secundum sacrum minislerium suum auctoritate apostolica decreverit, cum summa veneratione ab omnibus suscipiantur, et dobita illi obedientia in omnibus conservetur. Then, c. 4, ecclesiasticus honor, et sacerdotalis atque clericalis reverentia; and, finally, c. 5, imperialis honor, are inculcated. At the Conventus Carisiacensis, a.d. 877 (Pertz, iii. 541), the emperor took under his protection the honors and rights of the Church of his country. Thus even the pope, relying on the emperor, could advance with wevr ecclesiastical an-angements. He commanded in Synodo Ravenn. ann. 877, c. 1 (Mansi, xvii. 337) duisquis Metropolitanus inti-a tres menses consecrationis suae ad fidem suam exponendam palliumque suscipiendum ab apostolica sede uon miscerit, comniissa sibi careat dignitate. Cap. 4 Nulli Ducnm liceat quemlibet Episcopum in praesentiam Romani praesulis introducere (this might have taken place with reference to the laws of Gratian. See Vol. I. Div. II. 94, note 12, and Valentinian iii. ibid, note 66), vcl census ab eo, sumtus publicos, et dona quaelibet exigcre sed nee coram laicis Epis-

curam.
sali

copum

objurgare concedimus.

Ciericos et sanctimoniales, pupillos et viduas sub tutela

Episcoporum esse decernimus, et eos ad saecularia trahi modis omnibus interdicimus. (iuemlibet autem Ducum vel alium contra haec agentem excommunicandem esse decernimus, perseverantem vero anathematis vinculo innodandum. Hence the superabundant praise which the pope in Synodo Romana, ann. 877 (Baluz. Capit. ii. 251) pronounces on this emperor Carolus Imperator, tanquam spleudidissimum astrum ab arce polorum illuxit, non solum nionumenta progenitorum aequiperavit, verum etlam omne prorsus avitum studium vicit, et universum paternum certamen in causa rcligionis atque justitiae
:

Buperavit.

Q,uapropter et nos

non immerito intelleximus, istum


Et quia pridem

esse proculdubio, qui a

Deo

constitutus Asset salvator niuudi.

apostolicae

memoriae decessori
fratrum et Coepis-

nostro

Papae Nicolao idipsum jam

inspiratione caelesti, revelatum esse comperimus.

eligimus Imnc merito et approbavimus una

cum

annisu et voto

omnium

coporum nostrorum, amplique Sonatus totiusque Romani populi gentisque togatae, et Bocundum priscam consuetudinem solemniter ad Imperii Romani sceptra provoximus, et Tliat Charles gained over the pope and the Romans by au^i'stali nomine decoravimus. Omnem Seuatum ri.'.L presents, see proved in Annal. Fuldenses, ann. 875 (Pertz, i. 389) populi Rcmaui pecunia more Jugurlhino corrupit sibique sociavit; ita ut etiam Johannes Papa eum Imperatorem et Augustum appellare praecepisset. Hincmari Annates, ad ann. 876 (I'ertz, i. 498) B. Petro multa et pretiosa munera ofTerens in Imperatorcm unctus et coronatns est. But yet the appendix to Euti-opius, who belongs to the (irst half of the ten'h century, is very exaggerated (see Wilman's Jahrb. d. deutschen Reichs unler Otto III. S. ?3^) ap. Pertz, v. 722: (iui vcniens Romam, renovavit pactum cum Romauis, perdonnr.s )llis jura et consuotudincs illius. Patrias autem Samniae et Calabriae simul cum omnibus civitatibus Beneventi eis contulit, insuper ad decorcm regni totum ducatum Spoletinum cum duabus civitatibus Tusciae, i. e., Aricium et Clusium, quatenus ut is, qui praeerat regia vice ante, Romanis videretur post esse subjectus. Re;

movit etiam ab

eis regias legationes.


illis

assiduitatem vel praesentiam apostolicae olectionis,


ilia,

daid plara? cuncta

contulit,

quae voluerunt, quaemadmodum dautur

quae nee

PART

I.WEST.

CHAP. I.PAPACY.

21.

JOHN

VIII.

127

Sens, Pseudo-Isidorian primate of the

Gallican and
;

German

but \vds not able to give steadfastness to this new institute, since he died soon after (f 877). Still, however, even Charles the Bald did not think of conceding to the pope a Pseudo-Isidorian subjection
church, ^^ against the opposition of his bishops
of the

Frank church. ^^
Ab
iUo

recte adquiruntur iiec possessura sperantur.

autem

die honorificas consuetudiuea

regiae dignitatis

In the
^'

nemo Imperatorum, nemo Regum acquisivit. Comp. Gfrorer, iii. ii. 1096. wild times of the tenth century, tlie Romans may have reconveyed to Charles the
to

Bald the rights which they appropriated

themselves.

tit. xlviii. c. 7. Hincmari tract, ad Episcopos de jure Metropolitanorum, cum de primatu Ansegisi ageretur (0pp. ed. Sinn. ii. 719), especially Hincmari Annales (Ann. Bertin.) ad anu. 876 The new primate was empowered, ut, quoties utilitas ecclesiastica dictaverit, sive in evocauda synodo, sive in aliis negotiis exercendis per Gallias et per Germanias apostolica vice fruatur, et decreta sedis apostolicae per ipsum Episcopis manifesta efficiantur et rursus quae gesta fueriut, ejus relatione, si necesse fuerit, apostolicae sedi pandantur, et majora negotia ac diflSciliora quaeque suggestione ipsius a sede apostolica disponenda et enuclcanda quaerantur (word for word from the Epist. Job. P. ad. Episc. Galliae et Germ, in Sirmondii Concil. Gall. iii. 422, ap. Bouquet, vii. 459). The French bishops merely declared, ut servato singulis Metropolitanis jure privilegii secundum sacros canones domni Joannis Papae apostolici jussionibus obedirent. Et cum Imp. ut legati apostolici satagerent, ut absolute Archiepiscopi responderent, se obedituros de primatu Ansegisi, sicut Apostolicus scripsit, aliud, nisi quod praedictum est, responsum ab eis extorquere non potueraut. In the seventh session the matter was taken up again; but the bishops declaimed: quod
:
:

At the

cone. Pontigonense (876) Capitnl. Caroli Calvi,

veluti sui antecessores illius [Johannis] antecessoribus regulariter obedierunt, ita ejus decretis velleut obedire.
Cf.

Marca de Cone. Sac.

et Imp.

lib. iv. c. 5,

5, lib. vi. c.

29, 5.

Ejusd. Diss, de Primatibus, 56. ^^ Caroli Calvi de Presbyteris ex criminibus diffamatis ad Joannem P. ann. 876 (Hinc-

mari 0pp. ii. 768, and in Goldasti CoUectio constitute imperialium, ii. 34). Cap. 2 Cum non longe ante hos annos nepos noster Hludovicus Italiae Imperator instinctu quorundam contra nos se commovit, missae sunt nobis epistolae, quasi ex apostolicae hujus sedis auctoritate ac nomine, quas tenoris incouvenientia banc sanctam et discretissimam sedcm non misisse ostendit. Cap. 3: Et quoniam pravis saepius prava quam recta innotesci Solent, nacta hinc occasioue transalpinarum regionum Presbyteri, a suis Episcopis de certis criminibus regulariter ab ordine sacerdotali dejecti, et poeniteutiae subacti, sine liceutia et conscientia Primatum et Episcoponam suorum hue venire, et hinc epistolas, quae regulis non conveniunt, referre coeperunt. Q,uas non jussione apostolica, sed quo:

nimque ministi-onim quasi pia miseratione

factas, et nos, et illius regionis

putant Episcovi.

Therefore he wishes to lay before the pope the fundamental principles of the trtiusaipir.e^ churches on this point. There are those of the Nicene, Sardican, and Africnu Sv-nods,
judicibus Episcopis.

whose canons are adduced in full. Namely, cap. 7: Episcopum judical! detie."e a Then cap. 8, can. Sardic. 7, respecting the appeal to Kerne at
time allowable.

fc'jrs

iaat

On

the other hand, cap. 13


alibi,

caeteros inferioris gradus clericos non

quam ad

Sacrae leges ac regulae Presby teres et sues Episcopos piaeoipiunt accusari:

then according to can. Sardic. 17, the appeal to finitimos Episcopos 's ftiil open *o them. Cap. 18: A judicibus autem, sive quos juxta Africanos canones J j'muLes dederint, sive
quos ipsi viciuos ex consentu delegerint causa finienda, regularitei p'.o/ocari non potest. These are the principles of the transalpine church, without wliiVb uil discipline wouii\ come to nothing. For else (c. 19) faciet licenter quisque Presby tercrurn quodlibet. Unde
Bi fuerit

redargutus, veniat

Romam.

Cap. 22

Legimus etiam qnamvia rarissime


:

prae-

ceptuni a sede apostolica, quosdam de k)nginquioribus parochiis specialis dioceseos Ro mani Pontiiicis propter contumaces contentiones aliquos invitatos fuisse sed de trana-

128

TflIdD FKHIOD.DIV. II.-A.D.

8o8-1073.

22.

PAPACY

IN

THE STORMY TIMES TILL THE SYNOD OF SUTRI

(1046).

V. E. Loscher's Historie des rom. Hurenregiraents, Leipzig. 1707. 4. (2d edition with the title die Histoi-ie der mittlcrn Zeiten als ein Licht aus der Finsteniiss. 17C5. 4.) Gfrorer's K. G. iii. iii. 1133. On the chronology of the popes from 885-972, see II. A.

Koepke de Vita

et scriptis Liudprandi.

Berol. 842.

8.

p. 155.

From

the time that the Italian nobles, whose power gradual-

ly increased

under the last Carlovingians after the deposal of Charles the Stout (887), had become entirely independent, the popes were also involved in the wild strife of parties which
^

now began

in Italy. ^

They were

obliged, as creatures of the


its

reigning party, to give their spiritual sanction to

objects,

but were by this means involved in all its fortunes, and were therefore frequently compelled to end their career by a violdnt
death or in prison.

When

the dukes

Guido

of Spoleto, and Berengarius of Friaul,

strove for the Italian crown, Stephen V.^ favored the former,

crowned him emperor (891).


alpinis

It is true that

and Formosus sum-

ap^sto'.jca

tale quid pro Presbyteroi-um et Diaconorum appellatioue a sede praoccptum fuisse non legimus, etc. ' Majtir. Ji. (properly Marinus) from 882-884, Hadrian III. t 885, Stephanus V. (VI.) t 8.''1. Form osus t 896, Boiiifacius VI. only 15 days, Stephanus VI. (VII.) strangled 897, RoDianus only 4 months, Theodore II. only 20 days, John IX. t 900, Benedict IV. t 903, Leo V. nftei" one month banished by his successor, Chiustophorus, likewise banished after 7 months, Sergius III. from 904-911. At first ihcre was a struggle between a Frank and a national party, in which the latter, evet. r.t the time of Charles the Stout, endeavored to make the choice of a pope Thus it chose, 885, Stephen V. See Annal. Fuldcnses ad indepe/.d-c!it of the emperors. Unde Imperator iratus, quod eo inconsulto ilium ordinare praesum h. a. (Pertz, 1. 402) senint, mlAt Liutwartum et quosdam Romanae sedis Episcopos, qui cum deponerent

regiouibus

''

quod per:i',cre minirae potuerunt. When Mai-tinus Polonus (1277) ad ann. 884, says of Hadrian III.: Hie constituit ut Imperator non intromitteret Be de electione, what some later writers have followed bim in (see on the opposite side Muratori Annali d'ltalia, V. 148), and when Sigonius de Regno Ital. lib. v. even ascribes to him the constitution, ut raoriente rege Crasso sine filiis, regnura Italicis firinciiiibus una cum titulo Imperii traderctur; they rightly designate the strivings of the national party, which, however, have hardly found a formal expression in papal decrees. 3 In what manner the popes, even at this time, when they were nt Rome the playthings of parties, established their claims externally, is shown by the regulation Stephani V. Enimvero, quia in speculum ct exemplum s. Romana ap. Gratian. P. i. dist. xix. c. 4 Ecclesia, cui nos Christus praeesse voluit, proposita est, ab omnibus quicquid statuit, quicquid ordinal, perpetuo et irrefragibilitcr observondum est.
:

PART

1.WEST. CHAP. 1.PAPACY.

$ 22.

TILL

SYNOD OF

SUTRl. 129

ir.oned the.

German

king, Arnulf (894)^ against Guide's son


:

the emperor Lambert

but after Arnulf 's departure, Lambert

was again

recognized, and Formosus, even in the grave,

was

blamed by Stephen VI.^ After Lambert's death (f 898) Berengar renewed his attempts, and having defeated Lewis, king of Provence, whom the Spoletan party had put up against him. and who had even been crowned emperor (901) by Benedict IV., was at length successful in becoming king of Italy, and was crowned emperor by John X. (915). In the mean time, a party led by Adelbert Margrave of Tuscany and by the notorious Theodora \^ith her two daughters, Marozia and Theodora, were endeavoring to obtain dominion over Rome. The decided ascendency of this party began with the The elevation of the vile Sergius III. to the papal see (904). John X., elevated by succeeding popes were nominated by it.'' his relation to Theodora (914)^ was murdered, when he betrayed
wliicli the Romans took to Arnulf at the imperial coronation, in the Annal. Berand Fuldeus. ad ann. 896: Jure per haec omnia Dei mysteria, quod salvo lionore et lege mea atque fidelitate domini Formosi P. fidelis sum et ero omnibus diebus vitae meae
*

Oath

lin,

Arnolfo Iraperatori, etc.


*

Concerning the Cone. Rom. held against Fomiosus,


ii.

897,

poraries Auxilius de Ordinationibus Formosi P. libb.

(in Bibl.

see especially the contemPP. Lugd. xvii. 1, and

ap. J. Moi'inus de Sacris Ecclesiae ordinationibus, p. 282), and super

Causa

et

Negotio

Form.

unknown individual's Invectiva in Romam pro Formoso Papa (in Anastas. de vitis Rom. Pont. ed. Blanchini, iv. Ixx.) and Syn. Rom. a.d. 893 (not 904, ap. Mansi, xviii. 221), where John IX. cashiered the acts of
P. (in Mabillonii Analectis, p. 28).

Farther, an

that Synod.
* To this Italian emperor a co-operation in the choice of a pope had been formally conceded by John IX., in order to check the usurpations of the Roman nobles. Syn. Rom.

ann. 898,

c.

10 (Mansi, xviii. 225.

Pertz,

iv. ii.

158):

duia

s.

Romana

Ecclcsia, cui

Deo

auctore praesidemus, plurimas patitur violentias Pontifice obeunte, quae ob hoc inferuntur,
quis absque Imperatoi'is notitia, et

nee canonico

suorum legatorum praesentia Pontiticis fit consecratio, consuetudine ab Imperatore directi intersunt nuutii, qui violeutiam et scandala in ejus consecratione non permittant fieri: volumus, id ut deinceps abdicetur, et constituendus Pontifex convenientibus Episcopis et universo clero eligatur, expetente senatu et populo, qui ordinandus est, et sic in conspectu omnium celeberrime eloctus ab
ritu et

omnibus, praesentibus legatis imperialibus, consecretur.

mentum
'

vel promissiones

Nullusque sine periculo juranova adinventione ab eo audeat extorquere, nisi quae antiqna

exigit consuetude, ne Ecclesia scandalizetur, vel Imperatoris honorificeutia minuatur.

Stephen VII. (VIII.)

Landus t 914, John X. murdered in prison 928, Leo VI. t 929, John XI. t 936, Leo VII. t 939, Stephen VIII. (IX.) t 942, Martin III. (Marinus II.) t 946, Agapetus II. t 956, John XIT. deposed 963. 8 Luitprandi Antapodosis, ii. 48 (Pertz, v. 297) Theodora scortum impudens, hujus
Anastasius
III. t 913,
t

931,

Alberici, qui

(quod dictu etiam foedissimum est), Romanae civitatis non inviriliter monarchiam obtinebat. duae duas habuit natas, Marotiam atque

nuper hominum

exiit, avia

Theodoram,

rum Marotia ex Papa Sergio

non solum coaequales, verum etiam Veneris exercitio piomptiores. HaJoannem, qui post Joannis Ravennatis obitum Rom. EccleBiae obtinuit dignitatem, nefario genuit adulterio ex Alberico autem Marchione AJberisibi

VOL.

II.--

l30

THIRD PERIOD. DIV.

II. A.D. SSS-ICS.

symptoms
after,

of a disposition to act independently (928).'

Soon

(931), was made pope; and her second son, Alberich, possessed himself of the chief power The latter's of Rome'^ as patricius and senator (932-954).

Marozia's son, John

XI^

son Octavianus, not content with succeeding to his father's power, assumed the papal dignity also as John XII. (956) which In an evil hour he disgraced by the most shameful excesses.'^
for himself,

he

summoned

the

German king Otto

I.

to protect

him against the oppressions of Berengar II., king of Italy (960), and crowned him emperor (962) ;" for when he acted treacher(^um, qui nostro post

tempore ejusdem llomanae urbis principatum sibi usurpavit. (Petrns Ravenuatis sedis Archiepiscopus) dum subjectionis oflicio debitae Joauuem Paparc, qui suae minister Ecclesiae tuuc temporis habebatur, llomam saepius et iterum domino dirigeret Apostolico Theodora meretrix satis impudentissima, Veneris calore succensa, secumque hunc scortari nou solum voluit, in hujus speciei decorem vebementer exarsit verum etiam atque etiam post compulit. Haec dum impudentur aguntuK, Bononiensis Episcopus moritur, et Joannes iste loco ejus eligitur. Paulo post ante hujus diem consecrationis nominatus Ravennas Archipraesul mortem obiit, locumque ejus Johannes hie, Theodorae instinctu sibi usurpavit. llomam quippe adveniens mox Ravennatis EccleModica vero temporis intercapedine, Deo vocante, qui cum .siae ordinatur Episcopus. Theodorae autem Glycerii mens perversa, ne injuste ordinaverat Papa defunctus est.
:

amasii CC. milliarium intcrpositione, quibus Ravenna sequestratur a Roma, rarissimo concubitu potirctur, Ravennatis hunc sedis archiepiscopium coegit deserere, Romanumque (proh ncfas !) summum pontificium usurpare. On Luitprand's credibility in this passage, sec Martini's (cited before, $ Si) Abhandl. S. 54, W. John's campaign against the

Saracen
gesch.
'
ii.

fort at Fl.
i.

Garigliano (916).

Luitpr.

ii.

11.

Martini, S. 24.

Schlosser's

Welt-

595.
iii.

Luitpr.

43 (Pertz, v. 312).

Martini, S. 27.
8),

'

According to Luitpraud (note

(about 1100) according to


this account, since

whom

Albericus

son of Pope Sergius and Marozia. Leo of Ostia Rom. Consul was the father, can not disprove
ii. ii.

he

(as

well as Schlosser,

201) confounds

John XI. with John XII

See Martini,

p. 53.
iii.

"
'^^

Luitpr.

44.

Martini, S. 27.

Schlosser,

ii. ii.

164.

Concerning him, Luitpr. de Rebus gestis Ottonis (Pertz, v. 340). Martini, p. 68, shows that there is no ground for questioning the authenticity of the last chapters of His Luitprand, as had been frequently done, after Baronius ad. ann. 963, no. 2, ss. manners, c. 4 Joannes P. his omnibus (moribus et Icgibus) adversatur. Non clam est
:

populo, quod fatemur.

Testis est Rainerii, sui ipsius militis, vidua,

quam cacco

captus

igne, multis praefectam urbibus, sacrosanctis b. Petri donavit aureis crucibus atque calicibus. Testis est Stephana, ejus amita, quae in effusione, quod ex eo couccpcrat, receus

hominem

exivit.

Q.uod se cuncta taceant, Lateranense palatium. Sanctorum quondan

hospitium, nunc prostibulura meretricum, non silebit, amitam conjugem, Stephaniae alteTestis omnium gentium, praeter Romanorum, absentia mulierius concubinae sororem. rum, quae SS. Apostolorum I'mina orandi gratia timent viscre, cum nonuullas ante dies

paucos hunc audieriut conjugatas, viduas, virginns vi oppressisse. Testis sunt SS. Apostolorum Ecclesiae, quae non stillatini pluviam, sed totum tectum intrinsecus supra ipsa etiam sacrosancta altaria imbrem admittunt. '^ Schlosser, ii. ii. 202. W. Donniges Jahrbiicher des deutschen Kcicbs unter Otto I. Jusjurandum vero (Otto) ab Berlin. 1839. 8. S. 81. Luitpr. de Rebus gest. Ottonis, c. 3
:

codem P. Joanne supra pretiosissimam corpus Petri, atque omnibus civitatis proceribus, ee nunquam Bcrcngario atque Adelberto auxiliaturura, accepit. Ou the contrary, Gratiac,

PART

I.WEST

CHAP. I.PAPACY.

$ 22.

TILL SYNOD OF SUTRL

131

ously toward him, Otto caused


pointing as popo'^
all
p.

the opposition
dist. Ixiii. c. 33,

him to be deposed'^ (963), apLeo VIII., whom he maintained in spite of of John XII. and Benedict V.

i.

Pertz

Monum.
habes,

iv. 28)

has a jurameutum Ottonis, before he was emperor (three texts in Quod si Romam venero, S. Rom. Ecclesiam, et te rectorem ipsius

exaltabo secundum posse

meum,

quem

mea

voluntate

aut

placitum, aut ordinationem

et numquam vitam, aut membra, et ipsum honorem, meo consensuperdes et in Romana urbe nullum faciam de omnibus, quae ad te aut ad Romanes pertinent,
:

sine tuo consilio, et quicquid de teira S. Petri ad nostram potestatem pervenerit, tibi

Douniges, p. 203, believes that this oath, whose tenor is certainly striking, was forged at the time of the investiture controversy. On the other baud, Gfrorer, iii. iii. 1242, declares it to be authentic. The investiture act of Otto, given by Baronius ad ann. 962, no. 3, professedly fi-ora the original (ap. Pertz, iv. ii. 164), has been pronounced spurious, especially by Goldast, Conring (de Germanorum Imp. Romano. 1643. Opp. i. 76), and Muratori but defended on the other side by Gretser, Cenni and Marini (Rom. 1822). Probably the genuine original document was subsequently

reddam,

etc.

ly like the feudal oath,

falsified,

Pertz,

iv.

ii.

159.

The expression
illius

of the investiture

is

significant for the relations

of this period, ut ea in

[Poutifices] ditione

ponendum

firmiter valeant obtineri, salva in

et fruendum atque disomnibus potestate nostra, et filii nostri

ad utendum

posterorumque nostrorum, secundum quod in pacto et constitutione ac promissionis firmiThe tate Eugenii Pontificis (see above, 6, note 4), successorumque illius continetur. fictitious investiture of Lewis the Debonaire (see 6, note 1), which appears to have been adopted into this of Otto, has certainly flowed first from it. Comp. Le Bret Geschichte
Italien,
'*
i.

476.

See the Acts of the cone. Rom. ap. Luitprand. de Rebus gestis Ottonis, c. 10, ss. (Pertz, V. 342). Comp. Donniges Jahrbiicher d. deutschen Reichs unter Otto I. y. 93. The older writers always acknowledged the legitimacy of this council (even as late as Platina in the fifteenth, and Ouuphrius Panvinius in the sixteenth century) on the contrary most of the later catholic historians, after Baronius ad ann. 963, declare it to bo a Pseudosynodus and Conciliabulum, and Leo VIII., who was there elected, a Pseudo-papa. Comp. particularly Nat. Alex. Hist. eccl. ad saec. ix. et x. diss. xvi. '^ Luitprand. c. 8 Gives vero sanctum Imperatorem cum suis omnibus in Urbem
; :

suscipiuQt, fidelitatemque repromittunt

hoc addentes et firmiter jurantes nunquam se

consensum atque electiouem domni Imperatoris Ottonis. Constitutio Leonis P. (by Theodoricus de Niem about 1400 communicated, with scholia, in the Privilegia et jura Imperii circa investituras Episcopatuum et Abbatiarum m ti. S<rhar<iii Syntagma ti'actatuum de imperiali jurisdictione, p. 249, in extracts, ap. Gratian.
elccturos aut ordinaturos praeter

Papam

an older form after Codd. of the eleventh century, ap. Pertz, iv. ii. b. Adriani, sedis apostolicae Episcopi, cujus vitam et actionem satis discretam audivimus, et rationabilem admodum in suis spiritalibus sanctionqui ejusmodi S. Synodum constituit, et domno Carolo Pati-iciatus ibus recognovimus dignitatem ac ordinationem apostolicae sedis et Episcopatuum concessit nos quoqne Leo, servus servorum Dei, Episcopus, simul cum cuncto Clero et universe populo Romano, omnibus ordinibtis hujus almae Urbis, constituimus, confirmamus, corroboramus, et per
P.
i

dist. Ixiii. c. 23, in

167):

Idcirco

ad exempluni

nostram Apostolicam auctoritatem concediraus atque largimur domno Ottoni Primo, Teutonico Regi, dilectissimo spirituali in Christo Filio nostro, ejusque successoribus hujus regni Italiae in perpetuum, tam sibi facultatem successorem eligendi, quam summae sedis apostolicae Pontificem ordinandi ac per hoc Archiepiscopos sen Episcopos, ut ipsi tamen ab eo investituram suscipiant, et consecrationem recipiant undecunque pertinuerit, exceptis his, quos Imperator Pontifici et Archiepiscopis concessit. Ita demum asserimus, ut uemo deinceps cujuscunque gradus vel conditionis, aut dignitatis sive religiositatis. eligendi Regem vel Patricium sive Pontificem summae sedis apostolicae, aut quemcunqne Episcopum, vel ordinandi habeat facultatem, sed soli regi Roraani Imperii banc reverentiae tribuimus facultatem, absque omui pecunia haec omnia superius disponenda et
:
:

132

THIRD PERIODDIV.
long as Otto
I.

II. A.D. 858-1073.

As

lived,

he preserved tolerable order in

Rome "
;

but immediately after his death (973), the Tuscan party elevated itself anew under Crescentius son of the younger Theodora}''
Otto II. (t 983) maintained in some measure tiie imperial digbut during the minority of Otto III. Crescentius exerThe power of the pope seems to cised full sway over Rome.'*
nity
;

have sunk not only


for at

in this city

but also
a

in other countries

'*
;

the instance of
Rex,
et Patricius.

Hugo Capet

Synod

at

Rheims^ did not


nisi

ut ipse sit

Quodsi a Clcro et populo quis eligatur Episcopus,

supradicto

Rcge

laudetur et iuvestintur, uou cousecretur.

Unde

si

quis contra banc

apostolicam auctoritatcm et traditioneui aliquid raolitur, sciat se iu irani b. Petri, Apos tolorum Prineipis, ct filii nostri donini Ottonis, ejus succcssorum, et nostrani casurum, et sub anathematis vinculo emersuruni, ac per boc excommunicationi universalis Ecclesiae omnisque popiili cbristiani eum subjacere decrevimus. Insuper nisi a malo resipuerit,
irrevocabili exilio puuiatur, vel ultiniis suppliciis feriatur.

Baronius,

ad aun. 9G4, no. 22

denies tbe genuineness of tbis document, tbougb be refers to it again, ann. 996, no. 35 and 42. Tbe genuineness is specially defended by Goldast. Rationale constitutt. imp. p. 29, ss. Comp. also Cbr. W. F. Walcbii Diss, de Ottone M. p. 40, ss. Le Bret

and

23,

tions

The contents of tbe document correspond with the relaItalien, i. 48G. which were actually established at that time, but tbe fonu of it is perhaps spurious. Pertz, 1. c. Donniges, S. 102. However, Gfrorer, iii. iii. 1254, defends tbe latter also. Another document, in which Leo is said to have restored to the emperor all former imperial
Geschichte von
gifts (Pertz, iv.
'^
ii. 168), is doubtless wholly iiclitious. Popes: Leo VIII. t 965. Contin. Regin. ad ann. 965: Tunc legati Romanorum Imperatorem pro instituendo, quem vellet, Romano Pontifice, in Sasoniam adeuntes,

honorifice suscipiuntur et remittuntur.


sis

Episc.

cum eisdem Romam ab Imp.

diriguutur.

Et Otgerus, Spirensis Episc. ct Linzo, CreraonenTunc ab omni plebe Romana Joannes,

John XIII. t 972. Benedict VI. Benedict VI., murdered by tbe Tuscan party, 974; Boniface VII. expelled by tht people, 974; Benedict VII. t 983; John XIV., chosen by imperial influence. On tbv chronolog5' see W. Giesebrecht in den Jabrbiicbern des deutschen Reichs unter Otto II
Narniensis Ecclesiae Episc, eligitur.

"

S. 141.

and John XIV. died in Arnulf Aurel. iu the discourse about to be quoted, note 19, below Horrendum monstruin Bonifacius, cunctos luortales nequitia superans, etiam prions pontificis sanguine crucntaa fugatus redit virum Apostolicum squalore careens affectum perimit) t 985. John XV. t 996, Gregory V. owed bis election to his relative,
after Otto II.'s death, Boniface VII. returned,

" Immediately
:

prison, 984, Boniface VII. (cf

Otto III. (See SchloBser, iL schen Reichs untcr Otto IIL

ii.

291.)

On

the chronology see

Wilman's Jabrb. des

deut-

S. 207.

Pertz,

is the newly-discovered Richerus, iv. 25, ap. Gcrbcrt od. Papst Sylvester II. u. s. Jabrbundert, v. Dr. C. F. Hock. Weiu. Wilman's Jabrb. des deutschen Reichs unter Otto III. Berlin. 1840. S. 51. 1837. S. 80. On Gerberfs letters belonging to tbis period, see Wilman, p. 167. On Richer, see p. 175.

" The

chief autboritj- for the following

v. 036.

Gfrorer,
2"

iii. iii.

1441.

have been preserved by Gerbcrt (Pope Sylvester igitur, ct summarum quidem genera causarum, in Remensi concilio exposita, breviter nttingam, ut et gcstorum Veritas innotescat, ct quae a snmmis viris retractata sunt agnoscantur, triplici generc interpretationis utendum f^re censeo, scilicet ut qnaedam ad verbum ex alia in aliam ttansferantur lingnam in quilus-

The

acts of tbis

memorable
:

sjniod

II).

He

says in tbe prologus

Accingar

gravitas et cloqnii dignitas dicendi gonere conformcntur porro in aliis una dictio occasionem fp.ciat, et abdita investigari, et :n Incem ipsos affoctus maniI'este proferri. It seem.", then, from tbis, that Gerbert bad before him the prjtocol com-

dam autem sentcntiarum

PART

I. WEST.

CHAP. 1.PAPACY.

22.

TILL

SYNOD OF

SUTRl. 133
to appoint

hesitate to depose Archbishop

Arnulf of Rheims, and

the celebrated Gerbert his successor, in a


their utter

contempt

for

the papal authority,^'


;

manner that showed John XV. declared


it

indeed the decrees of this synod void


efFect.^^

but, as

seems, without a

On
cap.
the
9,

the other hand, the


These
acts werefirst

new

king, Robert, found

posed

in the vulgar tongue.

publislied

by the Magdeburg Centuria


6.58.

tors, cent. x.

p. 457, ss., best

with

new

appendices, ap. Pertz, v.

Baronius

declared them to be spurious.


xix. 107,
2'

was

first to

Hence they are wanting in the older collections. Mansi, adopt them and declare Consent vulgo omnes, Gerbertum reipsa
:

et sincere recitasse acta Concilii vere, habiti, etc.

rain,

Arnulf was accused of having betrayed Rheims, a.d. 989, to Charles, duke of Lor who pretended to the crown. Hugo Capet at first applied to tlie pope (letters in the Act. Syn. Rhem. cap. 25 and 26) but having got Arnulf into his power, he summoned that council. At it an attempt was made by certain monks at first to prove from the PseudoIsidoriana that Arnulf ought, first of all, to be restored to his bishopric, and that the negotia Episcoporum belonged to the see of Rome (cap. 19-23). This was specially opposed by Arnulphus Ep. Aurelianensis (qui ordinis custos ac omnium gerendorum interpres decla;

omnes Gailiarum Episcopos sapientia et eloquentia clarior haberecap. 28, among other things Nos Rom. Ecclesiam sempct honorandam decemimus salva tamen auctoritate Nicaeni concilii. Si nova constitulio Rom. Pontificis promulgatis legibus cauonum praejudicare potest, quid prosunt leges conditae, cum ad unius arbitrium omnia dirigantur O lugenda Roma, quae nostris majoribus
ratus est, eo quod inter
tur,

cap.

1).

He

said,

clara

patrum lumina protulisti, nostris temporibus monstruosas tenebras futuro saeculo famosas offudisti Olim accepimus claros Leones, magnos Gregorios. F^orum itaque
!

dispositioni, qui vitae merito et scientia cunctos mortales anteirent, recte universalis

clesia credita est:

Ecab Africanis Episcopis contradictuni sit (see Vol. I. Div. IL 94, note 61), has credo quas patimur miserias magis, quam typhum dominationis formidantibus. Nam quid sub haec tempora nou vidimus ? Vidimus Johannem cognomento Octavianum, in volutabro libidinum versatum, Num talibus monstris hominum ignominia plenis, scientia diviiiarum et humanarum etc. rerum vacuis, innumeros sacerdotes Dei per orbem terraram, scientia et vitae merito conspicuos subjici decretum est ? Q,uid hunc, rev. Patres, in sublimi solio resideutem, veste purpurea et aurea radianteui, quid hunc, inquam, esse consetis ? Nimirum si caritate

quamvis

et in

hac ipsa

felicitate

hoc privilegium

tibi

destituitur, solaque scientia inflatur et extollitur, Antichristus est, in

templo Dei sedens,

et se ostendens
in

tamquam sit Deus. Si autem nee templo Dei tamquam statua, tamquam idolura
est.

caritate fundatur, nee scientia erigitur,

consulere

Q,uo ergo consultum ibimus

est, a quo i-esponsa petere, marmora Certe in Belgica et Germania suinmos

sacerdotes Dei, religione

admodum

praestantes, iuvenri, in hoc sacro conventu testes qui-

dam

sunt. Proinde, si regum dissidentium animositas non prohiberet, inde magis Episcoporum judicium petendum fore videretur, quam ab ea urbe, quae nunc emtoribus venalis

nummorum quantitatem judicia trutinat. He then shows, in answer to the Pseudo-Damasi cited by the monks, that, according to Gregory the Great, certainly bishops and metropolitans could be judged by provincial councils. Further, in opposition to the rule of Pseudo-Damasus, Synodum sine ejus Rom. sedis auctoritate fieri, non est catholicum among other things Nicaenus canon bis in anno concilia debere fieri dicit, nihilque inde ad Rom. Episcopi auctoritatem spectare praescribit. But no suspicion that that decree might have been supposititious At length, Arnulf of Rheims acknowledged his offense, and voluntarily resigned his place. Comp. Gerbert's Rechtfertigungsschreiben
exposita, ad
epist.
:

fiir

d. Concil.

^^

ep.

ad Wilderodum Episc. Argentinae ap. Mansi, xix. 153. The French bishops united at the synod of Chela, 992, for this end (Richerius, iv. 89, Pertz, v. 651), ut ab ea die idem sentirent, idem velleut, idem cooperarentur^ secun-

duir id quod scriptum est: erat eis cor


eanciri, gi quid a

unum

et r.nima

una

(Act. iv. 32).

Placuit qnoqne
et irritum

Papa Romaaio contra Patrum docreta suggereretur, cassum

134

THIRD PERIOD DIV. 11 A.I).

S58-10T3.

amid the hostile designs Gregory VP had the triumph of seeing Arnulf restored to freedom, and Gerbert compelled to yield (097);^* so that he even met with obedience
reconciliation with the pope desirable,

of the emperor Otto III. against him.

\vbp,n

he desired to annul Robert's marriage with Bertha, on account of their too near consanguinity.^*
jaxta qaod Apostolus
(Tit. iiL 10).

fieri,

dcvita

ait haereticum hominem et ab Ecclesia disscDtientem penitus Nee minus abdicationem Aniulfi et promotiouem Gerberti, prout ab
:

quod in canonibns scriptemere labefactandam. Comp. Gerbert's three letters ap. Mansi, xix. 17.3, ss. ad Constantinnm Miciacensem Abb.: Majns est, quo<l quaeritur, et quod appetitur, quani ego burailis et parvus verumque proverbiuni est: tua res agitur, paries cum proximns ardet. Hoc enim coucesso, dignitas vel potiaii gravitaa confunditur sacerdotalis, status regui periclitatur, etc. Ad Siquinum Archiep. Senon. Quomodo ergo nostriaemuli dicunt, quod in Arnulfi dejectione Romani Episcopi judicium expectandura fuit? Puteruntne docere Romani Episcopi judicium Dei majns esse 7 Constanter dico, quod si ipse Romanus Episcopns in fratrem peccaverit, saepiosque admonitus Ecclesiara non audierit, bic inquam, Rom. Episc. praecepto Dei est babendns sicut ethnicus et publicanns. Q,uod si propterea sua communione nos indignos ducit, qoia contra Evangelium sentienti nnllus nostrum consentit non ideo a communione Christi nos separare poterit. Non est ergo danda occasio nostris aemulis, ut saccrdotium, quod ubiijue uuura est, sicut Ecclesia catholica una est, ita nni subjici videatar, nt et
turn habetur
:

eis ordinatae et peractae essent, perpetuo placuit sanciri, juxta

Synodo provinciali statutum a

nullo

pecunia, gratia,
liae virtutes

metu

vel ignorantia corrupto

nemo sacerdos

esse possit. nisi

qnem

gibi

commendarint. Sit lex communis Ecclesiae cctbolicae Evangelium, Apostoli, Prophetac, Canones spiritu Dei constituti, et totias mundi reverentia consecrati, Decreta sedis apostolicae ab bis non discordantia. Ad Adelaidem Imperatricem Neqae
:

enim
^'

Ecclcsiarn,

qnam Episcoporum

judicio

regendam

accepi, sine

Episcoporum judicio

relinquere volo.

94.

Respecting him see die dentschen Piipste v. C. Hofler (2 Th. Regensburg. 1839. 8) i. Martinus Polonus in Chron. ad Ottonem III. makes the remark: Licet tres Ottones

per snccessioncm generis regnaverunt, post tamon institutum fuit, ut per officialcs imperii Imperator eligeretur, qui sunt septem, etc. In the work de regimine Principura (attributed to St. Thomas) lib. iii. cap. 19, this becomes Otto imperium tenuit ad teriiam gene
:

rationom,

tunc, ut historici tradant, per Gregorinm Teutonicum, provisa est electio, ut videlicet per vii. priucipes Alemanniae fiat, etc. This passage has been copied by succeeding writero, even defended by Baronius ad ami. 996, n. 38, ss. and Bellarmine de Translat. Rom. imp. lib. iii. but is now universally abandoned, cf. Natalis Alexander Hist. eccl. ad sacc. ix. et x. diss. xvii. " Richerus in fine, ap. Pertz, v. 6.>7. " Cone. R<-)m. ann. 998 can. 1 (Mansi, xix. 225) Ut rex Robertus consanguineam suam

quorum

quilibet vocatus est Otto.

Et

V. genere

similiter

Bertam, quam contra leges in uxorcm duxit, derelinqnat et vii. annorum poenitontiani tluod si non fecerit, anathema sit, idcmquc de eadem Berta fieri praeceptum est. agat. The contemporary Helgaldus Floriacensis Mon. relates in vita Iloberti R. c. 17 (a[i. Bouquet, X. 107) merely this: Abbonis Floriacensium Abbatis increpatio tarn diu perstitit, donee Itex mitissimus reatam snum agnosccret, et (juan. male sibi copulaverut mulierem

prorsus derelinqueret, et paccati


lous Pctrus

maculam grata Deo

satisfactiooc diluerai

The

credu:

Damiani (t 1072) first tells us, Epi :. h^". ii. Ep 15 'ap Bouquet, x. 492) Robertus propinqoam sibi copulavit uxorcm, ex qua snscepit fil.nm. onseriinum i)er omnia coUum et caput habcntcm. Cluos etiam, virum scilicet et uxorem, omncs fere Gnlliarum Cujua sacerdotalis e<lirti tantus Episcopi communi simul excommunicavere scntentia omnem undique popuium terror invasit, ut ab ejus uoiversi societate rec.^derent, nee praetcr duos sibi servulos ad uecessarii victns obsequium rcmanerent. Clui tnnicn et ipsi omnia vasa, in quibns rex edebat vel bibebat, percepto cibo, abcminabilia judicantes,

PART

1. WEST.

CHAP. I. PAPACY.

$ 22.

TILL SYNOD OF SUTRI.

IS."}

When
put
ail

Crescentius violated the lauded obedience Otto III.


to his

end

dominion (998),^ and elevated,


his residence in

after Gregory's

death, his

own teacher Gerbert

to the papal see, as Sylvester II.

but at the same time took up


pose of restoring the old

Rome

for

the pur-

Roman

dominion in Byzantine forms.^*

Yet much

as he purposed to favor the

Romans, he only incurred


After his death
sanum consilium

their hatred,

with his

German
His tandem

associations.-^

pabulum iguibus eshibebant.


2*

Rex

coactus angnstiis, ad
294.

rediens, divortit iucestum, iniitque legale connubium.

Thietmari Chron.

i%'.

21, ap. Pertz, v. 776.

Schlosser,

ii. ii.

Gregory V. t 999, Sylvester II. t 1003 (Gerbert oder Papst Sylvester II. u. s. Jahrlmn \Vien. 1837. S. 129), John XVII. t 1003, John XVIII. t lOOD, dert, V. Dr. C. F. Hock. Sergius IV. t 1012, Benedict VIII. t 1024, John XIX. t 1033, Benedict IX. =8 Thietmari Chron. iv. 29 Imperator antiquam Romanorum consuetudinem jam ex parte magna deletam suis cupiens renovare temporibus, multa faciebat, quae diversi diverse sentiebant. Wilman's Jahrb. d. deutschen Reichs unter Otto III. S. 133. Gfrorer, Remarkable fragments respecting form of government and ceremonials iii. iii. 1510. which were introduced into Rome at this time have been discovered by Pertz in the Vatican, and published by Blume in the Rheiuisches Museum fur Jurisprudenz, v. 123. Ottonis III. diploma, a.d. 999 (ap. Baronium ad ann. 1191, no. 57. Pertz, iv. ii. 162) Romam caput mundi profitemur, Rom. Ecclesiam matrem omnium Ecclesilrum esse
:

"

testamur, sed iucuria et inscientia Poutificum longe suae claritatis titulos obfuscasse. Nam nou solum quae extra urbem esse videbautur veudiderunt sed si quid in hac nostra urbe regia habueruut, ut majori licentia evagarentur, omnibus cum vindicaute pecuuia in commune dederuiit, et S. Petrum et S. Paulum, ipsa quoque altaria spoliaverunt, et pro reparatioue semper coufusionem duxeruut. Confusis vero papaticis legibus, et jam abjecta Ecclesia Rom. in tautum quidam Pontificum irruerunt, ut maxim am partem Imperii uostri

apostolatui suo conjungerent. Haec sunt enim commenta ab illis ipsis inventa, quiboa Joannes Diaconus, cognomento Digitorum mutius [mozzo, mutilus, perhaps that John Diaconus whom John XII. first employed as a tool, Cont. Regin. ann. 960, and whose right hand he afterward caused to be cut off, id. ad ann. 964, Luitpr. Hist. Ottonis, c. 19, ap. Pertz, V. 346] praeceptum aureis Uteris scripsit, sub titido magni Constantini longa mendacii tempora finxit (see above, $ 20, note 21). Haec sunt etiam commenta, quibas

queudam Carolum S. Petro nostra publica tribuisse (see above, $ 21, note 30). Sed ad haec respondemus, ipsum Carolum nihil dare jure potuisse, utpote jam a Carolo meliore fugatum, jam Imperio privatum, jam destitutum et annuUatum. Spretis ergo commentitiis
dicunt,

donamus quae nostra sunt non sibi, quae sua sunt, veluti nostra conferimus. Sicut enim pro amore S. Petri dominum Sylvestrum magistrum nostrum Papam elegimus, et Deo volente ipsum serenissimum ordinavimus et creavimus ita pro amore ipsius domini Sylvestri Papae, S. Petro de publico nostro dona conlerimus octo comitatus Pisaurum, Fanum, Seuogalliam, Auconam, Fossabrunum, Gallium, Esium et Ausimum. This diploma was copied and authenticated
praeceptis, et imaginariis scriptis
liberalitate S. Petro
:

ex nostra

by command
is

of the pope, from the archives at Assisi, 1339 (the protocol ap. Baron.

