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Internationales Institut Liberale Politik Wien

Sozialwissenschaftliche Schriftenreihe

Changing Geopolitics and Turkish Foreign Policy


von Hseyin Bac

Sozialwissenschaftliche Schriftenreihe Reihe Studien Wien, Juni 2009

Internationales Institut fr Liberale Politik Wien

SOZIALWISSENSCHAFTLICHE SCHRIFTENREIHE

Changing Geopolitics and Turkish Foreign Policy


Hseyin Bac

REIHE STUDIEN

WIEN, JUNI 2009

Board internationaler Konsulenten Prof. Dr. Hseyin Bac, Middle East Technical University, Ankara Prof. Dr. Lothar Hbelt, Universitt Wien Dr. Gottlieb F. Hoepli, Chefredaktor, St. Gallen Univ.-Prof. Dr. Heimo Hofmeister, Universitt Heidelberg Prof. Dr. Bo Huldt, National Defence College Frsvarshgskolan (HS), Schweden Dir. Andreas Kirschhofer-Bozenhardt, Linz Prof. Dr. Stefan Pickl, Universitt der Bundeswehr Mnchen Prof. Dr. Peter Schmidt, Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik Berlin, Universitt Mannheim und Universitt Heidelberg Dr. Urs Schttli, Korrespondent, Tokio - Hongkong Prof. Dr. Peter W. Schulze, Universitt Gttingen Prof. Dr. Andrei V. Zagorski, MGIMO, Moskauer staatliches Institut fr internationale Beziehungen

Impressum
Eigentmer und Verleger: Internationales Institut fr Liberale Politik Wien Herausgeber und fr den Inhalt verantwortlich: Sektionschef Hon.-Prof. DDr. Erich Reiter Alle: A-1030 Wien, Custozzagasse 8/2 Wien, Mai 2009 Gesamtherstellung: IILP ISBN 978-3-902595-30-0

Gefrdert aus Mitteln der Republik sterreich Bundesministerium fr Wissenschaft und Forschung Die Sozialwissenschaftliche Schriftenreihe wurde vom Institut fr politische Grundlagenforschung 1983 gegrndet und 1988 eingestellt. Sie wird seit 2006 vom Internationalen Institut fr Liberale Politik Wien weitergefhrt.

Internationales Institut fr Liberale Politik Wien

SOZIALWISSENSCHAFTLICHE SCHRIFTENREIHE

Hseyin Bac Changing Geopolitics and Turkish Foreign Policy 1. Introduction 2. Understanding Geopolitics 3. Importance of Turkeys Geopolitical Location and Turkeys Foreign Policy In Search of an Active Foreign Policy 4. Turkish Foreign Policy in Global Scale Relations with the United States 5. Turkish Foreign Policy in Global Scale Relations with the European Union 6. Relations with Immediate Neighbors the Russian Federation Table-1: Turkey Russian Federation Foreign Trade 7. Relations with Immediate Neighbors the Southern Caucasus 8. Relations with Immediate Neighbors the Black Sea Region 9. Relations with Immediate Neighbors- the Middle East Table 2: Persian Gulf Oil Exports by Route 2003 10. Conclusion Table 3: Effects of Geopolitics References Notes Bisher erschienen

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REIHE STUDIEN

WIEN, JUNI 2009

Prof. Dr. Hseyin Bac is Professor of International Relations at Middle East Technical University in Ankara and Vice Chairman of the Center for European Studies. 1998 he received his PhD in Political Science from Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universitt in Bonn. He was guest researcher at the - German Society for Foreign Affairs (DGAP) in Bonn; - Landesverteidigungsakademie Vienna; - Militrwissenschaftliches Bro des Bundesministeriums fr Landesverteidigung in Vienna; - and was Senior Fellow at the Center for European Integration Studies (ZEI) in Bonn. He has published several books and large number of articles on Turkish Foreign Policy and TurkishGerman relations. Prof. Bac is a well-known TV and Radio Commentator in Turkey and syndicated columnist for The New Anatolian in Ankara. Prof. Bac is a member of International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) in London and the Center for European Policy Studies (CEPS), Brussels, Belgium. He also is Deputy Director of the Foreign Policy Institute in Ankara. Prof. Bac is widely quoted by the international press.

Hseyin Bac

Changing Geopolitics and Turkish Foreign Policy


1. Introduction
Geopolitical characters are one of the basic elements that Turkish foreign policy makers have had to take into consideration because of the strategic location of Turkey. Therefore, this study aims to evaluate Turkish foreign policy from geopolitical perspective. In this paper, it is argued that geopolitics is still relevant to analyze relations of states but its extent to explain them changes according to the state whose relations are analyzed and the partner state with which it establishes relations. Geopolitics is tackled as a term which refers to the importance of geography in affecting political relations between nations. However it should be evaluated in more comprehensive way according to the current developments such as globalization, emergence of new actors in international arena which make difficult to assess relations separately. The term geopolitics will be defined in the following chapter, in order to make meaning of geopolitics explicit. The second chapter focused on Turkeys geopolitical features and in the following chapter its relations with the global powers and with its immediate neighbors will be evaluated. The each section will evaluate the following issues without considering chronological information: a) geopolitical importance of Turkey for the partner country; b) importance of that country; c) Turkeys self image about its geopolitical importance for that country; d) basic points in relations which are designed according to these considerations. This will enable the readers to find out to what extent relations comply with geopolitical considerations.

2. Understanding Geopolitics
Geopolitics refers to importance of geography in affecting relations of countries and policy makers decisions regarding both foreign and domestic policy. According to Sloan and Gray, one of the aims of geopolitics is to emphasize that political predominance is a question not just having power in the sense of human or material resources, but also of the geographical context within which that power is exercised.1 However geography does not determine all strategies of foreign and domestic policies but geography or geographical configurations present opportunities for policy makers and politicians.2 Geography of a country may give it an additional power. Policy makers should know to evaluate and use them. In this framework, how does a state use geopolitics? According to Colin Flint, the manner in which a country orientates itself toward the world is called a geopolitical code.3 While defining geopolitical code, a policymaker decides its position from the geopolitical perspective, assesses opportunities and weaknesses that the geography of his country presents. Then he may design a foreign policy which determines the geopolitical code of the country. Flint continues expressing that there are five main calculations which are important in defining countries geopolitical codes: a) who are our current and potential allies; b) who are our current and potential enemies; c) how can we maintain our allies and nurture potential allies; d) how can we counter our current enemies and emerging threats; e) how do we justify the four calculations above to our public and to the global community.4 Maintaining current and potential allies or countering enemies require a number of means. According to Flint, economic ties, cultural exchange, educational scholarship and military connections may be means of an attempt to maintain allies. There are military and non-military means (sanctions, boycotts, diplomacy etc.) which can be used to counter enemies.5 These means may transform positions of states into an ally or enemy. Geopolitical codes vary according to scales in which states develop foreign policy. According to Flint, for many countries their main concern is with their immediate neighborhood. Are they friend or enemy?6 The first scale is neighborhood. In the regional scale, states develop a foreign policy towards expanding their influence beyond their immediate neighbors.7 Some countries, mostly world leaders, have global geopolitical codes and they spend much diplomatic energy to make sure countries are on-board the world leaders agenda.8 These scales define a countrys influence area which is determined by its geopolitics. Finally, the term geopolitics should be evaluated within more comprehensive perspective, consists of economic, military, cultural, educational, diplomatic relations besides politics. Foreign policies of countries consist of elements from these areas and are affected by geopolitical position of the country.

