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Zeitschrift für das

Social Planen und Bauen


in der Dritten Welt
Production 3 / 2003
of Habitat
in Latin America
Editorial

Ausgehend von den Zwängen einer weltweit vorherr- The constraints of globally predominant neo-liberal eco-
schenden neoliberalen Wirtschaftspolitik und den damit ver- nomic policies and the concomitant requirements of power-
bundenen Vorgaben mächtiger Entwicklungsagenturen und ful development agencies and credit institutions have in
Kreditinstitutionen wird die Lösung der Wohnungsprobleme many countries left the solving of housing problems to the
in vielen Ländern der Welt dem Markt überlassen. Der market. The latter has, however, failed to respond to the
Markt versagt jedoch in Bezug auf die Bedürfnisse der Ärm- needs of the poorest, a fact that has even been admitted by
sten, wie selbst von Apologeten der Wirtschaftsliberalisie- the apologists of economic liberalism. A rigid market
rung eingeräumt wird. Die zum Gesetz erhobene strikte approach deprives human beings of their legitimate right to
Logik des Marktes raubt den Menschen ihr Recht auf eine determine the character of their environment, converting
selbstbestimmte Gestaltung der Umwelt und macht aus them into a hoard of consumers. Any former semblance of
ihnen eine Ansammlung von Konsumenten. Von Partizipati- participation has been replaced by the “take it, swallow it
on ist keine Rede mehr, nach dem Motto: „Nimm’s, friss und and keep your mouth shut!” attitude.
halt den Mund!“
State subsidies for housing rarely benefit the poorest
Staatliche Subventionen für den Wohnungsbau errei- and if so, are aimed primarily at widening the market. Poor
chen nur in den seltensten Fällen die Bedürftigsten, und families with no access to these subsidies or to the private
wenn, so haben sie primär den Sinn, den Markt zu erwei- housing market are forced to build their own habitat, relying
tern. Ärmere Familien, die zum privaten Wohnungsmarkt purely on themselves. This applies to the great majority of
und auch zur staatlichen Wohnungspolitik keinen Zugang populations in most of the countries of the earth.
haben, sind gezwungen, ihr Habitat unter prekären Bedin-
gungen im Eigenbau zu errichten. Dies gilt für die Mehrheit The 1987 Habitat Forum Exhibition in Berlin and the
der Bevölkerung in einem Großteil der Länder dieser Erde. accompanying publication Building Community has already
demonstrated with great conviction what the poor can pro-
Bereits im Jahre 1987 wurde in einer Ausstellung auf duce with their own means. Meanwhile things have devel-
dem Habitat Forum in Berlin sowie in dem begleitenden oped: organisations of the poor have increased their compe-
Buch „Building Community“ einleuchtend dargelegt, wozu tence considerably and succeeded in becoming manage-
Arme selbst fähig sind. Inzwischen ist die Entwicklung wei- ment partners of local government in Mexico City.
ter gegangen. Die Organisationen der Armen haben viel
Kompetenz dazu gewonnen und sind zuweilen bereits Part- The Habitat International Coalition (HIC) global network
ner von lokalen Regierungsmaßnahmen, wie etwa beim and its Latin American Secretariat (HIC-AL) can be credited
programa de mejoramiento habitacional in Mexiko-Stadt. with having systematised the many concrete experiences
with self-determined approaches in housing and urbanism
Es ist das Verdienst des weltweiten Netzwerks der and to have incorporated them into a theoretical concept:
Habitat International Coalition und seines lateinamerikani- the “Social Production of Habitat.” A relevant number of local
schen Sekretariats, die vielen konkreten Erfahrungen mit processes that have shaped this concept were sponsored
selbstbestimmten Ansätzen in Wohnbau und Stadtentwick- by church development cooperation, i.e., by Misereor/KZE
lung systematisiert und in ein theoretisches Konzept ge- and CEBEMO (now CORDAID).
bracht zu haben: das der „Sozialen Produktion des Habitat“.
Ein Großteil der lokalen Prozesse, die Grundlage dieses A survey of these local processes could be the starting
Konzeptes sind, wurde von der kirchlichen Entwicklungszu- point for an intercontinental debate on alternative models to
sammenarbeit gefördert, insbesondere von Misereor / KZE the neo-liberal approach. We therefore consider it appropri-
und CEBEMO (heute CORDAID). ate to present Latin American experiences in this volume of
TRIALOG (only some of them, of course) and to urge for
Der Blick auf diese lokalen Prozesse kann Grundlage für the systematisation of experiences from other continents as
eine kontinentübergreifende Diskussion bezüglich eines a means of ensuring the on-going development of such a
Gegenmodells zum neoliberalen sein. Deshalb erschien es concept.
uns sinnvoll, in dieser Ausgabe von TRIALOG die lateina-
merikanischen Erfahrungen (natürlich nur einige davon) The introductory article by Eike Jakob Schütz refers to
bekannt zu machen und dazu anzuregen, die in anderen the context in which the idea of “Social Production of Habi-
Kontinenten gemachten Erfahrungen ebenfalls zu systemati- tat” developed and - taking Chile as an example - also
sieren, um das Konzept entsprechend weiterentwickeln zu describes it as a form of resistance against neo-liberal ten-
können. dencies in housing and urban politics. Gustavo Romero
explains how the individual and collective self-production of
Der einführende Beitrag von Eike Jakob Schütz ver- dwellings challenged failed public housing policies as far
weist auf den Kontext, in dem sich das Konzept der „Sozia-
len Produktion des Habitat“ entwickelt hat, und beschreibt Continuation page 4 / weiter auf Seite 4