1.

c.)

declared spurious by Baronius, Gretser, Pagi, and others, and recently by Wilman's Jalirb. des deutschen Reichs unter Otto III. S. 233, defended by Muratori in his controversial writings concerning Commachio, by Pertz, 1. c. and Gfrorer, iii. iii. 1570.
-'

Corap. the

Roman
131
:

fi-agments belonging to this time in the Rheinischen

Jurisprudenz,

v.

Postquam peccatis

nostris

exigentibus

Museum fur Romanorum imperium

barbaroram patuit gladiis feriendum, Romanas leges penitus ignorantes ilUterati ac barbari judices legis peritos in legem cogentes jurare, judices creavere, quorum judieio lia vAutiiata termiuaretrr. JZi Rcc3pta abusiva potestate, dum stipendia t. republica non accipiuut, avaritiae face succensi jus omne confunduat. Comes euim iUiteratas acbarbarus

13G

THUtD PERIOD. DIV.

II. A.D. 838-1073.

(.1002), tlie German dominion was cast ofl", the Tuscan party were again triumphant, and even from Benedict VJII. (1012),

the papal dignity

was

for

a long time hereditary in the family

of the counts of Tuscany.


exercise imperial rights in

Henry

11. ^

was merely
his

able to

Rome

temporarily at his coronation

(1014).^^

To Benedict

succeeded

(1024)
to

brother

John
laving

XIX. though yet a layman,^- and


1033, a boy Benedict IX. one
nescit vera a falsis discernere, et ideo fallitur.
ii.

him, even as early as

of the vilest

men."

Alberici Chron. ad ann. 1002 (ed. Leibnit. Otto Imp. degens Iloniae, dum cum Romauis remissius agit, tractans, qualiter jura Regiii et Ecclesiae ad antiquum statum rcformaret; Romani per hoc ad contemptum ejus adducti, subito contra cum couspirant, et alicpiot militum ejus peremtis cum in palatio vix egressus Roma discedit cum Sylvcstro (comp. Thietmar, iv. :iO.) obsident, unde
26)
:

raoritur.

Milites transalpini corpus Imperatoris defuncti

cum

insignibus

Iiii[)erii

ad Galliam

[Germaniam]
^''

transferentes, crebris Italorum incursibus lacessiti armis sibi


vii. 1.

viam parant.

Thietmar,
i.

Glaber Radulphus (monk

in Cliigny,

about

lOl.^)

Hi.storiarum sni

Dominicae incarnationis MXiv. licet insignc ilhid imperiale diversis speciebus prius tiguratum fuisset, a venerabili tamen P. IJenedicto fieri ju.ssuni est admodum intellectuali specie idem iusigne. Praecepit fabrioari quasi aurcum pomum, atqne circunidari per quadrum pretiosissimis quibusque gcmmis, ac dcsuper auream crucem inSeri. Krat autem instar liujus mundanae molis ut dum siquidcm illud respiceret Princeps tcrreni imperii, foret ei documentum, non nliter deberc imperaro vel militare in mundo, quam ut dignus haberetur vivificae crucis tueri vexillo in ipso etiam diversapjm genimarum decoramine videlicet Imperii culmcn plurimarum virtutuni speciebus exornari Curaque postmodum praedictus Papa Imperatori videlicet Henrico obviam oportere. processissct eique hujusmodi insigne scihcet Imperii tradissct, etc.
temporis, Ub.
c. 5
:

Anno

igitur

3'

Thietmar,

lib. vi. in line

Ista dies pulchrn signetur clara lapillo,

Qua Rfigi nostro se subdit Roma benigno. Abbas de Imminutione rerum monasterii sui (in Mabillonii Ann. ord. 8. Bened. t. iv. App. p. 701, 704) related of Henry's verdicts pertaining to tlie monastery of Farfa. The act of investiture by Henry II. (ap. Mansi, xix. 331. Pertz, iv. ii. 173), which agrees with that of Otto I. (see note 13), excejit some few additions, is declared spurious Muratori Annal. d'ltalia vi. 46. Sec F. Halin by Conring de Germ. Imp. Rom. c. x.

Hugo

Farfensis

1.'5,

deutsche Staats-, Reichs- und Kaiscrhist. ii. 208, defended on the contraiy by Cenui Monura. dominationis pontif ii. 165. Borgia Breve istoria del domiuio temporale della sode apostolica According to Pertz, it belongs to the year 1020, nelle due Sicilie (Roma. 1788. 4) p. 269.
but
32 is

interpolated.
:

cui in

iv. c. 1 Johannes iste cognomento Romanu.s, frater illius Benedict!, Episcopatum successerat, largitione pecuniae repente ex laicali ordine neophytus constitutus est Praesul. Sed insoleutia Romanorum adinvenit palliandae subdolositatis

Glaber Radulph.

ridiculum, scilicet ut,


delegeriut,

quemcunque pro suo


illi

libitu

inpraesentiarum ad Pontificatus officium


rei,

mutato nomine quod

prius fuerat, aliqno

ilium apellari decernant: re vera


first
33

pope who changed his From this time onward the following works of two decided adherents of Gregory VII. are important for history: Lib. ad amicum s. de Persecutioue Ecrlesiie lihb. ix. of Bonizo, bishop of Sutri, afterward of Piaccuza (t 1089), where from lib. v. we meet with a history of the popes from Benedict IX. to Gregory VII. (in Oefolii ScriiJtores rcruni Boicanim, Comp. Stcnzel's Geschichte Dcutschlands unter den frankischcn Kaisern, ii. 67), ii. 794. and the work of Desidcrius, abbot of Cassino, who was afterward Popo Victor III. (t 1086), entitled de Miraculis a S. Bcnedicto aliisque raonachia Casincnsibus gestis dialot^urum,

quem si non mcritum name was John XII.

magnorum Pontificura nomine saltern nomon extoUat. The

PART

I. WEST.

CHAP. I. PAPACY.

2-2.

TILL SYNOD OF SUTRI. 137


in his place,

been expelled (1044) and Sylvester III. chosen


sold his right to the papal dignity to

he

Gregory VI?^

To

this

confusion the emperor


lib.
iii.

Henry
xviii. 853).

III. put an end,

when he appeared
Bonizo,
lib. v.

init.

(Bibl.
t.

PP. Lugd.
vi.

Besides Annales Romani from 1044 in tho


4fi8.

Spicileg.
relates
:

Rom.
Urbis

(Romae.

1841), p. 282, ap. Pertz, vii.

p. 801,

Capitanei et maxima Tusculaui per patriciatus inania uomina Roraanam vastabant Ecclesiam, ita ut quodam liereditario jure viderentur sibi possidere
pontiticatara.

Romae

Enimvero mortuo Joanne Beuedicti Papae


Papa,

fratre, qui

uno eodemqiie die


filius,

Praefectus

fuit et

cum
sibi

succcssisset ei Tlieopliylactus, qui Alberici fuit

Gre

gorius frater ejus

annos noiuiulli non tamen opere, cujusdam Alberici Consulis filius, Magi potius Simonis, quam Simonis Petri vestigia sectatus, non parva a patre in populum profligata pecunia, sumuium sibi sacerdotium vindicavit (and even according to Glaber Radulph. iv. c. 5, when pner ferme flecennis or duodecennis): cujus quidem post adcptum sacerdotium vita quam turpis, quam foeda, quamque execranda extiterit, horresco referre. ^* Desiderius, 1. c: Deniquecum rapinas, caedes, aliaque nefanda in Romanum populum aliquanta per tempora sine ulla dilatione ageret (Benedictus), congregati in ununi populi, quia ejus nequitiam aniplius ferre nequibant, eum a pontificatus cathedra exturbautes, urbe pellunt, alterumque in locum ejus, Joannem videlicet Sabinensem Episcopum (Sylvestrum), non tamen vacua manu, cauonica parvipendentes decreta, substituunt. Qui tribus, non amplius, mensibus Romanae usus est cathedrae successione Beuedicto undique suis cum propinquis infestante urbem, quia ex consulibus terrae ortus erat, et in eis maxima virtus urbe cum dedecore pulsus suum ad Episcopatuni reversus est. Benedictus igltur, quod amiserat, sacerdotium recepit, pristinos tamen mores minine mutavit. Cumque se a clero simul et populo propter nequitias suas contemni respiceret, et fama suorum
;
;

vendicabat patriciatus. Desiderius, 1. c: Dum per aliquot solo nomine Pontificum cathedram obtinerent; Benedictus quidam nomine,

nomen

facinoruni

omnium

aures impleri cerneret: tandem reperto consilio (quia voluptati deditus,

ut Epicurus magis,

quam ut Pontifex vivere volebat) cuidara Joanni Archipresbytero, qui tunc in urbe religiosior caeteris clericis videbatur, nou parva ab eo accepta pecunia, summum sacerdotium relinquens, tradidit ipse vero in propriis se castellis recipiens,
:

urbe

cessit.

Interea Joannes, cui Gregorius

nomen inditum

est,

cum

ii.

annis et

viii.

mensibus sacerdotium administrasset, Henricus Rex Romanam adiit urbem. Extracts from the work of this contemporary in Leo Ostiensis Chron. monasterii Casinensis, libb. ii. c. 79 (in Muratorii Rer. Ital. scriptt. iv. 395), and Hermanuus Contractus ad ann. 1044, agrees with them. See Muratorii Excursus hist. 1. c. p. 396. On the other hand there
is

much

that

is

erroneous in Otto Frisingensis,

dicto, Sylvestro et

Johanne)
e.,

sedem

illara

vi. c. 32. Tribus ibi invasoribus (Benesimul occupar.tibus, atque ad raajoris miseriae

cumulum

majorem,

cum reditibus patriarchiis, uno ad S. Petrum, altero ad S. Mariani Benedicto, in palatio Lateranersi sedente, flagitiosam et turpem vitam, ut egomet in Urbe Romanis tradentibus audivi, duxere. Hunc miseiTimum statum
divisis simul
tertio,
i.

Ecclesiae religiosus quidam Presbyter Gratianus nomine videns


eisque a se de
s.

praefatos

viros

adiit,

Ecclesia cedere pecunia persuasit, Benedicto reditibus Angliae, quia


relictis.

majoris videbatur auctoritatis esse,

quam

ea cives praefatum Presbyterum, taneumque mutato nomine Gregorium VI. vocaverunt. That Gregory VI. was at last the only acknowledged pope, and excited the best hopes by his personal character and acts is proved by Peter Damiani's letter to him (lib. i. Epist. 1, for example reparetur nunc aureum Apostolorum saeculum, et praesidente vestra prudentia, ecclesiastica refloreat disciplina, etc.) and by Glaber Radulphus, who concludes his history with the words, v. c. 5: Benedictus ejectus est a sede, et in loco ejus subrogatus est vir religiosissimus ac sanctitate perspicuas Gregorius, cujus videlicet bona fama, quicquid prior foedaverat, in melius reformavit. Stenzel's Gesch. Deutschlands unter den friinkischen Kaisern, i. 104. Engelhardt Observaliones de Syn. Sutrieiisi, and Erlangen Easter programme, 1834. Th. Mittler de Schisruate in Kce'. Uom. sub jiontilicatu Benedicti IX. orto disp. Turicl. 1835. 8,
Ecclesiae Dei liberatorem in

Ob

summum

Pontificem elegerunt,

138
before

THIRD PERIOD. DIV.

II.A.D.

8.-,8-l07;j.

Rome with an army. Having called the Synod of Sutri (1046) he deposed all the three popes, and elcvatv./d to the Roman see Suidger, bishop of Bamberg, under the name of Clement //."
^*

Desiderius,

1.

c.

continues

Sed antequam (Henricus) Urbem iugredcretur,

i)lurimf^

Episcoporum, necuon Abbatum, Clericoram quoquc ac religiosorum Monacliorum it Cutrina urbe concilio congregato, Joauncin, qui Gregorius dictus est, missis ad eum Episropis, ut de ecclesiasticis negotiis, niaximeque de llomana Ecclcsia, quae tres simul tunc I'ontifices habere videbatur, ipso pracsidente, tractaretur, venire rogavit. Sod haec do industria agebantur jam enim dudum regio animo insedcrat, ut tres illos, qui injuste
'u.ii
:

ajiostolicam

sedem

invascrant,

cum

consilio et auctoritatc totius Concilii, juste depclleret.

Praedictus itaque Pontifex, exoratus a liege, caeterisque Pontilicibus, Sutrium, ubi Syncdus congregata crat, allcctus spe, quod aliis duobus dejjositis, sibi soli pontilicatas

Sed postquani eo vcutum est, et res agitari ac discutSynodo coepta est; agnoscens, se non posse juste honorem tanti sacerdotii achninistrare, 3x pontifical! sella exsilens ac scmotipsuni pontificalia indumenta exuens, postulata venia, summi sacerdotii dignitatem dcposuit. Post bacc Ilex, Urbem ingressus, congregato it ecclesia b. Petri Apostoli Romano clero et [)opulo una cum Episcopis, qui in praedictam convenerant Synodum, communi consilio Clementem IJanibergensem Episc. clcgerunt, quia in llomana Ecclesia non erat tunc talis reperta persona, quae digne posset ad tanti lionorem sufficere sacerdotii. This is related more fully by Bonizo, 1. c. p. 801, s. Heronfirmaretur, gi-atanter peiTexit.

niannus Contractus ad ann. 1046, goes so far as to say: Henricus elegit Pontificem Lambci'tus ad ann. 1047: Tribus depositis Suitgerum vicariuni Apostoloi-uni coiistituit; AniuUus Mediol. llenim sui temporis, iii. 2 Henricus Papa abjectti unum ex Teulonibus praesulem illiiis loco substituit. On the other hand, those llomans who wrote daring the

disputes about investiture, endeavored to conceal the fact that popes had been previously

M.

appointed by the emperor, Walthramus Numburgensis de Investitura Episc. a.u. 1109 (in Goldastii Apologiae pro Henrico iv. p. 232), Sigebertus Gemblac. and Martinus Polonns ad ann. 1046 add: Ab eo rex Henricus in Imperatoreni benedicitur, jurantibus Romanis,

That is to say, accordin:; to Bcnzonis Menckenii Script, rcr. Germ. i. 1062), it was resolved at a synod in Peter's Church at Rome, ut rex Henricus cum universis in monarchia imperii sibi succedentibus fieret Patricius, sicuti de .Carolo (Magno) factum legimus. Indutus igitur rex viridissima chlamyde, desponsatur patriciali annulo, coronaAs Patricius he now elects the pope, and is tur ejusdem praelaturae aureo circulo. crowned emperor by him. Even Peter Damiani in his Disceptatio synodalis (a.d. 1062, in Petri Dam. 0pp. ed. Cajetani, iii. 23) admits the assertion of the regius advocatus, quod Henricus Imperator factus est Patricius Romanorum, a qnibus accepit in elcclione super
88 sine ejus consensu uuncjuam
electuros.

Papam

Panegyricus

in

Henricum HI. Imp.

lib. vii. c.

2 (in

ordinando Pontifice principatum (in like manner in the Lib. gratissimus c. 36), Bonizo, 1. c. Postquam imperiali est Rex auctus dignitate, calap. 802, narrates the occurrence thus mitatibus reipublicae compatiens, civitatcm a patriciorum liberavit tyrannide, quod valde
:

esset laudabile, nisi subsequcns post macularet commissum.


illectus
stituta,

Nam

rumoribus populi

tyrannidem
quae
tanti viri ad

patriciatus arripuit, quasi aliqua esset in laicali ordine dignitas con-

est, quod ordinem se Romanum posse ordinaro Pontificem. The patricius was originally deputy of the emIn stormy times the Roman nobles had made an peror, even in the choosing of a pope. independent authority out of the patriciate, with the right of appointing the pope. Henca it now appeared advisable to transfer it to the emperor himself, lest it should be again abused by petty tyrants.

privilegii possideret plus imperatoria Majestate.

Quid

nnmque

mentem

tantum

traxit delictum, nisi (juod crcdidit ])er patriciatus

PAET

I.WEST.

CHAP. I.PAPACY.

$ 23.

HILDRBRAND.

139

23.

PAPACY UNDER HILDEBRAND3 INFLUENCE.


Bonizouis Liber ad amicum, in Oefelii Scriptt. rer. Boicarum, ii. 794. Desiderii Abb. Casinensis de Miraculis S. Benedicti dialogi, in the Bibl. PP. Lugd. xviii. (see 22, note Leonis Ostiensis (monk and librarian in Monte Cassino, 1101, cardinal of the Ro33). man Church) Chronicon monasterii Casinensis, libb. iii. in Muratorii Scriptt. rer. Italicarum, iv. Free from partiality for Hildebrand are the contemporary Annales Roraani ap.
Pertz,
vii.
i.

469.
1
.

Planck,
5.

iv.

J.

Voigt's Hildebrand als Papst Gregorius VII. 2te Aufl.


ii. ii.

Weimar.

1846. S.

Schmidt's Kirchengesch. vi. 1. Neander, iv. 150. Stenzel's Gesch. Deutschlands unterd. fi-ank. Kaisern, i. 116. C.Hofler'sdeutsche Piipste 2.")1. Annales Altahenses, hergestellt von W. Giesebrecht. (2te Abth. Regensb. 1839) i.
642.

Schlosser's Weltgesch.

Berlin. 1841. S. 132.

Despicable as

many

popes had
to

past period, the papacy itself

were rather propitious

it,

made themselves during the was not so. These stormy times by cutting off all opportunity of

frequent discu.ssion respecting the

new

principles contained in

the Pseudo-Isidorian decretals, which every year of undisputed

authority naturally contributed to confirm.

When

the

more

worthy popes,' chosen under imperial influence, now began to oppose the two evils of the Church, simony and the immorality of the clergy^^ supported as they were by the general feeling
Leo Ostiensis in Chron. monast. Casin. ii. c. 81 Clemente vero post ix. menses ultra montes defuncto (Clemens II. t 1047), praefatus Benedictus iterum in pontificatura reversus per viii. circiter menses ilium retinuit, donee ab Imperatore transmissus ex Germania Damasus Brexenorum Episcopus illi in papatu successit. Henry asked advice of Wazo, bishop of Leige, at this new election. The bishop replied (Anselmus Leod. Gesta Pontitf. Leod. c. 106 in .To. Chapeavilli auctt. de gestis Pontiff. Tungrens. i.) Credimus, per ecclesiasticos ministros absque potentia secular! electiones et promotiones Apostolicorum fiere debere. But when his messenger arrived, the nevsf pope had been already nominated. Damasus II. sat twenty-three days, t 1048. Leo IX. t 1054. Victor II. Stephen IX. t 1058. Nicolaus II. t 1061. Alexander II. t 1073. l057. ^ Desiderii de Miraculis S. Bened. dialog, lib. iii. iuit. Dum igitur negligentia sacerdo'
:

|-

tuni,

maximeque Romanorum

Pontiflcum, Italia a recto religionis tramite paulatim devians

labefactaretur, in

tautum mala consuetudo adolevit, ut sacrae legis auctoritate postposita,

humauaque omnia miscerentur: adeo ut populus electionem, et sacerdote.s consecrationem donumque Spiritus Sancti, quod gratis accipere et dare divina auctoritate statutum fuerit, data acceptaque per manus pecunia, ducti p.varitia venderent, ita ut vix alidivina

quanti iuvenireutur,

qui non hujus simouiacae pestis

contagione foedati

existereut.

Itaque cum vulgus clericorum per viam etfraenatac licentiae, nomine prohibente, graderetur coeperunt ipsi Presbyteri ac Diacones (qui tradita sibi sacramenta dominica mundo corde castoque corpore tractare debebant) laicorum more uxores ducere, susceptosqucj filios heredes testamento relinquere nonnuUi etiam Episcoporum, verecundia omni con:
:

cum uxoribus domo simul in una habitare tudo ica-a Urbem maxime puUulabat, unde olim
temta,

et

haec pessima

religionis noiina

et exsecranda consneab ipso Apcstolo Petru

140

THIRD PERIOD. DIV.

II. A.D. 858-1073.

of the necessity of reform, they found no difficulty in establishing

supremacy over the whole Church, even by new enThese struggles began under Leo IX.,^ and were from the first, so directed by Hildctheir entire

crnacbincnts on the rights of the bishops.

brand, the soul of this as well as of succeeding papal reigns, as

As long as make the hierarchy independent of civil power. Henry III. lived, the popes were obliged to content themselves with combating those two evils of the day, with an unwonted Leo IX. did so at several earnestness, and in unu.sual forms.
to
^

synods,^ where he presided in person

and

his successor,

Victor

ejusquc successoribus ubique diffusa processerat. In Glaber Radulpb, v. 5, Henry III. reproaches the bishops Omnes quippe gradus ecclesiastici a maximo Pontifice usque ad ostiarium opprimuntur per suae daranatiouis pretium, ac juxta vocem dominicam in cuucGlaber adds Non solum in Gallicanis Episcopis haec tis grassatur spiritale latrociuium. ])essinia pullulaverat ncquitia, verum etiam multo amplius totam occupaverat Italiam
: :

omnia quippe ministeria ecclesiastica


eaecularia mercimonia.
'

ita eo

tempore habebantur venalia, quasi


scriptum
est,

in forn

Desiderius,

1.

c.

Leo

qui,

quaemadmodum

coepit invocare noraer

Domini; a quo omnia ecclesiastica studia renovata ac restaurata; novaciue lux rnundc Vita Leonis IX., by bis former archdeacon in Toul, in 2 BB. in the Act visa est exoriri SS. ad d. 19, Apr. and in Muratorii Ker. Ital. scriptt. iii. i. 278; and by Bruno, bishop oi

Segni, about 1100, ap. Murator.


*

iii. ii.

346.
:

Wibcrt. in vit. Leonis IX. lib. ii. c. 2 Leo IX. was chosen pope at a Diet at "Worms (Bruno Tullensis Episcopns, Teutonicus natione, et stirpe regali progenitus, see Leo Ostiensis, ii. 81), and consented at length to accept the dignity, ea conditione, si audiret, totiut He then traveled back t.. clcri ac Romani populi coramunem esse sine dubio consensum.
Toul, and thence to

Rome, pedes
sit,

longiiujuo itinere nudis plantis incedit,

populo

Romano

imperialeni de se electionem

adstanti clero brevi sermunculo promulgat eorum. vrl'jn


:

&'.

tatem, qualLscunque erga se

pandere expostulat.
laude.

Dicit electionem cleri et populi

canonicali auctoritate alionim dispositionem praeire

affirmat se gratanti

animo

in patrian:

rediturum, nisi Hat electio ejus

communi omnium

Bruno

in vita

Leonis IX. makes

him even express that resolution at the election in Worms, but then he relates in addition the following, which he himself had heard, as is highly probable, from Hildebrand. Illis autcm diebus erat ibi monachus quidam Roraanus, Ildebrandus nomine, nobilis indolis Iverat autem illuc, tum discendi gratia, adolescens, clari, ingenii, sanctaeque religionis. tum etiam ut in aliquo religioso loco sub b. Benedicti regula militaret. Hunc igitur b.
P^piscopus vocavit ad se, cujus propositum, voluatatem et religionem

mox

ut cognovi*

Cui ille, "non facio," inquit. Respondit rogavit eum, ut simul cum eo Romam rediret. Episcopus " duare non ?" At ille " Q,uia non secundum canonicam institutioneni, sed
:

per saecularem et regiam potestatem Romanam Ecclesiam arripere vadis." Ille autem ut erat natura simplex atque mitissimus, patienter ei satisfecit, reddita de omnibus, sicu Et tunc Episcopus Romam veniens praedictum monachum sccum ille voluerat, ratione. adduxit, raultum in hoc ipso b. Petro Apostolo Servians, quod ilium hominem secum reducebat, cujus consilio et sapicntia

Romana

Otto Frisingeusis,
conversation.
*

vi. c. 33,

incorrectly

makes

Ecclesia aliquando regenda et gubernanda erat. the monastery of Cliigny the eccuc of this
lib. Iviii.

See Mabillon. Annal. Bened.


council in

no. 113.
:

On

the
in

first

navit

et
)
:

Rome, 1049, see Wibcrt. ii. c. 4 Simoniacain haeresim dameodem concilio quosdam deposuit Episcopos, quos praedicta haeresis nacvo
and Petrus Damiani Opu.sc. vi. c. 3.'. (0pp. cd. C. Cajetani, simoniacorum ordinationes synodalis vigoris auctoritate cassasset
;

suae nequitiae niaciilaverat


iii.

6f

Cum omnes

protinuB a

Ilomanorum muttitudiue sacerdutuin maguae

seditionis tniiiultus oxortus eat:

PART
//.,

I. WEST.

CHAP. I.PAPACY.

$ 23.

HILDEBRAND.
death
(f

141

by legates/
solum ab
ipsis,
otficiis

But

after

Henry

Ill's

1056)

sed a plerisque diceretur Episcopis, omnes paene basilicas sacermissarum solemiiia, ad subversionem christiauae Quid religionis et desperationem omnium circumquaque fidelium, funditus omittenda. plura ? Post longa sane disceptationura hinc inde volumina tandem suggestnra est, I'eveita ut lion

dotalibus

destitatas, et praecipue

rendae memoriae nuper ejusdem sedis Episcopum decrevisse Clementem ut quicuraque a simoniaco nonsecratus asset, in ipso ordinationis suae tempore non ignorans, simoniacum esse ciii se obtulerit promovendam, xl. nunc diernm poenitentiam ageret, et sic in accepti ordinis officio niinistraret. Q.uam nimirum sententiam protinus venerabilis Leo ratam percensuit, etc. (That Leo afterward wavered between this and reordination required by Humbert, see Berengarius Turon. de Sacra coena ed. Vischer. Berol. 183-1, p. In 1049, he lield councils for the same object at H-heims and Mainz 1050, at Vercelli 40). and Sipontum lOol, at Rome 1052, at Mantua. The most complete account of the Coacil. Rhemense is extant (prim. ed. Baron, in append, tomi xi. ad ann. 1049, ap. Mansi, xix. 727) Wiien the pope came to Prance, some noblemen of the kingdom and some bishops and abbots applied to the king, and Regi suggerunt, regni sui decus annihilari, si in eo Romani Pontiticis auctoritatein dominaro permitteret vel si eidem, ut decrevcrat, occurrens praesentiae suae favorem ad cogendum concilium exhiberet. Addunt etiam, quod nuUus antecessorum ejus id reperiatur aliquando concessisse, ut ob sirailem causam in Frauciae urbes ingressus pateret alicui Papae. But when the pope could not be induced to put off the council, the king summoned his bishops to attend the army to quell certain insurrections, and hence only nineteen bishops presented themselves in Rlieims. The object of the council was to treat (Mansi, xix. 737) de multis illicit! s, quae contra canouum Post haeu ad instituta in Gallicis linibus exercebantur, i. e., de simoniaca haeresi, etc. Episcopos sermone converso commonuit illos sub anathemate apostolicae auctoritatis, ut si quis eornm ad sacros ordines per simoniacam haeresim pervenisset, vel praemio queinlibet ad eandem dignitatem promovisset, publica confessione patefaceret. Finally, edictum est sub anathemate auctoritatis apostolicae, ut si quis assidentiura quempiam universalis. Ecclesiae primatem praeter Romanae sedis antistitem esse assereret, ibidem publica CunKjue ad haec universi reticerent, lectis sententiis super hac satisfactione patefaceret. re olim promulgatis aborthodoxis Patribus, declaratum est, quod solus Romanae sedis Pontifex universalis Ecclesiae Primas esset et Apostolicus. Afterha\-ing deposed several of the bishops for simony, habitus est sermo de Episcopis, qui invitati ad synodum venire noluerant, poena damnati sunt excommunicationis, cum omnibus illis, qui ipsius Papae formidantes adventum, hac de re profecti erant in expeditionem Regis. Excommunicatus est etiam S. Jacobi Archiepiscopus Galliciensis, quia contra fas sibi vindicaret culmen apostolici nominis. ^ The Annales Altahenses (restored by Giescbrecht, p. 89), and Lambertus, ad ann. 1054, say merely that the emperor appointed him pope. But Leo Ostiens. in Chron. Casinensi, Defuncto praeterea s. memoriae P. Leone Hildebrandus, tunc Romanae Ecclesiae ii. c. 89 Subdiaconus, ad Imperatorem a Romanis transmissus est, ut, quoniam in Romana Ecclesia persona ad tantum officium idonca reperiri non poterat, de partibus illis, qnem ipse, tainen Q,uod cum vice cleri populique Romani, in Pontificem Romanum elegisset, adduceret. Imperator assensus fuisset, et Gcbhardum Aistettensem Episcopum Hildebrandus ex industria et consilio Romanorum expetivisset, tristris super hoc valde Imperator cffectus nimis enim ilium carum habebat. Et cum eundem sibi omnimodis necessarium est Imperator assereret, et alium atque alium huic officio magis idoneum jndicaret Hildebrando tamen, ut alteram reciperet, persuaderi nuUatenus potuit. Erat enim idem Episcopus, super id quod prudentia multa callebat, post Imperatorem potentior ac ditior cunctis in regno. Hunc ergo Hildebrandus, invito licet Imperatore, invito etiam eodem ipso Episcopo, Romam secum adduxit, eique Victoris nomen imponens, Romanum Papain cunctorum assensu constituit cum jam ferme a transitu P. Leonis annus elaberetur. dui, quoniam eidem praedecessori suo, \\t supra diximus (oap. 84), impedimenta maximo fuerat (unquestionably the chief ground of Hildebrand's choice) quotiens a circumpositis molestiam aliquam patiebatur, dicere solitus erat: "Mcirito haec patior," etc. > Hildebraud held the synod of lours, 10j4, as the legate of Leo IX. (not as legate of
: ;
; ; ;

142

TIIIllD

rEllIOD. DIV. II. A.D.

808-1073.

Nicolaus II} secured the election of popes by committing it to the college of cardinals^ (1059), contrary to the predominance of civil influence hitherto existing/" and gained also, as vassal
Victor II. 1055, see Bereugarius below, $ 29, note 9), then the synod of Lyons, 1055, as legate of Victor other legates held those at Licieux, 1055, at Toulouse, 1056.
;

Concerning his election Leo Ostiens. in Chron. Casin. ii. c. 100 Stephen \Y had commanded before his death, ut, is antequam Hildebrandus ab Iniperatrice, ad qus.ni mittebatur, rediret, se obiro coutingeret, nullus omnino eligerc rai)am praesumeret, sed usque ad illius reditum apostolica sedes intacta vacaret, ejus dcmum consilio ordJuanda (this account is from Petr. Damiani, lib. iii. Ep. 4), c. 101 The ojiposite party, led by the count of Tusculuni, immediately elected Benedict X. Pctrus Damiani uno cum Cardinalibus coepit obsistere, reclamare ac anathematizare; sed omnes hi tandem per diverse Hildebrandus revcrsus ab Imperatrice incjacti sunt litabula fugere. iii. c. 13: Cum vasam a pessimis homiuibus Ecclesiam comperisset, Florentiac substitit, suisque Uteris super hoc Romanorum meliores conveniens, eorumque ad omnia conscnsum recii)iens, mox annitentc Gotfrido Duce, Girardum Floreutiuam Episcopum in liomanum Papam
*
:

elegit,

simulque

electus a

cum ipso et Duce Romam mense jam Januario venit, ubi praefatus Romano clero et populo apostolica sede inthronizatus et Nicolai nomen indep-

tus est. According to Lambert von Aschaft'enburg ad ann. 1C59, Nicolaus had been nominated by the empress, and the cunning Hildebrand availed himself of this pretext. BeneStenzel's Gesch. Deutschlands unter den frank. dict X. was obliged to submit at once. Kaisern, i. 195. Voigt's Hildebrand, S. 39. ' Clericus Cardinalis or incardinatus is Clericus primarius certo coetui addictus, Titularis,

as opposed to the
is

Commends,
3).

vicars and assistant clergy.

The expression,

Cardinalis

Pontifex,

found to have been

ordinarius (dist. xxiv. c.

employed by Pope Gelasius, in the sense of Episcopus Afterward, frequently in Gregory the Great, Cardinalis episfirst
c.

copus,

c.

sacerdos,

c.

presbj'ter,

diaconus, also the expression incardinare aliquem.


is

bishop whose church

was taken by enemies, and who

provisionally set over another

vacant church as bishop, in ilia Ecclesia incardinatur, and becomes Cardinalis illius EccleIn like manner, Gregorius M. lib. ii. Ep. 37. In an siae, see Liber diurnus, c. iii. tit. xi. old ritual, ap. Baronius ann. 1057, it is said of the Lateran Church: Haec vii. Cardinales Kpiscopos habcbat, qui dicebantur collaterales et hebdomadarii, eo quod singulis hebdomadibus per vices cxplereut munus Pontificis. In Pope John VIII. is found Cardiuis Ecclesiae Romanae Presbyter (Ep. 89), Diaconus cardinis Ecclesiae Ravennatensis (Ep.
220).

The Cone. Meldense ann.


So
in all
:

845, c. 45 (Mansi, xiv. 831). calls the offices of

them

tituli

churches (but remarkable in Lconis IX. Ep. i. ad Michael Patr. Const, c. 32, ap. Mansi, xix. 653 Undo clerici summae sedis Cardiuides dicuntur: cardini ntique illi, quo caetera moventur, vicinius ndhacrentes), abolished in Ravennae as late as 1568 by Pius V. Comp. Onuphrius Pauvinius de Cardinalium originc in the Spicileg.
cardinales.

Rom.

ix. 469.

Buddeus de Originc
medii aevi,
'"

Thomassini Vet. et nov. Ecclesiae discipl. P. i. lib. ii. cap. 113-116. J. F. cardinalitate dignitatis. Jenae. 1C93. 12. Muratori Antiquitt. Itai.

v. 156.

electione Rom. Pontificis, passed at a Roman synod in April, 1059 (Henricus Episc. Spirensis ad Hildebrandum P., Codex Udalrici, no. 162, in Eccprdi Corpus hist, medii aevi, ii. 172 Hujus consilii, seu dccreti tu ipse auctor, persuasor suhscriptorque fuisti), preserved in two different texts. The one in the Chronicon Farfenso (composed about 1100) in Muratorii Rcr. Ital. script, ii. ii. 645; in Udalrici Babenbcrg. (^odex epistolaris (collected 112.5) no. 9; in P^ccardi Corpus histor. medii aevi, ii. 21;

Decretum de

and in the Cod. Vatican, no. 1984, written about 1100, best in Pcrtz, iv. ii. 176, runs tinis Dccernimus atque statuimus, ut obeunte hujus Romanae universalis Ecclesiae Pontifice,
:

in primis Cardinales diligentissima simul consideratiime tractantes, salvo debito honore,


lilii nostri Heinrici, qui in praesentiarum Rex habctur, et futurus Imperator Deo concedente speratur, sicut jam sibi, mcdiante ejus nautio Longobardiae Cancellario W. (Wibert who was afterward rival pope of Clement III., who was present,

et revcrcntia dilectissimi

PART

I.WEriT.

CHAP. 1. PAPACY.
see,

23.

HILDEBRAND.

143

and protector of the papal

Robert Guiscard, duke of the

see Bonizo ap. Oefele, ii. 806) concessimus, et snccessoruni illius, qui ab hac aposcclica sede personaliter hoc jus impetraverint, ad concensum novae electionis accedant ut
:

nimirum, ne venalitatis morbus qualibet occasione subrepat, religiosi viri cum reverendissimo filio nostra Rege Heinrico praeduces sint in promovenda Pontificis electione reliqui autem sequaces. Eligant autem de ipsius Ecclesiae gremio, s: reperitur idoucus vel si de ipsa non invenitur, ex ali assumatur. Q.uod si pravorum atque iniquorum hooiinum ita perversitas invaluerit, ut pura, sincera, atque gratuita electio fieri in Urbe non possit licet tantum pauci sint, jus tamen potestatis obtineant eligei'e apostolicae sedis Pontificem,
; ;

ubi

cum

invictissimo

Rege

congruentius judicaverint.
dist. xxiii.

The

second text in Hugonis Floriut

acensis (about 1120) Tract, de regia potest, et sacerdotali dignitate in Baluzii Miscell. Ub.
iv. p. 62, ss.

and in Gratiani Decret.

cap. 1:

Decernimus atque statuimus,

obeunte hujus

Romanae

universalis Ecclesiae Pontifice imprimis Cardinales Episcopi

diligentissime simul de electione tractautes


reliquus clerus et populus ad

mox

ipsi Clericos Cardinales adhibeant, sicque


:

consensum novae

electionis accedat

niniirum praecaventes.

ne venalitatis morbus aliqua occasione subrepat.


sint in

promovenda

Pontificis electione, reliqui

imus

electionis ordo perpenditur, si perspectis

Et ideo religiosissimi viri praeduces autem sequaces. Certus vero atque legitdiversorum Patrum regulis s. gestis etiam
:

ilia b.

Leonis praedecessoris nostri seutentia recolatur

"Nulla," inquit, "ratio

sinit,

ut

inter Episcopos habeantur, qui nee a clericis sunt electi, nee a plebibus expetiti, nee a

coraprovincialibus Episcopis

cum

Metropolitani judicio consecrati."

Q,uia vero sedes

apostolica cunctis in orbe terrarum praefertur Ecclesiis, atque idco supra se Metropoli-

tanum habere non potest: Cardinales Episcopi procul dubio Metropolitani vice funguntur, qui videlicet electum Episcopum ad apostolici culminis apicem provehant. Eligatur autem de ipsius Ecclesiae gremio, si reperitur idoueus vel si de ipsa non invenitur, ex
;

assumatur salvo debito honore et revercntia dilecti filii nostri Henrici, qui impraesentiarum Rex habetur, et futurus Imperator Deo concedente speratur; sicut jam sibi concessimus, et successoribus illius, qui ab apostolica sede personaliter hoc jus impetraveQuodsi pravorum atque ini(iuoruni hominum ita perversitas invaluerit, ut pura, rint. Cardinales Episcopi cum religiosis sincera atque gi'atuita fieri in Urbe non possit electio
alia
:
:

clericis, catholicisque laicis, licet paucis, jus potestatis

obtineant eligere apostolicae sedis

Pontificem, ubi congruere* viderint.

The

following writh a few unimportant deviations,


facta, si bellica
si

agrees in both texts

Plane postquam electio fuerit

tempestas, vel qualis-

cumque hominum

conatus, malignitatis studio restiterit, ut

qui electus est in apostolica

obtineat auctoritatem regendi

sede justa consuetudiuem inthronizari non valeat: electus tamen, sicut venis Papa, Romanam Ecclesiam, et disponendi omnes facultates illius.

Quod b. Gregorium ante suam consecrationem fecisse cognovimus. (iuod si quis contra hoc nostrum dccretum synodali senteutia promulgatum, per seditionem vel praesumtiouem quolibet ingenio electus, aut etiam ordinatus s. inthronizatus fuerit; auctoritate divina et
SS. Apostolorum Peti-i et Pauli perpetuo anathemate cum suis auctoribus, fautoribus et sequacibus a limine sanctae Dei Ecclesiae separatus, abjicialur sicut Antichristus, invasor, It is generally assumed that the former text is genuine, and that the second origietc. nated by interpolation, made with a view to the papal interest, during the disputes about But if we are to believe Anselm, bishop of Lucca, who, contra Guibertum investitui-e.

Wicbertus aut sui, ut suae parti P. lib. ii. (Bibl. PP. Lugd. xviii. 609), a.d. 1081, writes favorem adscribcrent, quaedam in eodem decreto addendo quaedam mutando ita illnd reddiderunt a se dissidens, ut aut pauca aut nulla exemplaria sibi concordantia valeant iaveniri the first text rather originated by an interpolation which the party of the antag:

onist pope,

Clement

III.,

had undertaken.

For

this also the following considerations

may

be alleged:
assigned to

The them in
1.

cardinal bishops had certainly received in the decree the privileges


the second text.

Nicolaus

II.
si

himself gives the statement thus in

his synodical letter, ap. Mansij xix. 907:

Ut

quis apostolicae sedi sine concordia et

canonica electione, ac benedictione Cardinalium Episcoporum, ac deinde sequentium ordinum religiosorum clericorum inthronizatur, non Papa vel Apostolicus habeatur. Petri Damiani, lib. i. Ep. 20, ad Cadolaum, a.d. lOCl Cunj electio ilia per Episcoporum Cat:

144

THIRD PERIOD. DIV.


in southern Italy. '^

II. A.D. 858-1073.

Normans,

Alexander II. was even (1061) any regard to the young king. It is true that the Roman noblemen now sought for support at the imperial court, remembering their former influeleeted solely by the cardinals, without

ence over the choice of popes.


dinalium
tertio
fieri

Ilonorius 11}"^ was chosen in

ilebeat principalo judicium, sccundo loco jure praebeat Clerus assensurn,


attollat

poi)ulafis favor

applausuni

regiae celsitudinis consulatur auctorita.?.

sicque suspciidenda est causa, usque duni This position was also taken bj' tlie cardinal
:

bishops at the next elections, for example, at that of Gregory VII. (Baron. 1073, no. 20) and Urban II. (Cliron. Casin. iv. 2.) On the contrary, tliej' had not cooperated in the choice
of

Clement

III.,

and therefore bis party had cause

for

undertaking

this alteration.

2.

The

imperial rights are as indefinitely expressed in the second text, as one might expect from Hildebrand. The more precise definations respecting them in the first text correspond
entirely to the choice of Wibert,
A.D. 1080.
3.

which took place in the presence of Henry IV. in Brixa, During the disputes about investiture, the papal party would not by any means have been satisfied with an interpolation of the decree, such as the changing of the first text into the second would have been on the contrarj-, the heads of this party, Desiderius, abbot of Cassino, Anselm, bishop of Lucca, Bonizo, declared it to be invalid. (See Div. II. 47, note.) Comp. Ed. Cunitz de Nicolai II. decreto de electione Pontiff.
;

Rom. diss. hist. crit. Argentor. 1837. i. " His right to Sicily he proved from a copy of the
ij

act of investiture of Otto


si

I.