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3. Importance of Turkeys Geopolitical Location and Turkeys Foreign Policy In Search of an Active Foreign Policy
Turkey is located at a very special point, having different geographical characteristics and offering opportunities and difficulties. Yasemin elik emphasizes the importance of geographical features of Turkey, expressing that its territories rest on Asia and Europe and it borders the Middle East, postSoviet states and the EU. Turkey is also surrounded on three dimensions with seas (the Black Sea, Aegean Sea and Mediterranean), a natural passage between Europe and Asia and it controls the Bosporus and Dardanelles straits.9 Mustafa Aydn also adds some different characteristics, stating that Turkey is located at the crossroads of land connections between Europe, Asia and Africa; it is surrounded by many different neighbors with different characteristics, regimes, ideologies and aims.10 According to him, a countrys border may be a source of strength and weakness depending on their length, the number and intentions of neighbors and the relative power available to the affected parties.11 Turkeys neighbors have characteristics that lead to insecurity feelings and this urges Turkey to establish alliances or to seek a membership in alliances.12 Turkeys security concerns not only limit its foreign policy alternatives but also are used by policy-makers as a legitimizing tool. Geographic location of a country is affected not only by regional developments but also by world-wide systemic characteristics. Baskn Oran expresses that Turkey is located at the point in which world power axes divide the world into two parts.13 For example during the Cold War, Turkey was located just at the Western border of the Soviet Union. In current times a North-South axis a different one, based on economic differences takes the place of former axis which was stemming from ideological differences. 14 This led to important changes in agenda of Turkish foreign policy. Geopolitics of Turkey has offered it both advantages and disadvantages. Aydn expresses that Turkey, thanks to her geo-strategic location () has been able to play a role in world politics for greater than her size, population, economic strength would indicate.15 With its geographical position, Turkey always has more bargaining points in negotiations with the great powers. Moreover it is located between natural resources-rich regions and oilneeding markets. This situation gives it a chance of having a role in transporting natural resources between regions. Every transportation project increases efficiency and importance of Turkey in the international arena. The geography also causes some disadvantages such as the fact that Turkey may be a target for some terrorist groups, organized crime, trafficking or
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migration which use Turkish lands to pass from one region to another. Besides these issues, geopolitics of a country can be used by policy-makers in different manners such as producing external problems in an international arena. Oran also claims that a country such as Turkey which has important economic problems may conduct a securitization policy if it thinks that usage of its geopolitical position may provide economic aid, it tries to use this position artificially and to create a security crisis16. The importance of geopolitical position for Turkey also raises the issues of the need to conduct more active policy and this creates a convergence between foreign policy principles such as preserving statusquo and requirements of following more active policy. Turkey is always pro-status-quo power and avoids following revisionist policies. This policy seems to decrease its efficiency. However, according to Okman, changes in its near region such as last intervention in Iraq (20 March 2003), seem to offer opportunities to Turkey to increase its strategic initiative in the long run.17 These kinds of discussions on the potential of Turkey as a more active actor in the region also took place before 2003. Pnar Bilgin states that a central state metaphor is used to express the potential of Turkey to have a more central place in world politics by military officials and civilian authors, even by Prime Minister R. Tayyip Erdoan.18 This metaphor was inspired from Mackinders theory. Mackinder, firstly in 1904 defines a pivotal area which is redefined in 1919, expressing that Heartland includes the Baltic Sea, the navigable middle and lower Danube, the Black Sea, Asia Minor, Persia, Tibet and Mongolia ()19; an inner crescent (Germany, Austria, the Ottoman Empire, India and China) and an outer crescent (Great Britain, South Africa, Australia, the USA, Canada, Spain, Japan).20 According to him, Who rules East Europe commands the Heartland; Who rules the Heartland commands the World Island [Asia, Europe, Africa]; Who rules the World Island commands the World.21 As it was seen, Mackinder attached importance to the region surrounding Turkey and according to Bilgin, this was evaluated by many politicians and strategists to emphasize the place of Turkey in world politics.22 Ahmet Davutolu, chief advisor to Turkish Prime Minister, also expresses the need of conducting more active policy. According to him, after the Cold War Turkey emerged as a bridge country and with its special geopolitical location, it has the capability of maneuvering in several regions simultaneously and controls an area of influence in its immediate environs.23 Turkey should redefine geopolitics, and its

geopolitical location should not be seen as a strategy of defending borders and status-quo.24 Instead, it should be seen as a tool to transform regional efficiency into global efficiency.25 He also expresses that A central country with such an optimal geographic location can not define itself in a defensive manner.26 Given this framework, according to him, Turkey should have a new position of providing security for itself and its neighbors and it should guarantee its own security and stability by taking a more active, constructive role to provide order, stability and security in its environs.27 New principles for Turkeys new foreign policy are also defined: 1) promoting civil liberties without undermining security; 2) zero problem policy toward

Turkeys neighbors; 3) developing relations with the neighboring regions and beyond;28 4) adherence to a multi-dimensional policy; 5) rhythmic diplomacy29 (wherever there is a problem in the world, Turkey will have a stance on that issue and will actively have something to say30). He claims that Turkeys aim is to transform the country from a central country into a global power.31 Election of Turkey as one of the UN Security Council non-permanent members on 17th October, 2008 may be a result of this policy. In this framework, under the effects of differences in international environments and in vision of policy makers, it seems that geopolitics has gained more importance in recent years in Turkish foreign policy.

4. Turkish Foreign Policy in Global Scale Relations with the United States
Throughout the Cold War, Turkish foreign policy was characterized by Ankaras close alliance with Washington. Turkey had a role as the southern flank of the NATO against the Soviet expansionism.32 In exchange, Turkey received guarantee of protection from Soviet threat under the NATO umbrella and significant amount of military and economic aid in order to strengthen its defense.33 In the post-Cold War period, the US-Turkey relationship is questioned in both Turkey and in the United States because it seems that Turkeys alliances with the United States has lost its sustaining rationale which was containing the Soviet Union.34 However, in the post-Cold War era, Turkeys importance, stemming from its geopolitical character has still been emphasized by different authors. Il Kazan emphasizes Turkeys geopolitical insulator position in issues of WMDs and missile defense.35 Cengiz andar and Graham Fuller express that in resolving Iraqi issue, in Middle East peace process, to influence Syria, Iran and Arab-Muslim world, to moderate Islamic movements, to prevent proliferation of the WMDs to Iran and Iraq, to spread democracy, the US needs Turkey.36 Turkey also has a capacity of influencing Central Asia and the Caucasus and manipulating Uighur Turks of Eastern Turkestan within Xinjiang in China.37 The US may encourage Turkey to ensure a balance between Russian and Chinese power in Central Asia.38 Turkey is important for the US to provide security of energy transportation and for entry of the United States into oil- and gas-rich regions. More recently, Turkey can present a gateway to the Black Sea region for the United States. How does Turkey present itself? In the webpage of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the role of Turkey is emphasized in moderating tensions and exporting stability in its immediate region. Turkey is also a gateway to the vast and lucrative markets in Eurasia and Middle East.39 In July 2006, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and Minister of Foreign Affairs Abdullah Gl agreed
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on a document, titled The Shared Vision and Structured Dialogue to Advance the Strategic Partnership. This document determines areas of cooperation on common interest including Iraq, the Middle East, the Israeli-Arab conflict, Irans nuclear program, the Balkans, the Caucasus, Central Asia, and Afghanistan as well as cooperation in energy security, fight against terrorism and spread of WMD, the just settlement of the Cyprus issue under the aegis of the UN () in economic, scientific and technological fields.40 It is clearly seen that points expressed in the document, geopolitical considerations stated above and Turkeys aspiration about itself in its relations with the US are coinciding. Finally, regarding Turkeys perceptions on the US, it can be stated that the US is the worlds only superpower; hence it gives importance to establishing friendly relations with the US. If it became hostile, Washington could damage Ankaras position on many issues. The US support in diplomatic issues is of vital importance. Currently, Davutolu expresses that the US had to face new challenges as a superpower while Turkey is located at the heart of these sensitive regions and this has a strengthening effect in the US-Turkey relations which has a solid geopolitical foundation, strong historic background and an institutionalized framework.41 Moreover Turkey, according to him, as a middle-sized central country, () needs the strategic weight of a continental superpower within the parameters of the internal balance of power of Afro-Eurasia.42 He also states that from a geopolitical perspective, it (the US-Turkey relations) carries almost all characteristics of a relationship between a continental superpower and a central country having the most optimal geopolitical position in Afro-Eurasia.43 Besides bilateral relations between the US and Turkey, when NATOTurkey relations are considered, a similar discussion regarding Turkeys importance in the post-Cold War era takes place. Oran, about the role of Turkey in Euro-Atlantic security, expresses