2 Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
A Journal for
Planning and Building
in the Third World
3 / 2003

Social Production
of Habitat
in Latin America

Volume Editors:
Eike Jakob Schütz / Klaus Teschner

List of Contents / Inhalt

5 Stones in the Way


On Self-determination in Housing in Times of Globalisation
EIKE JAKOB SCHÜTZ

8 Social Production of Habitat:


Reflections on its History, Conceptions and Proposals
GUSTAVO ROMERO

16 Toward Decentralized Housing Improvement Policies in Peru


CARLOS ESCALANTE

22 The Renovation Process in Downtown Lima


and the El Chaparral Self-managed Housing Experience
SILVIA DE LOS RÍOS

26 UCISV-Inhabitants Housing Program


A Social Production of Habitat Experience in Mexico
CRISTINA ALMAZÁN

32 The Self-managed Co-operative Movement in Buenos Aires


and the Construction of Popular Habitat Policies
NÉSTOR ROLANDO JEIFETZ / MARÍA CARLA RODRÍGUEZ

39 Social Production of Habitat:


Marginal Option or Reality-transforming Strategy?
ENRIQUE ORTÍZ

44 Changing Realities
Neo-liberalism and the NGOs in the South
ALEXANDER JACHNOW

49 Neue Bücher / Book reviews

54 Aktuelles / News

56 Veranstaltungen / Forthcoming events

Encontrarán todos los textos en versión castellana en: www.trialog-journal.de

Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
3
dies auch als Form des Widerstands gegen - am Beispiel back as the 1960s and 70s. The practice of “Social Produc-
von Chile verdeutlichte - neoliberale Tendenzen in Woh- tion of Habitat and Housing” that emerged from these expe-
nungspolitik und Stadtentwicklung. Bereits seit den 60er und riences managed to influence state policy - e.g., in Mexico –
70er Jahren stellten, wie Gustavo Romero darlegt, ver- as a result of producing infinitely superior building and set-
schiedene Konzepte der individuellen oder gemeinschaftli- tlement qualities than the latter had done. It contributed to
chen Produktion von Wohnungen das gescheiterte Modell the rise of urban action groups as well as to creating grass-
staatlicher Wohnungsversorgung in Frage. Die daraus ent- roots networks and lobbies at the international level in the
standene Praxis der „Sozialen Produktion des Habitat“ context of Habitat International Coalition. Housing policies in
schaffte es, staatliche Politiken zu beeinflussen - z.B. in Peru are characterised by tolerance towards land-squatting
Mexiko - gerade weil sie weit bessere Wohn- und Sied- and housing subsidies primarily for new constructions. Local
lungsqualitäten erzeugen kann als diese. Sie trug darüber saving and credit cooperatives counteract this approach
hinaus zur Entstehung städtischer Basisbewegungen bei with self-developed instruments for improvement measures.
sowie zu deren Vernetzung und Lobbyarbeit auf internatio- In this context, Carlos Escalante presents a proposal for a
naler Ebene im Rahmen der Habitat International Coalition. decentralised support system of housing and settlement
Die Wohnungsbaupolitik in Peru ist geprägt von einer Dul- improvement, designed by Peruvian NGOs and inhabitant
dung von Landbesetzungen und einer Konzentration der organisations. Silvia de los Ríos describes the El Chapar-
Fördermittel auf den Neubau. Lokale Spar- und Kreditko- ral housing experience in the centre of Lima as an example
operativen setzen dem selbst entwickelte Instrumente zur of urban renewal policies controlled by the inhabitants. The
Wohnraumverbesserung entgegen. Carlos Escalante prä- strengthening of grass-roots organisations through process-
sentiert in diesem Zusammenhang den von peruanischen es produced by the inhabitants themselves also leads to a
NGOs und Bewohnerorganisationen getragenen Vorschlag heightening of women’s confidence and awareness, as can
eines dezentralen Fördersystems für Verbesserungsmaß- be seen both in El Chaparral and in the UCISV housing
nahmen an Wohnung und Siedlungen. Silvia de los Ríos cooperative in Veracruz, Mexico, presented by Cristina
beschreibt das Wohnungsprojekt El Chaparral im Zentrum Almazán. The latter received the UN Habitat best practice