(see above,

22,

note 13) in which, in the passage, necnon patrimoniura Sicilae,


48.

dcus

illud nostris

was left out. See Cenni Monumcnta dorainationis two forms of the oath, ap. Baronius ad ann. 1059, notes 70 and 71, more complete in Borgia's Breve istoria del dominio temporale, etc. Append, nr. iii. p. 23 First oath Ego Robertus Dei gratia et S. Petri Dux Apuliae ot Calabriae, ct utroque
cradiderit manibus, etc., the last clause
pontificiae,
ii.

Tiie

subveniente futurus Siciliae ad confirmatiouem traditiouis et ad recognitionem fidelitatis de omni terra, quam ego proprie sub dominio meo teneo, et quam adhuc nlli Ultramontanoi-um unquam concessi, ut teneat: promitto me annualiter pro nuoquoque jugo boum pensionem, scilicet xii. denarios papiensis monetae, persoluturum b. Petro, etc. Second oath Ego Robertus, etc., ah hac liora et deinceps ero fidelis s. Romanae Ecclesiae, et tibi Domino meo Nicolao Papae. In consilio vel in facto, unde vitam aut membrum
:

mala captione, non ero. Consilium, quod mihi credideris, ct contrane illud manifestem non manifestabo ad tuum damnum, me scieute, s. Romanae Ecclesiae ubique adjutor ero ad tenendum et ad acquirendum regalia S. Petri cjusque
perdas, aut captus sis
dices,

possessiones pro

teneas

meo posse, contra omnes homines et adjuvabo te, ut secure et honorifice Papatum Romanum, terramque S. Petri, et principatum nee invadere, nee acquirere quaeram, nee etiam depraedari praesumam absque tua tuorumque successorum
;
:

certa

licentia. Omnes quoque Ecclesias, quae in mea persistunt dcniinntipne, cum earum possessionibus dimittam in tua potestate. Et defensor ero illarum ad fidelitatem s. Romanae Ecclesiae. Et si tu, vol tui succcssores ante me ex liac \ita migravcritis, secundum quod monitus fuero a melioribus Cardinalibus, clericis Romanis ct laicis, adjuvabo ut Papa eligatur et ordinetur ad honorem S. Petri. '^ Leo Ostieusis in Chron. Casin. iii. c. 21 Defuncto apud Florentiam Apostolico cum
:

maxima

seditio inter

Romanos

cocpisset de ordinando PontiHco cxoriri

Hildebrandus

Archidiaconus
valesceret,

Pontificem
tricis

cum Cardinalibus nobilibusque Romanis consilio habito, ne dissensio con Ansehnum tandem Lucensem Episcojmm post iii. circiter menses in Romamim eligunt, eun.que Alexandruiti vocari decernunt. Q.uod cum ad aures Imperafilii

ejusque

pervenisset, indigi-atione nimia ducti, (piod hacc sine illoruni consensu

et auctoritate gesta fuissent, et ipsi aihilominus

Cadolaum Pannensem Ei)iscoi)um


valida
:

ultrn

montes in Papam
multa transmittunt.
ftoniani

eligi faciunt,

coronam

et

manu militum et pccunii> Romae Nicolao Papu dcfuncic Bertholdus Constant, ad ann. lOGl alia munera .Heimico Regi transmiserunt, eumquc pro eligeudo

eumquc llomam cum

PART
Basel, and

I.WEST.

CHAP. I.PAPACY.
into

153.

HILDEBRAND.

145

made a triumphal entry

Rome; but when Anno,

archbishop of Cologne, had taken on himself the regency (1062), the general endeavor to weaken the royalty led the German
potentates to take Alexander
saken.'^

Honorius II. was forII.'s side. Alexander was able to appear even in Germany, hierAfter archically ruling as none of his predecessors had done.'* Alexander's death (1073), Hildebrand himself assumed the papal dignity,'* under the name of Gregory VII., to begin the great struggle of the papacy with the imperial power for the mastery.'
sammo
Pontifice interpellaverunt.
Clui

ad se convocatis omnibus

Italiae

Episcopis

eadem imposita corona Patricias Romanorum Deinde cum communi consilio omnium Parmensem Episcopum elegit appellatus est. Pontificem. At tbis council at Basel also took place what Petrus Damiani Discept. Rectores aulae synodalis (0pp. iii. p. 31), makes the defensor Rom. Ecclesiae relate regiae cum nonnullis Episcopis conspirantes contra Romam Ecclesiam concilium colgeneralique conventu Basileae habito,

legistis,

quo Papam (Nicolaum) quasi per synodalem sententiam condemnastis, et omnia quae ab eo fuerant statuta cassare incredibili prosus audacia praesumpsistis. In quo nimirum nou dicam judicio, sed praejudicio idipsum quoque privilegium, quod Regi praedictus Papa contulerat vacuastis. Those in favor of the kingly power asserted, according

Eorura Dominum, ut heredem regni, ita heredem fore patriciatus, so Comp. Stenzel's Gescli. that no particular papal investiture of the latter was needed. Deutschlands unter den frank. Kaisern i. 203. Annales Allahenses von W. Giescbrecht,
to Bonizo, p. 807
:

S. 156.
'^

J.

Voigt's Hildebrand, S. 54.

At the synod at Augsburg (Oct. 1062) for which Peter wrote the Disceptatio synodalis inter Regis Advocatum et Romanae Ecclesiae defensorem (0pp. iii. 25, ap. Baron, ann.
1062, note 22,

are well explained.

Mansi, xix. 1001), in which the relations of that time, and different views, At the synod of Mantua (1064, see Annales Altah. v. Giescbrecht, S. Honorius remained confined to Parma, but 183) Alexander was generally acknowledged. never renounced his claims (t 1072). '* He refased Henry IV. 's request for a divorce, by his legate Petrus Damiani (Larass.,

berti

Annales ad ann. 1069, ap. Pertz,


1070).

vii. 174),

then he

summoned
answer
for

the archbishops of

Mainz and Cologne and the bishop of Bamberg


ad ann.
'^

to

Rome
:

to

simony (Lambertus

Alexander Papa decessit. Cui Ro1073, ap. Pertz, vii. 194 mani protinus inconsulto Rege successorem elegerunt Hildebrandum. Is quoniam zelo Dei ferventissimus erat, Episcopi Galliaram protinus grandi scrupulo permoveri coeperunt, ne vir vehementis ingenii et acris erga Deum fidei districtius eos pro negligentiis Atque ideo communibus omnes cousiliis Rcgem adorti, suis quandoque discuteret. orabant, ut electionem, quae ejus injussu facta fuerat, in'itam fore deceraeret; asserentcs, quod nisi impetum hominis praevenire maturaret, malum hoc non in alium gravius quam On this account, Heniy sent Count Eberhard to in ipsuni Regem redundaturum asset. Rome. Hildebrand declared to him, se Deo teste honoris hujus apicem nnnquani per ambitionem affectasse, sed electum se a Romauis, et violenter sibi impositam fuisse eccogi tamen nullo modo potuisse, ut ordinari se permitclesiastici regiminis necessitatem teret, donee in electionem suam tam Regem quam priucipes Teutonic! regni consensisse

Lambertus ad ann.

certa legatione cognosceret

hac ratione distulisse adhuc ordinationem suam, et sine

dubio dilaturum, donee sibi voluntatem Regis certus inde veniens nuncms intimaret. Hoc ubi Regi est renunciatum, libenter suscepit satisfactionem, et laetissimo suffragio ut ordinaretur naaudavit.
'* How completely every thing had hitherto bowed beneath the overbearing spirit of Hildebrand is seen from Petrus Damiani's epigrams (t 1072), de Papa et Hildebrando (apBaron. ann. 1061, no. 34 and 35)
:

VOL

U.

10

14G

THIRD PERIOD.DIV.

II. A.D. 85S-1073.

SECOND CHAPTER.
HISTORY OP THE EPISCOPAL HIERARCHY.

24.

RELATIONS OF THE PRELATES TO THE SECULAR POWER.


Planck's Gesch. d
U'l-spruugs d.
kirclil. Gesellschaftsverfassung, iii. 411. K. O. Hiillraaun's Gesch. d. Stande iii Deutschland, 2te Ausg. Berliu. 18.30. S. 219, tf. C. Montags Eicbboru's deutscbe Staats a. Gesch. d. deutscheu staatsbiirgerl. Freibeit, ii. 79. Rechtsgesch. ii. 58.

The

secular power of the prelates had been gradually increas-

ing in the Frank empire, by the acquisition of royal prerogatives


in times of disorder/
Papam
till

at length the kings of


sed te prostratus adoro
te facit ipse
:

Germany,

espe-

rite colo,

Tu

facis "nunc

dominum,

Deum.
:

Vivere vis Romae, clara depromito voce Plus domino Papae quam Domno parco Papae.

Conip. ejusd. Epist. ii. 8, ad Hildebrauduni Tuis coeptis tuisque couatibus semper obtemperare couteudi, et in omnibus tuis certamiuibus atque victoriis ego me non commilitonem sive pedissequum, sed quasi fulmen injcci. ftuod enim certamen unquam coepisti, ubi protinus ego non essem et litigator et judex? Ubi scilicet non aliam auctoritatem canonum, nisi solum tuae voluntatis sequebar arbitrium, et racra tua voluntas mibi canonum erat auctoritas. Nee unquam judicavi, quod visum est mibi, sed quod placuit tibi. Peter's complaints against Hildebrand refer to the refusal of the latter to allow him to lay down bis bishopric of Ostia, and retire to solitude. Thus, for instance, the passage, Ep. Sed adhuc fortasse blandus ille tj-rannns, qui mibi i. 16 (ap. Baron, ann. 1061, no. 37) Neroniana semper pietate condoluit, qui me colapbisando dcmulsit, qui me certe aquilino Ecce latibulam petit, et (nt ita loquar) nnguc palpavit, banc querelus crumpet in vocem sub colore poenitcntiae Roniam subterfugere quaerit, acccssum lucrari machinatur de Sed ego sancto Satanae meo respondeo, inobedientia, etotium caeteria in bella ruentibus. quod filii Ruben et Gad Moysi ductori suo rcspondisse dicuutur Nos, inqniunt, armati et accincti pergemus ad praelium ante filios Israel, donee iutroducamus in loca sua, etc. (Num. xxxii. 17). Hoc itaqne modo comitaturus quidem vos arma corripio, sed vobis duco
: : :

Christo post bella victoribus,


'

mox

rccedo.

Comp.

9,

age, and

tolls,

note 5. Thus grants conferring privileges connected with markets, coinand penal judicature, were multiplied. Lewis the Infant, who was especi-

Comni. de Ludov IV. Infante. G>Jt'ing. Corvey (900) the bishops of Treves (f C2, see Bohmer's Regesta Karolorum, S. 11.'")) and of Tongern (908) and others, the privileges of counts (Gatterer, 1. c. p. 53). Henry I. a.d. 928, bestows on tho bishop of Toul the dukedom and dignity of the city Toul, the first instance of this sort. Bohmer's Regesta v Conrad I. bis Heinricb VII. 8. 3. Thomassinns, P. iii. lib. i. c. 28 and 30. Montag, i. ii. 41, 48; ii. 86. Hullmann's Gesch. d. Ursprungs d. Rcgalien in Deutschland. Frankf.
ally profuse in his gifts to the clergy (Gatterer

1759. p. 34), first conferred on the abbot of

Lc.

UU6

PART

I.WEST.

CHAP.

II. HIERARCHY.

24.

PRELATES

147

cially since the time of Otto J., found it to their advantage to balance the overgrown power of their nobles by transferring to By this means, for the the prelates whole counties as fiefs.

present, the dependence of the prelates on the kings

was
;

secured."^

They were
stantly to
*

most part appointed by the kings ^ had conbe installed in office by them ^ take the oath of allefor the
;

Otto

I.

invested his brother Bruno, archbishop of Cologne, wilh the

dukedom

of

Lorrain, but merely in his

own

person.

Besides this he bestowed on his newly-found-

ed bishoprics of Magdeburg, Brandeburg, etc., the privileges of a count. In particular, the emperors Otto III. and Henry II. bestowed numerous counties on different churches. See Thomassini Vet. et nov. eccl. discipl. P. iii. lib. i. c. 26-32 Montag, ii. 90, 197. HiiU-

mann"s Gesch.
script, rer.

d.

Stande,
t. i.

S. 276.

Camp, the

old

German
:

chronicle in Leibnitii Introd. in

from the times of Otto I. Da begunten zuerst die Bischoffo weltliche Richte zu haben, das dauchte damals umbillig manchen Manne. How such endowments were sometimes obtained may be learned from the vita Meinwerci Ep. Paderb. c. 79. (Leibnit. Script, rer. Brunsv. t. i. p. 544.) Meinwerk beset the emperor Henry II. to give him the estate Ervete (curtis Ervete sita in pago Westfalon), and at length obtained it with the words: "Tu odium Dei omniumque Sanctorum ejus habeas, qui me bonis concessis cum detrimento regui spoliare non cessts." Episcopus auteni privilegium cum niana in altum exaltans "Beatus es," ait, " Henrice, et bene tibi erit, cui pro hac oblatioue caelum patebit, cujus anima cum Sanctis sempiterna possidebit talis oblatio peccatorum fit gaudia. Videte omues populi, considerate fideles universi Hoc quiquo fideles abolitio; hoc sacrificium Deo acceptabile aniraabus fit propitiabile.
Brunsvic.
p. 13,
:

pro posse suae facultatis imitari studeant; ut pro temporalibus aelerna, pro transitoriis rcansura obtinere valeant." Other instances of spiritual impudence, such as his wringing from the emperor the gift of a goblet, of an altar-cloth, etc may be seen in the same work.
,

82: Episcopus autcm quoddani Iraperatcvis tegmcn egregium, praecipui decoris et mirifici operis pallium, saepenumero obtinere desi.^e^ans, effectu caruit; donee quadam die Imperatori pluribus intcnto illud fortnito rnpuit. Imperator vero Episcopum
Still farther, c.

ae rapinae incusans

Je vitio talionem debitam suo se tempore redditurum perhibuit afterward led him astray by a private alteration in his missal, so that he prayed pro muU? On the gifts of Conrad II. see Stenzel's et mulabus instead of famulis et famulabus. Gesch. Deutschlands unter den fn'tnk. Kaisern, ii. 127, during Henry Fourth's minority
:

ibid. p. 135,
3

ff.

subject to the royal confirmation, and hence they

which many churches had, was continualiy were for the most part apparent rather than real. The king often pointed out to the electors the person to be chosen, as Henry II. did Tagino 1004 to be archbp. of Magdeburg (Thietmar, v. 24, ap. Pertz, v. 802), 1012, Walor he did not confirm a choice, but appointed another, as Henry terd (Thietmar, vi. 44) did in the cases of Meingaud, archbp. of Treves, 1008 (Thietmar, vi. 25) and Himrao abbot of Reichenau(Hennann. Contractus ad ann. 1006, ap. Pertz, vii. 118.) At a disputed election None in Halberstadt, Otto III. nominated a third as bishop, Arnulf, 995 (Thietmar, iv. 17). doubted the right of the king. Pope John X. objects to Archbp. Hermann of Cologne that he had consecrated Hilduin, bishop of Tongern, contrary to the will of Charles the Simple, cum prisca c-in?uetudo vigeat, qualiter nuUus alicui clerico episcopatum conferre debeat.

For even the

privilege of free choice,

nisi

Rex

cui divir.itu.? scsptra collata sunt (Mansi, xviii. 320; cf Flodoardi Hist. Eccl
920).

Rhem. adann.

Huhmann,

S. 289.

Montag,

ii.

119.

Planck,

iii.

406.

Hence
923),

Sigis-

'mund, bishop of Halberstadt,

when

sick, advises his


:

chaplain Bernhard

(.4.1).

whom

he wished to succeed him (Thietmar, i. 12) vade ad cnrtem regiam, sumens ex mea parte, quae tibi sint ad haec necessaria, et acquire gratiam et auxili<im ibi optime valentiiim, ut Bernhard follows his advice, et praedicti tibi liceat sine omni oH'ensione mihi succedere. Regis (Henrici I.) munere, quod postulat (^onsequitur. * Even as early as Clovis in Dipl. a. 508 (ap. Bouquet iv. 616) duicquid est fisii uiistri
:

148

THIRD PERIOD. DIV.

II. AD. 658-1073.

giance to them, like other vassals f follow them to the wars in times of exigency f appear frequently at court ;" and were often de-

posed by them.^

In this

way

they drew on themselves the envy

-per annulum tradimus. Of Clovis. II. 623, it is said in tlie vita S. Romani Ep. Rtithomag. Baculum illi contulit pastoralem. In like manner Lewis the German invested vyith the staff' (vita Remberti, c. 4, Act. SS. Febr. i. 562), and Aniulf (Adam. Brem. i. 39), and Otto I. (Thietmar, ii. 16). Henry II. gave Walterd the ring as a pledge that he would invest him with the staff (Thietmar, vi. 44). So also Conrad II. did to Bardo (vita Bardonis Archiep. Mogunt, c. 24, in the Act. SS. Jun. ii. 381). The custom of investire per br, ?ulum et annulum did not originate till a later time. Natal. Alex. Hist. eccl. saec. xi. ty xii. diss. iv. Mosheim Institutt. hist. eccl. p. 408, note r. Hulhrann, S .^53. Montag, i. ii.
lee,
^
ii.

127.

Planck,

iii.

462.

These oaths seem to have become customary under Charlemagne. It is true that the Episcopi apud Carisiacum congregati in Epist. ad Lndov. Reg. Germ. ann. 858 cap. 15 Et nos Episcopi Domino cousccrati non (Bakizii Capitt. ii. p. 119) complain of them sumxis hujusmodi homines, ut sicut liomines saeculares in vassalatico debeamus nos cuilibet commendare aut jurationis sacramcntum, quod nos evangelica et apostolica atque canonica auctoritas vetat, debeamus quoquo modo facere. Manus enim chrismate sacro peruncta, quae de pane et vino aqua mixto per orationem et crucis signum conficit corpus Christi et sanguinis sacramentum, abominabile est, quicquid ante ordiiiationem fecerit, ut post ordinationem episcopatus saeculare tangat ullo modo sacramentum. Et lingua Episcopi, quae facta est per Dei gratiam clavis caeli, nefarium est, ut, sicut saecularis quilibet, super sacra juret in nomine Domini et Sanctorum invocatione. Et si aliquaudo sacrameuta ab Epis:

copis exacta aut facta fuerunt, contra Deum et ecclesiasticas regulas, quae Spiritu S. dictatae et Christi sunt sanguine conlirmatae, irrita s. Scripturae pagiuis declarantur, et

But exigentes atque facientes medicamento exinde salutaris poenitentiae indigent. Hincmar, probably the author of this letter, was himself obliged to take the oath a second time, 876, at the Synodus Pontigonensis (Baluz. ii. 250. Pertz, iii. 533). In proportion as the prerogatives of the prelates were afterward multiplied, those difficulties in the way of
taking the oatli disappeared. Thomassini Vet. et nov. eccl. discipl. P. ii. lib. ii. c. 48. Montag, Bd. 1. Th. 1. S. 180. * They were even obliged to lead their troops in person. Ex. gr. Gerardus in vita
Udalrici

Ep. August,

(in

Mabillon. Act. SS. ord. Bened. saec.

v. p. 416), cap. 3

Concessum

est Udalrico Episcopo, ut Adalberto in ejus vice itinera hostilia

cum

militia episcopali in

voluntatem Imperatoris perageret, et in curte Imperatoris ejus vice assiduitate servitii moraretur. Hence the prelates regularly accompanied the armies in the tenth century.

Hullmann, S. 272. Montag, ii. Ill, 200. Planck, iii. 4t;3. How great the public calls were appears from the fact of the Abbey of Lorch, in the lUh century, having to furnish 1200 men (cod. Lauresham, i. 183). It was even usual for tbem to take part in the battle in person. Thus Liutbert. archbishop of Mainz, fought against the Normans (Annal. Fuld. ad ann. 872. Pertz, i. 385); against the Sorabes (1. c ad ann. 874) finally twice still against the Nonnans (1. c. ad ann. 883 and 68,')). Bishop A.rno of \Vurzbnrg attacked the Slav.nians (Regino ad ann. 892. Pertz, i. 605), Henry, bishop of Augsburg, with many other bishops, and Werner, abbot of Fulda, 982, the Saracens (Lambertus, ap. Pertz, v. 65). Comp. Thietmar, ii. 17, ap. Pertz, v. 752. Michael, bishop of Ratisbon, accompanies the Bavarian princoB against Hungary. The battle is lost. Episcopus autem abscisa suiraet auricula, et caeteris sauciatus membris cum intcrfectis quasi mortuus latuil. A Hungarian is about Tunc iste confortatus in Domino post longum mutui agonis Irctamen victor to kill him.
;

hostem prostravit, et inter multas itineris asjieritates incolumis notos pervenit ad fines Inde gaudium grego sue exoritur, et omni Christum cognoscenti. Excipitur ab omnibus miles bonus in clero, et servatur optimus pastor in populo, et fuit cjusdem mntilatio non ' Hullmann, S. 274. Montag, ii. 115, 202. ad dedecns, sed ad houorem magis.
*

The Cone.
5),

Tribur. aun. 892,

c. 10,

after the

example

of the Cone. Carthag.


xii

i.

(sec above,

20, note

decrees ut nullus Episcopus deponatur nisi a

Gpiscopis, Preibyter t sex.

PART

I.WEST.
^

CHAP. II. HIERARCHY.

? 24.

PRELATES.

149

and were often, particularly the abbots, deand were forced to bestow many church possessions in feudal tenure, which soon after became heritable,
of the nobility
;

frauded by their

bailiffs,^"

in order to obtain

men

fit for

military service.''

Spiritual places

were conferred, especially by petty princes in Italy and France, from unworthy motives, or even sold/^ The kings of Germany
without specifying the pope as sole judge of bishops according to However, even that decree was not by any means adhered to as a form. The bishops were deposed at once by feudal lords for felony. Thus, by Henry II. were deposed the bishop of Asti (Amulph. Mediol. i. 16), by Conrad II. the archbishop of Milan, and the bishops of Vercelli, Cremona, and Piacenza (Wippo in vitaConradi II. ed. Pistorii, The deposition of Amulph, archbishop of Rheims ( 22, note 21), could only have p. 441). been contested by the pope against a weak prince, and with imperial support. Planck,

Diaconus a

tribus,

Pseudo-Isidore.

iii.

Hiillmann, S. 237. Montag, ii. 17, 79. Abo, Abbas Eloriacensis (t 1004), canones, $ 2 (in Mabillonii Vett. analecta, p. 13-5) Defensores Ecclesiarura, qui dicuntur, hodie contra auctoritatem legum et canonum sibi defenduut quod fuerat juris Ecclesiarum sicque violentiam Clericis et Monachis ingerendo, res Ecclesiarum seu Monasteriorum usufructnario diripiunt, colonos in paupertatem redigunt, possessioues Ecclesiarum non augent, sed minuunt et ijuorum defensores esse

443, 467.

'0

debuerant, cos vastant.

Patet rcnim copia cunctis hoslibus praedae, ncc parant saltern vel verbis obviam ut resistant, qui se putant non jam Advocatos, sed dominos dum post abscessum hostium consumunt quidquid fiierit residuum. Denique idcirco videmus eccle:

monasteria quaedam diruta, quaedam ad summam inopiam redacta, quia multi se ultro offerentes sub advocationis obtentu de possessionibus, de reditibus, de oblasias destructas,

tionibus

maximam

portionem intercipiunt,

quam

Ecclesiastici capere debuerant.

Hiill-

mann, S. 250. Montag, ii. 222. Planck, iii. 611. " Hincmari Epist. ad Carol. Calv. pro Hincm. Laudunensi (0pp.
Porro Episcopus

ed. Sirmond, ii. 324): de rebus Ecclesiae propter militiam beneficium donat, aut filiis patrum, qui eidem Ecclesiae profuerunt, et patribus utiliter succedere poterunt, quoniam, ut quidam scripsit, nisi vitulus nuti'iatur, bos aratro non jungitur, aut talibus dare debet, qui idonei sunt reddere Caesari quae sunt Caesaris, et quae sunt Dei Deo. A quibus, vel ab eo, qui diu et Ecclesiae utilitatibus ac necessitatibus profuit, et reipublicae ac militiae utilie fuit, et infirmitate vel aetate confectus jam per se ipsum ea exequi non valet, praecipue autem sibi servientem filium habenti, qui pro eo haec valeat, exequi, si Episcopus beneficium quaecunque occasionO' abstulerit non abhorret a ratione, si non accuset Episcopum ad publicos judices, quod non licet, sed ad vos se reclamat de beneficio militiae. Egbert, archbishop of Treves, complains, 981 (Honthemii Hist. Trevir. i. 321) Ipsius Episcopii (Trevirensis) maxima par* militibus in beneficium distributa, ita ut nulli lacorum propria hereditate prodesse possem. Montag, ii. 109. " Comp. Attonis Ep. Vercellensis (about 950) Lib. de pressuris ecclesiasticis (d'Achery Spicileg. i. 414, ss.), p. 421 Irreligiosi principes haec omnia parvipendentes, suum tantummodo in his [electionibus Episcoporum] parant praevalere edictum. Solent etiam admodum indignari, si vel ab aliis aliquis, cujuscumque meriti sit, Episcopus eligatur, vel si a se electus, cujusctinque pravitatis sit, ab aliquo reprobetur. Illorum sane,' quos ipsi eligunt, vitia, quamvis multa et magna sint, velut nulla tamen reputantur. Cluorum quidem in examinatione non charitas et fides vel spes inquiruntur, sed divitae, affinitas, P. 423 Q,uidam autem adeo mente et corpore obcaecantur, et obsequium considerantur. ut ipsos etiam parvulos ad pastoralem promovere curam non dubitent, quos nee mente nee corpore idoneos esse constet. Rident plurimi, alii quasi de infantis honore gaudentes, alii tamen clarum et manifestum praestigium deridentes. Ipse quoque parvuhis de aliquibns inteiTogatus capitulis, quae si praeparare poterit raemoriter reddet, vel in aliquo tiemens leget pittachio, non episcopalera timens perdere gratiara, sed magistri incurrere virgam. (Thus Count Heribert of Vermandois, 925, forced his son, Hugo, five years old,

cum

150

THIRD PERIOD.-OIV.

IT. AD.

S.-*8-1073.

seUlomer allowed themselves to iipur the gnilt of simony, and several of them opposed it/^ especially Henry III. ;'^ but during
the minority of

Henry

IV.,

it

was praetiwi by

his guardians in

a scandalous manner.'^

In France the prelates lost most of their rtgalia under the Capet family but still they continued to be as dependent as ever on the kings, whose protection they needed igainst the attacks of the nobles.' Thus the principles which \\ere now
;

as ardibishop on

tlie

Hist. Eccles. lllieni.

clmrch at Rlieims, and got liim confirmed by Pope John X. Floloardi iv. c. 20.) Hence Atto, p. 427, thus announces tlie fortunes ot t'le

bishops

Irreligioso eliguntur, inaniter ordinantur, inditfi;rentor accusantur, injuste opif':

muutur, periide dcjiciuutur, crudeliter aliquando et necantur and complains, parte ii'r j. 428, moreover of this, quod res ecclesiasticae post mortem vel expulsiouem Episcopi in direptionem et rapinam saecularibus tradantur. '^ Before the battle with the Hungarians, 933, Henry I. vowed (Luitprandi Antapod. ii. quae a decessoribus nostris hac27, ap. Pertz, V. 294): Simoniaca haeresis Deo invisa, tenus est temere custodita, niodis omnibus a nostro sit regno cxpulsa. At the synod held in Ingclheim, 948, in presence of Otto I. (Flodoardi Ann. ad h. a. ap. Pert::, v. 307). tractat. sunt quaedam necessaria dc Ecclesiis, quae Presbyteris in partibus Gcn-.ianiao dabantur, immo vendebantur indebite, et auferebantur a laicis illicite prohibitunique ac statutura. lie id omnino praesumeretur ab aliquo. On Conrad II. Wippo in vita Conr. II. ap. FistoCivitatem Basileam invenit Rex vacuatani Episcopo. Ibi 8i:a';i.luoa haeresis rius. p. 431 subito apparuit, et cito evanuit. Nam dum Rex ct Regina a quodaui clorico, nohili viro, nomine Udalrico, qui ibi tunc Episcopus cffoctus est. immensam pccuniam pro Epist'opata SQSciperent, postea Rex in poenitentia motus, voto se obligavit, pro aliquo episcopatu vel abbatia nuUam pecuniam amplius accipere.

'* After he had introduced Clement II. into Italy, who began to oppose simony, lib a!.so assembled the German bishops, 1047, made very earnest representations to them about it, and issued the decree (Glaber Radulphus, v. ut nullus gradus clericornm, vol ministerium ecdesiasticum pretio aliquo conquireretur ac si quis dare aut accipere pracsumcret, onini honore dcstitutus, anatlicmate multaretur. He added Sicut mihi Doniinus coronam imperii sola miseratione sua gratis dedit, ita et ego quod ad religionnm ipsius pertinet, gratis impendam. Volo, si placet, ut et vos similiter faciatis. Comp. Stcnzel's Gesch. Deutschlands untcr d. frfink. Kaisern, i. 117, ii. 130. '' Lamberti. Ann. ad. ann. 10G3, (ap. Pertz, vii. IGfi) Hi duo (Adelbertus Bremensis Ar(;hiepisc. et Wernher comes) pro Rege imperitabant ab his cpiscopatus et abbatia, ab his quic(iuid ecclesiasticarum, quicquid saccularium dignitatum est, cmebatur ncc alia
.'5),
; : : :

cui<iuam, licet industrio atque egregio viro, spcs adipiscendi honoris ullius ernt, quara ut

hos

])rius ingenti profusiono pecuniarum suaruin redeniisset. Et ab Episcoj-is quidem et Ducibns mctu magis, quam religionc tcmperabant. In Abbatcs vero, quod hi injuriae obviam ire non poterant, tota libcrtate grassabantur, illud prae se ferentes, nihil minus

Rcgom
tum

in

6sci dispensatores.

hos juris ac potestatis habere, (juam in villicos suos, vol in alios quoslibct re^'alis Et prime quidcm praedia monasteriorum fautoribus sui.i, pniut libi-

erat, distribuebant, et quod reliquum crat, crebra regaliuin servitionim exactione jsque ad faeces ultimas exhauriebant. Diendi convalesccnte audacia, in ipsa monnstena impctum faciebant, atque ea inter se tanquam provincias particbantur, Rege ad omnia, quae jussus fuisset, jiuerili facilitate annuente, etc. Ann. 1071, p. 184 Haec in Ecclesiam introducta est consuctudo, ut abbatiae publice venah's prostituaiitur in palatio; nee ijuis quam tanti venales proponere queat, quin protinus emtorcm inveniat, monachis inter se non dc observantia regulae zelo bono, sed de quacstibus ct nsuris zelo avaro contendenti:

bns.
'

C'omp. Stenzel.

i.

221,

ii.

58.

Planck,

iii.

489.

Hence

the royal influence In the occupation of bishoprics continued

PART

I.WEST.

CHAP.

II.HIERARCHY.

^ 25.

SUPREMACY. 151
be-

by which the kingly dignity seemed in danger of coming subject to the bishops, could here remain harmless."
spreading,

25.

PAPAL SUPUEMACY.
Planck,
1.

c.

Bd.

3,

S. 805,

ff.

The

ideas

promulgated in the Pseudo-Isidorian decretals'


;

gradually pervaded the whole Western Church


politans, so
here also.
p. 5, 23, 37,
1'

much

injured,

must have become

reconciled to

and the metrothem


in Gallia Christi-

Ibid. S. 405, 408.

Striking examples of simony


S.

n ay be seen
fol.) 1.
1.

ana (Opera monach. congreg.


t. ii.

Mauri,

t.

xii.

Paris. 1715-1770.

Append, docum.

p. 173, 179.

II.) aenno dc infoi-matiane Episcopoiiim (this is, according to Mabillon. Analect. p. 103, the tn:e title of a work which is quoted so early as Gregory VII. lib. xi. Epist. 2, under the appellation AmbrosLi Pastorale, and which appears in editions of Ambrose's works as Lib. de dignitate sacerdotali).

Comp.

particularly Gerberti Philos. (afterward Sylvester

Among

other things

we

find,

cap. 2:

Honor
Si

igitur, fratres, et sublimitas episcopslis nullis

fulgori compares et priucipum diadeniati, plumbi metallum ad auri fulgorem compares quippe cum videas Regum colla et principum submitti genibus sacerdotam ct exosculatis eorum dextris, orationibus eorum credant se communiri. ftuid jam de plebeja dixenm multitudine, cui non solum praeferri a Domino meruit, sed ut eam q-iaque jure t'jeatur patrio, praeceptis imperatum est evangelicis 1 The passage Ep. Gelasi; P. ad Auastasium Imp. was chiefly relied on, which passage the Paris council had already produced. See above, 7, note 25 Duo quippe sunt, Imperator Auguste (instead of tbis appears rlsi the falsi fied reading: Duae quippe sunt Imperatrices augustae, se3 Balu":. Capitul. ii. 1213), quibns priucipaliter mundus hie regitur, auctoritas sacra Pontificum, et regalis potestas. lu quibus tanto gravius est pondus sacerdotum, quanto etiam pro ipsis Regibus Domino in

poterit comparationibus adaequari.

Regum

longe erit inferius,

quam

si

divino reddituri sunt examine rationem.


cap.
1

On

this

comments Cone, apud


fieri

s.

Mp.cram,

a. 831,
till

(Mansi, xvii. 538)

Sicut in sacris legimus Uteris, duo sunt, quibus, as above,

regia potestas.

Solus enim

Dominus noster

J.

incamatiouem vero
sibi

ejus nee Rex Pontificis usurpare praesumsit sic actionibus propriis diguitatibusque ab eo distinctis, ut et christiani Reges pro aeterna vita Poutificibus indigerent, et Pontifices pro temporalium rerum cursu Regum dispositionibus utereutur. Et tanto est digriiias Pontificum major quam Regum, quia Reges in culmen regium sacrantur, a Poutificibus, Pontifices autem a I'egibus consecrari non possunt et tanto gravius pondus, as above, till rationem. Cone.
:

Rex, ct sacerdos. Post dignitatem, nee Pontifex rcgiam potestatem


C. vere
potuit

Troslejan. a. 909, cap.

(Mansi, xviii. 267)

Sicut enim regalis potestas sacerdotali religioni

se devote submittit
auctoritas

sic et sacerdotalis religioni se


ofiicio

devote submittit

sic et sacerdotalis

cum omni pietatis

se regali dignitati subdere debet, sicut sanctus ostendit

P. Gelasius ad Auastasium scribens Imp.

"Duo sunt rationem." Ergo quia et Rex pro aeterna vita indiget Pontificibus, et Pontifices pro temporalium rerum cursu regali indigent dispositione a Rege obediendum est Pontificibus, recta, sancta et justa suaden:

tibus et vicissim a Pontificibus


servienti.

6,
>

obediendum est Regi, pietatis cultui religione jure et solatio Source of the notion that the regal dignity was conferred by the unction. See note 14. Comp. Planck, iii. 477.

Comp.

$ 20, note 8.

152

THIRD PERIOD. DIV.

II.-A.D. 838-1073.

own power began to be traced to their investment with the pallium,^ while the latter was bestowed, since the time of Nicolaus I., only under the condition of the receivers vowing obedience on oath to the Romish institutions.'
th? more readily, as their

The

decretals designated the pope as universal bishop of the

Church

an

idea as yet obscure and undeveloped

account the more dangerous


ambition, misleading
^

but on

this

constantly stimulating the papal


the bad/

weak men and abused by

That

This had

office sive

its source from the aucient custom of confirming the metropolitans in their per manus impositionem, sive per pallii dationem episcopalis dignitatis Krniita-

tem accipiunt (cone. Constant. Oecum. viii. a.d. 809, can. 17). This patriarchal relation was now transfeiTcd to all metropolitans of the West. First Nicolaus I. in Respons. ad
consulta Bulgarorum,
c. 73 (Mansi, xv. 426) [Archiepiscopum] Episcopi, qui ah obeunte Archiepiscopo cousecrati sunt, siniul congregati, coustituant sane interim in throno non sedentem, et praeter, corpus Christi non consecrantem, priusquam pallium a sede Romana
: :

omnes, et Germaniae, et aliarum regionum Archiepiscopi agere in Ep. 91 ad liostagnum Archiepisc. Arelat. A.D. 878 (Mansi, xvii. 81), and in Syn. Ravennensi, a. 877, can. 1 (see above, 21, note 30. Can. i. and ii. of this synod were soon ascribed to old popes by Petrus Damiani, 1. by Ivo and Gratian, P. i. dist. c. can. 1, to one 7, Ep. 4, Bur(;hard and others to Damasus Pelagius. It is remarkable that even Boehmer has not observed the rpevdor. See Jod. le Plat. Diss, de spuriis in Gratiano Cann. P. iii. sec. ii. c. 12, 9). A notable proof that, though this view did not immediately become general in the clr'rch, the bishops were notwithstanding already accustomed and prepared to receive with implicit behef hitherto unknown privileges of the -Roman see, is given by Fulbert Episc. Carnotensis (t J0C8) Si pallium requisislis a liomano p]p. 47, ad Archiepisc. Turon. (Bibl. Max. PP. xviii. 17) Pontifice, et ipse vobis illud sine causa legitima denegavit, propter hoc non est opus di at si vestra tarditate nondum est requisituff, cauteila est mittere ministcrium vcstnam exspectare dcmec requiratur, ne vos ex improvisio praesumptionis arguers possit. Coiitinentur enira quaedani reverenda nobis in privileges Romanae Ecclesiae, quae propter negligentiam nostram non facile inveniuntur in armariis noslris. Cf Perlsch de Origine Helmst. 1754. 4. p. 145, ss. On the cost of the ct auctoritate pallii arcliiepiscopalis. pallium see Canuti Regis Ep. ad Anglorum proceres, written from Rome, a.d. 1027 Couquestus sum iteram coram domina Papa, et mihi valde displicere (Mansi, xix. 499) dixi, quod mei Archiepiscopi in tantum angariabantur immensitate peeuniarum, quae ab eis exspetebantur, dum pro pallio accipiendo secundum morem apostolicam sedem expeterent decretumque est ne id dcinceps fiat. It was the custom to fetch the pallium in
percipiat, sicuti Galliarum

comprobantur.

In like

manner Johannes VIII.

(S

person from Rome, Tliomassiui Eccl. ^ See above, 21, note 19.
*

disc. P.

i.

lib. ii.

cap. 57, no.

4.

Pertsch, p. 222,

ss.

Conip. cone. Triburiense under Hatto, archbishop of Mainz,


:

a. 895, c.

30 (Mansi, xviii.

d'Achery Spicileg. iii. 850) In memoriam b. Petri Apostoli honoremus s. Romanam et apostolicam sedem, ut quae nobis sacerdotalis mater est dignitatis, esse debcat raagis tluare servanda est cum mansuetudine humilitas, ut licet vix tra ecclesiast'cae rationis. ferendum ab illi s. sede imponatur jugum, tamen feramus, et pia devotione toleremus Si vero, quod non decet, quilibet, sive Presbyter, sive Diaconus, aliquam perturbationeni machinaudo, et nostro ministcrio insidiano, redarguatur falsam ab Apostolico detulisse cpistolam, vel aliud quid, quod inde non couvonerit, salva fide et Integra circa Apostolicum i'lmilitate, pencj E-.-isropum sit potestas, utrum eum in carcerem, aut in aliam dctrudat custodiam, usq jcqu-j per epistolam, aut per idoneos suae ])artis legatos apostolicam inter
147,

pellei

BuL'.imitatera,

at

potissimum sua sancta legationo dignetur decerncre, quid de

talibus justo ordiuc lex

Romana

statuat dilliuire, ut et

is

corrigatur, et caeteris luudui

imponatur.

PART

I. WEST.

CHAP. 11. HIERARCHY.

25.

SUPREMACY.

153

was an idea not at all government of the dioceses recognized of bishops was universally disapproved," sometimes expressly
the popes alone were judges of bishops,
:

their interference in the

repelled.'^

It

was

characteristic of the rude time to suppose,

that the high priest in


divine law, where the
^

Rome could interfere in the name of the human wg,s too weak or insufficient
*
;

See above,

24, note
c.

8.

The synod

of Altlieim, a.d. 916, decrees respecting com-

ut accusatus vel judicatus a comprovincialjbus in aliqua causa Episcopis licenter appellet et adeat apostolicae sedis Pontiticem. ' Comp. Carol; Calvi Const, ann. 878, above, Farther the narrative ot' 21, note 32.
plaints against bishops,

13 (Pertz,

iv. 566),

c. 4 (Bouquet, x. 15) A certain count, Fulco, of most abandoned Hugo, archbishop of Tours, would not consecrate a church in hnor of the cherubim and seraphim (about 1007) copiosa argenti et auri assumta pecunia Romam pergens Johanui P. causam suae profectionis exposuit ac deinde reportans quod ab illo optaverat, plurima ei munerum dona obtulit. Qui protinus misit cum eodera Fulcone ad praedictani Basihcam sacrandam unum ex illis, quos Cardinales vocant, nomine Petrum, cui etiani praecepit, veluti Romani Pontificis auctoritate assumta, quic-

Grlaber Radulph.

ii.

character, for

whom

agendum Fulconi videbatur, intrepidus expleret. Quod utique audientes Gallianim quique Praesules pariter detcstantcs, quoniam nimium indecens videbatur, ut is, qui apostolicam regebat sedem, apostolicum primitus ac canonicum transgrediebatur tenorem cum insuper multiplici sit anliquitus auctoritate roboratum, ut non quispiam Episcoporuni
quid

ia alterius Dioecesi istud

praesumat exercere,

nisi Praesule, cujus fuerit,

compelente seu

permilteute.

Licet

sedis cateris in orbe

namque Pontifex liomanae Ecclesiae ob dignitatem apostoHcae constitutis reverentior habeatur non tamen ei licet transgredi it
Sicut enim unusquisque orthodoxae Ecclesiae

ahquo cauonici moderaminis tenorem.

Pontifex, ac sponsus propriae sedis uniformiter speciem gerit Salvatoris, ita generaliter

nuUi convenit quippiam in alterius procaciter patrare Episcopi dioecesi. The narrative is indeed rectiKed from documents by de Marca, lib. 4, c. 8, 2 but Glaber's judgment
:

always remains a notable testimony in favor of ihe views of that time. ' Chronicon Urspergense ad ann. 1052: When Leo IX. was in Worms, and Loutpold, archbishop of Mainz, read mass, the diaconus sang the lesson in the German manner. The pope, quia Romano more non agebatur, commanded him to cease. The deacon did not allow himself to be interrupted, et lectionem usque ad finem perduxit. Qua linita Papa ilium ad se vocavit, et quasi pro iuobedientiae contuniacia degradavit. Aixhiepiscopus vero misit ad ilium, ut suum sibi redderet ministruni. Quod ubi Papa abnuit,
Pontifex, ut erat antiquae disciplinae, licet aegre patienter
tinuit.

tamen interim tacendo

sus-

But when he should have continued the mass,


nee alium

in

sede sua resedit, vere coutestans,

nee

se,

miuistrum.
auctoritas,

quempiam completuruni illud officium, nisi reciperet processionis suae Quod ubi Apostolicus intellexit, Pontifici cessit, reinduturaque ministrum

continuo remisit.