that while Turkey was a flank country during the Cold War, in the new era it becomes a front country to counter new threats such as migration, terrorism and instability.44 In 1996 Javier Solana, then NATOs Secretary-General, expressed in a world of rapid change, Turkeys partnership in the Alliance is more vital than ever.45 Turkey also tries to attach importance to its ability to counter these newly emerging threats. In the webpage of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, it is expressed that Turkey has been a staunch ally of the NATO and considers the Alliance as the linchpin of TransAtlantic ties and Euro-Atlantic security, of which Turkey is an integral part.46 In this context, Turkey defines its position as a country which is a security provider in a volatile region and it is added that Given the nature of its geo-strategic location and

the prevailing global security conditions, Turkey is obliged to maintain a realistic deterrence capability. The ultimate aim is to transform the Turkish military into a modern, smaller and professional force, with higher deployability and fire power.47 By this expression Turkey seems to continue to use its geopolitical position as a bargaining matter. Davutolu also states that Turkey has a geopolitical importance regarding NATOs new missions.48 In order to gain capacity to be influential, Turkey should conduct an active foreign policy in its immediate region.49 While conducting such policies, it should try to harmonize its regional policies with NATOs global mission.50 In this comprehensive framework, the geopolitical considerations have potential to be influential in the US/NATO relations with Turkey.

5. Turkish Foreign Policy in Global Scale Relations with the European Union
European Union countries and Turkey were found in the same bloc and had similar security policies during the Cold War. In the post-Cold War period, Turkeys role in the Western Ally was started to be questioned. The EU also entered into a new phase of architectural debate of redefining its security and security structure. According to Hale, the main shadow over Turkeys position in the Western alliance arose from these new security plans of the EU.51 In this process Europeanization of European defense without Turkey came on the agenda.52 Hseyin Bac states that in the formation process of the ESDP (before 2001 Ankara Document), the EUs general approach towards Turkey has for a long time been in a negative manner because of concerns of member states on the issues of preservation of the autonomy/ identity dimension of the ESDP project and the EUs perception of Turkey as a security consumer.53 Turkeys and European Unions views regarding the place of Turkey are significantly divergent and controversial. Turkish policy makers prefer to see Turkey as a part of Europe; however EU policy makers insist that Turkey is 'non-Europe', such as the Mediterranean or the Middle East. 54 On the other hand, Turkey is important for the European Union because of its geographic proximity. Turkey has crucial roles to play in establishing trade, transport and energy routes linking Europe with the Middle East, Transcaucasia and Central Asia55 In addition to transporting and stabilityproviding role, Turkey is important for Europe to cope with newly emerging threats such smuggling or terrorism. Turkey has also a major geopolitical importance for the EU because of its potential to be an energy-transit country and to provide greater energy security.56 Turkey uses the metaphor of a bridge between regions and emphasizes a kind of role in spreading European values, being a source of inspiration for other nations. In Synopsis of Turkish Foreign Policy, it is claimed that it has peaceful relations in a multitude of geographies and can make a major contribution to the harmony among cultures within the EU and beyond. 57 Even though the integration and candidacy process of Turkey into the EU continues, discussions on Turkeys geopolitical importance for Europe take place. It can be understood that the EU seems to ignore Turkeys geopolitical location because it is excluded from the ESDP project in its initial terms despite Turkeys potential in overcoming new security issues. Turkey also perceives the EU not as a tool to ensure its security but as to achieve an encouraging factor in its Westernizing civilizational project and economic/ political development. Geopolitics seems not to be less influential in relations between the European Union and Turkey.

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6. Relations with Immediate Neighbors the Russian Federation


In geopolitical terms, Russia and Turkey are historic rivals. The Ottoman Empire and Tsarist Russia competed for regional supremacy in the region and during the Cold War, these two actors were found in adversary blocs. In the post-Cold War era, there are still controversies between two countries, stemming from their geopolitical location. They are found in the same region and have similar objectives that make them rival in some issues: Rivalry in the post-Soviet geography: the exclusion of external powers from the former Soviet space is one of the main objectives of Russia while Turkey has historic ties with these countries and would like to use its ties to be influential in this region. Mutual recrimination of support to ethnic separatist movements58 The competition over the Caspian Sea oil pipelines. The Western companies support Turkey as an alternative route from the Caspian and this leads to create competition with Gazprom.59 Issues of deployment of Russian military equipment in the Northern Caucasus, military bases in Armenia while naval superiority of Turkey in the Black sea; sale of S-300 air defense missiles to Greek Cypriot government60 effect of frozen conflicts, different views on the Azerbaijan-Armenia problem; Threats, posed by oil-tanker traffic through the Straits to the human, material, environmental and maritime security.61 Despite these problems, these two countries are important for each other because of a number of factors. According to Ayhan Kamel, for Russia Turkey is important because of its control over the Straits, its geopolitical position in the Middle East, its potential of being a large market for Russia.62 Russia is also important because it has an important arsenal of arms and armament, including nuclear weapons and important natural resources and high technology.63 In this framework, rapprochement has been seen in Russian-Turkish relations in recent years. According to Knklolu and Morkva, Turkeys new foreign policy principle of normalization with the neighborhood significantly affects these improvements in relations.64 This foreign policy vision also gives importance to stability in the Middle East, Balkans, Caucasus and Mediterranean region which is also important for Russia. New developments in their near region bring them together on some issues such as terrorism, the US invasion of Iraq, destabilizing factors65 Knklolu and Morkva also express that the two countries relations are based on defensive motivations against high instability potentials in their immediate region and also defensive regarding the shaping of a new Europe that appears to exclude the two regional powers.66 In addition to them, Russia and Turkey have important economic and commercial relations. According to Knklolu and Morkva, The true engine behind the deepening of TurkishRussian relations is the growing trade dimension. 67 Turkey imports an important amount of oil and gas from Russia. Another factor behind the rapprochement between the two countries is growing number of tourist visiting Turkey.

Table-1: Turkey Russian Federation Foreign Trade (1000$)68 YEARS 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 EXPORT 1.367.591 1.859.187 2.377.050 3.237.611 4.727.197 IMPORT 5.451.316 9.033.138 12.905.620 17.806.239 23.506.019 BALANCE -4.083.725 -7.173.951 -10.528.570 -14.568.628 -18.778.822 TOTAL 6.818.907 10.892.325 156.282.850 21.043.850 28.233.216

Source: the Undersecretary of Foreign Trade Under the effect of many factors, rivalry between two actors in their immediate regions seems to be a geopolitical fait accompli. However, new developments such as destabilizing factors and entry of great powers into the region bring the two countries together. Bac also expressed that Russian and Turkish national interests are coinciding more than they ever have in the last 150 years of the two countries relations69 and cooperation is emphasized more than confrontation in Russia. This new perspective in Turkey, their similar position in some issues and intensification of economic and political relations seem to affect them to reconcile the geopolitical competition.