Limas als Beispiel einer bewohnerbestimmten Stadterneue- award for an integral neighbourhood development project.
rungspolitik. Die Stärkung der Basisorganisation in von The report by Néstor Jeifetz and Carla Rodríguez deals
ihnen bestimmten Prozessen erhöht nicht zuletzt das with squatters and the inner-city grass-roots movements in
Selbstbewusstsein der Frauen. Dies zeigt sich auch in der Buenos Aires that succeeded in bringing about a favourable
von Cristina Almazán vorgestellten Wohnungsbaukoopera- change in the law und in developing cooperative projects
tive aus Veracruz, Mexiko, die als integrales Quartiersent- arising from the squats. Presenting a future prospect,
wicklungsprojekt von der UN prämiiert wurde. Néstor Enrique Ortíz outlines the conditions under which the
Jeifetz und Carla Rodríguez berichten von Hausbesetzern “Social Production of Habitat” concept could contribute to
und innerstädtischen Basisbewegungen in Buenos Aires, changing basic living conditions for a majority of the popula-
die es schafften, die Gesetzgebung zu ihren Gunsten zu tion. The southern NGO consulting organisations involved in
ändern und aus den Besetzungen heraus kooperative Pro- these processes often find themselves in a contradictory sit-
jekte zu entwickeln. Als Ausblick und Perspektive skizziert uation, as Alexander Jachnow keenly points out, where
Enrique Ortíz die Bedingungen dafür, dass das Konzept their critical-autonomous self-understanding is forced to
der „Sozialen Produktion von Habitat“ zur Veränderung der contend with their obvious dependency on donor guidelines.
Lebensrealität einer Mehrheit der Bevölkerung beitragen In addition, they are in competition with other NGOs for
kann. Die in diese Prozesse eingebundenen Beratungsorga- scarce funds, expressed albeit in a very restrained form.
nisationen, die NGOs des Südens, befinden sich, wie However, as independent and innovative consulting teams,
Alexander Jachnow pointiert feststellt, in einer oft wider- they are indispensable.
sprüchlichen Situation zwischen kritisch-autonomen
Anspruch einerseits und andererseits deutlicher Abhängig- The objective of professional interventions in the closer
keit von den Richtlinien der Geberländer und Entwicklungs- area of housing and urban development can hardly be
institutionen sowie einer nur verschämt thematisierten Kon- defined more succinctly than by Italo Calvino in the last
kurrenz untereinander um knappe Mittel. Gerade als unab- paragraph of his book The Invisible Cities. Here he makes
hängige und innovationsfähige Beratungsteams sind sie Marco Polo say to Kublai Khan:
jedoch unverzichtbar.
“Living hell is not something in the future. If it exists,
Das Ziel der fachlichen Arbeit im engeren Bereich des then it is the one that is already there, the hell we daily live
Wohnbaus und der Stadtentwicklung kann kaum besser in, the one we create by being together. There are two ways
definiert werden, als es Italo Calvino im letzten Absatz sei- of not suffering from it: accepting the hell und becoming so
nes Buches „Die unsichtbaren Städte“ getan hat. Er lässt much a part of it that it is no longer recognisable. The other
Marco Polo zu Kublai Khan sagen: is risky and requires constant care and attention: looking for
and knowing how to recognise who and what is not part of
„Die Hölle der Lebenden ist nicht etwas, was sein wird; the hell in the middle of hell and giving them stability and
gibt es eine, so ist es die, die schon da ist, die Hölle, in der space.”
wir tagtäglich wohnen, die wir durch unser Zusammensein
bilden. Zwei Arten gibt es, nicht darunter zu leiden: die Hölle
akzeptieren und so sehr Teil davon werden, dass man sie
nicht mehr erkennt. Die andere ist gewagt und erfordert All texts are available in a Spanish version under /
dauernde Vorsicht und Aufmerksamkeit: suchen und zu Encontrarán todos los textos en versión castellana en:
erkennen wissen, wer und was inmitten der Hölle nicht www.trialog-journal.de
Hölle ist, und ihm Bestand und Raum geben.“