Quo

recepto, debito se praesul injunxit


:

officio.

Qua

in re et Pontiticia

et Apostolici consideranda est humilitas


licet

dum

et

ille

officii

sui dignitatem

defendere contendebat, et iste dioecesi cedendum perpendebat.


**

majoris dignitatis, Metropolitano tandem in sua

Pope Hadrian

II.

was

forced oath
ap. Pertz,

made

to the

required by the emperor, Lewis II., to release him from a Prince of Beueventa Adalgisus (Annales Hincmari, ad ann. 871,

i. 493), and John VIII. loosed him (Regino ad ann. 872, 1. c. p. 584). The emperor Charles the Corpulent, invited to him Pope Hadrian 111. (Annal. Fuldens. ad ann. 885, ap. Pertz, i. 402) Voluit enim, ut fama vulgabat, quosdam Episcopos irrationabiliter deponere, et Bernhardum, filium suum ex concubina, heredem regui post se
:

constituere

et hoc, quia per se posse fieri dubitavit, per Pontificem Romanum quasi apostoUca auctoritate perficere disposuit. Hatto, archbishop of Mainz, wrote to Pope John IX. A.D. 900 (Mansi, xviii 203), that in place of the deceased emperor Arnulf, his
;

SOU,

Lewis, seven years

old,

bad been chosen, and explains in a tone of exculpation, cur

154

THIRD rKRIOD. DIV.

II. A.D. 858-1073.

that, moreover, he could impart the most efficacious blessing, and give the most effectual absolution for sins.'" The bishops, on the other hand, maintained, they alone could exercise the ecclesiastical power of the keys in their dioceses/'
sit. Then he adds Quia tandem occasio tempus advenit, quo nostra epistola vestris obtutibus praesentaretur rogamus, nostram communeni constitutionem vcstrae Dominationis benedictione roborari. In tlie year 916 the synod held at Altheim (Pertz, iv. 555) Praesente domni Joannis Papae apocrisiario Petro, misso ad hoc, quatenus aliquo modo diabolica semina in nostris partibus orta extirpare et nefandissimas machinationes quorundam perversorum hominum sedare et eliminando purgare deberet. The decrees of the synod had for their object, partly the protection of the church, partly the confirmation of the kingly authority. Under more pow^Bvful emperors, as the Ottos, the circumstances were reversed, and then the old imperial rights over the popes were again prominently adduced. ' Auxilius (about 894) de Ordinationibus Formosi Papae (libb. ii. Bibl. PP. t. xvii. p. 1),

hoc sine vestra jussione et permissione, factum


et

lib

i.

c.

~0

Q,ui de longinquis terrarum spatiis per mille, ut ita dicam, discrimina, treme-

bci;di ad ajiostolicam

sedem

profecti sunt, et sacrara ordinationem, ut moris est,

magis ab

Apostolo Petro,

quam ab

ejus vicario susceperunt.


:

'" Nicolai I. Ep. 20, ad Carol. Calv. ap. Mansi, xv. 280 Ad banc sanctam Romanam Ecclesiam de diversis raundi partibus quotidie multi sceleris mole oppressi confugiunt, remissionem scilicet, et veuialera sibi gratiam tribui supplici et iugenti cordis moerore poscentes (Ep. 21 et ab ea non solum animae, sed et corporis salvationeni humili prece suscipere precautur). When Hatto, in the letter quoted note 8, announced to Pope John IX. Q,uod, quamdiu in hoc mundo subsistithe death of the emperor Arnulph, he also added mus, per incerta ferimur, uescientes u-bi quorundum animae post banc lucem mansiouem vestris quasi provoluti vestigiis subnixe poscimus, ut animam ipsius vestrae recipiant auctoritfitis potestate a vinculis peccatorum absolvatis, quia " quaecunque solveritis super

terram, erunt soluta in caelo."

" Cone. Salegnnstadiense (held in the year 1022, under the presidency of archbp. Aribo Ciuia multi tanta mentis suae falluntur stultitia, ut in of Mainz), cap. 18 (Mansi, xix. 398) aliquo capitali crimine inculpati poenitentiam a sacerdotibus suis accipere nolint, in hoc maxime conlisi, ut Romam euntibus Apostolicus omnia sibi dimittat pcccata sancto
:
:

visum est

concilio ut talis indulgentia

illis

non

prosit,

sed prius juxta

modum

delicti poeni-

tentiam sibi datam a suis sacerdotibus adimpleant, et tunc Romam ire si velint, ab Episcopo proprio licentiam et literas ad Apostolicum ex iisdem rebus deferendas accipiant. Cone. Lemovicense, a. 1031, sessio ii. (Mansi, xix. 546). Complaints of some qui ignorandum quos tibus Episcopis suis a Romano Papa poenitentiam et absolutionem accipiunt
:

isti

juste ligant,

ille

injuste absolvit.

So one Count Stephen excommunicated by his bishop,

Romae a dimiiio Papa absolutionem accepit, ignorante Papa eum excommunicatum. The bishop com[)laining of this, received for answer from the pope, " Q,uod nescientor cgi, frater carissime, non mea, sed tua est culpa. Scis enim, quia quicunque de universa Dei Ecclesia ad me causa remedii recurrit, impossibile est mihi ejus causam nogligere, diceute

Domino ad b. spccialiter Petrum causam tuis innotescere apicibus,


consacerdotibus

'Petre, pasce oves mcas.'


et ego

omnimodo abjicerem.

Debueras ccrte mihi ejus Prgliteor quijjpe omnibus


Absit

adjutorem me et consolatorem potius esse, quam contradictorem.

enim schisma a me et a Coopiscopis meis. Itaquo illam poenitentiam et absolutionem, quam tuo excommunicato ignoranter dederam, irritam facio et cassam." Another excommunicated person had gone to Rome, Papae Romano 8ubrii)uit poeiiitentiae legem, carrying with liim letters, (luibus Episcopum rogabat Apostolicus, ([uatenus illi poenitenVersa vice, quod ego tiam, quam imposuerat, alHrmaret. To them the bishop answered postulare debueram ab Apostolico, Apostolicus postulat a me. Non credere possum hoc mandatum ab eo exortum hoc tibi nihil utile est et donee aut a me, vol ab hujus sedis Archidiacono, me jubente, accipias poenitentiam, permane in excommunicatione. There:
: :

upon the synod determines

Parochiano suo Episcopus

si

poenitentiam imponit,

eumque

PART

I. WEST.

CHAP. II. HIERARCHY.

$ 25.

SUPREMACY.

155

The
the

papal pretensions
of Milan, indeed,

met with the


Italy,

greatest opposition from

archbishops of Upper

especially of Milan. ^^

Tho

had been compelled, a.d. 1059, to recognize in form the Roman supremacy ^' but still, aversion to the hierarchy of Rome continued for a long time, and every opposition made to that hierarchy found advocates there for a
;

Church

considerable period.'^
Papae
dirigit,

ut judicet,

utrum

sit

an

r.on poenitentia

digna pro

tali

reatu

potest earn

Judicium enim totius Ecclesiae maxima in apostolica Romana sede constat. Item si Episcopus parochianum suum cum testibus vel Uteris Apostolico ad poeuitentiam accipiendam direxerit, ut multoties pro gravissimis fieri solet reatibus, iu quibus Episcopi ad digiiam haesitant poenitentiam
confirmare auctorita.s Papae, aut levigare, aut superadjicere.

imponendam
Planck,
12
'^
iii.

hie talis licenter a

Papa remedium sumere

potest.

Nam

inconsulto Epislicet.

copo suo, ab Apostolico prenitentiam et absolutiouem nemini accipere


684.
5,

Conip.

Schmidt's Kirchengesch. Th.

S.

4, fF.

Milan since 1056 against the married priests, at the head of which stood Arialdux and Landulphus, were anxious for their own ends to make the Milanese church as dependent as possible on Rome. Comp. the contemporary works
in

The party forming

Arnulphi Mediol. Ilerum sui temporis libb. v. (in Muratorii Rer. Ital. scriptt. t. iv. p. and Landuiphi senioris Mediolanensis Historiae libb. iv. (ibid. p. 47, ss.) Cf. Arnulph.

11)
iii.

c.

11

Rouiam

proficiscitur Arialdus apologeticas ferens literas.

Ubi cum Ambrosianunj

affirmans omnes Nicolaitas et Simoniacos, ac prorsus inobedientea Romauae Ecclesiae, se autem cum Landulpho devotum, et pro sola veritate certantem, Romanorum celeriter adeptus est gratiam. Q,ui cum principari appelant jure apostolico, vident'Jir velle dominari omnium, et cuncta suae subdere ditioni, cum Doctor evangelicus

accusaiet clerum,

suos doceat humilitatem Apostolos dicens


autem. non sic: sed qui major est in vobis,
particular, the general opinion

"

Reges gentium dominautur eorum


minor, etc."

voa
In

fiat sicut

(Luc. xxii. 25, 26).

became prominent when Petrus Damiani and Anselm, cishop of Lucca, appeared in 1059 as papal legates. Of the following transactions a complete account is furnished by Petrus Damiani Opusc. v. to Hildebrand (0pp. iii. p. 37, ap. Mansi, xix. p. 887, ss.) As soon as they arrived, repente in Muratori, c. p. 25, ss. populo murmur exoiitur. non debere Ambrosianam Ecclesiam Romanis legibus subjacere, nuUuiiiiiue judicandi vel disponendi jus Romano Pontifici in ilia sede competere. Nimis indignuji, inquiunt, ut quae sub pi-ogenitoribus nostris semper extitit libera, ad nostrae
1.

coufusionis opprobrium nunc alteri, quod absit, Ecclesiae sit subjecta.

tumult ensued, but Archbishop Guido submitted, and the Romish legates triumphed. On this Aniulph. iii. c. 13 O insensati Mediolanenses, quis vos fascinavit ? Hori clamastis unius sellae primatum. Hodie confunditis totins Ecclesiae statum, vere culicem liquantes et camelum
:

? Forte dicetis Venerauda Est utique sed nee spernendum Mediolanum in Ambrosio. Certe, certe non absque re scripta sunt haec in Romanis annalibus. Diceter enim in posterum Bubjectum Romae Mediolanum. Ecce Metropolitanus vester prae solito Romauam vocatur ad Synodum, etc. 1* So the schism of Cadolus. See above, 23, note 12 see Annales Altah. v. Qieie brecbr, S. 189 so too Henry IV. against Gregory VII.

glutientes.
est

Nonne

satius vester hoc procuraret Episcopus


:

Roma in Apostolo.

loG

THIRD PERIOD.DIV.

II. A.D. 838-1073.

26.

RELATIONS OF THE BISHOPS TO THE CLERGY OF THEIR DIOCESES.

As

the bishops

became more involved

in secular business,

they neglected the spiritual care of their dioceses, and thus lost in proportion the completely monarchical power they had once
exercised in them.

The chapters, after the example of the chapter of Cologne (864),^ received the independent right of

managing

their

own
life,^

property, and then gradually discontinued


after the

their canonical

example of the chapter at Treves'^

The confirmation of the ordinatio Guntharii Archiep. Colon, issued on this subject by King Lothaire, a.d. 866 (from the 11th year of King Lothaire, not of the emperor, therefore
njt 853 as Mastiaux has), see in Mastiaux Diss, exhibens historiam tumi Ecclesiarum collegiat. Coloniens. Bonnae. 1786. 4. App. p. 1. (Gunthar probably wished, after his

Roman

deposal, see 21, note 8, to bind his clergy more firmly to himself by that arrangement, see Gfrorer, iii. ii. 994, 998.) The same arrangement is confirmed by the concil Colon, a. 873, under Archbp. Wilibert (Mansi, xvii. 27.^) Guntharius monasteriis ac
:

commorantibus sumtuum suorum necessaria habenda delegavit atque contradidit quatenus deinceps videlicet perpetualiter inde consistere quivissent absque alicujus sumtus indigentia. Praeterea illis concessit atque donavit, ultra licitum fore cum secura potestate et libero arbitrio inter se onlinare et facere tam de sua clectione, quam de omnibus suis rebus absque ejus consultu et imperio similiter decrevit, ut Praeposito in sibi subjectis nullus nee prelatione nee potestate superponeretur, sed idem potius in ambobus super omnes praestantissimus haberetur, ac insuper eorundem snbjectorum res communes ipse solus cum consilio prudentum benevolentiumque fratrum gubernans dispensaret. Lege sancivit, ut nullus unquam Pontifex sine illorum conscientia sive consensu de ipse substantia minimam unquam praebendam alicui per potentiam tribueret, aut item quidquam eis per potcntiam sive per aliquam vim destrueret; hoc illis quasi in jus hereditarium firmiterconcedens, quatenus quisque illorum, sive nobilis sive ignobilis esset, usque in sempiternum liberum haberet arbitrium, suam mansionem cum caeteris quibuscunque rebus donare, seu etiam tradere cuicumque suo confratri voluisset post obitum suum jtossidendam absque ullius Episcopi consultu sive cor.tradictione. Bj- degrees this ordinance was every where imitated, in many places verj late. In Rutzeburg the division of goods between bishop and chapter first took place 1194, s. Wcst])balen Monum. rcnim Germ, praec. Cimbricarum, iii. 2050, in Lyons about the year 1200. See Gallia Christiana, iv. 134. Planck, iii. 641. * Ivo Episc. Carnotensis (about 1092) Epist. 215 Quod vero communis vita in omuibua Ecclesiis paene defecit, tam civilibus quam dioecesanis, nee auctoritati, sed desuetudini et defectui adscribendum est, refrigescente charitate, quae omnia vult habere conimunia, et regnante cupiditate, quae non quaerit ea, quae Dei sunt ex proximi, sed tantum quae Bunt propria. At the end of this period there were new attempts to re-introduje the canonical life, cone. Itom. a. 1059 (ap. Mansi, xix. 908). and cone. Rom. a. 1063, cap. 4 (lb. (Cf. Thomassini Vet. et nov. eccl. discipl. ? i. lib. iii c. 11. P. iii. lib. ii. p. 1025j, etc.
canonice
in
:

eis

c.

23. no. 2.)


^

Trithemii Chron. Hirsaug. ad

rico,

Hoc tempore Heinh. a. (ed. St. Galli. lo9C t. I. p. 1:6) Trevirorum Archiepiscopo, morluo Theodericus de Moguntia successit, sub ijuo Ca:

uonici majoris Ecclesiae S. Petri

abjecta pristinae couversafionis

norma dcsierunt ec

PART
(973),

I. WEST.

CHAP.

III. CULTURE.

27.

TENTH CENTURY. 157

The

chapters,^

and

also

the

archdeacons {' acquired

certain rights in the

management and

rule of the dioceses.


fully fixed

The

benefices of the parochial clergy


alterable basis.^

were now

on an un-

THIRD CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF THEOLOGICAL AND RELIGIOUS-MORAL

CULTUR.I!.

27.

ITS
Cramer's

STATE IN THE TENTH CENTURY.


Forts, von Bossuet, or Th.
5,

fiinfte

Bd.

2,

S. 185,

ff.

During the civil commotions which ensued on the partition Frank empire, and the gradual disuse of the Latin tongue,^ all science sank into decay, and a general barbarism prevailed, which characterizes the tenth century in particular.^ Unworthy persons took possession of the higher ecclesiastical
of the great
situations, in order to vie with

the nobles in rapacity and vo-

luptuousness.^

The

grossest

ignorance of religious subjects,


:

regulares, distributionibus inter se factis praebendaruni

et qui prius

more Apostolorum

omnia habuere comraunia, coeperunt jam deinceps

singuli possidere propria.

Quorum

exemplum postga
<!^oufluentia,

secuti plures Canonici sicut S. Paulini

SS. Martini et Victoria Mogxmtiae, in


vitae rationem descenderunt.
(ed.

apud Treviros, .S. Castoris in Wormatia quoque et Spira de com:

muni ad propriam Gesta Trevirorum

Wyttenbach

et Mi'iller, vol.

Witli the former account agree also the iii. Aug. Trev. 1836. 4), i. Ill Sub

eodera Pontifice regulares Canonici in Ecclesia S. Petri esse desierunt.


only began to live separately, but
A.D. 1017 (in Giinther Cod. dipl. cottidie
5
6
1

At

first

they

still

ate together
i.

for in

a document of Archbp. Poppo,


still

RhenoMosell.
and
20.

121),

they are

designated as frattes
*

manducantes
i.

in refectorio.

Planck,

iii.

74S).

Thoniassini P. Thoniassini P.
Dietz,

Hb.

ii.

c.

]9

Planok,
74, 82.

iii.

708.
iii.

iii. lib. ii. c. 8,

18, 19, 24.


i.

Planck,

650, 776.
d.

Gramm.

d.

roman. Sprachen,

Bahr's Gesch.

rom. ^iter. im karo-

ling. Zeitalter, S. 59.

sterilitate ferreum,

Baronius ad ami. 900, no. 1 Novum inchoatur saeculum, quod sui asperitate ac boni malique exundantis deformitate plumbeum, atque inopia scriptorum appellari consuevit obscuruni. Gatterer de Gunzone Italo ad illustranduni rei literariae statum saec. x. Gottingae. 1756. 4. On the other hand, du Pin Nouv. bibl. des. aut. eccl. siecle 10, pr. p. 1, Leibnitius in praef. ad Cod. juris nat. et gentium diplom., and Semler Hist. eccl. vel. capita ii. 526, would prefer the 10th century to the 12th and 13th. Bat comp. Mabillon. Act. SS. ord. Ben. saec. v. praef p. 2. Hist. lit. de la Fr. vi. 1. Cramer, Heeren's Gesch. d. class. Literatur im Mittelalter, i. 190. Bahr, S. 49. 1. c.
:

Comp.

$ 24.

158

TriUlD PERIOD. D!V. II. A.D.


it,

8.-;8-1073.

and, as the effect of

the rudest immorality, prevailed

among
all

the clergy,* as well as the people.^


Italy,
*

This was worst of


(f 974),
:

in

where Rather ius, bishop of Verona


gr.

was

at last

Ex.

Ratherii Itinerarium (in d'Achery Spicil.

i.

381)

Sciscitatus itaque dc fide

nequo ipsum sapere symbolum, qui fuisse creditur Apostolonim. Hac occasione Synodicani scribcrc omnibus Prcsbyteris sum compulsus, etc. In this Synodica (ibid. p. 376, ss.) it is said, among other things Ipsam Apostolorum, et fideni trifarie parare memoriae festinctis, \\. e. secundum symbolum illam quae ad Missam canitur, et illam S. Athanasii, quae ita incipit: " Cluicumque vult salvus esse." Q.uicumque vult ergo sacerdos in nostra parochia esse, aut fieri, aut permanere, ilia, fratres, memoriter nobis recitet, cum proximo a nobis hue vocatus fucrit. Moueo
illorum (clericorum Veronensium) inveni plurimos
:

cogitare ncscitis, intcrrogetis, quare ita voceexpositionem symboli et orationis doniinieae juxta traditionem orthodoxorum penes se scriptam habeat, et earn plcniter iiitelligat, et inde, si novit, praedieando populum sibi commissum sedulo instniat; si non, saltern teneat vel credat. Orationes Missae et canonem bene intelligat, et si non, saltem memoriter ac
et

jam vos de

die dominico ut cogitetis aut

si

tur,

ut unusijuisque vestrum,

si fieri potest,

Epistolam et Evangelium bene legere possit, et utinam saltem ad literam ejus sensum posset manifestare, etc. Cf. Baluzii not. ad Reginonem, p. 540. To what extent the morals of the clergy were corrupted may be seen from the catalogue of crimes committed by Hugo, bishop of Langres, in cone. Rhem. a. 1049 (Mansi, xix. 7301
distincte profen*e valeat.
^ Cone. Troslejan. a. 909. Iniquitates nostrac multiplicatae Praef. (Mansi, xviii. 26.5) sunt super caput, et delicta nostra creverunt usque ad caelos. Fornicatio et adulterium, sacrilegium et homicidium inundarunt, et sanguis sanguinem tetigit. Sanguis quippe
:

sanguinem

tangit,

cum

peccator mails suis gravius aliquod

malum

adjungit

sed

in pejus

quotidie proficit,

posthabito

humanarum

vel divinarum

legum
:

timore, contemtis edictis

episcopalibus, unusquisque quod vult agit: potentior viribus infirmiorem opprimit, et sunt homines sicut pisces maris, qui ab invicem passim devorantur ac calcata iuiquitate abuudat ac convalescit iniquitas. Ilinc est quod videmus per totum raundum rapiuas pauperum, depraedationes rerum ecclcsiasticarum. Hinc sunt assiduae lacrjmac, pupillorura Denitjue ue nobis parcere videamur, qui aliorum errata corrigere debcmus, luctus, etc. Miuisterium praedicationis Episcopi dicunur, sed cpiscopale officium non ini;)lomus. relinquimus eos, qui nobis commissi sunt, videmus Deuni deserere, et in pravis actibus Cap. xv. (p. SO.'S) Heu, proh dolor! nostris nostrorumque comjacere, et tacemus, etc. ministrorum, et qui jam discesserunt, et qui adhuc supcrsunt, tarn incnria quam inscientia qui perditi vitiis multi, et pacuc innumerabilcs adhuc inveniuntur in plebe ecclesiastica, ad usque sua tempora seuectutis necdum, ut debueraut, pcrccpere fidci notitiam simplicis, usque adeo ut nee ipsius symboli verba salutaris, nee saltern suiqilicationem dominicac noverint orationis. Glabei- Radulph. iv. 5, relates how a great famine, 1033, had produced
:
:

Tunc j'jrimitus cocpere coadunari conciliorum conventus, ad quos a general penance etiam multa delata sunt corpora Sanctorum, ftuod etiam tota multitude universae plebis audieus, lactanter adierc maximi, mediocres ac minimi, parati cuncti obedhe, quicquid praeceptum fuisset a pastoribus Ecclcsiae. But with the extremity ceased also their penitence. Nam ipsi Primates utriusque ordinis in avaritiam versi, coeperunt exercere deinde mediocres ac plurimas, ut olhn feceraut, vel etiam co amplius, rapinas euiiiditatis minorcs exemplo majorum ad immania sunt llagitia devoluti. Quis enim ut quam antea impletum est Prophclae vaticiniura, quod tautos incestus, tanta adulteria audiverat, etc.
: :

ait
'

Et erit sicut populus sic sacerdos" (Es. xxiv. 2), etc. Comp. $ 23, note 2. So Ratherius de Coiitemtu cann.
"

P.

ii.

(d'Achery Spicil.

i.

354)

Uuaerat

et alicjuis, cur prae caeteris gentibus

legis et vilipensores clericorum siut

baptismo renatis, contemtorcs canonicae magis Italici. (iuoniam quidem libidinosiores cos et

pigmentonim Venerem nutrientium frecjucntior usus, et vini coutinua potatio, et negligenundo ad tantam consuetudo et majoi-um cos excmpla jam tier disciplina facit doctorum olim impulerunt impudentiam, ut solummodo barbirasio, et verticis cum alicjuantula vesliam dissimilitudine nudo, et quod in Ecclesia cum negligentia agunt non parva, unde
:

PAET

I.WEST.

CHAP.

III. CULTURE.

$ 27.

TENTH CENTURY. 159


had
ineffectu-

forced to yield to the general corruption which he


ally

combated/
religious ignorance of the times is plainly illustrated in

The

the anthropomorphism of the clergy of Vicenza," attacked by


Ratherius.
itself in the

The

consciousness of

-their

own

corruption betrays
in the

expectation which

tenth century, that the end of


tanien affectant magis placere Epist. 40, ad

was becoming universal the world was at hand.^


ritu distare eos videas laico.
(in

mundo quam Deo, a Stephanum Rom. Eccl. Diaconum

Gerberti
ii.

du Chesne

Scriptt.

Franc,

798)

Tota Italia Roma raihi visa est. Romanorum mores mundus perliorrescit. ' His writings (especially de Contemtu canonem, partes ii.; Apologia sui ipsius de Itinerarium Ratherii Romam Liber apologeticus Discordia inter ipsum et clericos euutis Sermones Epistolae) collected jn d'Achery Spicileg. i. 345. To tbese add Praeloquiorum libb. vi. in Martene et Durand Ampl. coll. ix. 7S5. Opera emendata et ineditis Verona. 1765. fol. Comp. Hist, liter, de la aucta, cur. Petr. et Hiei-. fratr. Baleriniis. Prance, vi. 339. Engelhardt's kirchengesch. Abhandl. Erlangen. 1832. S. 295. Bihr's Rather par Gantrel, in the Nouvelles Gesch. d. rom. Liter, im kai-oling. Zeitalter, S. 546. archives historiques, philos. et litter, par MM. Hane, Huet, Lenz et Mone. Gand. 1837. 8. 8 Ratherii Senu. i. de quadragesima (d'Achery, i. 388) Nudius enim tertius quid am
: ; ; ;
;

uosti'atium retulit nobis, Presbyteros Vicentinae dioecesis, nostros iitique vicinos, putarc

hac siquidem occasione iuductos, quod in Scripturis legatur corporeum Demn esse " Oculi Domini super justos et aures ejus in preces eovara, etc." (Ps. xxxiii. 16, then Job Gen. i. 26). Quod cum nos non modice permovisset, p.-.^h nefas nobis comniisso X. 8. gregi eandem adeo comperimus perfidiam inhaesisse, ut facto dc periculo in populo serapprobate, quidam, heu dolor! nostrorum murraurando mone, et spiritum esse Deum dicerent etiam sacerdotum Cluid modo faciemus? Usque nunc aliquid visum est nobis de Deo scire, modo videtur nobis, quod nihil omnino sit Dsns, si caput non habet, etc.
:
!

(Comp. Vol. I. Div. II. 95, note 36). Idola tibi in corde i-cc-[jisii stultissime fabricare, immensitasque Dei oblitus, magnum quendam quasi Regeiri in throno aureo videlicet sedentem depingere, militiam Angelorum quasi quosdam hommes alatos, ut in parietibus
soles videre, vestibus albis indutos ei assistere, etc.

Se?unda, inquiuut, fcria Michael Archangelus Deo Missam celebrat. O caeca dementia, etc. And he was even compelled Contra reprehensores serroonis ejusto defend himself for thus finding fault with them. dem (ibid. p. 391) Non dicit Ratherius, quod Deus Dei filius, Eominus noster J. Ch. nou habeat caput, oculos, manus, et pedes, etc. Non dicit Ratheiius, quod malum faciat, qui vadit ad Ecclesiam S. Michaelis, aut audit Missam S. Michaelis, sed dicit Ratherius, quod mentitur ille, qui dicit, quod conveniat alicui melius secuuda feria ire ad Ecclesiam S. Mi:

chaelis vel
'

Missam

S.

Michaelis audire,
a.

quam

in alio die, etc.


:

Dum jam jamque adventus imminet illius in majestate terribili, ubi onines cum gregibus suis venient pastores in conspectum pastorjs aeterni, etc. According to Trithemii Chron. Hirsaug. ad ann. 960, Bernhard, an eremite from Thuringia, appeared at the diet of Wiirtzburg, and diem jamjam imminere dicebat extremum, et niundum in brevi consummandum, idque sibi a Deo revelatum constanter aiSrmabat. In cujus-rei signum cruces Deum praemisisse apparere The in vestibus hominum asserebat, nee illas desituras, donee mundi consummatio fiat. Goit% Episc. Leodieusium, c. 21, written about 1050 (in Martene Ampl. coll. iv. 860), reIt-'.to low Otto I.'s army in Calabria was terrified by an eclipse of the sun: Incredibili pavcre perterriti, nihil, aliud quam diem judicii putant imminere. Alii vasis vinariis, alii quisque pro lucro reputat, si quod pro hac cistis, alii sub carris turpiter sese rccondunt
As
early as Cone. Troslej.

909 (Mansi, xviii. 2C6)

inusitata nocte sibi reperire queat latibulum.

Hugonera R. (about
Gallandius xiv. 141)
<

990,

Abbo Abbas Floriacensis in Apologetico ad appended to Fr. Pithoei Cod. cann. Eccl. Rom. p. 401, and ap. D? fine quoque mundi coram populo sermouem in ecclesia Parisi-

160

THIKD PEIUOD. DIV.

II. A.D. 858-1073.

The

zealous efibrts oi Alfred the Great

(871-901)/

for the

revival of letters in England, had no lasting influence.

The

most important schools were maintained in Germany, especially Rosioitha, a in Fulda, St. Gallen,'^ Hirschau, and Corvey. nun of Ganderheim (about 980), was eminent as a Latin
poetess.
^^

28.

NEW
While
all

SPIRITUAL IMPULSES.
extinct

learning

was become

among

Christians of

the west, the Arabs, from the time of the Chalifs


orum
audivi,

Harun Al

quod statim fmito mille annonim nuracro Anticliristus adveniret, ct non cui praedicatioui ex Evangeliis ac Apocalypsi et libro Dauielis qua potui virtute restiti. Deuique ct errorem, qui de iiue mundi inolevit, Abbas meus b. memoriae Richardus sagaci animo propulit, postquam Nam fama paeue totum literas a Lotbariensibus accepit, quibus me respondere jussit. nmndum impleverat, quod quando Annunciatio Dominica in Parasceue contigissct, absque In tlie year 1010 the fear was renewed Willelrai ullo scrupulo finis saeculi esset. Godelli (monk in Limoges about 1150) Chronica ap. Bouquet, x. 2G2) Anno Dom. MX. in multis locis per orbem tiili rumore audito (namely, that Jerusalem, 1009, had been taken by the Turks (timor et moeror corda plurimorum occupavit, ct suspicati sunt mulli, finem saeculi adesse. Hence the frequent endowments in the tenth century, beginning with: Appropinquante mundi temiina. In connection with this stands the i)assagc, Glaber Radulph. iii. o. 4 Infra niillesimum tcrtig jam fere inimincnte anno conligit in universe pacne teiTarum orbe, praecipue tamen in Italia ct in Galliis, innovari Ecclcsiarum BasiliAt this period were cas, licet pleraequo deceuter locatae minima indiguissent, etc. erected the splendid cathedrals of Strassburg, Mayence, Treves, Speier, VVonus, Basel,
longo post tempore universale judicium succederet
: :

Dijon, Toul, and


'"

* many others. Some Anglo-Saxon poems of liis, and translations of Orosius, Boothius, Gregorj' the Great, Bede, are extant. Cf Asserii Schireburaensis (a contemporary) Hist, de rebus

gestis Alfred!

Regis

(best edited

antiquitt. Univers. Oxoniensis.

by Franc Wise. Oxon. 1722. Oxon. 1674. fol. lib. i. p. 13, s.


8.

Leben

Alfred des Grossen.


d.

Miinster. 1815.

Ant. Wood Hist, et F. L. Graf zu Stolbcrg Geschichte Alfred's d. G. ubertragen aus


8).

Turner's Geschichte

Angelsachsen von D. F. Lorcntz. Hamburg. 1828. Biographia Britannica Literaria. Anglo-Saxon period, by Thomas Wright. London. 1842. " Here are particularly distinguished successively four Ekkehards and two Notkers See Ratperti (t 900) Casus monasterii S. Galli, continued by (Balbiilus and Labeo). Ekkehardus iv. (t about 103G) later by another, ap. Pcrtz, ii. 59; cf. vita Udalrici, Ep. Augustani (t 973), by Gerhard, c. 1 (Pertz, vi. 380) (Parentes) commendaverunt eum ad S. Galli monastcrium, quia ibi nobilium Dei servorum multitudo et religiositas, disccndi docendique studiuni tunc tcmporis habebatur. F^kkchardi iv. Casus S. Galli, c. 2 (Pertz, On the time of the scholastic Hiso Anhelabant ad illius doctrinam totius Burii. 94). gundiae nee non ct Galliae ingenia. See Ildcfons v. Arx Gcschiohten des Cantons St.
: :

Gallon, Bd.
'2

1.

(St.

Gallen. 1810), 3. 259,

ff.

Hroswitha or Helena of Rossow. Respecting her, see Schrockh's Lebensbeschr. ber. Qelehrten, i. 3, Carmina; (Primordia coenobii Ganderscheimcnsis and Gesta Ottonis I., both ap. Pertz, vi. 302. Comocdiae sacrac vi. etc.) ed. C. Celtes. Norirab. 1501. fol. H L. bchurzfleisch. Vitcmb. 1704. 4. De Hroswitha poetria scripsit et comoediam Abraham
inscriptam adjccit, Dr. G. Freytag.
'Vratisl. 1839. 8.

PART

I. WEST.

CHAP.

III. CULTURE.

28.

NEW

IMPULSES. 161

Raschid (786-808), and Al

Mamun

(808-833), had engaged

with great ardor in the study of the sciences, which they had Not only were many celebrated borrowed from the Greeks.
schools established in the east

&c.), but in Spain, under the


particularly patronized,

{Bagdad, Bassora, Damascus, Ommaiads, these studies were and a college instituted at Cordova

(founded by

Hakem

however,

only

prosecuted.^

As yet, 980), for their encouragement,^ mathematics, astronomy, and medicine, were For this purpose individuals came hither even
;

from the western church


field of

though they were

so few,

and the

those sciences so confined, that the influence of

general culture

been considerable. have given an impulse to individual minds, as it did to Gerbert,'^ who owed to the Arabs such a knowledge of the science as excited universal astonishment at He opened up a better prospect for the degenerate that time.
study of mathematics

could not have

them on Yet the

may

condition of schools, by giving a

new impulse

to the school at

Rheims ; from which


and a new
icine,
spirit.*

other schools, too, soon received

new

teachers

Hence the

school in Chartres, under bishop

The art of medFulberi (f 1028),^ acquired high renown. which had for a long time been chiefly cultivated in
the convents of Monte Cassino and Salerno, was enriched indeed with several important translations of Arabic works,

which Constantine of Africa, finally a monk at Monte Casbut yet its character was too supersino, about 1050, made
;

Wachler's Gescb. d. u. Gmber's Eucyclopadie, Th. 5, S. 58, if. Umarb. 1823), S. 85, fF. H. Middeldorpf Comm. de institutis literariis Goettingiae. 1810. 4. in Hispania, quae Arabes auctores babuerunt. ^ Jourdain Recberches ci'it. sur. I'iige et I"oiigine des traductions latines d'Aristote. Paris. 1819 (translated with additions and corrections by Dr. A. Stalir. Halle. 1831), noav.
1

Gesenius in Ersch's

Literatur, Th. 2 {2te

edit,
^

revue et augin. 1843, p. 86, 220. See above 22, notes 19 and 27. Hist. lit. de la France, vi. 559. Hiillmann's S'.a-^tewesen des Mittelalters, iv. 317. His mathematical and astronomical writings hsi c not been printed, with the exception of the geonieti-y in B. Pezii Thes. noviss. aneta.j*'. ui. ii. 7. De Corpore et Sanguine Christi (prim. ed. Cellot. in Hist. Gottescbalci, p. b-A but without the authors name, therefore, till Pez discovered it, called Anonymous Cellotianus.) and de Rationali et ratione uti, both in B. Pezii Thes. i. ii. 133. Epistolae ed. Pap. Masson. Paris. 1611. 4; more fully in du Chesne Scriptt. Franc, ii. 787 (on their historical connection, see Wilman's in den Jabrbiichem d. deutschen Reichs unter Otto IH. S. 141). On Gerbert als his league with the devil, see Illgen's Zeitschrift f. hist. Theol. 1843. ii. 158. Freund u. Forderer klassicher Studien, Schweidnitzer Schulprogr. fui- Osteru. 1843. Ger bert od. Papst Sylvester II. u. s. Jalirhundert v. Dr. E. F. Hock. Wien. 1837. 8.
*
*

Hiillmann,

1.

c.

S. 322,

fF.

Opera

(epistolas,
xviii.
1.

sermones, caet.) ed. Car. de Villiors. Paris. 1603.

8,

and in the Bibi.

PP. Lugd.

VOL.

II.

11

]62
stitious

THIRD

I'EllIOD. DIV. II.A.D.


to

e58-1073.

and empirical
the

promote the general culture of the

age'
the countries, which

German tribes, those works in the languages of among the Franks proceeded from Notker Labeo^ abbot of St. Gallon (f 1022),^ and among the AngloSaxons from Aelfric (probably archbishop of York, from 1023-

Among

1051)," were important in tending to diffuse a spirit of general improvement. The intercourse with the Greek Church,^ which had been renewed from the time of the Ottos, operated powerfully on scientific, and especially on theological advancement,
in addition to the restoration of ecclesiastical order in the

second
'"

half of the eleventh century


scientific

but, especially, the revival of a


cities of

study of the law, in the

Lombardy
'

the

patronage of learning by the emperor Henry TIL

'

and the
to

renewed disputes with the Greek Church


eleventh century.

in the middle of the

The

necessity of reflection led

men back

a more earnest intercourse with translations of Boethius, and


explanations of the logical writings of Aristotle.'^
*
1.

Lanfranc
Jourdain,

c. p. 97.
''

more coiTectly in HatteMartianu3 Capella (published by li. G. Graft; Berlin. 1837. 8), Boethius (published by Graft", Berlin. 1837. 8), the Categories and the work on Aristotle's Sentences (published by Graft", Berlin. 1837. 4). The following are lost the translations of Gregorj'"8 Moralia, Cato, single pieces from Virgil, Terence, and others. Comp. v. Arx. Gesch. v. St. Gallen i. 276, 2G9. Raumer's Einwirkung des
Tlies. antiquitt. teuton.,
3J,

K. Sprengel's Gesch.d. Arzueikunde, Waclder, 1. c. S. 54. Translation of the Psalms (in Schilter
St.

Til.

2 (Jrittc Aufl.

Ilalle. 1823), S. 490.

mer,

Gallons altdeutsche Sprachscliatze, B.

Christenth. auf. die althd. Sprache. S. 38, 72.


* Ussher regards this writer as Aelfric who was arclibishop of Canterbury 995, 1 006. He wrote many works in the Anglo-Saxon tongue (Latin Grammar and Dictionary, Iranslation of Gregory the Great's Dialogues, Homilies, in part his own, in part translated). An Aelfric society has lately commenced to do something in the way of the Anglo Saxon language: Tiic Homilies of the Anglo-Saxon Church, 1'. i. Homilies of J^lfric by Benj. Thorpe, vol. i. London. 1S44. 8. ' Many Germans nt this time were versed in Greek, ex. gr. Luitprand, Hennannus Contractus. In St. Gallen it was assiduously cultivated, v. Arx Gesch. v. St. Gallen, i. Schlosser's Wcltgesch. ii. ii. 256. Concerning the revival of the sciences 258, 266, 271, IF. in the East under the Macedonian emperors, see below, 43. '0 Savigny's Gesch d. rom. llechts im Mittelalter, iii. 75. Even clergymen applied themselves to it in great numbers, Petri Damiani Ep. 15, ad Alex. 11. 0pp. i. 12: Ecclesiarum rectores tanto mundanac vertiginis quotidie rolantur impulsu, ut cos a saecularibus barbirasium (tlie shorn beard) quidem diWdat, sed actio non discernat, uec sacraruni meditantur cloquia Scripturarum, sed scitn leguni ct forense litigium. Claustra vacant, Evangelium clauditur, per ora ecclcsiastici ordinis forensia jura decurrunt. " Stenzel's Gesch. Deutch. unter d. friink. Kaisern, i. 132, '2 The doubts which Heeren raised against the usual opinion, that Aristotle's writings were first known in the West by translations from the Arabic (Gesch. d. class. Lit. im Mittelalter, hist. "Werke, iv. 225), are partly oonlirmed, i>artly rcctilied, by Jourdain'f inquiries referred to above (note 2) which furnish llii.s result, that, till the Ihirlecnlh ccutciy,
ft".

PART

1.WEST.

CHAP.

III. CULTURE.

29.

BERENGARIUS.

1G3

(1042. monk in Bee, 1062, abbot in Caen, 1070, archbishop


of Canterbury, f 1089),'^ prepared for such a task by previous legal studies, led the way in a new dialectic development of

which he spread far and wide by the His rival was Bemonastic school which he founded in Bee. rengarius (1031, a scholastic at Tours, 1040, archdeacon of Angers, f 1088),'* and the first trial of the new science was in the dialectic dispute between them concerning the Lord's Supper.
theology, the taste for

29.

BERENGAR'S CONTROVERSY CONCERNING THE DOCTRINE OF THE


LORD'S SUPPER.
The most important
Lanfrauci do authorities for the first part of the controversy are Eucharistiae sacramento contra Berengarium lib. (cum Philastrio prim. ed. Jo. Sicliardus. Basil. 1528. 8; subsequently often published, among others in Bibl. PP. Lugd. xviii. 763), and Berengarii de Sacra coena adv. Laufrancum lib. (MS. in Wolfenbiittel, 228. S. in 8.)> primum edd. A. F. et F. Th. Vischer, Berol. 1834. 8 (here cited according to the pages of the MS.). Conip. G. Ephr. Lessing's Berengarius Turon. od. Ankiindig eines wichtigen Werks desselben. Braunschweig. 1770. 4.; in dess. silmmtl. Schrifteii.
:

(according to which last edition it is here cited). C. F. Annuntiatur editio libri Bereng. Tur. adv. Laufrancum, simul omuino de scriptis ejus agitur. The same Berengarius Tur. in Staudlin's and Tzschiraer's Archiv fiir Kirchengesch. ii. i. 1. For the later part of the controversy Acta concilii Rom. sub Gregorio P. VII. ab ipso Berengario couscripta, prim. ed. Martene et Durand in Thesaur. nov. anecdotorum, iv.
Berlin, 1825,
fF.

Th. 12.

S. 143,

ff.
:

Staudlin's Osterprogr. v. 1814

Mansi, xix. 761 (on its authenticity see Staudliu im Archive, 1. c. S. 81, if). survey of all the treatises is given by Bemaldi Constautiensis^ de Berengai-ii damnatione multiplici lib. written a.d. 1088 (the more important part first pubUshed by P. F. Chiffletius in Scriptorum vett. de iide catholica opusc. v. 1G56, ap. Mansi, xix. 757; complete by Matth. Rieberer in Raccolta Ferrarese di opuscoli scientifici e letterati, t. 21. Venezia. 1789, p. 37, ss. Neader's Kirchengesch. iv. 327. Dr. A. Ebrard's Dogma v. heil. Abendmale u. s. Geschichte, Bd. 1 (Frankf. a. M. 1845) S. 439.
99, ap.

Although Pasohasius's sjnl.imencs concerning the Lord's Suponly the Organon of Aristotle was known in theWest by the Latin translation of Boethi>: (Vol. I. Div. II. 114, note 10), or .-ather, only the introduction of PorphjTy, and the first

two

translated

on the Sentences, which alone were by Boelhius. See ("ousin Oavragcs inedits d' Abelard. Introduction, p. li. Ail these writings were known to, and used by, iudividnals even from the ninth century-, as, for instance, Rabanus Maui-us {Ccusin, I. c. p. Ixxvi.), Gerbert, and an anonymous commentator on the Organon in ta tenth century, p. ;zxx. but now the acquaintance with them was more general. Notker Labeo translated both these treatises of Aristotle even
treatises of the Organon, on the Categories, and
:

into the
-'

Opera (Comra. in Ep. Pauli de Ccrpore et Sang. Domini epistolae, etc.), ed. Luc. d'Achery. Paris. 1648. fol.; prefixed to which is his life '* Hist. lit. de la Fr. viii. 197. by his younger contftmporary Milo Orisp:r::s. The conjecture of the late Staiidlin founded on the remarkable correctiors (in the
Hist.
viii.