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7. Relations with Immediate Neighbors the Southern Caucasus


The region is very important for Turkey because of its significant characteristics such as geographical proximity, ethnic and historical ties with these countries, Turkish citizens from Caucasus origin, important energy resources, ethno-territorial conflicts and Armenian claims. The webpage of the Turkish Foreign Ministry emphasizes the position of the region the intersection point of the energy and transport routes and energy resources. In the webpage, it is also expressed that Turkey has close political, economic, social and cultural ties with the people of the region.70 Davutolu also claims that the Caucasus is located inside Turkeys Near Land Basin which is one of Turkeys geopolitical influence areas.71 In the post Cold War period, during the initial years Turkey was not ready to establish important ties with the region and had some problems about regional balances.72 A comprehensive policy towards the region could not be developed, Turkey focused on the Armenian-Azerbaijan conflict.73 According to Davutolu, first of all a multi-dimensional and a holistic approach towards the region should be developed.74 This holistic approach gives Turkey an opportunity of being influential in the North Middle East, composed of the East Anatolia, the GulfMediterranean region, including Azerbaijan oil and water resources and North Iraqi oil.75 More comprehensively, Turkey should develop a Western Asia policy to provide security in Turkey and to use economic resources effectively.76 Under this framework, Turkeys foreign policy is designed so as to develop widespread cooperation in the region with all three states; maintaining the stability and security in the region, supporting efforts towards democratization, developing free market economies and to pursue political reforms; developping and enhancing mutually beneficial bilateral cooperation.77 Regarding frozen conflicts in the region, Turkey cannot be influential as an actor, having no capability of resolving them. However it, according to Sabri Sayari, succeeded in maintaining its presence in the Turkic republics, especially in Azerbaijan and economic and cultural interaction has increased significantly in the post-Cold War era.78 Economic relations which are reinvigorated by the transportation issue of energy resources through BTC pipeline and other pipelines and transportation projects such as BTE Natural Gas Pipeline and Baku-Tiblisi-Kars railway project increase the importance of the region for Turkey and of Turkey for the region. Turkey defines these countries (except Armenia) as allies and tries to nurture its relations with these countries through economic relations and cultural ties, whereas it imposes economic sanctions against Armenia to counter its adversary policies. However, Abdullah Gl, the president of Turkey visited Yerevan to see the World Cup qualifying match between Armenia and Turkey on 5th October, 2008. According to Bac, after this gesture, Turkey, under the framework of the zero problem policy toward Turkeys neighbors, will make many attempts which aim to integrate Armenia and strengthen the regional cooperation both bilaterally and in the international arena.79 As a different means to counter enemies, Turkey has begun to seek to transform its ongoing enemy into a friend country.

8. Relations with Immediate Neighbors the Black Sea Region


This region is very important for Turkey as a littoral country and has a potential of establishing cooperation between other littoral states and of posing important threats such as unresolved ethnic conflicts, the presence of terrorist groups, energy security issues and organized crime. Newly emerging issues such as attempts of great powers (the US, the EU and NATO) to enter into the region raises the significance of the region. Davutolu also expresses that the Black Sea region may provide Turkey with the opportunity to enter into North and East Europe from one direction and into the Caucasus and Central Asia from other direction.80 This basin is also important to establish economic relations besides providing military advantages. 81 Regarding Turkeys position, first of all, it opposes the extension of NATOs Operation Active Endeavour from the Mediterranean to the Black Sea. Under this Operation, NATO ships deploy in the Mediterranean to control the sea and to prevent
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terrorist activities in the region. Turkey opposes such an operation program in the Black Sea because it, according to Knklolu and Morkva, sees no need for NATO to enter into the region.82 The existing bodies are adequate and in concert with NATO operations and for Turkey, a regional initiative must include Russia.83 According to Turkey, the organization in the region which undertakes the tasks of the Operation of Active Endeavor is the Black Sea Harmony which is a naval operation initiated by Turkey in March 2004 in accordance with the UN Security Council Resolutions 1373, 1540 and 1566 and aims at deterring terrorism and asymmetric threats worldwide and ensuring the security of the Turkish Straits.84 In December 2006 Russia also joined Operation Black Sea Harmony. Another initiative of Turkey in the region is The Black Sea Naval Co-Operation Task GroupBLACKSEAFOR which is established to enhance peace and stability, to increase regional co-operation

and to improve good relationship.85 BLACKSEAFOR establishment agreement was signed by Bulgaria, Georgia, Romania, Russian Federation, Turkey and Ukraine on 2nd April 2001. This force is also tried to show as an alternative to the Operation Active Endeavor. Turkey also avoids taking sides in any Russia versus West struggle for influence in the region while it does not oppose the integration of countries in the region into Euro-Atlantic structures. Turkey proposes to separate maritime security from the larger debate on the wider Black Sea security, emphasizing that Black Sea security should be immune from asymmetric threats and within six littoral states regional solutions to the existing and potential threats should be found. One of the most important issues for Turkey is stability in the region. Knklolu and Morkva express that Turkey wishes to see rather stability than democracy, but at the same time to avoid having an image of not to care about democracy in the region.86 Turkey has concerns regarding that the new currents like orange and rose revolutions may lead to instability in the region. Turkey also gives great importance to the preservation of the Montreux Convention on the eve of emergence of revision discussions. The Convention restricts the number, type and length of stay of the warships of non-Black Sea states to the region and it is seen as crucial to preserve Turkeys sovereignty over Straits.87 Unlike its position in the past, Russia also supports the preservation of the Convention. On the eve of the current events, preservation of the Convention and balancing Russian and American position regarding the passage rights through the Straits gained more importance. Finally another initiative is the Black Sea Economic Cooperation Organization - BSEC which was

established on 25th June 1992 by Albania, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bulgaria, Georgia, Greece, Moldova, Romania, Russia, Turkey and Ukraine. The organization aims at fostering interaction and harmony among the Member States, as well as to ensure peace, stability and prosperity encouraging friendly and good-neighborly relations in the Black Sea region.88 During 16 years after its establishment, the project has had not any considerable effect on economic relations between the countries in the region. However, Hale expresses that the organization is not only an economic entity but has political aims. The organization is based on the idea that if regional countries develop economic interdependence, they would become politically more cooperative (proved to be a) too optimistic ambition.89 Nonetheless the BSEC has a potential of being a platform between member states. As a littoral country, the Black Sea is very important for Turkeys security and it tries to be an influential actor in the region. All these initiatives show its attempts to affect regional development. After the recent conflict between Georgia and the Russian Federation, Turkey proposed a Caucasus Platform which brings all partners in the Caucasus together to make a contribution to peace, security and stability in the region and include a joint mechanism for problem-solving and crisis management. An initial organizational meeting of the Caucasus Stability and Cooperation Platform led by Turkey took place on 4th and 5th of December in 2008 in Helsinki, Finland as part of an OSCE90 summit. The Platform was welcomed by all parties in the region. Moreover this initiative, Turkeys support for peace and stability, its ongoing contacts with all parties and emerging relations with Armenia raised Turkeys importance and led to develop a foreign policy towards expanding its influence beyond their immediate neighbors as a country which has a geopolitical code in regional scale. 9

9. Relations with Immediate Neighbors- the Middle East


Turkeys foreign policy towards the Middle East is mostly determined by its security concerns stemming from instability and insecurity in the region, especially emerged after the Iraqi war. In the web page of the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs it is emphasized to be a major source of instability and conflagration and have important economic and energy potential among other features of the region.91 In the region, Turkey generally follows cautious and conservative foreign policies and avoids to be drawn into regional conflicts, except its policies during Turgut zals presidency and Erbakans prime ministry terms.92 According to Meliha Altunk, Turkey pursues a foreign policy based on status-quo, territorial integrity, balance of power, multipolarity, balance in relations between Western allies and balance policy between different groups.93
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In recent years, Turkey tries to change its policies and to be more active actor in the region. Blent Aras and Rabia Karakaya Polat also claim that Turkey follows new and more pro-active foreign policy towards Palestinian question, Iraq and Iran under the effects of domestic dynamics.94 Bac also expresses that since 2001, Turkey has a different approach towards the region. () It has found a much larger place in the region and [it] will not only appear as the Wests staunch ally () but rather a staunch ally to the social political and economic changes in the Middle East.95 Davutolu states that Turkey has only very limited effect in region policies, but in the new term, the new government tries to overcome the barriers which prevent Turkey to extend its influence in the region.96 He also adds that Turkeys position should rest on four main principles: common security for the entire region, dialogue as a means of solving crises, economic

interdependence and cultural coexistence and plurality.97 According to him, Turkey can be a soft power actor with its democracy.98 Regarding energy policies, Tekin and Walterova express that very little energy is exported from the

Middle East to the European Union through Turkey because of security developments in Iraq and other parts of the Middle East.99 Therefore geopolitical importance of the country to the Middle Eastern producers is not certain.100 (see: Table 2: Persian Gulf Oil Exports by Route 2003101

Table 2: Persian Gulf Oil Exports by Route 2003 (Million Barrels per Day)

Strait of Hormuz

Red Sea (Yanbu)

Turkey (Ceyhan)

Other

Source: A. Necdet Pamir, Turkeys Energy Policies between East and West, presentation on February 21, 2006, Bilkent University, http://www.bilkent.edu.tr/~crs/necdetpamir.ppt. Despite new developments and new foreign policy perception of decision-makers in Turkey, it seems not to be an influential actor when the proximity of the region, their common cultural and historical ties, its security concern and energy issues are considered. That may be because the great powers have important considerations towards this oil- and gasrich region and Turkey can only have that much influence they concede. Success of the new approach may depend on its accordance with great powers interests.