4 Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
Stones in the Way
On Self-determination in Housing
in Times of Globalisation
EIKE JAKOB SCHÜTZ

Since shelter is a precondition for a worthy ing programs, are being drastically cut; job-
human life, the right to shelter is counted lessness, accompanied by rising criminality, is
among the Universal Human Rights. It is one mounting everywhere. Everything is increasing-
of the so-called “ESC-rights” (economic, social ly being left to the market, i.e. to open competi-
and cultural rights). These rights are self-evi- tion. Everybody has to compete, but - in accor-
dent, yet they are given little priority as soon dance to the laws of competition - only few win;
as particular interests compete with them. the rest loose. The ethical category “Justice” is
viewed as irrelevant, and with it the concomi-
The globalisation of the neo-liberal model tant Human Rights. For this reason alone this
of economics has asserted itself in a manner system is not sustainable in the long run.
which makes even its advocates admit that for
large parts of the population, globalisation has It is recognised that there is a general, all-
resulted in a reduction of opportunities and a encompassing resistance against all attempts
step backwards into poverty. Yet, instead of to convert citizens into nothing more than con-
doubting this form of economics, they propose sumers or clients. This resistance is more
relief measures for those suffering from the often unconscious than conscious. Conscious
system – measures to be paid, naturally, by are networks such as “ATTAC” or “HIC”.1 Less
the general public. conscious, in this respect, are the multitude of
local emancipation and self-organisation initia-
These circumstances have a decisive influ- tives found in many sectors of life, but especial-
ence on the access to shelter, be it in the narrow ly amongst the poorer populations. One such
sense of a dwelling or in the wider sense of area is that of shelter and human habitat. The
human habitat. Particularly in poorer countries, endless slums surrounding the cities of the so-
statistics reveal that there has been an enor- called Third World show that the poor create
mous loss in the purchasing power of the lower their shelter on their own, alone or as a com-
income groups. Social programs, including hous- munity - often illegally, but not illegitimately.

Steine im Weg – zur Selbstbestimmung im Wohnungsbau zu Zeiten der Globalisierung


Das Recht auf Obdach ist ein Menschenrecht, dem generell keine große Priorität eingeräumt wird. Inzwi-
schen ist allgemein bewusst, dass die Globalisierung der neoliberalen Wirtschaft große Teile der Bevölke-
rung in die Armut zwingt. Nach den Gesetzen des Wettbewerbs können nur wenige gewinnen, alle ande-
ren verlieren. Zunehmend werden alle Bereiche des Lebens dem Wettbewerb anheim gegeben, auch der
Bereich Obdach und Habitat. Aber selbst die billigsten Wohnungen, die der Markt bietet, sind für die Armen
unerschwinglich. Die endlosen, in individueller oder organisierter Selbsthilfe gebauten Armenviertel um die
Städte zeigen dies. Selbsthilfe meint hier die Organisation und Kontrolle des Siedlungsprozesses durch die 1
Siedler. Aus erfolgreichen, lokalen Erfahrungen wurde in Lateinamerika das Konzept der „Sozialen Produk- HIC - Habitat International
tion des Habitats“ entwickelt, das als Gegenmodell und Form des Widerstands gegen das neoliberalen Coalition - is a world-wide
federation of inhabitants’ asso-
Wirtschaften in der Stadtentwicklungspolitik verstanden wird. Die Regeln dieser Politik werden hier am Bei- ciations, urban grass-root
spiel Chile gezeigt, dessen Wohnungsbau-Markt durch immense Staatssubventionen erweitert wurde. Die organisations and NGOs,
Bauunternehmen machten großartige Gewinne. Die Lebensqualität der armen Familien hat sich jedoch which fight for the realisation
nicht verbessert, sondern teilweise sogar verschlechtert. Demgegenüber steht die soziale Produktion des of the Right to Shelter. At pre-
Habitats, die nicht profitorientiert ist und in der die Betroffenen die wesentlichen Entscheidungen treffen. sent HIC includes more than
Sie führt zu Siedlungen, die in sozialer, ökologischer und ökonomischer Hinsicht tragfähig sein können. 300 member organisations on
all continents.

Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
5
right
Two-storey cottage built from
but since the latter could not finance even the
waste material most inexpensive dwellings the State imple-
Sta. Fé, Argentina
mented a system of subsidies. Seeing a
below
Basic unit (one room) of a chance to raise their profits, the developers
"growing" home
Sta. Fé, Argentina incited the State to continuously increase the
subsidies (i.e. to spend more tax resources).
The developers then skimmed them by raising
prices.