Frankish-German. lit. de la France,

Sec note

7.
;

260, ss.

1G4

THIRD PERIOD. DIV.

II. A. 1). 3;S-1073.

per had been adopted by many,^ and others taught at least the
corporeal presence of Christ without entering into a

more subtle

development of the subject,^ yet many still maintained a merely Thus Berengarius " also declared against spiritual presence.* Paschasius, and in favor of the alleged John Scotus.^ He
Archive, Bd.
2, S. C.j), that it may have been Berengar's own MS., is somewhat bold. Perhaps there were two editions of that work, the MS. having been originally taken from the first, and then improved and corrected after the second. Another MS. of a treatise ol

Berengar's, probably the


Mabillon. Oudini

same

treatise,

was
i.

formerly in the library of the Jesuits at

Louvaiu, see Possevini Apparatus sacer,

comm. de scriptt. cccl. ii. he found out again and compared. ' In editions designated as anonymous. That Bernaldus was the author, see in Monurtientares Alemannicas illustrantia (ed. Ussermann.
'

2U, from which extracts have been given by 632. It is very desirable that this MS. should

St. Blasii, 1792)

ii.

427.

Tortona about 950) Lib. de corpore et sang. Christi (in Muratorii Anecdota, iii. 237). It was confirmed especially by miraculous stories, such as are found iven in Paschasius's own writings. Comp. the proofs in Syn. Attrebatensi, ann. 1025,
in
..

So by Gezo (abbot

2 (Mansi, xix. 433).


*
:

dictione

So Ratherius Ep. vi. ad. Patricum (in d'Achery Spicileg. i. 37C) Istud Dei beuevinum vcrus, et non figurativus efScitur sanguis, et caro panis. De caeteris, quaeso, ne soUiciteris quandoquidcm mysterium esse audis, et hoc fidci nam si mysteriuin Gcrbert de Corp. et Saug si fidei, debet credi, non discuti. est, non valet comprehendi

133, see 28, note 3), regards the schism between Paschasius and Ratramnus as not a great one, and is fired with zeal only against the Stercoranists, particularly against Heribaldus and Ilabanus. ^ Sigebert. Gemblac. de Scriptt. eccles. c. 137 (Fabricii Bibl. cedes, p. 109), writes ol Congessit etiani contra R-atbertum multa catholiconni' Herigcr, abbot of Laubes (t 1007) Patmm scripta de corpore et sanguine Dflmini. Aelfric (see 28, note 8) expresses decidedly the AugustinianRatramnian doctrine, that Christ's body is partaken of, not This opinion is maintained in an ooi^poreall}", but spiritually (na lichamlice ac gastlice). Easter Homily, which has been preserved in the Anglo-Saxon tongue, and is often opposed to the Catholics as a testimony for the faith of the Anglo-Saxon Church (prim. ed. Matth. Parker, London, 1567. 12, and also in Bedae Hist. eccl. cum Alfredi Regis parnCantabrig. 1644. fol. p. 462. Comp. the Creed of tlie phrasi Saxon, ed. A. Whelok. Anglo Saxon Church by H. Soames. Oxf. 1835. 8). Whether the error of Ledthericb, archbishop of Sens, censured by Robert, king of France (Helgaldus iu vita Robcrti ap. Bouquet, x. 100; Baronius, ann. 1004, no. 3) related to the use of the Eucharist as an

Christi (in Pezii Thcs.

i. ii.

ordeal, or to the formula of administration

Si dignus es,

accipc,

is

obscure.

Praesul

bene correctus, a Rege pio et bono sapienter instnictus, quievit, obmutuit, et siluit a dogmatc pervenso, quod erat contrarium omni bono, et jam crescebat in saeculo. But in Hujus tempore Leuthericus Seuon. a vita Johannis XVII. (Mansi, xix. 279) it is said Archiep. haeresis Berengarianae primordia et semina sparsit. ' Even Fulbert (see $ 28, note 5), Berengar's teacher, says, Epist. 1 (Bibl. PP. Lugd. Corporis et sanguinis sui pignus salutare nobis reliquit, non inanis luysterii xviii. 5) symbolum. Ep. 2, p. 6 Panis ab Episcopo consecratus in unam et idem corpus Christi ti'ansfunditur. Sed quodammodo aliud esse dicitur, quod virginali utcro sumta came cnjus memoriam in pane Presbyteris collate Episcopus agere crucis injuriam sustinuit, videtur: aliud, quod per mysterium agitur. He can not, however, have expressed liimself decidedly against the transformation-doctrine, since Adelmanu, in his letters, refers
:

Berengar
'

to their

common

teacher.

The

iirst

traces are afforded

Veritate corp. et sang.


gr. Bibl.

Dom. ad Bereng.

PP.

xviii. 438, far

by the two works written to refute liim Adelmanni de epist. (of which many though faulty editions, ex. more complete ox MS. Guelpherb. ed. C. A. Schmidt. Brunsv
:

PARTI.WEST. CHAP.
wrote a
letter

III. CULTURE.

$ 29.

BERENGARIU3.

1G5

on the subject to Lanfranc,* on the strength of


;

which he was condemned without a hearing at Rome,^ 1050 and the council of Vercelli,^^ immediately after, repeated the
written before 1049 (Hist. lit. de la Fr. vii. 542) and the notorious (see 27, Hugonis Ep. Lingonensis Lib. de corp. et sang. Doni. (prim. ed. d' Achery in 0pp. Lanfranci, append, p. 68, ss. Bibl. PP. Lugdun. xviii. 417), likewise written before 1049 (Hist. lit. de la Fr. vii. 438). The first was answered by Berengar, as appears, after some time, in his Purgatoria Epist. contra Adelmann. (Fragm. in Martene et Durand. Thes. nov. anecdot. iv. 109, ss. and ap. Schmidt, 1. c. p. 34, ss. 8 Bereng. Epist. ad Lanfr. (prim. ed. d' Achery in 0pp. Lanfr. p. 22, ap. Mansi, xix. Pervenit ad me, frater Lanfranc, quiddam auditam ab Ingelranno Carnotensi, in 768) quo dissimulare non debui ammonere dilectioneni tuam. Id autem est, displicere tibi immo haereticas habuisse sententias Joannis Scoti de Sacramento altaris, m quibus disHac ergo in re si ita est, frater, indignum fecisti ingenio, sentit a suscepto tuo Paschasio. quod tibi Deus non aspernabile contulit, praeproperam ferendo sententiam. Nondum enim adeo sategisti in Scriptura divina cum tuis diligentioribus. Et nunc ergo, frater quantumlibet rudis in ilia Scriptura vellem tantum audire de eo, si opportunum mihi fieret, adhibitis quibus velles, vel judicibus congruis, vel auditoribus. Ciuod quamdiu non fit, non Si haereticum habes Joannem, cujus sententias de aspernanter aspicias quod dico. Eucharistia probamus habendus tibi est haereticus Ambrosius, Hieronymus, Augustinus, Guitmundus de Corp. et Sang. Chr. (comp. below, note 15) relates ut de caeteris taceani. Postquam a dom. Lanfranco in dialectica de re satis parva turpiter at the commencement est coufusus, cumque per ipsum d. Lanfrancum virum aeque doctissimum liberales artcs Deus recalescere atque optime reviviscere fecisset desertum se iste a disclpulis dolens, ad eructanda impudenter divinarum Scripturarum Sacramenta sese convertit ^ Lanfranc. de Euchpr. cap. 4: Tempore S. Leonis P. delata est haeresis tua ad apostolicam sedem. Q,ui cum sjTiodo praesideret, jussum est in omnium audientia recitari, quas mihi de corpora et sanguine Domini literas transmisisti. Portitor quippe earum legatus tuus, me in Normannia non reperto, tradidit eas quibusdam clericis. tluas cum legissent, et contra usitatissimam Ecclesiae fidem scriptas animadvertiss^nt zelo Dei accensi, quibusdam ad legendam eas porrexerunt, plurimis earum sententias verbis exposueruut. Itaque factum est, ut non deterior de te quam de me fuerit orta suspicio, ad quem videlicet tales literas destinaveris, promulgata est in te damnationis sententia. Posthaec praecepit Papa, ut ego surgerem, pravi ramoris a me maculam abstergei'em, fidera meam exponerem, expositam plus sacris auctoritatibus quam argumentis probareni. Itaque surrexi, quod seusi dixi, quod dixi probavi, quod probavi omnibus placuit, nuUi disOn the other hand, Berengarius de Sacra coena, MS. p. 11 Saepius me de falsiplicuit. tate tua scriptum tuum compellit ut loquar qua enim fronte scribere potuisti, suspicionem contra te de meo ad te scripto potuisse oriri ? nee sani ergo capitis fuit, aliquid contra te suspicari de scripto illo, in quo ego reprehenderam, quod omnes, ut scribis te fecisse, approbabant. Cluod promulgatam dicis in me damnationis sententiam, sacrilegae sancto ilJi tuo Leoni notara praecipitationis affigis injustum enim esse praescribunt tarn humana jura, quam divina, inauditum aliquem condemnari. Maxime cum me Leo ille accersisset donee certum fieret, utrum praeseutiam ejus adire sufFugerem, suspendenda fuit sententia ut revera cognosceret, quod falsissimuiii habet scriptum tuum, quaenam ego commun. ut per me verbis audiretur aut scriptis, quae ego in Joh. Scoto fidei adversa sentirem, approbarem, quae in Pascasio Corbejensi monacho condemnarem. Milo Crispinus iii vit. Lanfranci, c. 3, says that he journeyed to Rome causa cujusdam clerici nomine BerenThe Hist. lit. garii, qui de Sacramento altaris aliter dogmatizabat, quam Ecclesia tenet. de la Fr. viii. 263, attempts to account for the journey in a different way. See, however,
1770.
8)
;

note

4)

on the other side, Lessing, xii. 230. '" Lanfranc contiaues Dehinc declarata est synodus Vercellensis, quae tunc proximc Septembri eodem praesidente Pontifice est celebrata Vercellis, ad quam vocatus non
:

venisti.

Ego

vero praecepto ao proecibas praefati Pontificis usque ad ipsam synodun^

16G

THIRD

rEllIO.D. DIV II. AD.

8.58-107:3.

same sentence.
sc'cum remansi.
ac

By

this

means

public

opinion

was turned
quam ego teneo Duo clerici, qui

In qua in audientia

omnium Joannis
:

Scoti liber de Eucliaristia lectus


s.

est ac damnatus, seutentia tua exposita ac daninata

fides

Ecclcsiae,

tenendam

adstruo, audita, ct concordi

omnium
:

as.scnsu confirmata.

legntos tuos 86 esse ilixerunt, volentes te dcfendere. in primo statim aditu del'ecerunt et

On the other side, Bereugarius, p. 16 Pervenerat ad me, praecepisse Leonem ego Vercellensi iUi conventui, in quo tanieu nullum Papae debebam obedientiam, non deessem. Dissuascrant secundum ecclesiastica jura, secundum quae nullus extra provinciam ad judicium ire cogendus est, personao ecclesiasticae, dissuascrant aniici
capti sunt.
iUuni, ut

ego ob reverentiani pontificatus multo Romam ita labore susceperam, et ut irem securius. ad Regem Franciae, Ecclcsiae, cujus eram clericus, Abbatem (on this relation, which Lessing misunderstands, p. 261, see Thomassinus, P. i. lib. iii. c. 64, 4), accesseram, nihil a regia dignitate, nihil ad Abbatis paternitate sinistrura exspectabam, cum me carcerandum ac rebus omnibus exspoliamlum cuidam dedit. Hoc Leo ille Vercellis audivit, non apostolica dignitate, non paterna miseratione, non humana motus est compassione, haereticum me potius voce sacrilega in convuntu illo Vercellensi pronunciavit. P. 18 Quod sententiam meam scribis Vercellis in conscssu illo expositam, dico de rei veritate ct testimonio conscientiae meae, nullum co tempore sententiam meam cxposuisse, quod nee raihi eo tempore tanta perspicuitate constabat, quod nondum tanta {)ro veritate eo tempore perpessus, nondum tam diligenti in Scripturia consideratione sategeram. clerici illi mei re vera non fnerunt, Duos clericos raeos Vercellis afFuisse scripsisti, me defendere minime susceperunt. Alter Concanonicus mihi erat in Ecclcsia b. Martini, hunc clerus ille b. Martini, cum me Rex carcerandum dedisset cuidam adolescentulo, consilio communi ad Leonem ilium misit' Vercellis, si forte, infortunio nico compatiens, Huic, cum esset in conventu illo Vercellensi. christiano rigore aliquid pro me adoriretur. ct quidam interrogatus a Papa responderet ad interrogata, quod respondendum putavit, visum illi est, sicut mihi ipse narravit, dare ilium sententiam, quod essem hacrcticus quo

viso perturbatissimus, ad quern nesciebat, inclaniavit,

quantum

potuit:
ei,

"per Denm omniEcclcsia b.


et libito tno

potentem

raeutiris :" Alter compatriota tuus

nomine Stephanus,

qnem ab
ex nutu

Martini missum dico non ignotus,


conscindi, nobili

cum

vidisset libellum Job. Scoti

pcrmotus zelo non tacuit, similiter posse conscindi librum nliqucm praeproperantur b. Augustini, non adhibita mora et lima, utrum conscindeudus esset, suffiIta foctum est, ut juberet Leo ille, utrumque teneri, non tamen, cientis considerationis.
ut ipse postea exponebat, ut
illos
illis

aliquid injuriae fieret aut molestiae, sed

ne turba

forte in

illicitum adoriretur aliquid.

Ita indignura eruditione tua scriptum continuit tantam


tui

fals'itatem

tuum

"duo

clerici

te volentes defendere

primo aditu del'ecerunt,"

etc.

When

Berengarius, on the

way

ney, he took a circuitous route friends there. But he found the universal voice against him, particularly
at

went to Paris to ask permission for the jourthrough Normandy, probably for the purpose of making
to Vercelli,

in the conference Brionc (Duraudi Abb. Troarn. de Corp. et Sang. Ch. pars ix.). So also at Bee, as appears from the letters ol Bercng. ad Ascelinum mon. Beccnsem, and ap. Ascelini Bereng. (prim. ed. d'Acherj in Opp. Lanfr. not. ad vit. Lanfr. p. 24, ap. Mansi, xix. 77.")). When
tc

eo Episcopis, ad quos contendebam this passage, s..' often misunderstood, refers (Stfiudlin im Arch. S. 43) to the council of Vercelli. In the mean time Henry I. had summoned a council at Paris to try Bereugarius there, but Dcoduinus (not Durandus), bishop of Liege, made objections. Comp.
Eucl.aristia,
in
;

Bcrengar writes quibuscunque de

Ascil: Per vos igitur transiens disposueram omnino nihil agere

cum

priusquam satisfacerem

his Epist. ad

totam Germaniam pervasit, jamque omnium nostrum replevit aures, qualiter Bruno Andegavensis Episeopus, item Bereugarius Turon. antiijuas haereses modernis temporibus introducendo, adstiniant, corpus Domini non tam corpus esse, quam unibram et figuram corporis Domini Icgitima conjugia Q.uos ad revinccndestruant, et quantum in ipsis est, baptismum parvulorum evertant. dnm ac publico confutandum ajuut, vos Concilium advocnsse. Sed despernmus id fieri,

PP.

xiv. 244)

Regem (first ed. complete Fama supremos Galliae

in the Bibl.

PP. Lugd.

xviii. 531.

Gnllamlii Bibl.

fines praetergressa

posse,

cum Bruno

cxistat Episcojius, Episcopuai

autcm nou oportet damuatiouis subire

r\RT' "'FST
B-^-ain?t

CHAP. III. CULTURE.


still

29.

BERENGARIUS.

1G7

him, though he
of his orthodoxy

had

many

friends.' '

He

succeeded,

Tours and relying on his powerful aid, he ventured to appear at the synod of Rome (1059). Here Humbert's rough violence forced him to subscribe a creed truly CaBerengarius renounced it with great bitterness as pernaitic.'^

?iovev2r, in convincing Hildebrand, the papal legate of

1054)

'^

sententiam praeter apostolicam auctoritatem. And at the conclusion: Cluamobreui BfQet Berengarium jam anathematizatos arbitraraur. ftuod si ita est, vere illis audientia Concilii deneganda est, et cum vestris, cumque nostris Episcopis {si vobis ita videtur) cum amico vestro Imperatore, cum ipso Papa, quae viudicta in illos statuatur, deliberandum. By these arguments Henry seems to have been induced to give up the council, and adopt the other course described by Berengarius himself. For that Durand's (1. c.) account of a council actually held at Paris is wholly false, is proved incontrovertibly bj' Les.<!ing, p. 264, ff., though Staudlin in the Archiv. p. 34, fF., opposes him. On the other

nonem

hand, Durand's evidence in favor of Berengars journey into Normandy is satisfactory au thoritj', since he was himself an inhabitant of that country. Lessing's doubts on this head

The letter of (p. 276) are satisfactorily removed by the order of events given above. Deoduinus, Lessing had no right to question (p. 275), as it is mentioned as early as by Guitmundus de Verit. Euchar. lib. i. init. '' Cf Berengarii Epist. ad Richardum (prim. ed. d'Achery in Spicil. iii. 400, ap. Mansi, xix. 784), and the fragment in Mabillon. Act. SS. ord. Bened. saec. vi. P. ii. Praef. n. 22,in which he prays intercedingly with the king, si forte aliqua munificentia compensaret damnum, quod in clerico Ecclesiae suae injustissime, ac regia majcstate indignissirae tantum intulit. Further, the very friendly Epist. Frollanti Ep. Silvanectensis ad Bereng.

(prim. ed. d'Achery,

1. c.

p. 399, ap.

Oudinus de

Scriptt. eccl.

ii.

629),

concluding: Illud

volo Fraternitas tua noverit, quod

Regis.
10),
'2

Other friends of and Paulinus. See below, note


Lanfranc.
1.

multum firmiter acquisivi tibi gratiam domini mei Berengar's were Brano, bishop of Angers (cf. Deoduinus, note
20.

sententia (Leonis IX.) non effugit successorum quoque suum Deuique in concilio Turonensi, cui ipsius interfuere ac felicis memoriae P. Victorem.
c.
:

duae

praefuere legati, data est

tibi optio

defendendi partem tuam.

duam cum

defendendam

suscipere nou auderes, confessus coram omnibus

Ecclesiae fidem, jurasti te ab ilia hora ita crediturum, sicut in Romano concilio (see below, note 13), te jurasse est superius compreliensum. On the other hand, Berengarius, p. 23: Compellit me, velim

communem

nolim,

longum facere continua

scripti tui

monachatu tuo indignissima

falsitas.

Sed quia

adhuc superest Hildebrandus, qui de veritate consultus tota dignitate est adhuc respondere idoneus visum est, de concilio Turonensi, quod rei Veritas habuit, neque tamen eo nisi paucissirais tempore iunotuit, palam facere. Tempore non Victoris, sed Leonis ab Eccle;

sia

suppleturus apostolicas. Turoni iusanorum, in quo adhuc, omisso me, audire eum potest, qui voluerit, de Propheta, de Apostolo, de Evangelista, de authenticis etiam scripadfuit.

Romana

Hildebrandus, vices

in negotiis ecclesiasticis

Huic contra calumniam

in

me

turis

satisfeci

Ambrosii, Augustiui, Hieronymi, Gregorii.

Hildebrandus veritatis per-

spicuitate cognita persuasit, ut ad

Leonem

P. intenderem, cujus auctoritas

superborum

invidiam atque ineptorum tumultum compesceret. The books were to be given to tho bishops, quos undecunque Hildebrandus ipse multos fecerat comportari, in the mean time,

however, they had expressed themselves satisfied with Berengarius's confession, given orally and in writing Panis atque vinum altaris post consecrationem sunt corpus Christi et sanguis," haec me, sicut ore proferrem, juramento confirmavi corde teuere. Ita Hildebrandus tumultu compescito, alia est prosecutus negotia. During this time nunciatum illi est, P. Leonem rebus decessisse humanis, quo audito a proposito euudi
:

'

Romam
'^

itinere supersedi.
:

Nicolaus P. concessa tibi respondendi licentia, cum non auderes c. 5 pro tuae partis defensione aliquid respondere pietate motus ad preces tuas praecepit
Lanfranc.
:

1G8

THIRD PERIOD. DIV.

II. A.D. 858-1 07J.

soon as he had regained his liberty," and became involved in an


Namely, c. 2: "Ejjo Berengarius- anothetibi, quam supcrius posui. matizo oninom liaeresim, praecipue earn, de qua hactcnus infamatus sum, etc. Cunsemio autem s. Rom. Ecclesiae, scilicet panem et vinum, quae in allari ponuutur. post coiisecrationem non solum Sacrameiitura, sed etiam vcrum corpus et sauguiucm Uomiiii nostri J. Clir. esse, et sensnaliter non solum Sacramento, sed in vcriiate manibus sacerdotum
tradl scripturam

tractari, frangi et fidelium

deutibus
frctus

atteri,

jurens per

s.

et liomousiou Trinitatem," etc.

Cum

ergo venisses

Romam,

iis, qii\

plus impensis a tc bencficiis, ijuam ralione a te

audita

opem

tibi

promiserant, non ausus dcfensare, quod antea sensoras. postulasti Nico-

laum Pont, ejusque concilium, quateuus fiJem, quam teneri oporteret, verbis tibi tradcret, scriptura firmaret. Injuncta est hujus rei cura Humberto Episcopo. Itaque verba fidei superius comprebensa scripsit, tu vero acquiscens accepisti, legisti, confessus es, te ita credere, jurejurando confirmasti, tandem manu propria subscripsisti. Cur ergo scriptum boc magis adscribis Humberto Ep. quam tibi, quam Nicolao Pont., quam ejus concilio, quam dcnique omnibus Ecclesiis? C. 1 Tu quoque inclinato corpore, sed non bumiliato corde igncm accendisti, librosque perversi dogmatis in medio s. Coucilii in eum conjecisti jurans per id, quod rebus omnibus incomparabiliter majus est, iidem a Patribus, qui praesentes eiant, traditam inviolabiliter te servaturum, veteremque doctrinam tuam de corp. et sang. Domini ab ilia die aliis non praedicaturum. On tbe otberside, Bcrengarius, p. 43: Ego longe verius te, quid cum Nicolao egerini, novi. Ego Nicolaum P. quanta potui objurgatione adortus, cur me quasi feris objecisset, immansuetis animis, qui nee audire poterant spiritualem de Christi corpore refectionem, et ad vocem spiritualitatis aures potius obturabant; minime ad boc adducere potui, ut me ipse mansuetudinc cbristiana patenia(iiic diligentia audiret, aut, si id minus liceret, minusve liberet, idoneos ad negotlum, qui scripturas ex mora et liina inteudereut, eligeret. Solum milii, ut in Hildebran-

dum

isia conjicerem.

Papa

rcspondit.

Ita nee mihi respoudendi licentiam iecit, nee quia

non auderem defendere partes meas, sed (juia comminatione mortis, et forensibus etiam litibus indignissima, niecum agebatur tumultuaria peiturbationc, usquequaque obmutui, nee ullas, ijuod mcntitur scriptum tuum, ad Papam ego preces feci. Tantuni cum obmutuisseni, ne mecum christianismo suo indignum agerent, corde convolvens bumi jirocubui.

in

eoque

meam

tecum

infelicitatem confiteor

maximam, quia
;

instantis timore mortis

atque insinorum perturbatione dejectus a protestatione veritatis et defensione mea obmuquamquam nobilem qucndam, tui, non quod a percepta unquam veritate desciverim

non dissimili, cui interluisset, con" compressus indoctorum grege conticui, veritu.s, ne merito cilio dixisse non nesciam haberer insanus, si sapiens inter insanos videri contenderem." P. 1 Manu, quod mendaciter ad te pervenit, non subscripsi, nam ut de consensu pronuuciarem meo, nuUus jcxegit, tantum timore praesentis jam mortis scriptum illud, absque uUa conscientia mea jam factum, manibus accepi. P. 35: Ab asserenda veritate iustantis mortis timore, conticui, propbetica, cvangelica et apostolica scripta in ignes ad vulgi jussionem conjeci. Solus Humbcrtus ille, inconvento et inaudito me, sine mora et lima diligentioris P. 4 secundum scripturas considerationis, quod voluit, scripsit, nimiaque levitate Nicolaus iile, de cujus ineruditione et morum indignitate facile milii erat non insufficicnter scribere, quod dixerat Humbertus, approbavit. P. 5: Expertus in Humberto ego sum non dei eervura, sed Antichristi membrum. P. 7 Quod de bumilitate vitae et doctrinae Humbert! quantum ad confirma.s, utinam non ox calumnia erga me tua, sed ex veritate firmaveris experientiam hominis dico meam, in negotio isto de mensa dominica, quoijuo modo vixcrit non bumiliter, sed superbissime docuit, ([uia ad praeferendum se milii contra ipsam veritatem. corruplibile adhuc esse Cbristi cori)us, dicere non exborruit. Si bumi'itas in illo Christiana fuisset, non me inauditum quasi bacreticum condemnassct ]iotius revera me mocum sub congruis judicibus, non ;um gladiia audiens, si veritatis invenisset inimicum, et fustibus, sed cnristiana mansuetudinc constitissct. * Beriialdus ae Bereng. damnat. miiltipl. Sed Beringerius more sua ad proprium vo-

mibique

in

immensum superiorem de quodam


:

forsitan

mitum

rediro non timuit, ut ultra

omnes haereticos Romanos

Pontifices et

b.

Rom. Eccle-

iam

verbis et scriptis blasphemarc praesumsit.

Nempe

S.

Lconcm

P. non pontifieem,

PART

].WEST.

CHAP.
;

111. CULTURE.

$ 29.

BERENGARIUS.

1G9

animated corrRspondence '^ in which, during the progress of the controversy/ he had an opportunity of developing his opinion
sed pompificem et pulpificem appellavit, s. Rom. Ecclesiam vanitatis concilium et Ecclesiam malignantium, Romanam sedem non apostolicam, sed sedem Satanae dictis et Unde venerabilis P. Alexander Uteris eum satis amice scriptis non timuit appellare. praemonuit, ut a secta sua cessaret, nee amplius s. Ecclesiam scandalizaret. Ille autem ab incepto deslstere noluit, hocque ipsum eidem Apostolico literis suis reraandare non timuit. " Against Berengar's first writing, ad Lanfrancum et Richardum. (It is said to be in MS. in the Royal Library at Paris, Hist. lit. de la Fr. viii. 223. Nothing more thaji the Fragments in Laufranc's reply have been pubUshed, collected in Staudlin's Easter programme of 1814, p. 8, ss.) wrote Lanfraucus de Euch. sacr. (not as the Hist. lit. de la Fr. viii. 312, s. 279, would have it for the sake of converting Berengar in 1079, but between 1063-1069, see Lessing, S. 180, fF.) In reply to this Berengarius de Sacra coena adv. Lanfr. Durandi Abb. Troamensis lib. de Corp. et Sang. Chr. contra Bereng. in ix. PP. (prim. ed. d'Achery in 0pp. Lanfr. app. p. 71, ss. ap. Gallandius, xiv. 24.'5) was written after 1059, and before Lanfranc's production, and Guitmundi Archiep. Aversani de Corp. et Sang. Chr. veritate in Eucharistia lib. iii. (in Bibl. PP. Lugd. xviii. 440) between 1073 and 1077. '^ Berengarii fu'st work adv. Lanfr. (ap. Lanfr. c. 10) Sacrificium Ecclesiae duobus constat, duobus conficitur, visibili et invisibili, Sacramento et re Sacramenti (i.e., Cbristi Ibid. c. 9 Per consecrationem altaris fiunt panis et vinum sacramentum relicorpore). gionis, non ut desinant esse, quae erant, sed ut sint, quae erant, et in aliud corarautentur, quod dicit b. Ambrosius in libro de Sacramentis. De Sacra coena MS. p. 39 Sunt enim

sicut

secundum religiouem sacramenta,

ita

secundum

aliud alimenta, sustentamenta.

P.

64

Fit panis, quod

ante fuerat

nunquam ante consecrationem fuerat, de pane, scilicet de eo, quod commune quiddam, beatificum corpus Christi, sed non ut ipse panis per coi'-

ruptionem esse desinat panis, sed non ut corpus Christi esse nunc incipiat per generationem sui, but according to the iUustrations of Ambrosius, as man becomes a nova creatura from a vetas creatura, and a filius fidelis from a filius perditionis. P. 65 Panis consecratus in altari amisit vilitatem, amisit inefEcaciam, non amisit naturae proprietatem. P. 79 Omne quod sacratur necessarioin melius provehitur, minime consumitur per corruptionem subjecti. Epistolae ad Adelmann. fragm. i. Not tlie res sacramentorum, but the sacramenta are signa, figurae, similitudines, pignora, as also Augustin. de Civ. Dei, lib. x. explains sacramentum by sacrum signum cum constet nihilominus, verum Christi corpus in ipsa mensa proponi, sed spiritualiter interiori homini verum in ea Christi corpus ab his dumtaxat, qui Christi membra sunt, incorruptum, intaminatum,
:
:

Hoc Patres publice praeconantur, aliudque esse corpus et sanguinem, aliud corporis et sanguinis sacramenta non tacent; et utrumque a piis, visiblliter sacramentum, rem sacramenti invisibiliter, accipi ab impiis autem tantum
inattritumque spiritualiter manducari.
:

Nihilominus tamen sacramentum secundum quendam modum -es ipsas es^e, quarum sacramenta sunt, universaque ratio et universa auctoritas exigit. Namely, de Sacr. coen. MS. p. 51 Non minus tropica locutione dicitur panis, qui ponitur quam dicitur Christus in altari, post consecrationem est corpus Christi, et vinum sanguis
sacramenta, commendant.
:
: ; :

est leo, Christus est agnus, Christus est

summus

angularia lapis.

On

the other hand,

Lanfranc's view, de Euchar.


mirabilitcr, operante

c.

18: Credimus terrenas substantias, quae in

mensa domi-

nica per sacerdotale ministerium divinitus sanctificantur, ineffabiliter, inconiprehensibiliter,

superna potentia, couverti in essentiam Domini corporis, reservatis ipsarum rerura speciebus, et quibusdam aliis qualitatibus, no percipientes cruda et cruenta horrerent, et ut credentes fidei praemia ampliora perciperent, ipso tamen dominico corpore existente in caelestibus ad dexteram Patris immortali, inviolato, integro, incontaminato, illaeso ut vere dici possit, et ipsum corpus, quod de Virgiue sumtum est, nos sumere, et tamen non ipsum ipsum quidem, quantum ad essentiam, veraeque naturae proprietatem, atque naturam non ipsum autem, si spectes panis vinique speciem, caeteraquo Buperius comprehensa.
;
;

170

THIRD PERIOD. DIV.


clearly,

II. A.D. 8.38-1073.

more

and

also defending

it

with logical reasons;'^ while

the transformation-doctrine
" The
distrust of dialecti':s
srill

was

also

more
tlie

definitely explained'*

Rom. on Cf Lanfranc. dc Euch. c. 7 Relictis sacris ajetoritatibus ad (Jialecticam confugium facis. Et quidem dc mysterio fidei auditurus ao respousurus, quae ad rem dcbennt pertinero, mallcm audire nc respondere sacras auctoritates, quam dialcctioas ratioues. Verum contra hacc quoque
foit is

shown by

demand

of the Cone.
9)

Lanfranc, ut plus sacris auctoritalibus,


:

qaam argumentis

probaret (note

nostri erit studii resjiondeie, no ipsius artis inopia me putes in bac tibi parte decsse. Fortasse jactantio quibusdam videbitur, et ostentationi magis quam uecessitati deputabitur. Sed testis mihi Deus est, et couscientia mea, quia in trnctatu diviuarum Literarum nee proponere, nee ad proposita respondere cuperem dialecticas quacstioncs vol carum

sohitiones.

cleatius explicari, in

quando materia disputandi tabs est, ut hujus artis regulis valeat enuquantum possum jier aequipollentias propositionum tego artem, ne videar magis arte, quum veritate, sanctorumque I'utrum auctoritatc confidere. Cluamvis b. Augustinus banc disciplinam amplissime laudct, et ad omnia, quae in sacris Uteris vcstigantur, plurimum valere confirmet, etc. On the other baud, Bereugarius MS. p. C7
si

Et

He

does not neglect the sacras auctoritates where

it is

necessary

quanquam
:

ratione

agere in pcrceptione veritatis incomparabiliter superiustesse, quia in evidenti res est, sine vecordiae caecitate nullus negaverit. In support of this he cites Augustine " Rationi
purgatioris aniraae, quae ad perspicuam veritatem pervenit, auctoritas nullo

modo bumana

Maxirai plane cordis est, per omnia ad dialecticam confugere, quia coufugere ad cam, ad rationem est confugere quo qui non confugit, cum secundum rationem sit factus ad imaginem Dei, suum bonorem reliquit, ncc potest renovari de die in diem ad imaginem Dei. Examples of their dialectics: In his first work, Berengar says (ap.
propouitur."
:

Laufr.

c.

5-8),

that in the

Christi corpus et sanguis, lies also the proposition


position, Cbristus est

non constare poterit On this logical parts subject and predicate if the subject be denied, so is the predicate. rule Lanfranc, c. 7, remarks that instead of the particularis negativa, the universalis must be inserted nulla afBrmatio constare poterit parte subruta, otherwise there would be in the syllogism, duae particulares praecedentes, from which it would be impossible to draw any regular conclusion. On the other band, Berengarius MS. p. 74 Si cjuid secundum negligentiam dixi, non me multum poenituerit circa rem ipsam nee transeunter Another form of the same argument MS. p. 50 Omue, quod est aliud, est in eo, agis. quod aliquid est, nee potest res ulla aliquid esse, si desinat ipsum esse. As if I should say Socrates Justus est, nullo modo Socrates Justus erit, si Socrates esse non contigeret. '" How loosely this was apprehended at first is proved by Epist. Ascclini ad Bereng., where it is first said, panem ct vinum vcre carnem et sanguinem potentialitcr creari, next hoc, quod in altari consecratur, unitur corpori illi, quod ex Maria virginc redemtor assumsit. Berengarius ad Adelm. Eragm. iii. thus sets forth the opposition of the two opinions Mea vel potius Scripturarum causa ita erat, panem et vinum mensae doniinicae non sensualiter, sed intelleetualiter non per absumtionem, sed per assumtionem non in portiunculam carnis sed in totum converti Christi corpus et sanguinem. That the porti;
:

solummodo sunt verum vinum superosse. just as the angularis lapis, supposes of course that Christ is still Christ. For: But an aflirmatiou consists of the affirmatio omnis, parte subruta.
proposition, panis ct

vinum

altaris

panem

et

uncula carnis

is

not a disfigurement (as Staudlin, in Arch. S. 70,

ff.

says), but that the


is

dogma while

in the course of

development was frequently apprehended thus coarsely,

taught inter alia by the narration of the syn. Attrcbatensis, anu. lOS.'i (Mansi, xix. 434), that the host had once presented itself as partem digiti auriculnris sanguine cruentatam. H-'jre an advancement is shown by the cxpositio cnnonis Missae secundum Pctrum

Damiani, in A. Maji Scriptt. vet. nova coUcctio, vi. ii. 211 but which on account of its title can not be looked on as a work of Peter, but was probably composed soon after his death), where so much stress was laid on his authority, in this contnjversy, see below, note 22. Comp. this expositio, 4, p. 'ZVi Sicut et vidua Sareptana quotidie comcdcbat, et non
(
:

diminuebatur farina de hydria ot oleum do locytho,

sic

universa Eeclcsia quotidie sumit

PART by

I. WEST.

CHAP.

III. CULTURE.

29

BERENGARIUS.
'^
;

171
%':.'':

his opponents.

He had

still

friends,

it is

true

but

irorrt

nature of the case they were not so fanatical^" as the adheron':?


et

nunquam consumit carnem


:

et

sauguinem Domini
ille

nostri J. Chr.
:

Venini an partes
est,

..

partes, an totum in totura transeat, novit

qui facit

ego quod residuum

igne

co'.\

buro

nam

credere jubemur, distinguere prohibemur.

Sed quia

instat quaerentis in:pr.

bitas, salva fide

concedemus, quod
fidei

talis

pauis iu tale corpus commutatur, nee pars

w
es:

partem.

Reor tamen salva

majestate, quod ubi panis est consecratas, totus

Christus iu tota specie panis, totus sub singulis partibus, totus in magno, totus in parva
totus in integro, totus iu fracto sacramento (so 1 read instead of scio tamen),

quod

dic^iui

sub totali specie totale corpus existit o.'j.' vero dividitur, in singulis divisionibus incipit esse totum sicut in speculo, dum est integrum, una tantum apparet inspicientis imago sed ipso fracto tot apparent imagines, quot sunt fracturae. Here, too, we meet with the first occuiTence of the word transub:

a quibusdam

quamdiu species Integra

est,

stantiatio, c. 7, p. 215.

" Berengarius MS.


facis contra

p.

27

duod nomen
:

Ecclesiae totiens ineptorum multitudini

tribuis,

sensa majorum

quod

dicis,

omnes tenere banc fidem

contra conscientiam

latere non potest, usque eo res ista agitata est, quam plurimos autpaene cujuscunque ordinis et dignitatis, qui tuum de sacrificio Ecclesia execrentur errorem, atque Pascasii Corbejensis monachi. '"' Guitmundi de Corp. et Sang. Chr. lib. i. Nam Berengariaui omnes quidem inhoc conveniant, quia panis et vinuni essentialiter non mutantur, sed ut extorquere a quibusdam potui, multum in hoc differunt, quod alii nihil omnino de corpore et sanguine Domini sacra-

tuam

dicis,

quam

infinitos esse

mentis

istis inesse,

Ecclesiae rationibus cedentes


contineri, et ut

sed tantummodo umbras haec et figuras esse dicunt alii vero rectis dicunt ibi corpus et sanguinem Domini revera, sed latenter
:

Et banc ipsius non quidem jam Berengariaui. sed aceiTime Berengario repuguantes, argumentis tamen ejus, et quibusdam verbis Domini paulisper ofiensi solebant olim putaro, quod panis et vinum ex parte putentur, et ex parte remaneant. Aliis vero videbatur panem et vinum ex toto quidem mutari, sed cum indigni accedant ad communicandum, camera Domini et sanguinem iterum iu panem et vinum reverti. This individual independence is also expressed in the letters of his two friends. Epist. Paulini primicerii Metensis ad Bereng. (in Martene et Durand. Thes. anecdot. i. 196) duod in scriptis tuis de Eucharistia accepi, secundum eos, quos posuisti auctores, bene sentis et catholice sentis. Sed quod de tanta persona sacrilegum dixisti Rogamus etiam, ut sobrie in Domino semper (see above, note 9), non puto approbandum. sapias, neque profunditatem Scripturai'um, quibus non oportet, margaritas scilicet porcis projicias. Comp. the excellent Epist. Eusebii Bruuonis Ep. Andegavensis ad Bereng. (prim. ed. Claud. Menardus in Augustiui adv. Julian, libb. ii. posteriores. Paris. 1G16. 8.
sumi
possint,
(ut ita

quodammodo

dixerim) impanari.

Rereugarii subtiliorem esse sententiam ajunt.

Alii vero,

p. 499, ss.)

Fratri et siucerae dilectionis cultu aniplectendo consacerdoti Ber. salutem.

Gaufridum praeconio publico ineptiae atque insania Lsmquibusdam interpositis obtestati estis, ut vos et ipsuni sub judice audiri faciam in libro b. Ambrosii d'6 Sacramentis. Super quod quid responsi habeam patienter aequanimiterque advertite. Veritatis asserendae, an famae quaerendae gi-atia, nescio, Deus [scit], sit haec orta motaque quaestio, quae, postquam Roman! orbis maximam paene partem peragravit, ad ultimum nos cum infami longinquorum ac vicinorum redargutione acerrime pulsavit. Contra quod tale responsionis elegi temperanientum quod a veritatis tramite nullo erroris diverticulo deviaret, et universalis Ecclesiae sublimioribus, et dignitate et eruditione, personis scandalum jure incutere minime deberet. Relictis turbulentis disputationum rivulis de ipso veritatis fonte ueccssarium dicimus haurire. duod est Dominus Jesus pridie quam pateretur, etc." Panem post consecraut's in haec verba sacerdotis sacrationem verum corpus Christi, et vinum eodem raodo vermin sanguinem esse credimus et confitemur. duod se quis hoc qualitei fieri possi tinquirat, non ei secundum naturae ordinem, sed secundum Dei oranipotentiam respondemus si vero aliquis, quid de hac re Patres Doctoresve nostri senserint a robis requisierit, ad
Scripsistis, ad vos pervenisse
francii suifragarii, et

172

THIRD PERIOD. DIV.

II. A. D. 858-1073.

of the marvelous doctrine.

As

is

always the case in barbarous

Even who manifestly favored Berengar, was not able to stem the tide. At the synod of Rome (1078) he attempted to restore .Berengar's orthodoxy by means of a confession of faith couched in general terms ^^ but he was compelled
times, fanaticism prevailed in the present instance also.^'

the all-powerful Gregory VII.,

coram
eligat

libros

cum mittimus, ut quid ibi iuvenerit, diligenter legal et quod accommodatius


cum gratiarum
actione et studio fratemae concordiae sibi

evangelicae veritati senserit,

ilia, ea securitate, qua Evangclium legentcs eorum sententiis in tantae rei disceptatione abstinemus, ne si Patnim sensa aut aliciuo eventu depravata, aut a nobis non bene intellecta, aut non plene inquisita,

Porro nos non Patrum scripta contemnentes, sed nee

inconvenienter protulerimus,
-^

etc.

Chron. S. Maxentii oder Malleacense (written about 1140) in Ph. Labbei Nov. bibl. MSS. Codicum, ii. 212: Anno aerae Christ. MLX.w. Pictavis fuit concilium, quod tenuit Giraudus legatus do corp. et sang. Domini, in quo Berengarius ferme interemtus, est. -^ Berengar. Acta cone. Rom. (Mansi, xix. 761) Juramentum Bereng. factum Romae

Comp. the tumult

at the council of Poitiers, 1075,

in ecclesia

Latcran. de Eucharistia temp. Gregorii P. VII.