10. Conclusion
In current times, different types of relations between actors in the international community intersect. It becomes very difficult to evaluate one dimension without taking other elements of relations into consideration. In this context, geopolitics should not be limited with only political aspects. The term contains economic, military, political, cultural dimensions which are stemming from geographic conditions. According to this geopolitical understanding, geopolitics is still relevant to analyze relations of states but its extent to explain relations changes according to the state whose relations are analyzed. Geopolitical position of Turkey urges foreign policy makers to consider geopolitics. Especially in current terms, with new vision of Strategic Depth by Davutolu; effects of geopolitics seems to be more influential in relations of Turkey. Extent of geopolitics to explain relations also changes according to partner states with which the country establishes relations. Effects of Turkeys geopolitical position on its relations with diverse countries are different.

Table 3: Effects of Geopolitics States whose Geopolitics are MORE INFLUENTIAL on Relations with Turkey United States of America Southern Caucasus States Black Sea Region States whose Geopolitics are LESS INFLUENTIAL on Relations with Turkey European Union Russian Federation Middle East States
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Turkey-US relations are coincided with both countries geopolitical considerations. Turkeys policies towards the Southern Caucasus states and the Black Sea region seem to be convenient to geopolitical concerns of the states in the region. In relations with the EU, Turkey may have intense relations with the Union but these relations are not primarily designed according to geopolitics. In case of Russia, international developments and intensification of economic and political relations seem to reconcile the geopolitical competition between the two countries. In the Middle East case, References

Turkey should be more influential than today but the international community may not leave any place for Turkey. As Geoffrey Sloan and Colin S. Grays expression, geography does not determine all strategies of foreign and domestic policies but geography or geographical configurations present opportunities for policy makers and politicians. The case of Turkey also shows that usage of these opportunities depend on partner countries and in broader perspective general circumstances of the international order.

ALTUNIIK, Meliha, The Self-Perception of Turkey as the Regional Power in the Middle East, paper presented in the conference titled The Security and Political Situation in South Caucasus and Turkey, 12-13 April 2008. ARAS, Blent and KARAKAYA POLAT, Rabia, Turkey and Middle East: Frontiers of the New Geographic Imagination, Australian Journal of International Affairs, Vol. 61, No. 4, December 2007, pp. 471- 488. AYDIN, Mustafa, Turkish Foreign Policy Framework and Analysis, Ankara: Sam Papers, 2004 BACI, Hseyin, Turkey and the European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP): From Confrontational to Co-Operative Relationship, The Europeanization of Turkeys Security Policy: Prospects and Pitfalls, Ali L. Karaosmanolu and Seyfi Tahan (eds.), Ankara: Foreign Policy Institute, 2004, pp. 79-101 BACI, Hseyin, Trkiyeden Ezberbozan Bir Diplomasi, Stratejik Boyut, Vol. 1, No. 1, Ekim-Kasm-Aralk 2008, pp. 46-52. BACI, Hseyin, Zeitgest: Global Politics and Turkey, Ankara: Orion Publication, 2008 BAZOLU SEZER ,Duygu, Turkish- Russian Relations: The Challenge of Reconciling Geopolitical Competition with Economic Partnership, Turkish Studies, Vol. 1, No.1, Spring 2000, pp. 59-82. BAZOLU SEZER, Duygu, Turkish Russian Relations, Turkeys New World Changing Dynamics in Turkish Foreign Policy, Alan Makovsky and Sabri Sayari (eds.), Washington: The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 2000, pp. 104- 92-116. BENL, Aye Oya, Rusya lke Profili,TC Babakanlk D Ticaret Mstearl hracat Gelitirme Etd Merkezi, 2008. BLGN, Pnar, A Return to 'Civilisational Geopolitics' in the Mediterranean? Changing Geopolitical Images of the European Union and Turkey in the Post-Cold War Era, Geopolitics, Vol. 9, Issue 2, 2004 , pp. 269 - 291 BLGN, Pnar, 'Only Strong States Can Survive in Turkeys Geography: The Uses of Geopolitical Truths in Turkey, Political Geography, No. 26, 2007, pp. 740-756. ANDAR, Cengiz, FULLER, Graham, Grand Geopolitics for a New Turkey, Mediterranean Quarterly, Winter 2001, pp. 22-38 ELK, Yasemin, Contemporary Turkish Foreign Policy, Wesport, Conn: Praeger, 1999 DAVUTOLU, Ahmet, Turkeys Foreign Policy Vision: An Assessment of 2007, Insight Turkey, Vol. 10, No. 1, 2008, p.77-97. DAVUTOLU, Ahmet, Stratejik Derinlik Trkiyenin Uluslararas Konumu, stanbul: Kre Yaynlar, 2001. ERALP, Atilla, Turkey and the European Union, Turkeys New World Changing Dynamics in Turkish Foreign Policy, Alan Makovsky and Sabri Sayari (eds.), Washington: The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 2000, pp. 173- 189. FLINT, Colin, Introduction to Geopolitics, London and New York, Routledge, 2006, p.16. HALE, William Turkish Foreign Policy 1774-200, London and Portland: Frank Cass Publication, 2000 HARRIS, George S., US Turkish Relations, Turkeys New World, Alan Makovsky and Sabri Sayari (eds.), Washington: The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 2000, pp. 189- 203.