This system of house-building for poor


2
Enrique Ortíz: “Notas sobre la families offered those affected no opportunity
Producción Social de Vivienda”, for participation, despite it being prescribed in
Mexico 1998 the official housing policy of the MINVU. The
3 result of such a housing policy (one without
Ministerio de Vivienda y Urba- This has always been so, but today this any participation) is disastrous, as Ana
nismo - MINVU: “Memoria 79 -
Política Nacional de Desarrol- concept can be interpreted as a counter-con- Sugranyes and Alfredo Rodriguez5 have doc-
lo Urbano (P. M. 79)”, Anexo R cept and further extended. Actually, such a umented convincingly:
4, Santiago de Chile 1979 concept has taken root in Latin America, origi-
4
nally under the name “Producción Social de - Houses, partly with only 35 m2 floor
The Spanish text under the Vivienda”2 (Social Production of Housing) but space…
title Política Nacional de now instead called “Producción Social del - On plots of partly less than 60 m2…
Desarrollo Urbano (P. M. 79) Hábitat” (Social Production of Habitat).
runs: - Lacking any options for extension or
“En Marzo del presente año improvement (one of the basics when
This change of name is not one of termi-
fue aprobado oficialmente por housing poor families)…
el Ejecutivo el documento doc- nology but of content. As already mentioned,
trinario de Política sobre the concept of “Habitat” includes the built envi- - Lacking communal activity space...
Desarrollo Urbano al nivel
ronment in a wider sense as well as the city - With large problems in regard to the
nacional, cuya inspiración
general está contenida en los as such. Globalisation affects particularly the social realm resulting from the tight living
siguientes principios básicos: urban areas. This does not refer to the (in my conditions…
- El suelo urbano no es un opinion) fruitless question of “What are global - Which instigated vandalism…
recurso escaso: su aparente cities?” Rather, it points much more to the
escasez es consecuencia de - With the extremely poor execution of con-
la falta de concordancia entre simple question of urban development: Whom
struction work resulting in high maintenance
las normas técnicas y jurídi- does it serve, who capitalises from it?
cas vigentes y las condiciones costs.
de oferta y demanda del mer-
cado. What city means in an era of global neo-
This system of providing housing space by
- El uso de suelo queda defini-
liberal economic politics cannot be better
developers covered the issuing of the corre-
do por su mayor rentabilidad: expressed but in a document of the Ministry of
sponding plots as well. Since the aim of an
(...) Housing and Urban Development (MINVU)3 of
enterprise is profit, the developers tend to opt
- La concentración espacial de Chile (the model country of all theorists of
la población genera ventajas for plots far away from the centre. This results
adjustment). It defines the basics of urban
comparativas para el desarrol- in major disadvantages, especially for low
lo de las actividades económi- development policy as follows (literal excerpts,
income groups (no access to odd jobs, poor
cas y sociales. own translation) :
urban services, high transport costs etc).
- El uso del suelo debe regirse
por disposiciones flexibles, - Urban land is not a scarce asset…
definidas por los requerimien- It has to be stated: The market delivered
tos del mercado. (...) - Land-use is determined by the rules of the required number of houses. The target
Conforme a estos principios, greater efficiency… group, however, was unable to pay for them.
la Política Nacional del Desar-
rollo Urbano define los sigu- - Demographic concentration creates com- Consequently, the public had to provide the
ientes lineamientos princi- parative advantages… funds (through taxes). Some have earned very
pales: well through this procedure, but the quality of
- Land-use has to be guided according to
a) Aplicar un sistema de plani- life of the poor families has not improved
ficación flexible con el mínimo
the requirements of the market…
through the housing programmes – in some
de intervención estatal, apoy- - Natural growth of urban areas in response
ado en normas técnicas y pro-
cedimientos de tipo genérico.
to the market should not be blocked.
b) Definir procedimientos y
Restrictions should be abolished.4
eliminar restricciones de modo
de permitir el crecimiento nat- This is frank. The consequence is clear:
ural de las áreas urbanas, Cities which are just, sustainable and eco-
siguiendo las tendencias del
mercado. (...) nomically efficient for all citizens (and not only
d) Fomentar y apoyar por for a few) cannot be created in this way.
parte del Estado la creación Chile’s housing policy after the military dicta-
de un mercado abierto de torship also pursued neo-liberal guidelines.
viviendas, dejando la respons-
abilidad de producción de Some big developers were put in a position to
ellas al sector privado. (...)“, implement extensive housing programs which
s. MINVU 1979 were also aimed at the lowest income strata,

6 Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
aspects it even decreased. This mode of pro-
duction of dwellings excludes the affected
people, the dwellers themselves, from bringing
in their own desires and ideas. They are
reduced to becoming passive clients and sub-
sidy recipients. The true winners in a “compet-
ing housing market” are a select few big con-
struction enterprises.