"Profiteor

panem

altaris post

cODsecrationem esse verum corpus Christi, quod natum est de Virgine, quod passum est et vinum altaris, postqnam consecratara est, in cruce, quod sedet ad dexteram Patris esse verum sanguiuem, qui manavit de latere Christi. Et sicut ore pronuncio, ita me corde habere confinno, sic me adjuvet Deus et haec sacra." Scriptum istud, cum Romae apud Pajjam moram facerem, in conventu Episcoporum, quem habuit in festivitate omnium Sanctorum, vociferatione multa omnibus pronunciari fecit, dicens suflicere debere Inclamans populo, me non esse haereticum, his, quibus lac potus dandus esset, non cibus. omnibus testificans, in audientia sua ita me de Scripturis, non de corde meo habere Petrum Damiani non consensisse de sacrilicio Ecclesia dictis Lanfranni, negligenda esse ea, quae diceret Lanfrannus, potius quam ea, quae diceret Petrus Damiani Romanae Ecclesiae filius (but even the opposite party appealed to Peter Dam. who died 1072, see note 18). Ita Papa ille, cum quo moras paene per annum fecerara, compescitam putare visus est et compositam vecordiam turbae turbatae, etc. In the mean time the opposite party was not yet quiet: Cum tamen urgerent Papam ilium quam maxime pestilentes et Scripturarum perversores, ut exigeret a me moras adhuc Romae facerc usque ad conventum, qui futurus erat apud eum in Quadragesima Episcoporum, sperantes tune frequentiorem adfuturam turbam, et aliquid ulterius contra veritatem valiturum tumultum incptorum, etc. Et ita circa quaedam per Papae inconstantiam, quoad sperabat turba, Yet Gregory assured Berengar only a few days before the second rei exitus habuit.
;

council, p. 76G
dftbito,

Ego plane te de Christi sacrificio secundum Scripturas bene sentire non tamen quia consuetudinis mihi est, ad b. Mariam de his, quae me movent, recurrere, ante aliquot dies imposui religiose cuidam amico jejuniis et orationibus operam dare, atque ita a b. Maria obtinere, ut per eum mihi non taceret quorsum me de negotio, quod Rein manibus habebam de Christi sacrificio, rcciperem, in quo immotus persisterem. nihil de sacrificio Christi cogitandum, nihil esse tenendum, ligiosus vir a b. Maria audivit,
:

quod haberent authenticae Scripturae, contra quas Berengarius nihil habebat. Hoc Ita tibi manifestare volui, ut securiorem ad nos fiduciam et alacriorom spem habeas erraticis consensum raeum, ne secundum opinionem eorum quod legeram interpretarer, negavi. This was objected to Gregory particularly by Henry IV.'s party Benuo de vita Hildebrandi lib. i. (in Goldasti Apologiae pro Henrico IV. Hanoviae. 1611, p. 3) Jejunium indixit Cardinalibus, ut Deus ostenderet, quis rectius sentiret de corpore Domini, Romanisi
:

nave Ecclesia an Berengarius, since dubius in fide, infidelis est. Egilberti iVrchiep. Trevir. Epist. adv. Gregor VII. (Udalrici Babenb. Cod. epist. no. 160, in Eccardi Corpus historicum medii aevi, ii. 170) En verus pontifox et verus saccrdos, qui dubitat, si illud quod Bumitur in dominica mensa, sit vorura corpus et sanguis Christi.
:

PART
at

I. WEST.

CHAP.

III.

-CULTURE.

$ 29.

BERENGARIUS.

173
a

a second synod held at

Rome (1079)

to

demand

of

him
^^
;

confession of faith acceptable to the stricter party."

By

this
for,

means he succeeded

at least in procuring quiet for

him

though Berengar immediately recalled his forced confession, he was allowed to remain quietly in retirement on the island St.

Come
2'

near Tours,
1.

till

his death in the year


:

1088."
in festivitate

Berengarii Acta,

c.

p. 762

Papa, qui lu conventu

illo

omnium Sanc-

torum, scriptum suprapositum multa vociferatione fidei sufficere debere, omnibus pronunciari fecerat, nihil scripto demi, nihil a calumniatoribus
Antichrist!;

addi permiserat, usque eo

dejectus est importunitate Paduani scurrae, non Episcopi, et Pisani non Episcopi, sed

ut permitteret calumniatoribus veritatis in posteriori quadragesimali concilio


"

scriptum, a se firmatum in priori festivitate oo. SS., Episcoporum consessu, scripto mutari

hujusmodi
et

mysterium sacrae

Corde credo et ore confiteor, panem et vinum, quae ponuutur in altari, pel orationis et verba nostri Redemtoris substantialiter converti in verara

propriam et vivificatricem camem et sanguinem Jesu Christi Domini nostri, et post consecrationem esse verum Christi corpus, quod natum est de Virgine, et quod pro salute mundi oblatum in cruce pependit, et quod sedet ad dexteram Patris, et verum sangninem Christi, qui de latere ejus effusus est, non tantum per signura et virtutem Sacramenti, sed perpendi, ad sanum in proprietate naturae, etveritate substantiae." Egocharta correpta intellectum utcunque posse reduci et " substantialiter" et caetera verba., quae in scripto en-atici posuissent suo, respond!, quia ita placeret domino Papae, me "substantialiter" additurum. Namely substantialiter might also be understood salva sua substantia, therepanis sacratus in altari salva substantia est corpus Christi, i. e., non amittens quod fore Q.uod in scripto suo erratic! addiderunt "per mysterium erat, sed assumeus quod non erat. orationis," revera contra se scripserunt, quia nihil per mysterium ag! poterit, nisi aliud

res Sacramenti accipitur.

expositum latens habuerit, et quod expositum in hoc negotio Sacramentum, et quod latet After he had done, however, ad interpretationem meam, non ad ipsorum me legere inclamaverunt, ut etiam hoc juramento firmarem, nee (leg. me) secundum eorum sensa scriptum, quod tenebam, deinceps interpretatarum. But be availed himself of the evasion me ea, quae ante paucos dies mecum inde Papa egerat, sola tenere. See above, note 22. 2* See Literae commendatitiae Gregorii VII. datae Berengario (in d'Achery Spicileg Omnibus b. Petro fidelibus. Notum vobis omnibus facimus, nos anathema 413) iii. omnibus, qui injuriam aliquam facere praesnmserint Berengario, Romanae Ecclefecisse siae filio, vel qui eum vocabit haereticum quem post multas, quas apud nos, quantas voluimus, fecit moras, domum suam remittimus, et cum eo fidelem nostrum Fulconem nomine. '^ The respect in which the memory of Berengarius was held in Tours (comp. especially his disciple's Hildeberti epitaphium in Bereng. ap. Wilhelm. Malmsb., ap. Bai-on. ad ann. 1088), also the j-early festival at his grave (Mabillon. Act. SS. Bened. saec. vi. P. ii. praef no 6;j gave rise in later times to the assertion that he had at last turned from his eiTor. Mabillon, 1. c. no. 63, ss. Hist. lit. de la Fr. viii. 213, ss. On the other side Mosheim Institutt. hisc. etcl. p. 43;. note x. Lessing, S. 177, if. The contemporary Bernaldus in Jhron. ad ann. 1083 expressly asserts the contrary. Of Berengar's doctrine we always find only one-sided views, as, Sacramentam non esse revera corpus Christi et sanguineia, sed veri corp. et s. figuram (Trithem. Chron. Hirs. i. 194, etc.). Hence also he is considered a heretic by Luther (Bekenntn. v. Abendmal Christi, 1528) and all the older Lutherans, Mut praised by the Calviaists. But after the discovery of many original documents even Mabillon, 1. c. no. 34, ss. and Martene and Durand (Thes. nov. anecd. iv. 99), are of opinion that be only denied transubstantiation, but conceded the praesentia realis which might hove been more accurately determined after hia work was discovered. Lessing, p, 152,
:

fi'.

374

THIED PEEIOD.DIV.

II. AD. 838-1073

FOURTH CHAPTER.
HISTOttY OF MONACHISM.
Jo. Mabillonii

Annates

ord. S. Beaed., libb.

xxxv.

Ixii.

Ejusd. Acta SS. ord. S. Bened.

saec. V. et vi.

30.

CORRUPTION OF THE CONVENTS.

The most in these rude times. monks, reached abuse of bestowing them as fiefs on persons not From all sides rapacious hands were stretched its height.*

The monasteries

suffered

out toward the possessions of the monasteries while those who were abbots became worldly in their strivings after reputation
;

and power.^
excesses of
'

Hence
all

all discipline

kinds prevailed

was neglected, disorders and among monks and nuns.^

Comp. 7, note 10, Epist. Episc. e synodo apud Carisiacum mis.sa ad Ludov. Reg. Germ. a.d. 858 (in Caroli Calvi Capitul. tit. xxvii. ap. Baluz. ii. 101) cap. 8, that Charles the Bald bestowed many monasteries partim juventutc, partim fragilitate, partim aliornm callida suggestione, etiam et minarum necessitate, quia diccbant petitores, nisi eis ilia loca Afterward they were even bestowed by sacra donaret, ab eo deficerent, on laymen. inheritance without distinction of sex. Comp. Rudolfs (King of Upper Burgundy) document of 888, in Mabillon. Annal. app. ad lib. 39, no. 36, where he bestows on bis sister Adelaide abbatiam Romanis in comitatu Waldensc, ut haberct post discessum sauna To another Adelaide, potestatcm relinquendi cuicumque voluerit heredum suoruni. daughter of Rudolf II., King of Upper Burgundy, Lotharius King of Italy, 938, gave for dowry among other things three abbeys (Mabill. Ann. lib. xliii. no. 95). Of the Emperor Conrad II. (from 1024-1039) bis biographer Wippo says (Scriptt. vi. rer. geroi. cd. J. Pistorius, p. 432), Emestus, Dux Alenianniac, aliquantulum llegimilitans, Campidoiiensem Abbatiam in beneficium accepit a liege. And p. 437 Manegoldus Comes, miles ImThe bishops peratoris, de Augcnsi Abbatia magnum beneficium (Imbebat) ab Imperatore. followed these examples, and Hatto, archbp. of Mainz (from 891-912) is said to liave ^ Comp. possessed as many as twelve abbeys. $ 24. 3 Cone. Troslejan. ann. 909, cap. 3 (Mansi, xviii. 270) De monastcrioruni vero non statu, Dum cnim, mole sed lapsu quid dicere vel agere debcamus, jam paenc ambigimus. criminum exigentc quaedam a Paganis succcnsa vel destructa, quaedam rebus spuliata, et ad nihilum propo sint redacta, si tamen qnorundam videntur snpcresse vestigia, nulla in Sive nanniue monachorum, seu canouicorura, eis regularis formae servantur vestigia.
:
:

omnem

seu sint sanctimonialium, propriis et sibi competeutibus carent rectoribus, et dum contra Ecclesiae auctoritatem praelatis utuntur extraneis, in eis degentes partim indigentia, partim malevolentia, maximcque inhabilium sibi praepositorum faciente iuconvonientia, moribus vivunt incompositis
:

et qui saiictitnti religionique caelesti intcuti esse


:

dcbnerant,

sui

velut

propositi

immonuires, terrcnis negotiis vacant

(juidaiu

etiam.

PART

I.WEST.

CHAP. IV.MONACHISM.

31.

AEFOttMfe

175

31.

REFORMATION OF MONACHISM.
First of
all

the rules of Benedict were restored in the convent

Cluniacum (Clugny) that had been founded by Duke William But it was under of Aquitania, by the abbot Berno, a.d. 910.^
the second abbot

Odo (927-941),^ who sharpened

those rules

by additions of his own, that the fame of this convent became He and his successor (Aymardus, till 948, Mayolus, general.^
necessitate cogente, monasteriorum septa derelinquunt, et volentes nolentesque saecularibus juncti saecularia exercent.

Nunc autem

in monastei'iis

Deo

dicatis

monachorum,

canonicorum et sanctimonialium, Abbates laici cum suis uxoribus, filiis et filiabus, cum militibus morantur et canibus. Auditur, quod (nionachi) spreta humilitate et abjectione monastica, ornamentis, et his etiam, quae bonis laicis iudecentia et turpia sunt, operam impendant etnequaquam content! conimuuibus rebus, propriis, et lucris turpibus inserviant, Hence Odo Abb. in collectionibus inveighs against the monks who had isolated etc. property, ex. gr. lib. ii. c. 34, 36 and against those, qui ad sacculum relabuntur, lib. iii. c. Of two nuns he relates, iii. c. 21 Ad hoc autem egredi permissae sunt, ut de rebus 17, ss. parentum, qui forte nuper obierant, aliquid monasterio reportavent. Sed hac occasione saeculum pergustautes oblitae sunt Deum. Campo, abbot of Farfa (about 930), and his assistant Hildebrand concubinis, quas prius habuerant occulte, postmodum palam abuti coeperunt non solum ipsi, sed etcuncti illorum Monachi hoc scelus uon verebantur patrare sed nuptialiter unusquisque suam ducebat scortam. Campo himself, vii. filias et iii. filios habuit, quos et quas cuuctos dotavit de rebus Monasterii, et alios parentes plurimos (see Hugo de Destructione monast. Farfensis, written about 1004, in Muratorii Antiqu. Ital. mad. aevi, vi. 279). The same thing took place at this time in the monastery of Sens among six abbots. See Richerii (about 1250) Chronicon Senoniense, ii. c. 18 (in d'Achery

Spicilegiura,

caeteris

Monachi impudicis se actibus, comessationibus, ebrietatibus, ac ii. 617) mmidi delectationibus implicabant, nee erat qui comgeret. Quaesivit sibi quisque domunculam, ubi non regulariter, sed voluntate propria sibi conversari quiret. Victu deficiente et vestitu decreverunt more rusticorum agricultores fieri, ut ita saltim
:

possent iiiopem defendere vitam.


^

Bibliotheca Cluuiacensis, in qua SS. Patrujn

Abbatum

Cluniac. vitae, miracula, scripta,

caet.,

curaMart. Man-ier et Andr. Quercetani. Paris. 1614. fol. Planck, iii. 697. Raumer's Gesch. d. Hohenstaufen, vi. 399. F. Hurter's Geschichte Papst Innocenz III. Bd. 4 (Hamburg. 1842), S. 103. Essai hist, sur I'Abbaye de Cluny par M. P. Lorain. Paris. 1839, 8. Bernonis vita in Mabillon. Act. SS. ord. Bened. saec. v. p. 66, ss. Wilhelm's original document (testamentum) ibid. p. 78. The conclusion is remarkable Sintque ipsi monachi cum omnibus praedictis rebus sub potestate Bernonis Abbatis post cujus decessum monachi facultatera habeant alterius Abbatis eligendi, quemcumque sui ordinis voluerint, secundum placitum Dei et regulam S. Beuedicti, ita ut nuUius potestatis contradictione haec electio impediatur; sitque hie locus subjectus soli Romanae Ecclesiae, cui per singula quinquennia X. solidi ad luminarla Apostolorum persolvantur.
: :

Odonis vita
la Fr. vi. 229.

libb.

iii.

by

his pupil John, ap. Mabillon, I.e. p. 150, ss.

Comp.

Hist.

lit.

de

His ascetic writings (among them Collationum, lib. iii. and jralium in Job. libb. XXXV. extracted from Gregory the Great) in Bibl. PP. Lugdun. xvii. 252; comp. Bahr's Gesch. d. rom. Lit. im karol. Zeitalter, S. 538. ^ The ritus et cousuetudines Cluniacenses were first written down in the eleventh ceutury, by Bernhard, monk at Claguy (Ordo Cluniacensis per Bernardum libb. ii. in Veins

176
till

THIRD PERIOD. DIV.

II.A.D. 858-1073.

994, Odi/o, till 1048)^ soon became objects of pious wonderment, and were constantly called to found new convents and

Thus originated, in the order of the BeneCongregation (Congregatio or Ordo Cluniacensis), a particular association of many convents under a common head, the abbot of Clugny.^ From this time lay abbots gradually disappeared in France. In Ila/i/ the reformation of monachism was begun somewhat
to reform old ones.*
dictines, the first

later

by Romualdus, who founded the hermit order of Camaldu-

lensians at Camaldoli

(Campus

Maldoli,

Camaldulum

in

the

Apennines near Arezzo) about 1018 (f 1027);^ and Juhn Gualbert, from whose hermitage in Vallombrosa {Vallis umbrosa, also in the Apennines, not far from Florence) (f 1093) originated the coenobites of Vallombrosa, about 1038." Tn Germany, the attempts to bring about a similar reformation proved fruitless for a long time, from the obstinate attachment if the monks to a free mode of life, and from the political posicic:i|)liiia

CoUectio nuctorum qui de monastica Jisciplina tractai-uiit (Opera 4. p. 133 then about 1070 by Ulrich, iiiouk in Clugny, for V/illiam, abbot of Hirschau (Antiquiores consuetudines Claniac^nsis nionasterii, lib. iii. in
s.

monasterica

Warqu.

Ilcrrgott).

Paris. 17J6.

VAchery

Spicil.

i.

641).

Particularly remarkable (ap. Ulrich,

lib.

ii.

c.

3),

the unbroken
habet, ut

S'lence in ecclesia, dormitorio, refectorio, et coquina.

Hence the novice opus


C.
4,

s'gna 'liligeuter addiscat, quibus tacens are -lescribed.

quodammodo

loquatur.

these sisnia loquendi

Odilonis vita by his pupil JotsaUlus (falsely called Lotsaldus), of which that of Petrus
(in his

Oamiani
*

0pp.

ed. Cajetani,

ii.

193)

is

mere

extract.

Both

in the Act. SS. ad


i.

Jan., that of Jotsaldus better in Mabillon. Act. SS. ord. licned. saec. vi.

097.

met with much opposition from the corrupt monks. This Mabillon. Ann. lib. xliii. no. 17. Thus the monks s.t St. Martialis, in Limoges, resisted still in 10G3, and were obliged to be brought into .:rder by Petrus Damiani, as papal legate. See Petri Dam. Iter gallicum, in Maji Scriptt. vett. nova coll. vi. ii. 204. Out of France also several convents assumed gradually the consuetudines Cluniac. So Farfa, near Rome, 998. Mabill. lib. Iii. no. 72. ' The smaller convents, called celiac and obedientiac, were governed only by coabbates or proabbates. Mabillon. lib. 1. no. 19. Clugny was Archimouasterium its abbots,
In doing vi'hich they often
w?is the case with Odo, in Fleury, 930.
;

Archiabbates.
'

Romualdi
vi. 847).
;

vita

by Petrus Damiani

in P.

Dam. 0pp.

ed. Cajetani,

ii.

tbe arbitrary alteration of Surius in Mabill. Act. SS. ord. Bened. saec.
Pertz,
ii.

205 (according to vi. i. 247 corap


;

The

rules of the Camaldulensians in L. Holstenii Cod. regularuni raonast.


III. iv. 128.

192
*

comp. Hurter's Innocentius


ii.

Joan. Gualberti vita


238, 272.
iii.

in Mabillonii

Act. SS. saec.

vi. ii.

273.

Comp.

Jo.

Lamii Deliciae

eruditor.
'

177, 212, etc.


in

Hurler's Innoc.

III. iv. 133.

Comp. Widukind's, monk


ii.

Corvey (about
:

960), characteristic narrative in his

Rebus

gcstis Saxon,

Gravis persecutio monachis oritur in dicbus illis [about 940], affirmantibus quibusdam Pontificibus, melius arbitrari, paucos vita claros, qnam plures negligentes inesse monasteriis oportere: obliti, nisi fallor, sententiae patrisfamiliae37 (ap. Pertz, v. 446)
proliibentis servos zizauia colligere, sed utraque crcscere oportere ct zizauia et triticum

asque ad messem.

Quo

factum

est, utjilures

propriac infirmitatis conscii, depositohabitu.

PART

I. WEST.

CKAP. IV. MONACHISM.

^ 31.

REFORMS.

177

At last, however, the examples furnished by France and Italy had their effect here also. Hanno^ archbishop of Cologne, reformed the monastery of Siegburg (1068), which he had founded, and others besides and in this course
tion of the convents.
;

he was pretty generally followed by the bishops on the left bank William, abbot of Hirschau, established the of the Rhine. ^^
the model of that of Clugny.

Congregation of Hirschau (Congreg. Hirsaugiensis, 1069), on He died in 1091."


Fuemnt autem quidam,
qui

et relictis raouasteriis, grave onus sacerdotum devitarent.

summum

Pontlficem Fridericum (Arcliiep. Mogunt.) hoc non pure, sed fictefecisse arbitrati sunt, quatenus venerabilera virnm Regique fidelissimum Abbatem Hadumarum quoquoinodo posset debouestaret. Erluin, abbot of Gcmblours, who wished to reform the abbey

Laubes, in the diocese of Cambray, was nearly killed by the monks, and finally blinded (958), and Fulcuin (from 965 abbot of Laubes) de Gestis Abbatum Lobiensium, c. 26 (in d' Achery Spicileg'. ii. 739) seems to throw the blame only on Erluin, for which he was severely reproved by the Anonym. Gemblacensis (about 1100) (ibid p. 761, s.). Abbot Godehard, about 1005, wishing to reform the monks in Hersfeld, primitus eis juxta regtilare praeceptum duriora et aspera mandata proposuit, et licentiam cis ad preces Mctropolitani, aut secum haec celebrandi, aut quo vellent disccdendi contribuit. Qui statim unanimiter conspirati sinnil omnes, paucis tantura scnioribus vel puerulis remanentibus, egressi per diversa loca varie sunt dispersi. However, they gradually returned, probably from necessity, vita Godehardi Ep. Hildesheimensis in Mabillon. Acta SS. ord. Bened. saec. vi. i. 356. and in Leibnitii Scriptt. rer. Brunsv. i. 486. Poppo, about 1025, at first abbot in Stablo, then in St. Maximin at Treves, had to suffer much from the monks in both monasteries, because he attempted to reform them. Those in St. Maximin went so far as to put his See vita Popponis ap. Mabillon. 1. c. p. 511 Cumque sibi sub eo illicita life in jeopardy. jam non licere conspexissent, de ejus morte plura machinantur, et quod palam non poterant, quibusdam praestigiarum suarum insidiis operantur. Ad quod, nefas dictu, sacrosancta Missaium sollemnia violando, suis occupant divinationibus, et quas preces credebant, in immunditia et sanguine manuum suarum execraudis admiscent incantationibus, tarn exsecrabili quam invida eousque perducuntur exagitatione, ut in apponendis beato viro
:

veneuonim suorum uterentur admixtioue. Even Theodorich, abbot of St. Hubert in the Ardenne, had to contend violently against the open resistance of his monks, when he wished to restore order in his monastery, a.d. 1054, till a judicial miracle came See vita Theodorici in Mabillon. Act. SS. ord. Bened. saec. vi. P. ii. p. 309, ss. to his aid. Hence, too, we can explain the fact of there being men at this time, qui vel monachico, vel canonico, vel etiam graeco habitu per regioues et regna discurrunt. See vita Godehardi
cibis et potibus
no. 26, ap. Mabillon.
'
1.

c.

saec. vi. P.

i.

p. 363.

vii. 238. Judgment of Lambert, an old Benedictvulgo assiduitate vilescunt omnia et popularium aninii novarum rerum avidi magis semper stupent ad incogjiita, uos quos usu uoverant, nihil! aestimabant, et hos, quia novum inusitatumque aliquid praeferre videbantur, non homines sed angelos, non carnem sed Spiritum arbitrabantur. Et haec opinio principum quam

Lambertus ad ann.

1075, ap. Pertz,

ine,

ad ann. 1071,

p. ISP: Sicut

A quibus ad populum derivatus rumor hac regione monasteriis injecit, ut ad ingressum illorum ?ilias 30, alias 40, alias 50 monachi, austerioris vitae metu scandalizati de monasteriis abscederent. Lambert had been for a long time in the monasteries of Siegbin-g and Saalfeld, for the purpose of learning the new discipline, and came to the conclusion, nostras quam
privatorum mentibus
altius

pressiusque insederat.

tantum

terroris plerisque in

illorum consuetudines regulae S. Benedicti melius congruere,

si

tarn tenaces propositi,

tamque

paternarum nostrarum traditionum aemulatores velleraus existere. '' S. Wilhelmi Constitutiones Hirsaugienses, in Vetus disciplina raonastica (ed. M HeiTgott), Paris. 1726. 4. p. 375, ss. Respecting him see Bernoldi Chron. ad ann. 1091, ap
rigidi

vol,.

II.

12

178

THIRD PERIOD. D1V^


the

II.A.D. 858-1073

To
or

oblati,

new developments of monachism belonged the donaii who yielded up themselves, and what belonged to

them, to the service of a monastery;'^ \\\q fratres conversi, lay brethren, who had under their care the household department, and lived in part on the possessions of the monasteries, but scattered round
to

among them ;" and the fratres co7iscripti, covfratres, whom was allowed a share in the spiritual blessing of the broth-

erhood.^*
Hie est Wilhelmus vii. iT>\. Jo. Tritheinii (t 151G) Aiinales Hirsaugieiises, i. 20.3 Abbas, (jui Ordinem D. P. iiostii Beiiedicti suo tempore paene collap.sum in Germauia, ?t deforraatum insolentla monacliorum, instaurare ct rcformare studuit, et plus tiuani c. Moiiasteria tarn per .se quam suos, ad pristiuara regularis discipliiiae obscrvantiam vevocavit, etc. He adopted mucli from Clugny (see note 3). A thank-wortby reguL-ition was xii. e monacbis suis scriptores optimos instituit, quibus nt divinae (ann. Hirsaug. i. 227) Eraut practer bos et auctoritatis libros, et SS. Patrum iractatus rcscribereut, demandavit. alii scriptores sine certo luimero, qui pari diligentia scribendis voluminibus operam irapeuPortz,
:

debant.
<iui

unicuiquc rcscribcndum opus aliquod

Et bisomnibus praeerat monacbus unus bonum

in

omni genere sclentiarum doctissimus,

injungeret,

meudaque ucgligentius

scri-

bentiara emeudaret.
'- Tbe first instance appears at Clugny, 948, Mabillon. Ann. lib. xlv. no. 4. Later in Germany, Bernoldi Cbron. ad ann. 1091, ap. Pertz, vii. 4o2 His tcmporibus in regno Teutonicorum communis vita nuiltis in locis floruit, non solum in clericis et monacbis, verum etiam in laieis. Nempe ipsi abrcnunciantes saeculo, se ct sua ad congrcgationes tam
:

clericonim

quam monacliorum

regulariter viventiura devotissime coutulerunt,


et eis scrvire mererentur.

eorum obedientia communiter vivere

ut sub So especially iu the


v. oblati.

congregation of Hirscbau (Chron. Hirsaug. i. 229), see Dufresne Glossar. s. 13 Gualbert first permitted tbeui (see note 8), comp. bis Vita, c. 21 Deus
:

misit ad eum

etiam laicos viros timoratos, qui legem Domini per omnia custodire cupientes, iu bonis moribus fere nibil a monacbis distabaut, extra vestium qualitatem et silentium, quod in exterioribus occupati uequibant plenius observare. Tales igitur tam probates adversos Pater ad mcrcatum ct omnia exteriora secure mittebat. William immediately followed
tbe example in tbe Hirscbau congregation (Cbron. Hirsaug. i. 228). Here tliey are called fratres barbati (tbe monks were not allowed to wear a beard), qui laboribus manuum insistentes,

temporalium curam secundum praecepta seniorum agcrent, et monacbis con-

temi)lationi deditis bujus vitae necessaria jjroviderent.

Among
s.

tliera

were carpenters,
too,

smiths, stone-cutters, masons, tailors, sboemakcrs, etc.


tills
iii.

Other orders,

soon followed

example, Mabillon. Acta SS. sacc. vi P.


T).

ii.

praef. no. 89,

Alteserrae asceticwi;, bb.

'*

Thus King Conrad


S. Galli, ap. Pertz,

I.

913,

Casus

ii. 8.'>),

became a frater conscriptns in St Gallon (ICkkebardi iv. Henry II. in Clugny (fraternitate mouacborum humiliier

peiita et accepta, vita Meinwerci, c. 30, in Leibnitii Scriptt. rcr. Rrunsv. i. 527), be and nis successors in the monastery Fructuaria (Fructuariense coenobium nos nostrosque iu perpetuum successores, prout divac memoriae praedecessorem nostrum, Henricum, suo ac

fratrum contubernio sociavit, diploma Conradi II. in Mabillonii Act. SS. saec. vi. i. 349). Even the empress Giscla, sjiousc of Conrad II., monasteriuni S. Galli ingressa, xeniis be-

niguissime datis, fratcruitatem ibi est adejita, Ilepidannus ad ann. 1033, in Goldasti Scriptt. Comp. also tbe Liber frateruitatum mouasterii Sangallensis ap. Goldast, rer. Alem. i. i.
1

c. ii

ii.

144.

PART

I.WEST.

CHAP. IV.MONACHISM.

32.

EXEMPTIONS. 179

32.

EXEMPTIONS OF THE CONVENTS.


L. Thomassini Vetus et nova Eccl. discipl. P.
i.

lib. iii. c. 36, ss.

Planck,

iii.

724.

The

privileges granted to the convents

by kings,

popes,

and

bishops, during this period,

went no

farther than merely to se-

cure them in the observance of the rules of their order,' and were
not meant to abridge the rights of the episcopal order.^
bishops
'

Hence

still

required canonical obedience^ from a-bbots, and did

Comp. the privilege given by Pope John XV. to the convents of Corvey and Herford, Schaten Annalium Paderborn. i. 335. Mansi, xix. 83 Habeant praefata monasteria reruni suaium liberam in omnibus disponendi regulariter potestatem contirmanius, uj nullus Episcopus Patherbninnensis aliquam ex sis vel accipiat vol exposcat portioneni neque vel'in his, qui regiminis locum tenant, vel in ipsis congregationibus, aut in ipsis
989, in
:
:

coenobiis potestatem obtineat.

Nam

ipsius praefati monasterii Abbati suisque succes-

monasterium vel secundum Deuni praedicandi ac docendi ita ut nullus Episcopus per se ad ipsa monasteria vel cellas eorundem potestatem habeat accedendi, nisi forte necessitatis causa vel dilectionis gratia vocatus advenerit, ne importunitate sui ministorumque suorum inquietudine sacris locis fiat molestia. Ordinationes, quae necessariae fuerint ipsis mo
cellas
;

soribus liceutiam damus, juxta altare sedendi populoque infra suura

nasteriis,

tioues libenter coucedat; clirisma quoque

agere non difTerat; altaris quoque et basilicaram benedictiones sive consecraoleumque consecratmn per singulos annos praebere non ditferat, et pro his omnibus nullum munus exigat. Abbatem vero et Abbatissam
:

in his locis

semper eligendi habeant potestatem [monasteria] qui ordinati fuerint ad regimen saepedictorum monasteriorum, nulla potestate praevalente dejiciantur, nisi criminis causa fuerint deprehensi. Infamiae vero maculis, sive criminis alicujus denotatioiie si fuerint appetiti, non praeter canonicam aut regularem deponantur examinationem. Nos igitur nostram subscriptionem annuli nostri impressione signantes, obsecramus Coepiscopos nostros omues, in quorum manus ista devenerint, ut sua etiam auctoritate et subscriptione haec confirmare velint, ut quicunque haec temerare praesumserit, generalitatis
nostrae sententiis ita anathematis vinculo obligetur, ut
blandiatur, aut se tueri putet a scntentia damnationis.

neminem

On
i.

habeat, de cujus favore the alleged exemption privi-

leges of Fulda, see Hettberg's Kirchengesch. Deutschl.


2

613.

Therefore the superintendence of the morals, and the visitation of the convents, was still made the duty of bishops by the concil. Tnllense apad Saponarias, ann. 859, can.
'.)

(Mansi, xv. 539), Rotoraag. ann. 878, can. 10

(in

Harduin. Act. cone.

vi.

i.

206),

Augustanuiu

ann. 952, can. 6 (Mansi, xviii. 438). ^ Thus the bishops of Orleans, Arnulf and Fulco, had a controversy with the abbots of Fleury, Abbo and Gauzlinus (between 970 and 1020), because the latter refused to promise this obedience. On this point Fulbertus, Episc. Caniotensis, Ep. 41, ad Fulconem Sa:

cramenta et caetera, quae ad mundanam legem pertinent, propter amorem Regis douiini missa facialis, ut religionem potius quam saecularem ambitionem vos sectari cognoscat. At si Abbas in tautam superbiam intumuerit, ut ipsam quoque subjectionem canonicam vobis derogare contendat; superbiae, cui non jiarcit Deus, Dei servus quomodo parcal nescio. When after this Fulco excommunicated Gauzlinus, Fulbertus, Ep. 73, wrote to the latter: Unde nunc, frater, commoneo, ut Episcopo vestro subjiciamini sicut dccet.

ISO

TrilllD

PERIOP.-DIV.

II. A. U. 858-1073.

When the monastery Chigny^ Avhich had been assigned to the care of the pope in particular, by a Romish privilege attached to the original trust,,
not allow unusual privileges to the popc.^
of

deed at its foundation * was about to be made completely independent of its bishop, the synod of Ansc (1025) strongly opposed
first attempt to make it so.^ A second was more fortuna';e. Alexander II. pronounced (1063) the complete exemption of Clugny from its bishop/ a privilege which was also granted ^: many other convents, especially to those associated with that of Clugny.

the

Ego cnim noque legem, ncque niodum


sabjectionis
hiijiis

ratiocinationis invouiro possum,

quae vos ab

jug-o

Act. SS. ord. Beiied. sacc. vi. P. i. praef. $ iii. * HeniianiiL Contracti Cliron. aim. 10.32 Bern. Augiae Abbas missis llomain coenobii sui privilegiis, a Papa Joanuae item privilegium cum sanJaliis, ut episcopallbus idumeuti.s
absolvat.
Cf. Mabillon.
:

Unde permoto Warraamio Constantieuse Episcopo apud Imperatorem quasi sui pervasor officii et honoris accusatus eo usque ab utrisque coartatur, donee idem cum sandaliis privilegium ipsi Episcopo traderet, publico in synodo sua, i. e.,
niissas ageret, accepit.
in
^

Coena Domini sequentis anni incendendum. Comp. 31, note 1. * Cone. Ansanum, ann. 102.j (Mansi, xix. 423)

Gauslenus, bishop of Macon, complains


ii'sti-

of Burchard, archbishop of Viennc, qui sine licentia et assensu suo contra canonura

tuta ordinationes de monachis fccerat in Episcopatu suo, scil. in Cluniacensi coenobio. Abbot Odilo desires to justify him, ostendit privilegium, quod habebant a Komana Eccle-

quod eis talem libertatem tribucbat, ut nulli, in cujus territorio degebant, nee alicui aliquatenus subjacerent Episcopo sed (luomcumque vellent, vel de qualibet regione, adducerent, qui faceret ordinationes vol consccrationes in eorum monasterio. But tlio fathers relegentes s. Chalcedonensis, et plurimorum authenticoruin, conciliorum scntcutias (comp.
sia,
:

and 4), quibus praecipitur, qualitcr per uuamqoamque regioMonachi proprio subesse debeant Episcopo, ct ne Episcoijus in parochia alterius audeat ordinationes vel consecrationcs absque licentia ipsius Episcopi faccre decrevei-unt, chartam non esse ratam, quae canonicis non solum non concordaret, sed ctiam Thus the archbishop was ratione convictus, peteus veniam a Gauscontrairet sentcntiis.
Vol.
I.

Div.

II.

$ 120, notes 2

nem Abbates

et

leno Episcopo, etc.


' Wliile a new dispute between the bishop of Macon and the abbot of Clugny was decided at the synod of Chalons (a.d. lOfiS), by the papal legate, Petrus Daniiani, in favor of the latter (Mansi, xix. 1025), Alexander, P. II. Ep. ad Hugonem Abb. Chiniac. (1. c. p. Sub divini judicii promulgationc, et confirmationc. et 973), declared himself to this effect
:

anathematis iuterdictionc corroborantes decrevimus, ut nullus Episcopus, seu quilibet sacerdotuni in eodem veniat coenobio, pro aliqua ordinationc, sive consecratione Ecdesiae, Presbyterorum, vel Diaconorum, Missarum cclebratione, nisi ab Abbate ejusdem loci inSed liceat monachis ipsius loci, cnjuscun(]ue vitatus fuerit, venire ad agendum praesuraat. volucrint ordinationis gradum suscipcrc, ubicunque tibi tuisque successoribus placucrit. Interdicimus autem sub simili anathematis promulgationc, ut idem locus sub nullius cujuscunque Episcopi vel sacerdotis deprimatur interdictionis titulo, seu excommunii-ationis vel anathematis vinculo (the date wanting here is supjilied by Mabillon. Ann. Ben. lib. Data in s. Latcranensi palatio vi. idus Maji anno Mi.xiii. indictione i.). Cf Ixii. no. 12 de Gallica profectione domni Petri Damiani, composed by a companion, in A. Maji ScripU
:

vett.

nova

coll. vi. ii.

193.

PART

I.WEST.

CHAP, v.PUBLIC WORSHIP.

33.

181

FIFTH CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF PUBLIC WORSHIP.
Martyrologics

Adonis Martyrologium about 808 (see above, pref. to ^ 18). Usuardi (monk (Vgl. Bahr's Gesch. d. rom. Lit. im karol. Zeitalter S. 501) castigatius ed. J. B. Sollerius. Antverp. 1714. fol. Notkeri Balbuli, monk in St. Gallen (t 912, respecting him s. Ildef. v. Arx Gesch. v. St. Gallen, i. 90. Bahr, S. 531), Martyrologium (written 893) published in Canissii Lectt. ant. ed. Basnage, ii. iii. 89, and
:

of St. Germain, about 876) Maityrol.

in Gallandii Bibl.

PP.

xiii. 753.

33.

The worship

of saints at this period completely swallowed

up

the worship of God, assuming the character to be expected from

Great numbers of old saints were discovered,^ and new ones made.^ The world ^ was full
a rude, immoral, superstitious age.^
proved by the abbey of Cusan, in Catalonia, and was held in great repute as a saint, throughout the whole When now he wished to return to Italy (vita S. Romualdi, by country round about. Petr. Damiani, c. 13, in his 0pp. ed. Cajetani, ii. 212) Audieutes illius regionis incolae, quia Romualdus abire disponeret, nimio moerore turbati sunt. Et tractantes intra se, qualiter ab hac ilium iutentione reprimerent, hoc illis tandem potissimum visum est, ut eum missis interfectoribus impia pietate perimerent, quateuus quia eum non poterant retinere viveuteni, habereut pro patrocinio terrae vel cadaver exanime. Romualdus saved himself by feigning madness. Bishop Othwin of Hildesheim stole (962), in Pavia, two
-

How

deficient in moral character the worship of saints often was,

is

two following

cases.

Romualdus had lived

as a hermit in the neighborhood of the

saints' bodies, see Hist, translationis S. Epiphanii, c. 3 (ap. Pertz, vi. 249)

Venerabilis pater (Othwiuus) respectu divini amoris, quo semper aninio soUicitus exstiterat, ossa quasi praesumtionis ducebat. eanctorura ftu-tim surripere Divinitus, ut credo, ecce adfuit Landwardi, Mindensis Episcopi, Presbyter, qui ilium adhuc titubantem sanctissimi Patris Epiphanii reliquias, sanctaeque virginis Speciosae uno ambitu templi inclusas
:

auferre suasit; supervenieutis noctis tempus, nee in aliud protelandum,

illis

competere.

And
2

so

it

took place.

Comp. the passio decern millium (al. Mccc.) Martyrum, apud Alexandriam in Monte Ararath crucifixorum under Hadrian and Antoninus (Act. SS. Juni iv. 182), which Anastasius Biblioth. is said to have translated from the Greek. Papebroch puts it even in the
thirteenth century (ibid. p. 179).
3

993, ap. Mansi, xix. p. 169), the first

Canonization of Ulrich, bishop of Augsburg, a.d. 993, by John XV. (cone. Roman, ann. example of papal canonization (Mabill. praef. ad Acta
v. no. 99, ss.
till

SS. ord. Bened. saec.


the metropolitans,
(Pagi,
*
1.

1153,

still

F. Pagi Breviarium Pontificum Rom. ii. 257). Besides, exercised the right of creating saints for their provinces
:

c. iii.

115).

Instead of many, take one graphic example by an eye-witness Glab. Radulph. iv. c. Homo plebejus mangonum callidissimus, who had a different name in each 3, A.D. 1027 different place, effodiebat e tumulis clancule ossa evellens a cineribus uuperrime defunotorum homiuum; sicque imposita in diversis apophoretis venditabat apud plurimos pro
:

SS. Martyrum seu Coufessorum reliquiis.

Hie vero post iunun!e;-as hujusce

illusiones in

182
of relics

THIRD PERIOD. -DIV.

II. A.D. 8:.8-107n.

and miracles,* the fruit of fraud and pious simplicity,* which were often a source of riches to the monasteries in particular, though at the same time they also led to irregularities."
Galliis patratas perfuga venit

ad loca Alpium.

Illic

ergo more solito noctu colligens a

loco abjectissiino ignoti ossa hominis,


lica

quae posuit

in cassella et feretro, diccbat sibi ange-

ostensione revelatum i'uisse, quem lingebat esse S. Martyreni qaoque vulgus, ut se in talibus habere solet, ignavum, quicquid totum ad banc famani confluit; pociiitet insuper, si non est sibi Tunc ducit debilcs, coiifert munuscula, pervigil tenet poscat.

nomine Justuni.
rusticanae plcbis

Mox
fuit,

morbus, cjuo curari deexcubias, praestolans

repentina fore miracula, quae, ut diximus, aliquotiens permittuntur fieri a nialignis spiritibus tcntatorie, peccatis honiinum praeccdcntibus qnod tunc proculdubio cvidentissime
;

Multimodae quippe niembrorum reformationes ibidem visae sunt exstitisse, ac insignia pcnderc osclllorum raultiforniia; nee tamen Praesules diligcntiam hujus inquirendae rei adbibuerunt quin potius couciliabula statuentes, in aliquibus nihil aliud nisi Margrave Mainfried inepti lucri quaositum a plebe, simul et favorem fallaciae exigebant. bought the body to deposit it in a cliurch just erected at Suze. At tiie dedication the impostor appeared, and spondebat, se multa pretiosit)ra ss. pignora in proximo revelHturuni, quorum scilicet gesta et nomina, atque passionum certamina, ut caetera, fallaciter conGlaber also was there, entered into conversation with him, and soon discovered lingebat. the imposture. Still the pontiffs did not allow themselves to be in eiTor, but went on, rile
claruit.

peragentes, ob

quam

veneraiit, Kcclesiae consecrationem, intromiserunt


;

cum

caeteris

reli-

quiarum pignoribus ossa illius profani the elegantiores virorum personae sided with Glaber, and the people injusti nomen pro Justo venerans in suo permansit errore * Especially since so many churches were built, and many relics for them were required Candidate, ut diximus, inuovatis (comp. 'i7, note 9, at the end). Glab. Rad. iii. c. 6 Ecclesiarum Basilicis universe muudo, subsequenti tempore, i. e., annoMviii. revelata sunt diversorum argumentorum indiciis, quorsuni diu latucrant, plurimorum Sanctorum pignora This began in Sens, where even a part of Moses' rod was found, virgae Moysi j)arlem. To the more considerable relics of this time belong the s. lacryma Christi in Vendoine in the eleventh century. (J. B. Thiers Diss, sur la sainte larme de Vendome. Paris. 11-99. Mabillon Lettre a I'eveque de Blois. Paris. 1700. 8, and in his Oeuvres posthunips, t. 12. Blood of Christ in Reichenau (Hermann. Contract, ad ann. 9i3 Sanguis ii. p. 3G1, ss.) Domini in Augiam Tnsulam a quadam matrona defertur, sicuti Uteris inibi manifcstatur) and in Mantua (according to Rcgino discovered as early as 804 the s. lancea (hallowed by nails from the cross of Christ, procured about 935 by the emperor Heury I., Luitpr. iv. c. 24, ap. Pcrtz, v. 322, came among the crown-jewels, and was afterward regarded as the
:
: ;

spear of Longinus), etc. * St. Benedict was distinguished uniformly for miracles, a description of which is given by three writers of that age by Aimoinus Floriac. about 1000 (in Mabillon. Act. SS. saec. iv. ii. 356). Desiderius Abb. Casincnsis, afterward Pope Victor III. (ibid. p. 42.>, ss.) and Rodulfi"" Tortarius mon. Floriacens. about UOO (ibid. p. 390). That there was no want of imposture besides may be seen from vita Godehardi Episc. Hiidesheimcnsis (t 1038). by
;

his disciple Wolferus, no. 48 (in Mabillon. Act. SS. ord.

vanae mentis personae

in nostra patria usitato

caecos, aut debiles, aut elingues,

Bened. saec. vi. i. 372) Q.uacdam more per sacra loca discurrentes, se ant vel certe obsesses temere simulant, et ante altaria vel
:

sepulcra Sanctorum se coram populo volutantes, pugnisque tundentes, sanatos illico se proclamant, ea scilicet sola vesana volnntate, ut sic tantura majorem stipem vel quae-

stum a plebe

Cum in hujusmodi fallacia talcs liquido deprchcnduntur, etiam percipiant. verae Sanctorum virtutes in periculosam desperationem hac dubietate retrahuntur vel certe et hi qui vere sanantur etiam uon solum a perfidis sed ot intcrdum a tidelibus
;

fallere crcduntur.
' Hence strict abbots forbade all miracles in saints, comp. above, ^18, note G. So the abbot Stephen, in Liittich (1026-1059), in the case of St. Wolbodo Hunc nli<iuando Sanctura per divinum nomen contestatus est, quo temperaret a miraculis, quibus tautae fra:

TART

I. WEST.

CHAP. V. PUBLIC WORSHIP.