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KAMEL, Ayhan, Turkish- Russian Relations and Western Dimension, The Europenization of Turkeys Security Policy: Prospects and Pitfalls, Ali L. Karaosmanolu and Seyfi Tahan (eds.), Ankara: Foreign Policy Institute, 2004, pp. 233-257. KAZAN, Il, Turkey: Where Geopolitics Still Matter?, Contemporary Security Policy, Vol. http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title%7Econtent=t713634773%7Edb=all%7Etab=issueslist %7Ebranches=26 - v26, Issue 3, December 2005, pp. 588 604. KINIKLIOLU, Suat; MORKVA, Valeriy, An Anatomy of Turkish- Russian Relations, Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, Volume http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title%7Econtent=t713634533%7Edb=all%7Etab=issueslis t%7Ebranches=7 - v77, Issue 4 December 2007 , pp. 533 553. KRC, Kemal, Turkey and the Muslim Middle East, Turkeys New World Changing Dynamics in Turkish Foreign Policy, Alan Makovsky and Sabri Sayari (eds.), Washington: The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 2000, pp. 39-59. OKMAN, Cengiz, Turkish Foreign Policy: Principles-Rules-Trends, 1814-2003, Turkish Foreign Policy in Post Cold War Era, (ed. Idris Bal), Ankara: Universal Publishers, 2004, p. 5-27. ORAN, Baskn, Trk D Politikasnn Teori ve Pratii, Trk D Politikas Kurtulu Savandan Bugne Olgular Belgeler Yorumlar, Baskn Oran (ed.), Cilt 1, stanbul: letiim Yaynlar, 2001, pp. 17-95. SAYARI, Sabri, Turkish Foreign Policy in the Post-Cold War Era: The Challenges of Multi Regionalism, Journal of International Affairs, Vo. 54, Issue 1, Fall 2000, pp. 169- 182. SLOAN, Geoffrey Sir Halford J. Mackinder: The Heartland Theory Then and Now, Geopolitics Geography and Strategy, Colin S. Gray and Geoffrey Sloan (eds.), London and New York: Frank Cass, 1999, pp. 15-39. SLOAN, Geoffrey, GRAY, Colin S., Why Geopolitics?, Geopolitics Geography and Strategy, Colin S. Gray and Geoffrey Sloan (eds.), London and New York: Frank Cass, 1999, pp.1- 15. TEKN, Ali, WALTEROVA, Iva, Turkeys Geopolitical Role: The Energy Angle, Middle East Policy, Vol. 14, No. 1, Spring 2007, p. 84-94. WINROW, Gareth, Geopolitics and Energy Security in the Wider Black Sea Region, Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, Vo. 7, No. 2, 2007, pp. 217-235. About BSEC, http://www.bsec-organization.org/main.aspx?ID=About_BSEC, (03.06.2008) Blackseafor, http://www.mfa.gov.tr/blackseafor.en.mfa, (03.06.2008) Operation Black Sea Harmony, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Operation_Black_Sea_Harmony, (30.04.2008) Synopsis of Turkish Foreign Policy, http://www.mfa.gov.tr/synopsis-of-the-turkish-foreign-policy.en.mfa , (30.04.2008) Turkeys Relations With Southern Caucasus, http://www.mfa.gov.tr/turkiye_nin-guney-kafkasyaulkeleriyle-iliskileri.tr.mfa, (30.04.2008) Turkeys Relations with the Middle East, http://www.mfa.gov.tr/turkiye_nin-ortadogu-ile-iliskileri.tr.mfa, (30.04.2008) Turkey's Security Perspectives and Its Relations with Nato, http://www.mfa.gov.tr/nato.en.mfa, (30.04.2008) Turkish US Political Relation, http://www.mfa.gov.tr/turkish-u_s_-political-relations.en.mfa, (30.04.2008) SEMPA, Francis P., Mackinders World, http://www.unc.edu/depts/diplomat/AD_Issues/amdipl_14/sempa_mac1.html, (28.05.2008) TAMER, Meral, Davutolu: AB iin B Planmz Yok, BOP Ge Kalm bir Proje, Milliyet, 18.06.2004, http://www.milliyet.com.tr/2004/06/18/yazar/tamer.html, (28.05.2008)

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Notes:
1 Geoffrey Sloan and Colin S. Gray, Why Geopolitics?, Geopolitics Geography and Strategy, Colin S. Gray and Geoffrey Sloan (eds.), London and New York: Frank Cass, 1999, p.1-2. 2 Ibid. 3 Colin Flint, Introduction to Geopolitics, London and New York, Routledge, 2006, p. 55. 4 P. J. Taylor and Colin Flint, (2000), Political Geography: World Economy, Nation-State and Locality, Fourth Edition, Harlow: Prentice Hall, p. 62 in Ibid., p. 56. 5 Ibid., p. 56-58. 6 Ibid., p. 58. 7 Ibid. 8 Ibid., pp. 58-59. 9 Yasemin elik, Contemporary Turkish Foreign Policy, Wesport, Conn: Praeger, 1999, p. 1. 10 Mustafa Aydn, Turkish Foreign Policy Framework and Analysis, Ankara: Sam Papers, 2004, p. 23. 11 Ibid., p. 25 12 Baskn Oran, Trk D Politikasnn Teori ve Pratii, Trk D Politikas Kurtulu Savandan Bugne Olgular Belgeler Yorumlar, Baskn Oran (ed.), Cilt 1, stanbul: letiim Yaynlar, 2001, p. 25. 13 Ibid., p. 27. 14 Ibid. 15 Aydn, op. cit., p. 23. 16 Ibid. 17 Okman, op. cit., p. 23 18 Pnar Bilgin, 'Only Strong States Can Survive in Turkeys Geography: The Uses of Geopolitical Truths in Turkey, Political Geography, No. 26, 2007, p. 749. 19 H. J. Mackinder, Democratic Ideals and Reality: A Study in the Politics of Reconstruction, (1919), (Suffolk: Penguin Books, p.86 in Geoffrey Sloan Sir Halford J. Mackinder: The Heartland Theory Then and Now, Geopolitics Geography and Strategy, Colin S. Gray and Geoffrey Sloan (eds.), London and New York: Frank Cass, 1999, p. 25. 20 Francis P. Sempa, Mackinders World, http://www.unc.edu/depts/diplomat/AD_Issues/amdipl_14/sempa_mac1.html, (28.05.2008) 21 Sloan, op. cit., p. 27 22 Bilgin, op. cit., p. 749. 23 Ahmet Davutolu, Turkeys Foreign Policy Vision: An Assessment of 2007, Insight Turkey, Vol. 10, No. 1, 2008, p. 78. 24 Ahmet Davutolu, Stratejik Derinlik Trkiyenin Uluslararas Konumu, stanbul: Kre Yaynlar, 2001, p. 117. 25 Ibid.. 26 Davutolu, Turkeys Foreign Policy Vision, p. 78. 27 Ibid., p. 79. 28 With this principle, Turkey seems to change her scale of geopolitical codes, from neighborhood to the regional one. 29 Davutolu, Turkeys Foreign Policy Vision, pp. 79- 82. 30 Meral Tamer, Davutolu: AB iin B Planmz Yok, BOP Ge Kalm bir Proje, Milliyet, 18.06.2004, http://www.milliyet.com.tr/2004/06/18/yazar/tamer.html, (28.05.2008) 31 Davutolu, Turkeys Foreign Policy Vision, p. 83 32 elik, op. cit., p. 76. 33 Ibid. 34 George S. Harris, US Turkish Relations, Turkeys New World Changing Dynamics in Turkish Foreign Policy, Alan Makovsky and Sabri Sayari (eds.), Washington: The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 2000, p. 189. 35 Il Kazan, Turkey: Where Geopolitics Still Matter?, Contemporary Security Policy, Vol. http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title%7Econtent=t713634773%7Edb=all%7Etab=issueslist%7Ebranches=2 6 - v2626, Issue 3, December 2005.
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36 Cengiz andar and Graham Fuller, Grand Geopolitics for a New Turkey, Mediterranean Quarterly, Winter 2001, pp. 29-37. 37 Ibid. 38 Ibid. 39 Turkish US Political Realtion, http://www.mfa.gov.tr/turkish-u_s_-political-relations.en.mfa, (30.04.2008) 40 Turkish US Political Realtion, http://www.mfa.gov.tr/turkish-u_s_-political-relations.en.mfa, (30.04.2008) 41 Davutolu, Turkeys Foreign Policy Vision, p.88. 42 Ibid. 43 Ibid. 44 Oran, p. 308. 45 Javier Solana, NATO in Transisiton, Perceptions (Ankara), Vol. 1, No. 1, 1996, p. 17 in Wiiliam Hale, Turkish Foreign Policy 1774-200, London and Portland: Frank Cass Publication, 2000, p. 229. 46 Turkey's Security Perspectives and its Relations with Nato, http://www.mfa.gov.tr/nato.en.mfa, (30.04.2008) 47 Turkey's Security Perspectives and its Relations with Nato, http://www.mfa.gov.tr/nato.en.mfa, (30.04.2008) 48 Davutolu, Stratejik Derinlik, p.233. 49 Ibid. 50 Ibid. 51 Hale, op. cit., p. 229. 52 elik, op. cit., p. 111. 53 Hseyin Bac, Turkey and the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP): From Confrontational to CoOperative Realtionship, The Europenization of Turkeys Security Policy: Prospects and Pitfalls, Ali L. Karaosmanolu and Seyfi Tahan (eds.), Ankara: Foreign Policy Institute, 2004, pp. 88-92. 54 Pnar Bilgin, A Return to 'Civilisational Geopolitics' in the Mediterranean? Changing Geopolitical Images of the European Union and Turkey in the Post-Cold War Era, Geopolitics, Vol. 9, Issue 2, 2004. 55 Atilla Eralp, Turkey and the European Union, Turkeys New World Changing Dynamics in Turkish Foreign Policy, Alan Makovsky and Sabri Sayari (eds.), Washington: The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 2000, p. 185. 56 Ali Tekin and Iva Walterova, Turkeys Geopolitical Role: The Energy Angle, Middle East Policy, Vol. 14, No. 1, Spring 2007, p. 85. 57 Synopsis of Turkish Foreign Policy, http://www.mfa.gov.tr/synopsis-of-the-turkish-foreign-policy.en.mfa, (30.04.2008) 58 Duygu Bazolu Sezer, Turkish- Russian Relations: The Challenge of Reconciling Geopolitical Competition with Economic Partnership, Turkish Studies, Vol. 1, No.1, Spring 2000, p.64. 59 Tekin and Walterova, op. cit., p. 90 60 Ibid. 61 Duygu Bazolu Sezer, Turkish Russian Relations, Turkeys New World Changing Dynamics in Turkish Foreign Policy, Alan Makovsky and Sabri Sayari (eds.), Washington: The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 2000, p. 104. 62 Ayhan Kamel, Turkish- Russian Relations and Western Dimension, The Europenization of Turkeys Security Policy: Prospects and Pitfalls, Ali L. Karaosmanolu and Seyfi Tahan (eds.), Ankara: Foreign Policy Institute, 2004, p. 249. 63 Ibid. 64 Suat Kinikliolu; Valeriy Morkva, An Anotomy of Turkish- Russian Relstions, Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, Volume http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title%7Econtent=t713634533%7Edb=all%7Etab=issueslist%7Ebranches=7 - v7, Issued 4 December 2007. 65 Ibid. 66 Ibid. 67 Ibid. 68 Aye Oya Benli, Rusya lke Profili,TC Babakanlk D Ticaret Mstearl hracat Gelitirme Etd Merkezi, 2008. 69 Hseyin Bac, Zeitgest: Global Poltcs and Turkey, Ankara: Orion Publication, 2008, p. 611.
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70 Turkeys Relations With Southern Caucasus, http://www.mfa.gov.tr/turkiye_nin-guney-kafkasya-ulkeleriyleiliskileri.tr.mfa, (30.04.2008) 71 Davutolu, Stratejik Derinlik, p. 119 72 Ibid. ,p. 128 73 Ibid. 74 Ibid. 75 Ibid. 76 Ibid. 77 Turkeys Relations With Southern Caucasus, http://www.mfa.gov.tr/turkiye_nin-guney-kafkasya-ulkeleriyleiliskileri.tr.mfa, (30.04.2008) 78 Sabri Sayari, Turkish Foreign Policy in the Post-Cold War Era: The Challenges of Multi Regionalism, Journal of International Affairs, Vo. 54, Issue 1, Fall 2000, p. 175. 79 Hseyin Bac, Trkiyeden Ezberbozan Bir Diplomasi, Stratejik Boyut, Vol. 1, No. 1, Ekim-Kasm-Aralk 2008, p. 49. 80 Davutolu, Stratejik Derinlik, p. 161. 81 Ibid. 82 Knklolu and Morkva, op. cit. 83 Ibid. 84 Operation Black Sea Harmony, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Operation_Black_Sea_Harmony, (30.04.2008) 85 Blackseafor, http://www.mfa.gov.tr/blackseafor.en.mfa, (03.06.2008) 86 Knklolu and Morkva, op. cit. 87 Gareth Winrow, Geopolitics and Energy Security in the Wider Black Sea Region, Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, Vo. 7, No. 2, 2007, p. 224 88 About BSEC, http://www.bsec-organization.org/main.aspx?ID=About_BSEC, (03.06.2008) 89 Hale, op. cit., p. 269. 90 Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe 91 Turkeys Relations with the Middle East, http://www.mfa.gov.tr/turkiye_nin-ortadogu-ile-iliskileri.tr.mfa, (30.04.2008) 92 Kemal Kirici, Turkey and the Muslim Middle East, Turkeys New World Changing Dynamics in Turkish Foreign Policy, Alan Makovsky and Sabri Sayari (eds.), Washington: The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 2000, p. 41. 93 Meliha Altunk, The Self-Perception of Turkey as the Regional Power in the Middle East, paper presented in the conference titled The Security and Political Situation in South Caucasus and Turkey, 12-13 April 2008. 94 Blent Aras and Rabia Karakaya Polat, Turkey and Middle East: Frontiersof the New Geographic Imagination, Australian Journal of International Affairs, Vol. 61, No. 4, December 2007, p. 471. 95 Bac, Zeitgeist, p. 565-566. 96 Davutolu, Turkeys Foreign Policy Vision , p. 81. 97 Ibid., p. 84. 98 Ibid. 99 Tekin and Walterova, op. cit., p. 91. 100 Ibid. 101 Source: A. Necdet Pamir, Turkeys Energy Policies between East and West, presentation on February 21, 2006, Bilkent University, http://www.bilkent.edu.tr/~crs/necdetpamir.ppt in Ibid.