In contrast to this is the initially mentioned


concept of “Social Production of Housing”.
This concept is not a theoretically conceived
scheme. It is founded on a multitude of experi-
ence gained all over the world, especially in
Latin America.6 The postulates of the Social
Production of Housing are:

a) The measures are not dictated by profit On the one hand, the technical and organi- above
Basic unit enlarged by a

and b) Those concerned participate in the sational know-how needed to control and bathroom; further rooms under
construction
entire process. guide such a complex procedure can be Sta. Fé, Argentina

gained through training and consultation. On


Participation is a widely-embracing notion. the other hand, however, a keen awareness
It goes from simply informing the beneficiaries as well as a pronounced determination is also
to letting them decide on measures and mat- needed to overcome any possible difficulties.
ters. The different steps form a ladder of This attitude can only emerge from the core of
degree in participation, as is depicted in Fig. 1. an organisation itself.

Fig. 1: Ladder of Degree in Participation Wherever such processes succeed – and,


as mentioned previously, there are hundreds
Full decision-making
of documented cases in which they have – the
Par ticipation in decision-making results are settlements which are socially,
Consideration during decision-making ecologically and economically sustainable. But
Par taking in consultations even more important than the apparent
improvement in material life conditions are the
Registering suggestions
steps towards emancipation by hitherto
Execution of works excluded population groups.
Notifying
This, however, is an obstacle to neo-liberal 5
viz. Ana Sugranyes / Alfredo
What this means is that in a tangible case economic policies, the ideas of which lead to Rodriguez: “Nada es perfecto:
of Social Production of Human Habitat, the the destruction of local know-how, traditions los problemas de vivienda de
target group should end up taking full respon- and perspectives for the sake of a unified mar- los `con techo´”, in “Vivítos y
ket. Insofar, the Social Production of Habitat is Coleando”, Universidad
sibility and make decisions in respect to the Autónoma Metropolitana,
production of their abodes and living environ- a counter-model, if only in a small sector. Like- México 2002, p. 111 ff.
ment by themselves. This is completely differ- wise, it is solid, indisputable proof that the
6
ent from what has previously been understood confutation of the World Social Forum in Porto Its elements, preconditions
under the notion of “self-help”, namely to carry Alegre, “Um outro mundo é possível” (another and its history are dealt with
out the necessary (construction) work by one- world is possible), is not just some pleasing in the papers by Enrique Ortíz
rhetoric. Indeed, it is something put into prac- and Gustavo Romero in this
self. The essential aspect of the Social Pro- issue of TRIALOG.
duction of Human Habitat concept is the con- tice by people all over the world, especially
trol of the entire procedure by those con- the poor.
cerned. This process includes:
Basic unit plastered and with
- Preparation of the project, water tank
Sta. Fé, Argentina
- Selection of the beneficiaries, All photos: Eike Jakob Schütz

- Designating the plot, The German original of this


article and a Spanish summary
are available under
- Architectural Planning, www.trialog-journal.de

Translation: Jürgen Oestereich


- Procurement and management of funds, / Bryin Abraham

- Execution of building work (by builders or Eike Jakob Schütz


through self-help), Architect / expert for urban
development and housing /
co-ordinator of the "Urban
- Administration and maintenance of the Poverty" department of
Misereor until 08/2002 / free
settlement. consultant.

Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
7
Social Production of Habitat:
Reflections on its History,
Conceptions and Proposals