53:1.

183

As the Church now began to admit the ordeal generally/ it also became usual to investigate the genuineness of relics by the fireprccess.' This was the age of the Legend as well as the Romance,^^ and industrious monks dressed out the saints in the most After Dionyarbitrary mode, with adventures and miracles.^'
tribus fiebant per

occaslonem infirmorani

noctii et interdiu molestiae, see vita S.


vi.
i.

Wolbo

Guntrammis, abbot of St. Trou (1034-1055), acted similarly. See Chron. Abbatiae S. Trudoiiis lib. i. (in d'Acbery Spicileg. Hujus vitae ultimis aniiis domini nostri Tmdonis sepulcrum frequentissime coepit ii. 662) coruscare niiraculis, quae ille studiosissime satagebat occultare sagaci enini pectore con cipiens quod futurutn erat, sigua data esse infidelibus non fidelibus (1 Cor. xiv. 22) dieebat quod non longe post ilium nonulli de nostris experti sunt, qui inter ipsa quoque miracula Deum off'endere non timuerint. Namely, lib. ii. p. 664: Defancto eo [Guntramno] et suecedente Adelardo II. (1055-1082) coeperunt baberi miracula et virtutes sepulcri S. Tnadoni.s non tarn tiniori et reverentiae, quam osteutui et populari gloriae. Frequentabat euini sepulcrum ejus infinitus peregrinorum numerus, ueque diebus tantum singulis, sed singulorum dierum boris superveniebat multitudo multitudini, atque noctis medio grandisona faciebat venientium et abeuntium inquietatio. Vellent nollent fratres, per omnes claustri irrumpebaut partes maxima quia aqua nostri putei dicebatur potata in nomine S. Trudonis fieri medela atque fiebat accedeutibus ad earn languidis. Sed et leprosi ibidem dc ea loti referuntur nonnunquam fuisse curati. Quid multa! Oratorium, chorus, templum, claustrum, pratum nocte dieque non inveniebatur a multitudine vacuum, quorum perstre pentium contiuua inquietatio magnae fiebat molestiae et ordinis irapedimento seiiioribus
donis
ill

Mabillon. Act. SS. ord. Rcned. saec.

165.

solitis et

volentibus

Deo

servire in quiete et sileutio.

Juuiores vero, quibus tacdio erat

religio, et disciplina odio,

gratulabantur prius occulte, bac quasi necessitate se magistrae


:

multitudinis

Regulae mandata praeterire accessu vero temporis, et frcqueritissimo usu prcgriuao tandem iuverecunda fronte coeperunt ad libitum cuncta agere, loconim indifferenter abutebantur qualitatibus, et borarum tam incompetentium quam competentium vicissitudinibus seniorum increpationes indignanti supercilio respuere, in ipsum quoque Abbatem interdum indecenter protervire, etc. Quanto longius ferebatur relatione pere;

gi-inorum gloriosa celebritas miraculorum S. Tradonis tanto et nostrorum repreheudebatur


saecularitas
*

ex levitate morum See below 36, note 2.

et abusione indiscipliuationis.

9 Comp. Vol. I. Div. II. $ 121, note 4. Thus Meinwerk, bishop of Paderborn, had received the body of St. Felix, a present from the patriarch of Aquileia, a.d. 1030 (vita Meinwerci, 109 in Leibnitii Scriptt. rer. Brunsvic. i. 560) et experiri volens, salutis ipsius auxilio si sibi suoque succurrere posset populo, rogum maximum in medio claustri sub die
:

fieri

praecepit, in

exstinctus fuisset,

bus propriis
igneiii,

quem cum tertio corpus misisset, totiesque in favillara redactus ignis cam maxima omnium exsnltatione et laudum jubilatione corpus mani excipiens, super principale altare detulit, et omnium venerationi solemneni

sanctum ilium deinceps habere iustituit. Comp. Mabillon. de Probatione reliquiarum per appended to his lib. de Cultu SS. ignotorum (also in his Vetera analecta, p. 568). ' Comp. Hist. lit. de la Fr. vi. 12. " Letaldus mon. Miciacensis (about 980) in Epist. dedicatoria ad Avesgaudum Episc.
his vita Juliani Episc. (in Act. SS. Januar. ii. 1152) Cum magnae reverentiae gravitate dicenda et scribenda sunt, quae in conspectu veritatis recitari debent,

Cenoman. before
ne,

placet, nisi

unde Deus placari creditur, inde amplius ad iracundiam provocetur; nihil enim ei quod verum est. Sunt autem nonnulli, qui dum attollere Sanctorum facta appetunt, in lucem veritatis offendunt, quasi Sanctorum gloria mendacio erigi valeat, qui, si mendacii sectatores fuissent, ad sanctitatis culmen nequaquam ascendere potuissent. Cum ergo tam mira et speciosa de actibus hujus prnecellentissimi Patris recito, non de meritis ejus diffido, nee de potentia Christi ambigo sed cum haec eadem in aliis invenio, cui potius credendutn sit, non perspicue video. Multa enim in actibus supradicti Patris
:

184
sius

TlilHD PERIOD.DIV. II. A.D.

8C8-1073.

and

his

companions had been raised

to the dignity of being

disoiples of the apostles/^ a zeal arose

among
;

the French churches

to procure like honor for then- founders

a task which they ac-

complished the more readily because in the stormy times, the


older narratives

were frequently
dementis

lost.'^

Very

characteristic of

cnnscripta sunt, quae et in bb.

et Dionysii

Martyruni et S. Fuicaei Cunfessoria

cotlem sensu et paene iistlem verbis iuveniuntur. Tbus, also, he puts Dionysiu-s and his company, among whom Julian, first bishop of Mans, was at that time reckoned, in the time Quod vero of Decius, after the authority of Gregor. Turon. (Vol. I. Div. I. 57, note 2).
S. Julianas dicitur a b.

Clemente destinatus, neque

ratio

temporum, ueque veterum


990, in his Gestis Pontiff.

con-

sensit auctoritas.

Comp. Herigerus Abb. Laubiensis, about

Tun-

prcnsium, Trajecteus. et Leodiensium, c. 23 (in Jo. Chapeavilli Gest. Pontiff. Tungi-. Traj. et Leod. scriptorcs, i. 28), which are elsewhere filled with the most monstrous fiiblcs. St. Servatius is said, indeed, to have descended from the family of Christ, but ho was not able to discover any thing certain on the subject, idcirco ncc faciles ad credcndum esse possu-

mus, nee tantae opinioni, quae fortasse ex pietate gandum, cum juxta TuUium non debeat pudere nos
Djiinionis assertoribus

ingeritur, jiidicamus
fateri nescire,

omnimodis deroquae nescimus, et hujus

conveniat ignorantiam potius verecunde fateri, quara iixeverenter Petrus Damiani de vita Romualdi in prologo (0pp. ed. Cajetani, ii. NonnuUi Deo se deferre existiraant, si in extoUendis Sanctorum virtutibus menda20() i-ium fingant. Thus it frequently happens that not only single actions of one saint are copied in the history of another, but whole legends are repeated with merely a change of
pro pietate mentiri.
:

the name.
.Hist.
lit.

In this way the legend of St. Rictrudis de la Fr. vi. 2r)9), the legend of St. Ebrulfus

is

for that of St.

repeated as that of St. Kusebia Albertus (ibid. p. 557),


ibid. p. 90, vii. 193, 19-J.

also for St.

Ebrcmundus

(ibid. p. 514).

Other examples

Comp. Vol. I. Div. I. $ 57, note 2. above, 18, note 15. '3 The Normans laid waste, 881, Liege, Tongern, Cologne, etc.; 882, Trier (Regino ad a. by which, particularly at Treves, all thcold records were lost. Comp. auct. anonym, t: In hujus autem ter felicis Sancti mentione, sicut virae S. Felicis (Act. SS. Mart. iii. 622)
I

= See

1)1

oniuium fere Trevirensium Sanctorum recordatione repetitam sacpius hujus urbis vastationem cogimur plorare, per quam constat ingentia SS. Patrum nostrorum vitae volumiua ita penitus esse consumta; (juod, nisi ex paucissimis, ut ita dixerim, tanti pelagi guttis, vel etiam in plumbeis ac marmoreis tabulis, ill vetustissimis alionim locorum schedulis, leiTae penitus iufossis, aliquatenus reformata fuissent, organa nostra, velut super flumina ttabylonis nostrae suspensa, jam dudum in honim laude Sanctorum conticnissent. (Similar complaints in the legends of bishops Modoaldus Act. SS. Maj. iii. 52, and Maxiniinus Maj. vii. 32.) What was the character of that reformatio vitarum may be seen in the promotion o the three first bishops of Treves, Eucharius, Valerius, and Maternus, to the dignity of aptsilepupils, soon after that devastationat Treves (comp. Vol. I. Div. I. .57, note 3). Of these tl.ree the only mention in the older martyrologies was ad 29 Januar. Treviris depoTreviris sitio Va.erii Episcopi, then in the martj rologies of Ado, (Jsuardus, and Notker depositio b. Valerii Episcopi discipuli S. Petri Apostoli (on this addition see Act. SS. Sept. iv. 3C2, probably in the same way as Boniface in Epist. Caroli Martelli and Capital. This was undoubtedly the foundation of the legend, lib. V. c. 2, is called Missus S. Petri). first found in the vita SS. Eucharii, Valerii, Materni (act. SS. Januar. ii. 918, but not written as is said there by Goldscher, monk in Trier, about 1012, but probably) by liborhard, monk
:

aod scholastic
Kpicileg.
into
all
ii.

in Trier,

909 (Act. SS. Sept.

iv. 358),

then

in the

Historia Tievir. (.lAchcry


10),

208), in Herigcri

Gesta

Pontiff.

Tungr.

etc. (see

note

and

finally

copied

the chronicles of the middle age, for which even Methodius was aftei-ward adduced as voucher (first by Marianus Scotus ap. Pistorius-Stmve, I. i. p. 555, 5C3) (see above, $ 18, note 15). Comp. Honthcmii Hist. Trevir. diplora. t. i. praef p. ix. ss. Acta SS. Sept. iv.
3."4.

Walch de Materno uno in the Commcntationes Soc. Giitting. vol. Itetibergs Kirchengesch. Deutschlands, i. 73. The example of Trier

i.

Comm. hist. p. 1. was soou followed

PART

I.WEST.

CHAP. V. PUBLIC WORSHIP.

$ 33.

185

the time were the disputes concerning the apostleship of St.

Martial,^^ and the monks' quarrels concerning the place wherethe


real

bodies of St. Dionysius'^'^ and

St.

Benedict

^'^

were

preserved.

The
by
its

virgin Mary^''

was honored above

all saints.

Satnrday

Santinus, first bishop of Verdun, was looked upon as a disciple of and was already elevated with him. In like manner Metz now raised its first bishop Clemens, and Toiil its own Mansuetus to the rank of apostle-disciples ^ir.st in the legend composed by abbot Adso about 980, Acta SS. Sept. i. p. ClTi, ss.). Comp. HisDissertation prelim, p. xi. toire ecclesiastique et civile do Lorraine, par. Aug. Calmet. t. i. Rettberg, i. 90. By Paul, Crescens is said to have been sent to Menne (Ado in ss. Chronico, Act. vi. ann. 59 et 101) and Mainz (Rupert. Tuitiensis about 1120 de Divinis see Rettberg, i. 82. ofliciis, lib. i. c. 27) according to 2 Tim. iv. 10 (cf Eusebii H. E. iii. 4) About the same time Linus is said to have come to Besangon, Memniius to Chalons, Sixtus to Rheims, Sinicus to Soissons, Ursinus to Bourges, Fronto to Periguerix, Altinus to Orleans, Lucianus to Beauvais, Nicasius to Rouen, Exsuperius to Bayeux, Taurinus to Evreux, Eutropius to Sainctes, Julianus to Mans, etc. '* After he had been put in the apostolic age with his companion Dionysius, and a correspondent life (vita) had been given him, his protegees, the monks of St. Martial in Limoges, wanted even to exalt him to the rank of apostle; but the clergy of Limoges would only allow him the title of Confessor. Controversy on the point at the Syn. I'ictav. ann. 1023 (Mansi, xix. 413), Syn. Paris, ann. 1024 (ibid. p. 421). Jordanus, bishop of Li

suffragan see.

St. Dionysius,

nioges, Epist. ad

Beuedictum

P. VIII. (Gallia Christiana,

t. ii.

app. p. 1G2), declari^d against


P^pisc. ap. Mansi, xix. 417),

the

new
after

apostle; but Johannes P.

XIX.

(Epist. ad

Jordanum

him Cone. Lemovicense, ann. 1028 (not 1029, see Mabillon. Ann. Bened lib. ivi. no. 49), decided in his favor; Ademarus mon. Cabanensis defended him (see Epist. A.i). 1028 in Mabillon. Ann. append, ad torn. iv. no. 46), and the Cone. Biturieense, can. i. (Mansi, xix. 503) and cone. Lemovicense, both a.d. 1031, at length settle the matter. Comp. particularly the copious acta of the latter (ibid. p. 507, ss.), ex. gr. p. 512 Plane
and
:

Apostolus nullus est exceptis duodecim, sicut Ebionitae haeretici praedicant, ergo Paulus et Barnabas non sunt Apostoli, etc. P. 525: Nos non sumus Ebionitae, qui non
si

recipiunt praeter xii. Apostolos, et

Paulem quasi transgressorem

legis repudiant, etc.

Cf.

Acta SS. Jan.

v. 535.

This, however, did not prevent the monastic discipline in St. Martial

from utter extinction, nor the monks from offering violent opposition when the monastery was intended to be reformed (1063) externally by Clugny. See 31, note 5. At a later period the monks of St. Martial forged two letters in the name of their new apostle, ad Burdegalenses and ad Tolosanos (ed. Badius Ascensius. Paris. 1521 also annexed to Gennadius de Dogm. eccl. ed. G. Elmenhorst. Hamburg. 1614).
;

'^

On

this conti-oversy
in Paris,

between the monks of


lib.

St.

Emmeran

in

Dionysius
'*

see Mabill. Ann. Ben.

lx.no. 21 (where also the decision of


is

Regensburg and of St. Leo IX.

in favor of the

Regensburgians, probably spurious,

printed) and no. 34.

The convent Eleury near Orleans claimed the honor of possessing them since the middle of the seventh century; on the other hand Monte Cassino claimed to have the
^rave and body. many passages.
'

Leon. Ostiens. Chronic. Casin.

lib. ii. c.

43,

44,

47.

Mabill. .T.nn. in

Viiliers.

Ep. Carnotensis (t 1029) Sermones (Opp. ed. Car. de PP. Lugd. xvii. 1) and Petri Damiani Sermones (Opp. ii. 1). la tie lattcrs sermo, xlv. or i. de Nativit. Mariae, p. 107, it is said among other things Etsi multa magna facta sunt in creaturis mundi, nihil tamen tarn excellens, tam magnificum fecerunt opera digitorun' Dei. Numquid quia ita deificata, ideo nostrae humanitatis oblita es ? Nequaquam, Domma. Data est til.'i omnis pDtestas in caelo et in terra. Nil
Con:?
especially Fulberti
6.

laris. I'SOS.

Bibl.

tibi impossibile, cui poss:i:'ile est


ilia

desperates in speni beatitadinis relevare.

Q.uomodo enim
?

potestas tuae poter,r.a<? [.otent obviare, quae do carne tua carnis suscepit originem

186

TIIIllD

PERIOD. DIV.

11. A.D.

8.58-107.3.

was devoted
her praise.'^
Accedis
r>eus
ciiiin

to

her,

and an ojflcium

St.

Mariae

institutGd ia
Cl'uignY

The
illiul

festival of all son Is,

which arose in

ante

niircum liumanac rcconciliationis altarc, non solum rogans, scd


:

Sermo xi. dc Annuneiatione b. V. M. p. 2.5 Cum fecerit omnia opera sua valde bona, hoc (Mariam) melius fecit, consecrans sibi in ca reclinatorium aureum, in tjua sola se post tumultus Angclorum et liominum reclinarct, et requiem inveniret. Peccant rationabiles creaturae. Tacct Dcus omnipotens, ct ordinans
iinperans, Domiiia, non ancilla.

Tandem nascitur Maria, et ad nubiles anuos egrediens spcciem iuduit spcciosam, quae ipsum alliciat Deum, et divinitatis oculos Videt et ardet illc vehcmens araator, et totuni epitlialamium in laudibus in se convertat. ejus decautans (Song of Solomon), ubi manifesto sponsus inducitur spirans amorcm sincerissimum, nee ultra valens dissimulare quod patitur. Evocatur statim caelcstis ille conventus, et juxta Proplietam (Jes. xvi. :)) init Deus consilium, cogit concilium, facit sernionem cum angelis de restauratione coram, de redemptione liominum, dc clement renovatione, ac illis stupeutibus et mirautibus prae gaudio, de modo redemptionis. Et statim de thesauro divinitatis Mariao nomcn cvolvitur, et per ipsam, et in ipsa, et de ipsa, et cum ipsa totum hoc faciendum duceruitur, ut sicut sine illo nihil factum, ita sine ilia
ejus omnipotentia tantam dissimulat confusionem.

nihil

rcfectum

sit.

Traditur epistola Gabrieli, in qua salutatio Virginis, incnrnatio Re-

pratiae, gloriae magnitudo, niultituiio laetitae Serm. xl. de Assumtione b. M. v. p. 97 Sublimis ista dies, in (jua Virgo regalis ad thronum Dei Patris evehitur, et in ipsius Trinitatis sede reposita naturam etiam angclicam solicitat ad videndum. Tota conglomeratur Angclorum frequentia, ut videat Regiuam sedentem a dextris Domini virtutum in vestitu deaurato, etc. Ascendent! Domiiio egi'essa est obviam omnis ilia beatorum Spirituum gloriosa societas. Attolle jam oculos ad assumptionem Virginis, et salva Filii majestate, invenies occursum huju.s pompae non raediocriter digniorem. Soli quippe Angeli Redemptori occurrerc potucrunt, Matri vero caelorum palatia penetrant! Filius ipse cum tota curia tam Angclorum quani Justorum solemniter occuirens evexit ad beatao consistorium sessiouis, et ait Tota pulchra et arnica mea, et macula non est in te (Cant. iv. 7). '* Botli ilrst began in convents. The officium proceeded from the hymns of praise in honor of Mary, of which the first trace is found in the vita Udalrici (bishop of Augsburg from 923-973), written by a contemporarj', Gcbhard, no. 14 (Mabillon. Acta SS. ord. Bened. Cursus quotidianus cum matriculariis in chore ejusdem matriculae ab eo saec. V. p. 426) caute obscrvabatur, quandocumque ei domi manendum aliae occupationes consenscrunt. Insuper autem unum cursum in honore S. Mariae gcnitricis Dei, et alterum de s. Cruce. tertium de omnibus Sanctis, et alios psalmos pluriraos, totumque psalterium omni die explore solitus crat (cf. Mabillon. Ann. Bened. lib. xlii. no. 71). However, these demonstrations of honor received a definite form and greater dilfusion in the eleventh century, and especially by means of Petrus Damiani. Comp. his Opusc. xxxiii. de bono suffaQ.uam iidcliter aeterna sperabunt, qui beatae Reginae mundi quotidiana giorum, c. 3 Unde pulcher etiam mos in nonnnllis Ecclesiis inolevit, horarum omnium vota persolvunt ut specialiter ad ejus honoreni per oninc sabbatum Missarum celebrentur officia, nisi forte Nos etiam Eremis sive Monasteriis, (juorura festivitas vel feria Q,uadragesimalis obsistat. videlicet ad Christi gloriam Ministri sumus, tres per hebdomadas singulas dies Sanctis assignatos habemus, ad quorum scilicet houorem Missas specialiter celebramus. Quod, secundum virorum illustrium pias opiniones atquc scntentias quaelibet animae dofunctorum in diebus dorainicis requiescunt atquc a suppliciis feriantur, secunda vero feria ad ca
deniptoris,

modus redemptionis, plenitudo

continetur.

idcirco ipso jiotissinnim die quibug assignata sunt pocnarum crgastula revcrluntur Angelis missarum honor imi)enditur, ut ct mortuis ct morituris patrocinalis eorum defensio ^exta quoque fcria vivilicac Cruci non inconvenienter ailscribitur, quae scilicet prDcuretur.
:

dies pendentis in Cnico


nostri,

Domini glorioso sanguine purpuratur. Qua die on:ncs fratres quos uti<iue nionasterialis ordo connectit, hoc etiam ad cumulum propriao salutis adjiciunt, ut et se mactent in Capitulo vicaria coUisione scopanim, et insuper cclcbrent in pane et aqua jejuuium. Ad honorcm quoque sanctac Crucis eodcm die Missas celebrant,

^ART
after

I. WEST.

CHAP, v. PUBLIC WORSHIP.


general

$33.

187

1024/''

soon

became

throughout

the

whole

church.
ut sibi patrociuium Cnicis in die necessitatis acquirant.

Cap.

Sabbatum enimvero,

quod requies interpretatur, quo videlicet die Deus requievisse legitur, satis consrue beatisslmae Virgiui dodicatur. Q.uam nimirum sibi Sapientia domum aedificavit, atque in ea per liumilitatis assumptae mysterium, velut in sacratissimo lectulo requievit. Petrus
Daniiani also spread very zealously- the Officium S. Mariae, but not without opposition, ia
the Italian monasteries.
otiicia dicerentur.

See lib. vi. Ep. 3-2 Statutum erat (in monasterio b. Vincentii), atque jani per triennium fere servatum, ut cuai horis canonicis b. Mariae semper Virginia
:

However, a monk, Gozo, opposed it coepit conqueri, satis superque praecepit Benedictus, nee novae adinventionis pondus debere superponi, nee nos esse antiquis Patribus sanctiores, qui videlicet haec superstitiosa ac supervacua judicantes psallendi nobis metam omnemque viveudi regulam praetixernnt
sufBcere, quod Sanctis

hac sane debere nos esse contentos, ne ab ilia incautius declinantes per anfractus et invia ducamur erronei. He actually succeeded in persuading the other monks, ut solitas b. Mariae laudes ulterius non offerent: but the convent met with great disasters, which did not cease till after they had solita Genitricis Dei praeconia uuanimiter pollicentur. Petrus Damiani had himself composed an Officium S. Mariae, 0pp. t. iv. p. 9, ss. According to Gaufridus Prior Vosiensis (llfe'3) in Chron. in Labbei Biblioth. nova MSS. t. ii. p. 2i)2, Urbanus II. established as early as the Council of Clermoiit (109.5), ut horae beatae Mariae quotidie dicerentur, officiumque ejus diebus sabbati fieret. Mabillon. Annales, lib. Iviii. "lo. Ejusd. Acta SS. ord. Bened. saec. v. praef. p. Ixxvi. 15, lib. Ix. no. 81. '^ The decretum by which the abbot Odilo prescribes this festival to all the monasteries of Clugny (ap. Mabillon. Act. SS. ord. Bened. saec. vii. i. 385), mentions the Emperor Henry II. (t 1024) as deceased. On the solemnization of it see Antiquiores consuetudines
Cluniac.
for
( 31,

note

3) lib.

i.

c. 42.

It

was

not

till

Odilo's deatli that the legend


diffusion,

was formed

met with by Jotsaldus, c. 14 (Mabillon. 1. c. p. 615) Retulit mihi etiam domnus Richardus Episcopus (in Pannonia, who had previously been a disciple of Odilo) quandam visionem, quam et ego quondam audieram, sed tunc animo minime retineba-n. duodam tempore, inquit, vir quidam religiosus de pago Rotenensi (of Rodez) oriundus ab Jerosolymis revertebatur. Transiens autem mare, quod a Sicilia versus Thessalonicnm protenditur, pertulit cum pluribus aliis gravissimum ventum in medio positus, qui navim impellens, appulit ad qnandam insulam sive rupem, ubi quidam servus Dei reclusus nianebat. This person related to the other Vicina loca sunt nobis, ex semetipsis manifesto Dei judicio gravissima eructautia ignis iiicendia, in quibus animae peccatorum ad tempus statutum diversa luunt supplicia. Sunt vero ad eorum semi)er renovanda tormenta multitude daemonuni deputata, qui eorum poenas de die in diem restaurantes, intolerabiles magis ac magis exaggeraut dolores. Q,uos tamen saepius audivi lamentantes, et non parvam querimoniam facientes, quia orationlbus religiosoram hominum, et eleemosynis pauperum, quae fiunt per diversa loca sanctorum, multotiens per Dei misericordiam ab eorum poenis liberarentur animae damnatorum. Inter caetera vero mentionem et maximam querimoniam noveris illos praecipue fecisse de ilia Cluniacensi congregatione et ipsius Abbate. Quapropter per Deum te admoneo, si ad tuos cum prosperitate habueris reditura, ut haec omnia quae a me audisti nota facias praedictae congregation et ex mea parte denuncies, quatenus magis ac magis insistant orationibus, vigiliis et eleemosynis pro refjuie animarum in poenis positarum. The pilgrim, after his return, executed this commission. Hac igituroccasione sanctus Pater generale propositum per omnia monasterie sua constituit, ut sicut in capite kalendarum Novembrium festivitas agitur omnium Sanctorum, ita etiam in sequent! die memoria generahter ageretur pro requie omnium fidehum animarum, privatim et publico Missae cum psalmis et eleemosynis celebrarentur, omnibus supervenientibus pauperibus eleemosyna niultipliciter daretur quatenus per haec jacturam sibi provenire magis ac magis doleret adversarius, et e contrario gratularetur Bub spe misericordiae in hoc laborans Christianus. Nearly the same thing, but not without
its

the purpose of procuring

permanence and greater

which
:

is first

in the vita S. Odilonis

i,

188

THIRD PERIOD.DIV.

II. A.D. 858-1073.

SIXTH CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF ECCLESIASTICAL DISCIPLINE.
Contenipora.ry chronicles
:

Rcligioue
Trcvir.

christ. lib.

ii.

Reginonis, abbot of Pnin, de Disciplinis ecclesiasticis et written 90G-908 (according to tiie latest editors of the Gesta

brand. Helmst.
c. 11,

Miiller, 899, see torn. i. Adnotat. p. 'J?, at p. 99, ed. Jo. Hildeauctius St. Baluzius. Paris. 1G71. 8 ad opt. codd. fidcm rec. F. G. A. Wasscrschloben. Lips. 1840. 8. Cf Ballerini de Antiquis collect, canonum, P. iv.
16.'>9;
;

Wytteubach and

Wasserschleben's Beitrage zur Gesch.'d. vorgratian Kirchenrechts<iuellen. Leipz. 1. Bahr's Gesch. d. roni. Lit. im karol. Zeitalter, S. 53.'5). Abbonis, abbot in Fleury {\ 1004) Cauones excerpti de aliis canonibus, written before 997 (in Mabillonii Analect. ed. ii. p. 133, ss.). Burchardi, bishop of Worms (t 1025), Conlectarium canonum or decretoram volumen, written 1012-1023 (ed. Colon. 1.548. fol. Paris. 1549. 8. Cf. Ballerini, 1. c. P. iv. c. 12). Comp. Spittler's works published by K. Wachter, Stuttgart, (Fragment from a second part of the History of Canonical Law.) 1827, i. 270.
1839, S.
;

34.

DISCIPLINE OF THE CLERGY.


Die Einfiihrung dcr crzwungcnen Ehelosigkeit bei den christl. Geisllichcn und Folgen, von D. F. A. Theiner und A. Tbeiuer (2 Bde. Altenburg, 1828; i. 444.
ihre

The impurity

of the clergy caused

by

their celibacy, long a

constant subject of legislation at the synods, increased during


these times of rudeness to unnatural crimes.'

The

bishops,

who

were always becoming more worldly, led the way in evil example, and the inferior clergy followed with the less restraint as they had become so much more independent by the firm establishment
of their benefices. to

While

their office appeared to be privileged

commit

the most scandalous excesses,^

many began

to live in

variations,

is likewise related after the death of Odilo by a person belonging to CluguV; hurchardus, Doniinis Patribus et scnioribiis Cluniacensis cocnobii, told as something, quod veridicis tcstibus nupcr audivimus (see Mabillon. 1. c. p. 584). From this expression as

well as from the introduction of Jotsaldus, it is clear that the story was unknown at Clugny The same is given in extract by Sigebert. Gemblac. ad ann. 993, who, in Odilo's lifetime.

however, transfers the scene


Volcani.
'

to Sicily, to the places,

quae vocajitur ab
:

incolis,

Ollao

in

domo sua

Cone. Moguntiac. ann. 888, can. 10 (Mansi, xviii. 67) Ut clcricis interdicatur, muliercs Quamvis enim sacri canones quasdnm perhabere, oninimodis decerniraus.
est,

dolendum

in una domo habitare permittant: tamcn, quod multum saepe audivimus, per illam coiicessionem ()lurima scolcro esse commissa, ita ut quiilam sacerdotum cum propriis sororibus concunibentes, filios ex eis gcnerassent. So too rone. Mctense, ann. 888, can. Riculfi Ep. Suessionum constit. oun. 889, c. 14.

sonas feniinarum simul cumclericis

.').

Cone. Niftmncteiise, ann. inc.


'

c.

3 (Mansi, xviii.

1(17).

Among

the

numerous synodal

regulations, romp,

cone Aenhamense, ann. 1009,

c. 1.

PART

I. WEST.

CHAP. VI. DISCIPLIXE.

34.

CLKKGY.

189

the ordinary state of marriage.^

The

violent measures of Duri:

(Wilkins Cone. Magn. Brit. i. 286. Mansi, xix. 299) Onines Dei ministi-os, et imprimis sacerdotes rogamus et docemus, ut Deo obediant et castitatem diligaiit, et caveant sibi Certissime uorint, quod non debeant habere ob aliquara coitus causam ipsis ab ira Dei. iixoris consortium ast pejus est, quod aliqui habeant duas v-el plures et quidam, licet diraiserit earn, quam nuper liabuit, ipsa vivente tamen aliam ducit, etc. Benedictus P. VIII. in cone. Ticinensi (between 1014 and 1024), ap. Mansi, xix. 345: Sacerdotes Dei, ut
;

equi emissarii, in feminas insaniunt

toto vitae suae tempore summum bonum, ut EpicuNeque id caute faciunt incauti cum quam excursores laici meritricaii non
:

rus philosophorum porcus, voluptatem adjudicant.

publics et ponipatice lascivientes, obstinatius etiam

erubescant (comp. below, note Petrus Damiaui Opusc. cancer


alii

5).

fearful description of priestly


:

vii. liber

Gomorrhianus. Praef.

lewdness is given by Vitium contra naturam veUit


:

sacrorum hominum Ordinem attingat. Cap. 1 Alii siquidem secum, alii inter femora, alii deuique consummato actu contra naturam delinquunt. Cap. 2 Q,uidam rectores Ecclesiarum circa hoc vitium humaniores forsitan quan; expediat, absolute deceniunt, propter tres illos gradus, qui superius enumerati sunt, neminera a suo Ordiiie debere deponi hos autem solummodo non abuuunt degradari, qvios ultimo actu cecidisse constiterit. Cap. 6: Sed o scelus inauditum quod dignuni illis poterit excogitari supplicium, qui cum suis spiritualibus filiis haec mala commitunt ? (iuis jam sub ejus imperio maneat, qui de poenitente facit pellicem, et quern spiritualiter Deo genuerat filium, per suae carnis immunditiam subjungat servuia ? Comp. Leo IX. 's letter to Petrus Damiani, relating to this subject, pretixed to the latter's work. Ecce omnes illi, qui quavis quatuor generum, quae dicta sunt, foeditate polluuntur, ab omnibus immaculatae Ecclesiae gradibus tam sacrorum, canonum, quam nostro judicio depelluntur. Sed nos humanius agentes, cos, qui vel propriis manibus, vel invicem inter se egerunt semen, vel etiam qui inter femora profunderunt, et non longousu, nee cum pluribus, si voluptatem refraenavcrint, et digna poenitudine probrosa commissa luerint, admitti ad eosdeiu gradus, in quibus fuerant, volumus atque etiam jubemus. (Cf. Caron. ad. ann. 1049, no. 10) 2 Cf. Bonizo ap. Oefele, ii. p. 799. Guidonis Disciplina Farfensis (about $ 23, note 2. 1040) in Vetus disciplina monastica (ed. M. Herrgott). Paris. 1726, p. 37 Cum per nniversam Italiam Christi praecepta annullarentur, et velut in fastidio versarentur: diabolicae suggestiones coeperunt augmentari, et opere compleri, ita ut etiam in sacris constituti ordinibus, sicut mos laicorura est, uxores acciperent, et sine aliqua difficultate haeresim exercerent simoniacam. Leonis VII. (t 939) Ep. ad Gallos et Germanos (Mansi, xviii.
ita serpit, ut

aliorum manibus,
:

(Gerardus S. Lauriacensis Ecclesiae Archiepiscopus) intulit lamentabile et nimis lugendum, ut Domini sacerdotes publice ducant uxores. Aventinus, who also, Annal. Bojorum lib. iv. c. 23, p. 461, ed. Gundlingii mentions this epistle, remarks, lib. v. c. 13, p. 541, of the times before Gregory VII. Sacerdotes ilia tempestate publice uxores, sicuti
379)
:

caeteri Christiani, habcbaut,

procreabant, sicuti in insti-umentis donationum quae illi templis, mystis, monachis fecere, ubi hae nominatim cum conjugibus testes citantur, et
filios

honesto vocabulo Presbyterissae nuncupautur, invenio. Thus Presbyter quidam Gunduni nomine cum Presbyterissa sua Hiltigunde makes a present to the Abbey of Ebersperg (Oefele Scriptt. rerum Boicarum, ii. 23, no. 82) So too quidam sacerdos nomine Perhcozus
;

ac ejus Presbyterissa Liutpurc

(1.

c.

p. 29, no. 100).

makes a

gift to

the convent Benedictbeuern, and

among

In the year 1055, Richolfus Presbyter the witnesses we find first men-

tioned Proibirgis, uxor praelibati Presbyteri (Monum. Boica. vii. 40). presentation appears Gisila, quam Atto Presbyter duxerat uxorem

In the case of another


(1.

c. p. 42).

Wilhelm,

Episc. Ausonensis, gives in fief with the approbation of his chapte 1052, toErmengaudo, canouico nostrae sedis, uxorique tuae et filiis tuis a Castrum (Petr. de Marca Hispanica, app. p. 1097, no. 236). Petri Damiani lib. iv. Ep. 3, ad Cunibertum Ep. Taurinen-

sem

(or

Opusc.

xviii. contra Clericos

intemperantes, diss,

ii.)

Inter nonnullos virtutum

floras,

venerabilis Pater, quibus tuae sanctitatis vernat ingenium,

unum

mihi, fateor, valile

displicuit.

Permittis enim, ut Ecclesiae tuae clerici, cujuscunque sint ordinis, velut jure matrimonii confoederentur uxoribus. Praesertim cum et ipsi clerici tui, ahas quidem satis
*Jonesti, et

literaram studiis sint deceater iustracti.

Qui dum ad me confluerent, tamquam

190
stan^

THIRD PERIOD. DIV.

II. A.D. 858-1073.

from 961 archbishop of Canterbury (f 988) in England, had * still no yielding on the part of the hierarchy could be expected here, because the church estates were threatened by those disorders.^
only a temporary effect
;

chorus angelicus, et velut couspicuus Ecclesiac videbatur eiiitcre senatus. Only a Pctrus Damiani, although he fully perceived the abominations of celibacy in liis liber Gomorrliia-

nus could fail to see that this excellence of the Turin clergy coincided exactly with that permission of marriage, and could require the renunciation of it in the following time. Worthy of remark is cap. 3 Aliquaudo cum me Laudensis Ecclesia tauri pingues armata conspiratione valarent, tamquam ructum fellis in os meum evomere, dicentcs Habemus auctoritatem Triburicnsis, si tameu ego iiouien teneo, Coucilii, quae promotis ad ccclesiasticum ordincm ineundi conjugii tribuat facultatem. Cluibus ego respondi Couciliuiu, itiquam, vestrum, quodcumque vultis, nomen obtineat: sed a me non recipitur, si decretis Ilomauorum Pontificura non concordat. Even bishops were married (./Esopeja, spouse of bishop Paschalis of Chur, is called in the documents episcopa and Anlistita Curieusis, Meier v. Knonau's schweizer. Gesch. i. 29). At the time of Gregory VIL, the bishop of Toul particularly (Gregor. VII. lib. ii. Ep. 10 duoniam cum muliere quadam in jiublica foruicatione jaceret, de qua filium genuisset, quanique rumor esset sacramento et desponsatioue laicorum more sibi copulasse), and Burkard, bishop of Lausanne (uxorem legitimam liabuit Chartul. Lausann. in Miiller's Schweizergesch. i. 318.) * Eadmenis (about 1122) de vita S. Oswaldi Archiep. Eboracensis, in H. Wharton Anglia Per id temporis ex sanctione et auctoritate Johannis apostolicae sedis Anlisacra, ii. 200 coacto general! stitis b.Dunstanus Archiepiscopus Cantuariae et Primas totius Britauniae Concilio (aun. 909) statuit, et statuendo dccrctum confirmavit, videlicet ut Canouici omnes, Prcsbyteri omnes, Diaconi et Subdiaconi omnes aut caste viverent, aut Ecclesias quas tenebant una cum rebus ad eas pertincntibus perderent. Habebat autem Regem Edgarum Q,ui rex ipin hoc negotio lidclem fautorem, constantem adjutorem, firmum defensorem. sius pati'is consilio utens, curam exequendi decreti hujus super totum regnum duobus viris Q.uod iiii injunxit, Oswaldo scilicet Episcopo Wigornensi et Athelwoldo Wintoniensi.
:

zelo

domus Dei

succensi, et divinitatis

amore subnixi,

ct insuper praedicta auctoritate

niuniti,

teria in sua dioecesi regulari disciplina, ejectis clericis

Oswaldus septem mouasfeminarum consortium Ecclesiis autepouentibus, instituit. Post haec in aliis Angliae partibus ad parochiam suam nil pertiuentibus insigncs Ecclesias ob praefixara causam clericis evacuavit, et eas vii'is monasComp. the vita S. Dunstaui by I'^.aihner, ibid. p. 219, the ticae institutionis sublimavit. other by Osbcrnus (about 1070), ibid. 112, and in Mabillon. Acta SS. ord. B. saec. v. p. C81 and the vita S. Ethelwoldi Ep. Wintonicnsis, written probably by his pupil Wolstanus, ap. Mabillon. 1. c. p. 614. A document of King Edgar, by wLich the transference of a foundation in Worcester to the monks, eliminatis clericorum naeiiiis et spurcis lasciviis, is confirmed, ita ut jam araplius non sit fas neque jus clericis reclamandi quicquam inde, (juippe qui magis clegerunt cum sui ordinis pericuio ct ecclesiastici benelicii dispenulo
strcnuissime sunt executi.
ut de aliis taceam, b.

Nam

suis uxoribus adhaerere,


liibernic. sylloge, p. 121,

quam Deo
in
.lo.

caste et canonice servire, see in Usserii Vet.


ii.

ei)istt

and

M. Keniblc Codex diplom. aevi Saxonici, tom.


:

(Lond.

1840.

8), p.

404.
(t

Comp. Kemble,
975).

was changed
Regis

ii. 402, 421, 429. After Edgar's death the state of ihlrcs Matthaeus Westmouasteriensis (about 1307) Sicquo post decessum

pacifici regni status perturbatus est, ct in execrationeni

conimutatua.

Nam

Prin-

cipes plurimi ct Optimates Abbates

cum monachis de

monasteriis, in quibus

Rex Eadgerus

COS locaverat, cxpulerunt, et clericos, ut prius, loco eorum cum uxoribus iiuiuxerunt. The struggle between monks and secular clergy increased to be a contention of political factions

however, the old state of things again reappeared gradually (see cone. Aenham. Theiner, i. 533. LappenStiiudlin's Kirchengesch. von (Jrossbrit. i. 92. 2). Gfrorer, iii. iii. 1G09. berg's Gesch. von England, i. 400. ^ In an epist. canonica, quam debent adimplere PresUyleri, Diaconi seu Subdiaconi, of the tenth century (in Maji Scriptt. vett. nova coll. vi. ii. 102} it is said Ad nos perlatum
:

above, note

PART

I.WEST.

CHAP. VI. DISCIPLINE.


last

34.

CLERGY.

191

Thus, then, under the

popes of this period, in addition to

the other evil of the time, viz..