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Fderalismus Gerhart Wielinger: Legenden, Glaubensstze und die sterreichische Wirklichkeit. Bemerkungen eines langjhrig praktizierenden Fderalisten Gnter Voith: Schein und Sein im sterreichischen Fderalismus Martin Malek: Russlands Energieauenpolitik und der Sdkaukasus. Geopolitik, frozen conflicts und europische Abhngigkeiten HEFT 22 (2007) Schwerpunkt: GENFORSCHUNG, GENTECHNIK UND GENMEDIZIN Andreas Kirschhofer-Bozenhardt: Statt eines Vorwortes: Genforschung verliert Schrecken. Ergebnisse einer IMAS-Umfrage im Auftrag des Internationalen Instituts fr Liberale Politik Wien Michael Stormann: Genmedizin in Europa Clemens Leitgeb: Genmedizin in der Onkologie Wolfgang Schallenberger: Genmedizin. Gentechnik in der Medizin aus wirtschaftlicher Sicht Iris Kempe: Die europisch-russischen Beziehungen und die Russlandpolitik der EU HEFT 23 (2007) LIBERALE POLITIK IN STERREICH. Ein Nachheft zur Ausstellung des Internationalen Instituts fr Liberale Politik vom 19. 29. September 2006. Liberale Politik in sterreich. Eine Ausstellung des Internationalen Instituts fr Liberale Politik vom 19. 29. September 2006 in der Sulenhalle des Parlamentsgebudes in Wien Erich Reiter: ber den politischen Gebrauch des Wortes Liberalismus Lothar Hbelt: Das Schicksal des politischen Liberalismus in sterreich HEFT 24 (2008) KLIMAWANDEL UND ATOMENERGIE Erich Reiter: Einfhrung in die Thematik Klimawandel, Schadstoffenergie und Atomenergie Helmut Stubner: CO2-Emissionszertifikatehandel ein liberaler Standpunkt Volkmar Lauber: Kyoto-Protokoll, Emissionshandel und Energiewende Stefan Pickl: Der internationale Emissionszertifikatehandel im Spannungsfeld von konomischen und kologischen Ziesetzungen Dieter Drexel: kologie und konomie im Spannungsfeld des Kyotoprotokolls Erich Gornik: Klimaschutz und Kernenergie HEFT 25 (2008) Schwerpunkt: BERLEGUNGEN ZUR NEUTRALITT Erhard Busek: Neutralitt sterreichs Herz oder Museumsstck Heinz Grtner: Eine moderne Neutralitt ist flexibel Erich Reiter: Neutralitt als sterreichische Ideologie Gottlieb F. Hoepli: Neutralitt in der Schweiz Peter W. Schulze: Elf Thesen zur russischen Innenund Auenpolitik am Ende der zweiten Amtsperiode Putins Gnther Ofner: Die EU als Energiemanager

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HEFT 26 (2008) Schwerpunkt: ASIEN UND DIE AUENPOLITIK DER EU Urs Schoettli: Chinas Rckkehr auf die Weltbhne Gustav C. Gressel: Brothers in Evil oder Apfel und Birne: bersicht ber die Menschenrechtsverletzungen, Demokratie- und Rechtsstaatsdefizite in der Volksrepublik China und Burma Franco Algieri: Die Zentralasienpolitik der Europischen Union: Interessen und Konflikte Eugene Kogan: Die Beziehungen Israels zur NATO HEFT 27 (2008) Schwerpunkt: GEORGIENKONFLIKT Gustav C. Gressel: Der Krieg im Kaukasus vom 07.08.2008 bis 14.08.2008 Aschot Manutscharjan: Georgien suchte Krieg mit Russland Eugene Kogan: The Russian-Georgian Conflict: An Assessment Peter Schmidt: Der Georgische Knoten Mgliche Beitrge der EU zur Beilegung des Konflikts Gerhard Will: Permanenter Ausnahmezustand Birmas leidvoller Weg ins 21. Jahrhundert Gudrun Harrer: Zur Rolle von Stammesstrukturen in Konfliktlagen: Das Beispiel Irak und die USamerikanische Using the Sheickhs-Politik HEFT 28 (2009) Schwerpunkt: Hat die Marktwirtschaft Zukunft? Gerald Schpfer: Ist die freie Marktwirtschaft zum Untergang verurteilt?