GUSTAVO ROMERO

As is well known, concern began to ble for their situation, accused of being “lazy,”
Die soziale Produktion des
Habitat: Gedanken zu ihrer
emerge starting in the 1950s around the “backward in their ways,” “irresponsible
Geschichte, ihren Konzepten explosive population growth occurring in large drunks,” or simply “not modern and civilized”
und Vorschlägen Latin American cities. This population growth like the dominant classes.
In den 50er Jahren begannen had originated out of economic policies
das explosive Wachstum der focused on import substitution, bringing with Contempt for popular settlement process-
Städte in Lateinamerika und them an accelerated rural-urban migration es goes hand in hand with proposals which,
damit das Wohnproblem der
unteren Einkommensgruppen.
process and important birth rate increase. by force or guised as “assistance,” sustain that
Die offiziellen Ansätze der the only legitimate solution to the housing
Beseitigung der Wohnungs- In several of our countries, once the inner- problem is one based on the ideas of the
not (teilweise mit internatio- city rental districts became saturated - hous- dominant classes as to what housing and
naler Finanzierung) scheiter-
ing form which provided the initial response to habitat should be.
ten, auch in den sozialisti-
schen Ländern. Das Schei- the poor population’s new demands - unregu-
tern führte in den 60er und lated division into multiple parcels and settle- Faced with the scale of the problem and
70er Jahren zu neuen Vor- ment of urban land spread rapidly. In the given the ineffectiveness of the above-
schlägen. Sehr einflussreich 1960s, the phenomena was generalized and described policies to overcome it, between the
waren die von John Turner,
der vor allem den sozialen
the landscape of “irregular settlements” domi- late 1960s and early 1970s a series of initia-
Akteuren mehr Spielraum für nated in various Latin American cities. The tives emerged in the search for solutions or
die Autoproduktion der Woh- ranchos of Caracas, the favelas of Rio de strategies, which, while they might not resolve
nung (nicht Autokonstrukti- Janeiro, and in general the shacks and the problem, aimed to at least soften its
on) zumaß. Dieser Ansatz shanties seen in Mexico City and other impor- effects. One example is illustrated in the land
war ein großer Fortschritt,
von Turner jedoch zu indivi- tant cities in the region, alarmed the dominant invasion policies directed in Peru by the state
dualistisch konzipiert. Gleich- sectors, middle classes, and general public itself, and in Chile by some political parties
zeitig bildeten sich die ersten opinion. although with state consent.
NRO in diesem Bereich, und
progressive Sektoren der
katholischen Kirche nahmen
The first responses to the situation were Later came the attempts by some profes-
sich der Problematik an. Die targeted to promote housing production and sionals to propose solutions derived from
Wohnungsnot wurde stärker construction based on modern architectural observation of certain formal and technical
in einen politischen Zusam- ideas and the Athens Charter. In other words: aspects of the processes. Most noteworthy
menhang gestellt. Bereits construction of expansive high-rise apartment among these solutions are the “sites and ser-
hier stehen die fundamenta-
len Aspekte der „Sozialen blocks built on a massive scale, incorporating vices” and “progressive housing” strategies
Produktion des Habitat“, Par- new building technologies and housing con- promoted by the World Bank, which the
tizipation und Organisation, cepts based on the nuclear family and mini- region’s governments reluctantly accepted
im Vordergrund. In Mexiko mum spaces but with all modern-day required along with the dollars lent to them, so neces-
wurden grundlegende Bei-
spiele von Wohnbauinitiativen
services. Parallel to, or in lieu of, this strategy, sary for their economies.1
armer Familien realisiert, die the bulldozer policy was used to eliminate the
sowohl die staatlichen Wohn- huts, shanties, shacks, and other types of Unfortunately, these solutions, far from
baupolitiken beeinflussten housing which, always with derogatory terms, understanding the complexity and the logics in
als auch den Grundstein für allude to the housing of the poor. which irregular or uncontrolled settlement took
das Entstehen des „MUP“
(Movimiento Urbano Popu- place - uncontrolled, that is, by existing laws
lar) legten. These two types of responses no doubt which attempted to create an orderly world
Ein wichtiger Schritt war die reflect the incomprehension of the phenome- through rules and prohibitions, maintaining
UN Habitat I–Konferenz na and social rejection of the world of “the social divisions and inequities - ended up mar-
1976 in Vancouver mit dem
ersten NRO-Forum auf einer
poor,” who are blamed for the existence of this ginalizing the poor even more, closing and
internationalen Konferenz. type of settlement and for making our cities limiting the paths toward other options which
ugly. At the same time they are held responsi- were already emerging.