Simony ^^

the incontinence and

marrying of the clergy were stamped as the Nicolaitan heresy,'^ and zealously opposed.^ On the other hand, the first defenders
quod quidam conjugati habentes titulos in quibus deserviant, de sacris vestibus, inulierum vel filiarum suaruni ornamenta faciant, et proprietario jure sibi defendant Benedictus P. VIII. in cone. Ticinensi (between 1014 and 1024), ap. Mansi, xix. 343: Omnes Ecclesiam perti-auseuntes diripiunt, et hi maxime, qui videntur esse rectores,
3st eo

modis omnibus quibus possunt, J^oncultant et paupertant. Praedia enim et possessiones aut tollunt, aut minuunt, aut quibusdam titulis et scriptis colludio fabiicatis, a nomine et a jure Ecclesiae alienant; servos libertant, licet non possiut; filiis congerones infrontati omnia congerunt. Ipsi quoque clerici, qui sunt de familia Ecclesiae, ex liberis mulieribus lilios procruant; ancillas Ecclesiae hac sola fraude fu^ientes, ut matrem liberam filii quasi Ampla itaque praedia, ampla patrimonia, et quaecunque bona posliberi prosequantur. sunt, de oonis Ecclesiae, neque enim aliunde habent, infames patres infamibus filiis adquirunt. Sic Ecclesiae utrumque et servos perdit et conquisita. Sic Ecclesiae olim ditissima pauperrima nostris est effecta temporibus, hac fraude omnes filii servorum Ecclesiae ad clericatum aspirant, non ut Deo serviant, sed ut scortati cum liberis mulieribus, filii eorum de iamulata Ecclesiae cum omnibus bonis Ecclesiae raptis quasi liberi exeant. Hence the synod enacted, can. 3 Filii et filiae omnium clericorum, omniumque graduum de familia Ecclesiae, ex quacunque libera muliere, quocunque modo sibi conjuncta fuerit, servi proprii suae erunt Ecclesiae, nee unquam ab Ecclesiae geniti, cum omnibus bonis servitute exibunt, which was confirmed by the emperor Heniy I. Comp. the remarkable enarratio eoinim, quae perverse gesta sunt a custodibus Ecclesiarum S. Stephani et S. Donati in civitate Aretina, et quomodo Canonici tandem eas Ecclesias acquisierunt,

written about 1092, in Muratorii Antiquitt.


'

Ital. v. 217.

Comp.

23,
8.

note 2

24, notes 12, 14.

Cf. Girberti Phil.

Sermo de informatione EpisAbbonis Abb.

coporum,

(M^billon. Analect. vet. p. 105, and ap. Galland. xiv. 135).

Floriacen. Apologeticus, 9 (about 1000), ap. Galland. xiv. 139: Nihil paene ad Ecclepertinere videtur, quod ad pretium non largiatur, scilicet episcopatis, presby siam teratus, diaconatus, et reliqui minores gradus, archidiaconatus quoque, decania, prae-

positura, thesauri custodia, baptisteriuni, sepultura, et si

modi negotiatores subdola responsione solent


percipitur gratia Spiritus
S.,

astraei'e,

qua sunt similia. Et liujusnon se emere benedictionem, qua


:

Damiaui
ripiebat.

in vita S.

Romualdi,

sed res Ecclesiarum, vel possessiones Episcopi, etc. Petrus c. 35 (0pp. ed. Cajetani, ii. 221) Inter caeteros autem

praecipue saeculares clericos, qui per pecuniam ordinati fuerant, durissima severitate cor-

Q.uiuovam rem audientes, occidere ilium moliti sunt. Per totani namque illam Monarchiam (i. e., Camerinam provinciani) usque ad Romualdi tenipora vulgata consuetudiue vix quisquam noverat, sinioniacam haeresim esse peccatum. Est enim venenata ilia haeresis, praesertim in episcopali ordine, tam dura, et ad convertendum rigida, ut semper promittens, semper de die in diem producens, at<jue in futurum procrastinans, facilius possit
cari.

Judaeus ad fidem couverti, quamhaereticuslatro plene ad poenitentiam provo-

The expression simoniaca haeresis first in Gregory the Great. ^ First in Humberti Responsio adv. Nicetam Pectoratuni (ann. 1054) ap. Baronius xi. 1010 Arbitramur ab inferis emersisse principem hujus haeresis nefandum Diaconum Ni;

colaum, de quo Epiphanius vester sic scripsit (should rather be Augustini Hacr. " duarta Nicolaitarum a Nicolao haeresis est adinveuta corrupted) Iste
:

5,

but

is

docere

uoepit, indiffercntur debere uti conjugibus

gerentur
c. 13
:

officio."

Qui dum

non solum laicos, sed etiam qui sacerdotis funPetrus Damiani Opusc. xviii. contra clericos intemperantes. Diss. ii. comiunt, impudici dum defendere nituutur, merito judicantur haeretici.
;

Unde

et clerici uxorati Nicolaitae vocantur,

qaoniam a quodam Nicolao, qui banc dogmaliis

tizavit haeresim,

hujusmodl vocabulum sortiuntur. * This, too, was begun by Leo IX. Cone. Rom. ann. 1059 refers to castitate clericorum, as to the law that established a new order. At
:

constitutum de

this council it

was

192

THIRD PERIOD. DIV.

II. A.D. 858-1073.

of priestly marriage^ reappear at

tlie

time, especially in Milan,

where

it

had become quite customary.'"


II.

Ut nullus Missam audiat Presbytcri, qneni habere aut subintroductaiu niulierem. Still in tliis matter they were not yet so zealous as in regard to Simony. Petr. Dam. Epist. ad Nicol. P II. ap. Baron, ann. 1059 no. 39: Nostris quidera tomporibus gcmina quodammodo Ronian:;o Ecclesiae consuetudo servatur, ut do caeteris (luidcm ecclesiasticae disciplinac stinliis cxameu (prout dignam est) moveat; de clericorum vero libidine propter insultationern saeciilarium dL-spensative conticescat. Si malum hoc esset occultum, Cuerat foitassis utcumque fereiidum. Sed (oh scelus) omni pudore postposito pcstis liaec in tantam jiroderroed by Xicolaus
(Mansi, xix. 907)
:

Bcit concubinani indubitanter

nimpit audaciam, ut per ora populi volitent loca scortautium, nomiua concubinariu:n, etc. ' To this time belongs the Epist. Udalrici Ep. Augustani ad Nicolaum P. pro conjugio clericorum (prim. ed. Mattb. Flacius. Magdeb. 1550. 8 and iu the Catal. test, verit. no. 77.
;

G. Calixtus de Conjug. cleric, cd. Henke, p. 547. Martene Collect, ampliis, i. 449, &c j llrst mentioned about 1090 by Bernoldus in Chron. ad. ann. 1079 (ap. Pertz, vii. 430) In li-c synodo Papa scriptum quod dicitur S. Udalrici ad Papam Nicolaum de nuptiis Presbyterorum, et capitulum Paphnutii de eadem re, immo omnia sacris canonibus adversa dam:

Afterward adopted into TJdalrici Babeberg. Codex epistolaris (collected about 1105, Fccardi Corp. historicum. medii aevi, ii. 23). Tiie first Ulrich whom we find in the see of Augsburg is Ulrich, count of Dillingen, from 923-973. In the name of this long deceased bishop, who was in great repute as a saint in all German}-, this letter was addressed, probably to Nicolaus II. Probably Ulrich was reckoned in the tradition as a defender of sanavit.
in

cerdotal marriage.

other opinions about this epistle

speaks here as representative of the Augsburg Church. Many In the letter it may be seen in Theiner, Bd. 1, S. 467, is said: Cum tua, o Pater et Domine, decreta super clericorum conlinentia nuper mihi transmissa a discrctionc invenirem alicna, timer <iuidcm turbavit me cum tristitia, noii pai-um quippe a discrctionc deviasti, dura clericos, quos ad continentiam consiliis nionere dehebas, ad banc imperiosa quadam violentia cogi volebas. Dominus quidem iu veteri ce sacerdoti conjugium constituit, quod ille postmodum interdixisse non Icgitur. Sed in iZvangelio loquitur: " Sunt eunuch!," .lc. sed " non omnes hoc verbuni capiunt qui po-

He

fl'.

test capere, capiat"

(Matth. xix. 11, 12).

Q.uapropter Apostolus ait:

"De

virgiuibus

praeceptum Domini non habeo, consilium autem do" (1 Cor. vii. 25). Quod, etiam juxta praedictum Domini, consilium non omnes capere posse considerans, sed multos ejusdem cousilii assentatores hominibus, non Deo, pro falsa specie continentiae placerc volcntes, gi-aviori. praevidens committere, fratrum scilicet uxores subagitare, masculorum ac pecudum amplexus non abhorrere, ne morbi hujus aspersione adusque pcstilcntiam conva"Propter fornicationem," dixit, lescente nimium status labefactetur Ecclesiae totius
:

" unusquisque

suam uxorcm habeat"


;

(1

Cor. vii. 2).

Q.uod specialiter ad laicos pcrthicre,

iidem mentiuntur hypocritae qui, licet in quovis sanctissimo ordine constituti, alienia revcra uxoribus non dubitant abuti. lUud apostolicum "unuscpiisque suam habeat uxorem" nullum excipit verc, nisi professorem continentiae, vel eun>, qui de continuandi in Domino virginitate praefixit. Tlien follow proofs from 1 Tim. iii. 2. Isidor. de Eccles. oil". (Paphnu hist. cccl. lib. ii. ii. c. 1, can. apost. 5 (Vol. I. Div. II. 97, note 9), Tripartita Sunt vero aliijui qui S. Gregorium s;iac; sectae tius, see Vol. I. Div. II. $ 97, note 4). Ignorant cjuorem quidem temeritatem rideo, ignorantinra doleo. suraunt adjutorium enim, quod periculosum hujus haercsis decretum a S. Grcgorio factum condigno jioeniten:

postmodum ab codem sit purgatum. Uuipi)c cum die quadam Buum propter pisces misisset, et allata indc plus quam millia infantum capita
tiae fructu

in viva:i:im

vidcreti

in-

ductus poeniteutia ingemuit suoque decreto prorsus damnato apostolicum iliud laudavit consilium melius est iiubere quam uri (1 Cor. ix. 7), addens ex sua parte me(A similar thing is related, ap. Lanlius est nubcre, quam mortis occasionem praebere.

tima

mox

dulphus Sen. Mcdiol. Histor. lib. iii. c. 25, in Murat. Soriptt. rer. Ital. iv. i;2, by Andreas a priest defending (he marriage of priests, a.d. 1065 Terrere to debent bella civilia. homicidia, sacramcuta ac perjuria inenarrabilia parvulorum multitudinem multorum ne:

PART

I.WEST.

CHAP. VI.DISCIPLINE.

^ 35.

PENANCE.

193

35.

SYSTEM OF PENANCE.
punishment of public sinners was now regulated by the complete development of the synodal judica-

The

ecclesiastical

cem

siue baptismate incurrentiura,

quorum membra

aequalia, ct quanta hoc in anno in

cisterna theatrali

cum mundata

tuos oculos habens.

respecting earlier
diction! obligatius,

tamen condolentibus, ante Such occun-ences might easily have given rise to similar traditions times.) Cluid vero per homines fieri potest stolidius, quid divinae malea lutariis inventa sunt, paucis

quam cum
lit

aliqui, vel

Episcopi videlicet, vel Archidiaconi,

ita praecip-

neque incestus, neque masculorum (proh pudor!) turpissimos amplexus sciant abhoiTere, quod casta clericorum conjugia sibi dicant foetere et ab eis non verae justitiae compassione clericos, ut conserves, rogent vel moneant continere, sed, ut servos, jubeant ac cogant abstinere ? Ad cujus imperii tam fatuara tamque turpem addunt suggestionem, ut dicant honestius est pluribus ccculte implicari, quam aperte in hominum vultu et conscientia cum una ligari. On the passage, "vae vobis Pliarisaeis," etc. (Matth. xxiii. 5). Hi sunt homines, qui prius debereut nobis persuaderc, ut iu conspectu ejus, cui omnia nuda et aperta sunt, erubescanius peccatores esse, quam in conspectu hominum studeamus mundi esse. Finally, 1 Tim. iv. 2, is explained of those false teachers, and a hope expressed that the pope would root out Pharisaicum docites sint in libidinem,

neque

adulteria,

trinam ab ovili Dei. '" A Milan chron. MS. flos florum relates even of archbishop Heribert (from 1019-104.5) Hie Archieiiisc. habuit Uxeriam, nobilem mnlierem, uxorera quae donavit dotem suam monasterio S. Dionysii, quae usque hodie Uxeria dicitur (cited in Murat. Scriptt. rer. Ital. iv. 12-.2). At the same time the Milanese clergy as well as the married Turin clergy A proverb was Me(see Petr. Dam. lib. iv. Ep. 3, above, note 3), stood in high repute.
: :

diolanum in

clericis,
iii.

Papia

in deliciis,

Roma

in aedificiis,

Ravenna

in Ecclesiis

(Landulphi
II.),

Hist. Mediol.

c. 1).

Even

Ajiselm, bishop of Lucca (afterward Pope Alexander


(ibid. c. iv.)
:

the author of the persecution of married priests, confessed

Certe nisi femi-

nas haberent omucs hujus urbis sacerdotes et Levitae, in Praedicatioue et in aliis bonis moribus satis congrue valerent and the Papal legate Petrus Damiani testatus est ad
:

verum, nusquam se talem vidisse clerum (Amulphi Hist. Med. iii. c. 12). Arnulphus admits besides ut caveatur mendacium, non ex toto fuerunt omnes ab objectis immunes but the prejudicial descriptions of the Milanese clergy in Arialdus's partial biographers Andreas and Landulphus de S. Paulo in Puricelli's work about to be quoted below, can not be overborne by the above testimonies. Concerning that persecution, comp. 25, note 13. Archbishop Guide first put off the authors of the trouble Landulphus and Arialdus (Lap
:

dulph.

iii. c.

6)
;

Vos

dicitis,

quia sacerdotes impossibile est adulterare et sacrificare, et

verum

sed nostri sacerdotes, Deo gratias, nee sunt nee nominati sunt adulter! sed curiose observant apostolicum praeceptum, ut sint unius mulieris viri. Cf id. iii. c. 23: Dixisti Sacerdos, qui duxerit uxorem, deponatur. Bene dicis, et ego dice, si post acceptum sacerdotium duxerit uxorem, sui ordinis periculo subjaceat: sin autem in sacerdicitis
:

dotio uniiis uxoris


9 73, note
1-5).

virum inveneris, quid separas, quod non licet? (Comp. Vol. I. Divis. I. For the followers of Rome's example, the appellation, Patarini, was fonned (Arnulph. iii./:. 11, iv. c. 11. Muratori, on the last passage, and Antiqu. Ital. med. aevi, V. S3. Mosheim Institutt. p. 406, note m). Disputation between the two parties (ap. Landulph. iii. c. 21-25) Cum diu per Apostoli Pauli et canonum (effata) altercarentur,
:

Arialdus et Landulphus proclamare coeperunt dicentes Vetera transierunt, et facta sunt omnia nova, Q.uod olim in primitiva Ecclesia a Patribus Sanctis concessum est, raodo
:

VOL.

II.

13

194

THIRD rEniOD. DIV.

II.A.D. 858-1073.
;

ture (Synodus Placitum


Tantum

Episcopi)

'

though such pernicious

b. magister et doctor Ambrosius, cujus ordinem teneindubitanter prohibetur. mus, vos daninct out affirmet (c. 21). The married priests tlien defendeil tliemselves actuallj- with expressions of Ambrose. Tlicy had even at that time the following story Vivente b. Ambrosio gravissima dissensio inter sacerdotes nionoga (Landul[>li. i. c. 11) mos ct alios sub virginitate aut castitate degentes in Synodo coram Apostolico orta est. Apostolico impcrante, et multis catholicis Episcoiiis exhortantibus in judicio b. ])atroni nostri Ambrosii a partibus ambabus datum est, alHrmantcs, (juidtjuid ipse dicerct, tenerei,
:

ct lirmuni atque

sanctum haberent.

iiunianos, ct sancta consilia et


tiani,

At b. Ambrosius videns atijue cognoscens seusus omnes pronos ad peccandum, maxime propter incontinenofliciis, ait:

scions aliijuem neque virginitatem, nequo castitatem, nisi a Duo, posse liabere, os
apericns, (juod in libro

suum

jam dictavcrat do

"Do monogamia

sacerdotum

quin una tantum permittitur copula, ct non repetita, et haec lex est non ilerare conjugium," etc. Itaquc Gracfi sacerdotes Ambrosianam tenentes seutentiam,
i]uid loijuar?

us(iue hodie, etc.

(The passage

is

de

Olficiis,

i.

c. .50,

but refers

to

marriage before conse-

However, even the miracles which took place in favor of the married priests (Landulph. iii. c. 27), were ineffectual. The older Milanese historians have frequently repeated this tradition about Ambrose ex. gr. Galvaneus Flamma (about 1340) Clericis omnibus benein the Manipulus florum, c. 40. (Murat. Scriptt. rer. Ital. xi. 570) diccns b. Ambrosius una uxore posse uti concessit, qua defuncta et ipsi vidui in aetemum permanercnt. Quae consuetudo duravit annis 700 usque ad tempera Alexandri Papae.
cration as a i)riest).
:

and Bernardinus Corius (about loOO), whom therefore to be expurgated. To prevent mischief from these passages, Muratori lias accompanied them with (Script, rer. Ital. iv. 121) J. P. Puricelli Diss, utram S. Ambrosius clero suo Mediolanensi permiserit, ut virgin! nubere semel posset (from his Dissert, de Martyr. Arialdo, Alciato et Herlembaldo. Mediol. ]Gr)7. fol.). Placitum Episcopi, opposed to the placitum Comitis by tlie cone. Triburiense, aim. b9r>, caf.P. Regino de Discipl. cedes, lib. i. gives an account of the rule after which the bislioj), in his ecclesiastical visitations, had to look in reference to the clergy, then be extracts, lib. ii., from tlie moral rule there to be ajiplicd respecting the laity, the following ex concilio Hotomagensi, which afterward Rurchardus, lib. i. cap. 90-92, and in part Gratianus cans. xxxv. qu. 6, c. 7, repeat, but ascribe to pope Entycliiauus. Cum Episcopus suam dioecesira circuit, Arcliidiaconus vel Archipresbyter Lib. ii. c. 1 eum praeire debet uno aut duobus diebus per parochias, quas visitaturus est, et plebe convocata adnunciare debet proprii pastoris advcntuni, et ut omnes ad ejus synodum die denoniinata inipraetermisse occurrant, omnimodis ex auctoritate ss. canonum praecipere, et niinaciter denunciare, quod, si quis abs(iue gravi necessitate defuerit, procul dubio a
Also Petrus Azarius (about
the congreg. Indicis, 1G21,
13(j0)

commanded

'

communione

chiistiana sit repellendus.

Deinde

adscitis secuin Presbyteris, qui illo in

debent exhibere Episcopo, quicquid de niinoribus et levioribus causis currigere potest, emendare satagat, ut Pontifex veniens nequacjuam in facilioribus negotiis fatigetur, aut ihi immorari amplins iieccsse sit, quam expensa sulliciat. Cap. 2, de juraEpiscopus in synodo residens, post congruam toribus synodi (or testibus synodulibus)
loco servitium
:

allocutionem septem ex plebe

i[)sius parocliiae, vel

eo amjjlius aut minus, projt vidorit

expedire, maturiores, honestiores, atque veraciorcs viros

in medio debet evocare, ct allatis sanctorum jjignoribus unumquenique illorum tali sacramento constringat. Cap. 3 Aniodo inantea (juiihiuid nosti. aut audisti, aut postniodum inquisiturus cs, quod contra Dei voluntateni, et rectani christianitatem in ista parocliia factum est, aut in futurum erit, si in diebus tuis evenerit, tantum ut ad tuani cognitioneni quocumjue modo pervcniat, si scis, aut tibi indicatura fuerit, synoilalom causani esse et ad ministerium Episcopi pertinerc, quod 111 nee i)ropter amorom, nee propter timorem, ncc propter i)racmium, nee propter parentelam ullatenus celare debeas Episcopo, aut ejus Misso, cui hoe inquirere jusserit, quandocunque te ex hoc interrogaverit. Sic te Deus adjuvet, et istne Sanctorum reliipiiae. Then follows a long series of (juestions P^st in hac parochia homicida? etc. Comp. the description in the vita Udalrici Ep. August, (from 923-973) iu Mabillun. Act. SS. ord. Ben. Baee. v. p. 431. Worldly power gave external force too to the procedure of the bishop.
: :

PART

1. VVi^:ST.

CHAP. VI. DISCIPLINE,

(j

35.

PENANCE.

195

moial abuses in the system of penance as had been rejected by the French synods in the first half of the ninth century ( 19) pervaded general ecclesiastical practice in the second half of it.^ The libri poenitentiales ^ gave directions for substituting something more convenient for canonical punishments
See Caroli Calvi cap. de statu Ecclesiae
Coniites vel reipublicae ministi'i
;

and these
:

et de rebus eccl. reformandis, ann. 853 in miuisteriis illorum,

sint

parochiam circumierit, cum Episcopus eis notum fecerit, et Episcopus adducere iion potuerit, ipsi regia auctoritate et potestate ad poenitentiam vel rationem atque satisfactionem adducant. Epistola Episcopp. syn. Carisiac. ad Ludov. lieg. Germ. aim. 858 (Caroli Calvi Capitull. tit. xxvii.) c. 7 Ut Episcopi quietam libertatem suas parocliias circumeundi, et praedicandi, ac confirmandi, atque corrigendi habeant, ordinate. Ut Missus reipublicae, i. e., minister Comitis, cum ipsis, si jusserint. eat qui liberos homines incestuosos, si per admonitionem Presbyterorum venire ad Episcopum noluerint, eos ad Episcopi placitum venire faciat commendate. Comp. Boelimer Jus eccles. Protestantium, iii. 581. C. Ph. Kopp's Nachr. v. d. Verfassung der Geistl. u. Civil-Gerichte in den HessenCasselischen Landen. (Cassel. 1769. 4) i. 118. F. A. Biener's Beitrage zu
:

c. 10 Ut quando Episcopus suam quos per excommuiiicationem

Leipz. 1827. S. 32, Geseh. d. luquisitionsprocesses. These sj'nodal judicatures were certainly at that time an important support of the public order, since the civil courts had only to do with accusatorial not inquisitorial processes respecting crime. A similar
d.
ft".

institute in civil judicature, originating since

perhaps
^

Charlemagne, did not continue long, though served as the model of the spiritual synod. See Biener, S. 130, ff. Regino de Discipl. eccles. first spread more generally in the church such regulations
it
;

taken from the Liber poenitentialis Romanus (cf. 19, note 4) then Burchardus in his Decretorum volumen. ^ According to Regino de Discipl. eccl. in the Inquisltio, prefixed to lib. 1, the bishop was to ask the parish in his ecclesiastical visitations Si habeat poenitentialem Romanuni. vel a Theodoro Episcopo, aut a venerabili Presbytero Beda editum ut secundum quod ibi scriptura est, aut interroget confitentem, aut confesso modum poenitentiae imponat. (5omp.
: ;

the

mode

in

which cone. Cabilon. ann.


all libelli

813, can. 38 (see above, 19, note

5), still

declares
1080,

itself

against

poenitentiales.

But even Atto, Cardinalis Presbyter, about

before his capitulare, declares the Poenitentiale


it

turpissima quae Sanctis viris

be apocryphum, and finds iu solet esse pudor dicere, et pudor audire. (Maji Scriptt.
to

romanum

vett.
*

nova

coll. vi. ii. 60, 61).

The

first

trace of

them

is

found perhaps in concil. Tribur. ann. 895, cap. 56-58.


eccl. lib.
ii.

In a

fuller

form iu Regino de Disc.


si

c.

446.

De
;

redemtionis pretio

Si quis forte non

unde possit redimere si dives fuerit pro vii. hebdomadis dot non habuerit tantum, unde dare ]iossit, dot solidos x. Sed attendat unusquisque, cui dare debeat, sive pro rederaiione capisvurura, sive supra s. altare, sive Dei Pco uuo mense, quod in pane et in aqua servis, seu pauperibus in eleemosynam. C. *7 poenitere debet aliquis, psalmos dccantet n, :-o genu Rexo, et si non genu flexo, mdclxxx. Q,ui vero psalmos non novit, et jej-.mara aon potest, pro uno anno, quod jejunare C. 449
potuerit jejunare, et habuerit,
solidos XX.
:

'

debet in pane et aqua, det in eleeniosj nam xxvi. soliilos, Missae potest redimere xii. dies, x. Missao iv. menses, etc.

etc.

C. 454: Cantatio unius

In like manner in the caun. editis sub Edgaro rege, ann. 960 (Wilkins Cone. Magn. Brit. i. 237, ap. Mansi, xviii. 525), and iu the Libris poenitcnt. published by Morinus do Uiscipl. poenit. Edm. RIartene de Ant. Eccl. rit. t. ii. and by Muratori Ant. Ital. med. aev. v. 719. This almsgiving was considered partly as in itself a good work, and partly as a
tentiale ap. Murat. v. 726
:

sacerdotem justum, vel

mode of buying otf penance. PoeniEt qui hoc facere non potest, quoil superius dictum est, eligat mouachum, qui verus monachus sit, et secundum regulam vivat,
:

On the conseiiuences of it qui pro SB hoc adimpleat, et de suo justo pretio hoc redimat. see Petrus Damiaui, lib. i. Kp. 15 ad Alexandrum II. Dum artlictio carnis a cunctis poeiiitentibus paeue respuitur, in praeligendis poeuitudinum judiciis vigor cauouuui fuudilug

19G

THUID PERIOD. DIV.

II. A. D.

8.:S-1073.

exchanges soon degenerated into a proper traffic in sins, by Besides this, which the Church was not a little enriched.* more frequent indulgences came to the aid of sinners.'' Hence, even times of penance could be imposed wiiich reached far beyond the term of human life.^ For certain heavy crimes severer
eiiervatur.

Quamobrem
taxatione

aut liber oniniuo claudendus est canoiium, aut a dt-lt-gaiidaa

poeuitentiae

ccssandum.

Quis enim saeculariuni

ferat,

si

vel tn'?u<.

'

hebdomadam jejunare i)raecipias ? Modo stomachi laesioiiem simulant, iiiodo 4:.:.i;:.i etc. Comp. generallj- Muratori de Redemt. peccatoruru diss, iii the Ant. Ital. v. i .:.
judges perhaps too favorably of tbe buying off of sins prart '*.; 'fi Cone. Rotomag. anu. 1050, c. 1:*. C u.'.a Spittler's Werke, i. 284. nitentes occasione avaritiae gravare aut levare nemo praesumat: sed juxta mod-t-i ctl;.Ti The connection in which tlicv iCi- d vel possibilitatem naturae moderentur poenitentiae. wifli numerous endowments bestowed on churches and conveils see in Petrus L/ain a::;
^

Planck,

iii.

678,

these times.

Comp.

lib.

iv.

Ep.

12,

ad

v. Episc.

Non

ignoras, quia,

cum

a pocuitentibus terras accipiiaus,

juxta

de qnantitate poenitentiae relaxamus, sicut scriptum est Hence the formulary used in documents divitiae hominis redemptio ejus (Prov. xiii. 8j. Ciuisquis in Sanctis ac venerabilibus of bequest at this period, especially in Upper Italy locis ex suis aliquid contulerit rebus, juxta Auctoris vocem in hoc saeculo centuplum accipiat; insuper, et quod melius est, vitani possidebit aeternam (Muratori Amiqu. Ital. v. 6-28). Comp. the donatio facta coenobio Casauriensi, ann. 1032 (in Muratorii Scriptt. Cum quadani die cogitare coeperimus, qualiter impii et peccatores, rer. Ital. ii. ii. 994) qui peccata sua redimerc (after Dan. iv. 24) negligunt, in ilia poena perpetua cum diabolo damnabuntur; cum tremore et aestuatione cordis coepimus anxie quaerere consilium a sacerdotibus et religiosis viris, qualiter peccata nostra redimere, et iram aetcrai judicis evadcre possemus. Et consilio accepto, quod nil sit melius aliud inter eleemosynarum In virtutes, quam si de propriis rebus et substantiis nostris in monasterio dedcHiMOS, etc. like manner the donatio facta Trcmitensi coenobio, ann. 10o5, almost word for word in Muratori Antiqu. Ital. v. 031. How earlier Catholic Christians judged about the Arian*

mensuram muneris

eis

on account of such matters may be seen in Vol. I. Div. II. ^ 108, note 9. * For example, the indulgence bestowed by Pontius, archbishop of Aries, a.d. 1016, on a new conventual church, in d'Achery Spicileg. iii. 383, and Mabillon. Annal. Beaed. lib. A penitent ad jam dictam ecclesiam si veuerit, in die videlicet dedicationis liv. no. 26 ejus, aut semel in anno cum sua vigilia, et adjutorium dederit ad opera ecclesiae S. Mariae, sit absolutus ab ipso die, quo suam vigiliam fecerit, de tertia parte majoram peccatorum, unde poenitentiam habet acceptam, usque ad ipsam diem revertentis anni. Denique illos, qui de rainoribus peccatis sunt confessi, et habent acceptam poenitentiam, absolvimus de una medietate acceptae poenitentiae, etc. In the 11th century the popes too began occasionally to issue plenary indulgences. The infamous Benedict IX. (Mabillou. Act. S3, ord. Bened. sacc. v. praef. no. 109) first bestowed on the church of St. Victor at Marseilles, at its consecration, the privilege, that every one who repaired to it, omnium criminum squaloribus absolutus libere ad propria laetus redeat, eo scilicet tenore, ut transAfterward the like acta peccata sacerdotibus confiteatur, et de reliquo emendetur. practice is first met with again under Alexander II. who in 106.5 tarn lis, quos tunc praesentes esse contigerat, quam omnibus, qui per octo continuos dies ob devotionem tantae solemnitatis ibidem accurrere possent, confessorum peccatorum absolutione coucessa, dedicated a new church in Cassino (Chron. Casiu. iii. c. 31, in Muratorii Rer. Ital. scriptt. iv. 449), and a.d. 1070, at the consecration of a church in LiKCi '-oncessit, ut octo
:

'

dierum spatio dedicationis memoria perageretur annis singulis, c 7ii!{.-i.<a inaulgentia poenitentiae (ex cod. Vatic, in the propylaeum ad Acta SS. Mtj i. I'-i, no. i), where tlie ex pression indulgentia first appears. Comp. Eus. Amort de Or'j'i'.%, jr.fressi. valore o August. Vind. 1735. fol. t-uctu iudulgentiarum. So Petrus Damiani to Arcbbp. Quido of Milan (cf. $ 2o, note '3, P-rl-.' Dtija. Opusc. v
.

PART

I.WEST.

CHAP. VI. DISCIPLINE.


*
;

35.

PENANCE.

197

penances were
lestine,^
(ap.

common

exercises of penance, particularly pilgrimages to

but in the eleventh century, rigid Rome and Pa-

and the process of

flagellation,

recommended

in particular

Mansi, xix. 893):

ejus taxatain per


8

Centum itaque aniiorum sibi poenitentiam iudidi redemptionemqae unumquemque annum pecuniae quantitate praefixi.
Conwojonis
lib. iii. c. 1 (in

So

for parricidium, cf. vita S.

Mabillon. Acta SS. ord.


ferro ligari per

Bened.
et

saec.

iv. ii.

215):

Tunc sanctus Praesul

jussit ilium

Diaconem
ei,

coUum

brachia, sicut in lege parricidarum censetur, imperavitque

ut loca sancta circuiret, et


:

Deum omnipotentem pro reatu suo postularet. Ibid. lib. iii. c. 8, p. 219 Episcopi jusserunt fabricare catenas ferreas, et ligare eos per brachia et per lumbos strictim et sic loca sancta circuirent in cinere et cilicio, quousque Dominus reciperet poenitentiam eorum. Vita S. Wolfgangi Ep. Ratisbon. by Othlonus monk in Hersfield Homo pauperculus quidam, qui ob criminum mul(t after 1068), c. 41 (ap. Pertz, vi. 542) torum perpetrationem circulis ferreis in utroque brachio fuit constrictus, et ex hoc gravisindesuienter
: :

simis quotidie suppliciis afflictus, cum multa sanctorum loca pro ejusdem cruciatus remedio commissique sceleris abolitione perlustrasset, divina tandem miseratione respectus, ferri ligamen, quod in uno gestabat brachio, per sancti viri Adalperti merita amittere meruit. Deinde etiam quoniam S. Wolfgangi famam per longinquas audivit regiones, ad Ratisponam veniens, ibiqae ante sepulchrum ejus orationi insistens, alterius circuli cruciata absolutus est. Cf. Petrus Damiani de vita Romualdi, c. 28 (0pp. ed. Cajetani, ii. 218). However, eVen here abuses had earlyMabillon. Annal. Bened. lib. 48, no. 63, iii. 647. made their appearance. See Rabani Mauri Epist. ad Clei"um Argentin. in Kunstmann"s Raban. Maurus, S. 214 Et quia parricidae aliqui vadunt per diversas provincias et
:

civitates

vagando, comessationibus atque ebrietatibus operam dando, dicentes, se ita cum in hoc non imminuunt scelera sed augent decrevit poenitentiam agere debere
;

Synodus, ut in uno loco manentes districtae poenitentiae se subjiciant et orationibus vacent, si forte omnipotentis Dei bonitas veniam peccati aliquando illis tribuat. Besides,
s.

offenses against the church


for

penances example, Lamberti Ann. ad ann. 1046 (Pertz, vii. 154): Dux Gotefridus civitatem Verdonensem cepit, majorem in ea Ecclesiara concremavit. Sed post modicum facti in tantum poenituit, ut publice se verberari faceret, et capillos suos, ne tonderentur, multa pecunia redimeret, sumtus ad reaedificandam Ecclesiam daret, et in opere caementario
as requiring peculiarly severe

were looked upon

per se ipsum plerumque vilis mancipii ministerio fimctus deserviret. s Pilgrims Romei and Romipetae see du Fresne Glossar. s. h. v. Glab. Radnlph. iv. Per idem tempus (about 1033) ex universp orbe tam innumerabilis multitude coepit c. 6 confluere ad sepulchrum Salvatoris Hierosolymis, quantam nullus hominum prius speiare Primitus enim ordo inferioris plebis, deinde vero mediocres, posthaec permaximi poterat. quique Regis et Comites, Marchiones ac Praesules ad ultimum vero, quod nunquam conPluribus enim erat tigerat, mulieres multae nobiles cum pauperioribus illuc perrexere. mentis desiderium mori, priusquam ad propria reverterentur, multi ob vanitatem profiIn the year 1064 several German bishops ciscuutur, ut solummodo mirabiles habeantur. traveled with a great retinue to Palestine (Lambert, ad ann. 1064 et 1065, ap. Pertz. vii.

From the ninth century the pious and curious were attracted thither by the lumen seu ignis sancti sepulchri (first mentioned by Bernardus Monachus, 870, in Willelmi Malmesbur. de Gestis Reg. Angl. iv. c. 2; and Monachus Gallus Anonymus, in the time of Nicolaus I., in his Itinerarium in Mabillon. Act. SS. ord. Bened. saec iii. ii. 523). Cf. Mosheim de Lumine s. sepulchri (ejusd. Dissertatt. ad hist. eccl. pertin. ii. 211). The transition from symbolical discourse to symbolical action, which afterward gave occasion Eliae Cret. Comm. in Greto that false miracle, is indicated by the following pasSages
168).
:

Naz. Orat. xix. (Gregorii Opp. ed. Paris. 1630. ii. 738) Splendidam autem uoctem eam, quae diem hunc praecessit, appellat, ut quae peccati tenebras solverit nam cum in ea per certam oeconomiam lux vera delituisset, ac postea e sepulchro exorta esset, peccati t^neoPde deletae sunt. Zachariae P. Epist. ad Bonifacium (in Bonif Epistt. ed. Wiirdtvreiu, Ep, 87, p. 250) De igne autem paschali quod inquisisti, quinta feria Paschae, dura
gorii
: :

198

THIRD riailOD. DIV.

II. A. D. 85^-1073.

by Pi'lnis Datiiiani, were very often undertaken spontaneously; with the idea that the customary pcnanee was too easy to propitiate Deity.'"

The
of sins,

authority of the Church to grant or refuse forgiveness

had now extended


sacmm chrisma

was looked upon with the more awe, inasmuch as it for a long time even to the dead." The inconsecratur, tres lampadcs niagnne capacitatis

in

sccrctiori ccclesia9

loco ad figurarn interioris tabernacuH insistentes, indcficienter

cum multa

diligentia in-

spectae ardebunt, ita ut oleum ipsuiii sufTicere possit usque ad tcitium diem. Ue quibus candelis sabbato sancto pro sacvi fontis baptisniate sumtus ignis per saccrdotem renovabitur. In the cliurch of tlie ascension on the Mount of Olives, there also appeared earlier
peculiar miracle. See Beda de Locis Sanctis, c. 7: In die asccnsionis dominicae per annos singulos, Missa pcracta, validi flaminis procella desursum venire consuevit, et omnes, qui in Kci-lesia fuerinl, terrae prosterncrc. Proofs that in Palestine they had learned not oidy to sympathize with the seeking after relics, but also the miracle-scelung of the
a.

I<ilgrims.
ii. c. 442, ss., tht-y are mentioned as proposed by quidam judicaverunt, etc.), ex. gr., for one day xii. plagae I>ut they did not become general till Pctrus Daraiani brought them foror percussiones ward. Damian s pupil, Dominicus Loricalus (t 1060) distingui.shed himself by his voluntary Concerning him. Potri Dam. vita SS. Rodul|)hi Kp. Euexploits in this kind of penance.

^^

As

early as Ilegino de Discipl. eccl.

individuals (quidum dixerunl,

The tariff mav be seen in Petr. Dam. Opusc. ii. 23:!). de vita eremetica et probatis Eremitis ad Teuzoncin Ereraitam, c. 8 (0pp. iii. 400) Cum tria scopainim millia ununi jioenitentiae annum apud nos regulariter explcant; deceni dum cl. auteni psalmoruin modulatio, ut saepc probatum est, 'liile scopas admittat psaluiis constarc i)sallcrium non ambigitur, quinque anaoruin poenitentia in liujus [isalterii
gubini, et Dominici Loricati (Oi)p.
If.
: ;

Oisciplina recte suppntantibus

invenitur.

Bed sivo

qui:i.^ue

icies ducas,

sive

viginti

quinquies, centum Hunt.


tat,

Conseiiuitur ergo, ut

(pii I'iginti

centum annorum poenitcntiara se peregisso

"Oiilida*.

cum disciplina decantiuamqnam et in hoc plerosque


palteria
in disciiilinis

noster Dominicus superct: quia


ceant, iste ut revera

cum nounuUi

iii.nm
'

man.,um
rcn

ageudis exer-

Benjamin

filius (Judic. in. *'

>^>iitra

-lies

carnis illecebras utraque

manu

infatigabiliter pugnat.
est, facile

Hanc

autcni centum annu.Tui pocnitcntiam, ut mihi ipse

professus

sex diebus ex more consummat. On t -c spread of this penitential discipline see Petri Dam. Opusc. 1., institutio monialis aa (Hancam Comitissam, c. 14 (0pp. iii. 395) Hu,jus s. senis exernplo facicndae disciplina*! r. os adeo in nostris partibus inolevit, ut non modo viri, sed et nobilos mulieres hoc purgaii rl; genus inhianter arriperent. Thus a woman of rank had told him, per praciixam huJTs r 'Kciplinae rogulam centum annorum se pocnitcntiam peregisso. Damiani, however, liiiri * J'l to defunjJ his new dis:

cipline against various ojiponents, particularly against a

Stephanus.
Ion.

Cf.

Opusc. xliii. Ann. Bcned. lib. Ix. no. 83, ss. Die christlicheu GeitzlergesfD'Is'.-hyiV^r. von D. E. Q JTorstemaim. Halle. 1828. S. t), ff. ' Supported particularly on Gregorii M. Dial. ii. c. 23, iv. c. O."). Cf. lo^w lis VIII. Ep 66, ad Ei/iscopos in regno Ludovici conslitutys, ann. 878: Quia veneranln fratcrnitas vestra modesta tutcrrogatione sciscitans quacsivit, utrum hi, qui pro defonione sanctao

momi 'cto'. and against Cardinal ad Petr. .erer^'%:m monachuni and Conip. Mabildc laudc flagellorum ct disciplinac ad Casinensot monsi. ..is
Damiani Episit.
lib.

vi.

Ej).

27,

Del Ecclesiae et pro statu christiauae religionis ac reipublicae in bello nuju-r cecidcrunt, aut de reliquo pro ea re casuri sunt, indulgcntiam possint conseijui delictorum audenter Christi Dei nostri pietate respondcmus, quoniam illi, qui cum piotate christianau religionis iu belli certamine cadunt, rcquies cos aeternao vitae suscipiet, contra Paganos atque Nostra pracfatos uiediocritate, intercessione b. Petri iufideles strenue diinicantes, etc.
;

Apostoli, cujus potestas ligandi atquc solvendi est in caelo et iu toiTa,

quantum

fas est,
ii.

absolvimus, precibusque

illos

Domino commendamus.

At the

co>',

Lcraovicenso

ana

PART
terdict

I. WEST.

CHAP. VI. DISCIPLINE.


for the

<^

3G.

CIVIL ORDER. 199

was invented
^^

purpose of bending sinners in high

stations.

36.

i-NFLUENCE OF THE CHURCH IN THE PRESERVATION OF CIVIL ORDER.

From

the middle of the ninth century, the clergy, yielding

to the rude notions of the times,

began to assume the superin-

tendence of the ordeal ^^ an institute both ancient and important


1031, Jordan, bishop of Limogjes, defends 539) especially
tliis

authority at length.
:

Sess.

ii.

(ap.

Mansi, xix.

with Gregorii M. Dial.


iii

lib. ii.

est virtutem, ut etiam, qui


vivos ligaverant.
is

liac
:

carne vivnnt,

Tantam Ecclesiae suae Christus largitus jam came solutos absoivere veleaut, quos

Hattonis Ep. ad Joh. P. IX. $ 25, note 10). Count Erlebald absolved, after his death, by the archbishop of Rheims, at the synod of Trosley (anu.

Examples

921) (Flodoard. Hist. Eccl. Rhem. iv. c. 16). 'meet with even earlier individual cases, in

which passionate hierarchs extended punishment to entire societies to which the guilty belonged but this was always disapproved. Thus Augustinus, Ep. 250, blamed one bishop Auxilius on account of such a proceeding, and shows him how unjust.it is, aliquem cum omni domo sua anathematis sententia ferire, and animas iunocentes pro scelere alieno, spiritali supplicio punire. The interdict which Hincmar, bishop of Laon, inflicted on his diocese (869), was very much disapproved and removed by Hincmar of Rheims. See Hincmari Opusc. The first example of an uncontradicted interdict xxxiii. adv. Hlncra. Laud. c. 28, 30-32. is in Adeniari Engolismensis (about 1029) Chron. ad ann. 994 {ap. Bouquet, x. 147) Alduinus Episcopus Lemovicensis pro neqaitia populi novam observantiam constituit,
ecclesiastical
;

We

scilicet Ecclesias et

quasi

paganum a

divinis laudibus cessare

Monasteria cessare a cultu divino, a sacrosancto sacrificio, et populuni et banc observentiam excommunicatioueui
:

censebat.

After this example the interdict

was now

introduced as the legal punishment

should disturb the peace of the country, at the instance of Odolricus, abbot of St. Martial, at the cone. Lemovicense ii., ann. 1031 (ap. Mansi, xix. 541). The proposal of the abbot, which was adopted, was: Nisi (principes militiae Lemovicensis) de pace acquieverint, ligate omnem terram Lemovicensem publica excommunicatione eo

against those

who

videlicet modo, ut

nemo, nisi clericus, aut pauper mendicans, aut peregrinus adveniens, aut infans a bimatu et infra, in toto Lemovicino sepeliatur, nee in alium episcopatum ad sepeliendum portetur. Divinum ofticium per omnes Ecclesias latenter agatur, et baptis-

mus petentibus tribuatur. Circa horam tertiam signa sonent in Ecclesiis omn