Erhard Frst: Ursachen der Finanz- und Wirtschaftskrise: Marktversagen? Staatsversagen? Helmut Kern: Hat die Marktwirtschaft noch Zukunft? Staatliche Regulierung lst die Probleme nicht Bernhard Martin: Entwicklungschancen fr Politischen Liberalismus in sterreich in Folge der weltweiten Finanzkrise. Eine makrosoziologische Diagnose Rainer E. Schtz: Hat die Marktwirtschaft eine Zukunft? Walter Schragel: Schadenersatz fr behindertes Kind? Henriette Riegler: Der Staat Kosovo wirklich ein Projekt Europischer Sicherheit? HEFT 29 (2009) Ostasien Geostrategischer Schwerpunkt der Welt Urs Schttli: Brennpunkte in Ostasien Sicherheitspolitische Herausforderungen Gudrun Wacker: Auf der Suche nach Harmonie: China als regionaler und globaler Akteur Rudolf Logothetti: Die Rolle der USA in Ostasien eine europische Sicht Eugene Kogan: The Russian-Chinese Disconnect in the Defence Industry Field Sebastian Harnisch: The Korean Conundrum: Moderating Expectations and Containing Nuclear Extortion Urs Schttli: Japans Rolle in Ostasien und in der Welt Yuan-hsiung Chen: The Security Situation of the Republic of China Chong-pin Lin: Melting the Ice: Beijings Emerging Taiwan Policy Bill Keh-ming Chen: The Role and Influence of the United States in East Asia Gustav C. Gressel: Anmerkungen zu den politischen Beziehungen zwischen der Europischen Union und Taiwan

Bcher
Johann Frank

Perspektiven der europischen militrischen Integration


Entwicklungsszenarien und Konsequenzen fr sterreich 95 Seiten Verlag: Ing. Harald Kurz ISBN 978-3-9501854-9-2

Schriftenreihe zur internationalen Politik


Band 1 Erich Reiter (Hg.)

Die Sezessionskonflikte in Georgien

mit Beitrgen von: Klaus Becher Gustav C. Gressel Egbert Jahn Jrg Himmelreich Iris Kempe Eugene Kogan Aschot Manutscharjan Jrgen Schmidt Peter Schmidt Peter W. Schulze Andrei Zagorski Verlag: bhlau Band 2 Erich Reiter (Hg.) 330 Seiten ISBN 978-3-205-78325-1

Der Krieg um Bergkarabach Krisen- und Konfliktmanagement in der Kaukasusregion


mit Beitrgen von: Meliha Benli Altunisik Aser Babajew Uwe Halbach Egbert Jahn Eugene Kogan Helge Lerider Aschot Manutscharjan Erich Reiter Peter W. Schulze Oktay F. Tanrisever Andrei Zagorski Verlag: bhlau 280 Seiten ISBN 978-3-205-78404-3
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Sozialwissenschaftliche Schriftenreihe
Reihe Studien
Klaus Becher Erich Reiter Die USA als Faktor des Konfliktmanagements in Georgien September 2007

Die Einstellung der sterreicher zu der Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik und zur EU; Bewertung der Ergebnisse einer IMAS-Umfrage vom April 2007 und anderer Erhebungen Energiesicherheit ein Europischer Traum. Russland als Energiemacht Die Zukunft der Rstungskontrolle Ziel und Zweck der US-Raketenabwehr und die europische Interessenslage Die Kontroverse ber amerikanische Raketenabwehr in Europa: Lsungsversuche in der Sackgasse? Optionen fr die Politik der EU gegenber Georgien und den De-facto-Staaten Abchasien und Sdossetien

Oktober 2007 Oktober 2007 November 2007 Dezember 2007 Dezember 2007 Dezember 2007

Peter W. Schulze Heinz Grtner Klaus Becher Andrei Zagorski Egbert Jahn Erich Reiter Erich Reiter Erich Reiter Peter W. Schulze

Die Einstellung der sterreicher zu Kernenergie, Klimawandel und Genforschung Auswertung u. Kommentierung der Ergebnisse einer Meinungsumfrage Jnner 2008 Bewltigung sozialer Probleme und Verbesserung der Wettbewerbsfhigkeit Details einer Studie ber politische Denkmuster der sterreicher Jnner 2008 Meinungsfreiheit Details einer Studie ber Meinungsfreiheit in sterreich Februar 2008

Zieloptionen russischer GUS-Politik: Geopolitische Neuordnung des Sicherheitsund Kooperationsraumes oder vernachlssigte Konfliktzone? Mrz 2008 Mrz 2008

Oliver Ginthr Die steuerliche Entlastung des Mittelstandes zwecks besserer Martin Haselberger Vorsorgemglichkeiten Sandra Schreiblehner Stefan Pickl Eugene Kogan Urs Schttli Hannes Adomeit Peter W. Schulze Andrei Zagorski Eugene Kogan Gudrun Harrer Uwe Halbach Peter W. Schulze Andrei Zagorski Eugene Kogan Peter W. Schulze Andrei Zagorski Hseyin Bac Investitionsverhalten in internationalen Emissionshandelssystemen kologie und konomie im Spannungsfeld des Kyoto-Protokolls Sicherheitspolitik im Nahen Osten Israels Lehren aus dem Libanonkrieg Russlands Rolle im Nahen Osten China: Was hat sich seit 1976 ereignet? Russland, die EU und Zwischeneuropa Drei Studien Military and Energy Security Situation Around the Black Sea Area Souvernitt und Nachkriegszeit: Der Irak nach dem Abschluss des Status of Forces Agreement mit den USA Machtpoker am Kaukasus Nachlese zum Fnf-Tage-Krieg in Georgien im Sommer 2008 Vier Studien Russische und europische Energiepolitik im Zeichen der globalen Krise Die strategische Orientierung Russlands zu Europa? Changing Geopolitics and Turkish Foreign Policy

April 2008 Juni 2008 August 2008

Oktober 2008 November 2008 Jnner 2009

Februar 2009 Mai 2009 Juni 2009

sterreichische Post AG / Sponsoring Post Verlagspostamt 1010 Wien GZ: 06Z037014 S

IILP ZVR Zahl 425665530

ISBN 978-3-902595-30-0

Das Internationale Institut fr Liberale Politik Wien (IILP) wurde im Herbst 2005 gegrndet und bezweckt die Frderung liberaler Politik, insbesondere in den Bereichen der Wirtschafts-, Sozial- und Finanzpolitik, internationalen Beziehungen, Europapolitik, Auen- und Sicherheitspolitik sowie hinsichtlich aktueller Fragen der sterreichischen Politik. Das IILP versteht sich als brgerlicher und pro-europischer Think-Tank fr sterreich. Im Rahmen seines wissenschaftlichen und gesellschaftspolitischen Programms ldt es zu zahlreichen Veranstaltungen. Neben anderen Publikationen gibt es die Sozialwissenschaftliche Schriftenreihe heraus.

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