8 Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
Many authors attempted to delve further in The socialist left, in contrast, focused on Die dort verabschiedete
the understanding of the phenomena, and some attending to the workers and the most needy Charta enthielt die Grund-
proposed different solutions. Most of them through state policies, but with centralized sätze einer tragfähigen Sied-
conceived it as a problem of the capitalist structures based on the specialized, and not lungspolitik. Sie wurden in
Regierungsprogramme auf-
market societies, their intrinsic injustice, and infrequently idealized, knowledge of the pro-
genommen, jedoch nur sehr
the role they assigned to laborers’ families in fessionals and on that established by the polit- selten realisiert. Im Jahr
relation to habitat and housing. They therefore ical vanguard as the common good. In most 1987, dem „Internationalen
concluded that changing the social system cases, proposals were promoted which may Jahr der Obdachlosen“, fand
would be the basis for resolving the problem. be qualified as technocratic, full of good inten- in Berlin das internationale
Habitat-Forum statt, in des-
tions. It is important to recall that the defend- sen Rahmen sich zahlreiche
Nevertheless, the erred experiences and ers of this current spurned self-production, Gruppen aus aller Welt zu
the limits and failures of housing policies of seen as one more form of exploitation of the einem Erfahrungsaustausch
the socialist countries, which with similar working class, and therefore they have found trafen. Das nach Vancouver
urban-architectural concepts repeated and it difficult to comprehend the complexity and von NROs gegründete „Habi-
tat International Council“
amplified the same type of solutions - for the potentials of self-produced processes. wurde um zahlreiche Mitglie-
example, large high-density high-rise apart- der aus der sogenannten
ment buildings - soon showed that the issue In the institutional field, among the multiple Dritten Welt erweitert und in
was not so simple. proposals put forward and pursued in the „Habitat International Coaliti-
on“ umgewandelt. Damit wur-
“third world,” we see a variety of options devel- de ein weltweites Netzwerk
Among alternative proposals which oped by national governments, the World Bank, der von der Not Betroffenen
emerged, one which stands out is that of John and the United Nations Center for Human Set- und ihrer Berater geschaf-
Turner, who emphasized the values and tlements (UNCHS or Habitat Center), which fen. Im Zusammenhang mit
importance of self-produced - in lieu of self- attempt to find options toward solutions to the den Vorbereitungen auf die
2. UN-Habitat-Konferenz in
built - urbanization and housing processes growing problem of irregular settlements - Istanbul (1996) hat die lat-
developed by poor inhabitants. While with a which in fact multiplied in the second half of einamerikanische Sektion
certain dose of idealization and individualism, the past century despite the many programs von HIC die Initiative ergrif-
which generated some criticism, Turner pro- and policies applied. fen, das Konzept der „Sozia-
len Produktion des Habitat“
posed creating an open and decentralized zu entwickeln und damit die
system which would allow the population to In reality, behind the good intentions of Mühen der armen Siedler zu
select among diverse options in the distinct some actors and the declarations of govern- unterstützen. Der Begriff
self-production process phases. I believe that ments was general distrust of the poor majori- wird zwar allgemein in der
the root of this author’s proposal deserves to ty population, and, worse yet, the miserable Region benutzt, eine exakte
Definition steht jedoch noch
be rescued: the creation and development of a amount of resources designated in national aus. Es gibt unterschiedliche
society with greater capacity of action for the budgets to the low-income groups. Meinungen, z.B. was die
social agents, less dependent on the state, Akteure anlangt. Auch gibt
but at the same time fair and equitable. es gewisse Widersprüche im
Konzept. Eine tiefergehende
Analyse und daraus eine
akzeptierte Begriffsbestim-
Fig.1: mung sind zu unternehmen.
General view of a COPEVI project from the 1970s,
adapting the cloister-like design of the vecindades of Es bleibt aber: Nach fünfzig
Mexico-City. The project, which is housing 100 people Jahren Erfahrung kann fest-
in 18 units, received credits from FONHAPO and was
realized on a 400 m2 plot in the Morelos neighborhood. gestellt werden, dass die
Mehrzahl der im Sinne der
„Sozialen Produktion“ errich-
teten Siedlungen heute bes-
sere Wohn- und Wohnum-
feldbedingungen aufweisen
als die im Rahmen der staatli-
chen Wohnbaupolitiken errich-
teten.

1
Mesías, Rosendo and Romero,
Gustavo. 2000. La Participación
en el planeamiento y diseño
del hábitat popular, Program
of Ciencia y Tecnología para
el Desarrollo en Iberoamérica
1 Staircases to the 2 nd floor (CYTED), Fomento Solidario
2 Bathroom: Shower, toilet and wash-basin
de la Vivienda (FOSOVI),
3 Kitchen space
Habitat International Coalition
4 Living space
5 Dining space
(HIC), Department of Architec-
6 Dormitory space ture of the Universidad
7 Service yard for laundry and clothes-airer Nacional Autónoma de México
(UNAM), Mexico.

Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
9
Fig. 2:
Interiors of the early COPEVI
to improve its life, considering, among other
housing project in Morelos,
Mexico DF, allowing for an
aspects, those related to habitat and housing.
extension of living-space on the
second floor.
The strategy is based on two key aspects:
participation and organization. It begins from
the basic precept that the fundamental prob-
lem rests in the economic and political weak-
ness of the individual actors (in this case, the
poor settlers), respecting the social and cultur-
al forms which make up their world.

The intention, therefore, is to transform


housing and habitat conditions, which can not
be separated from the struggle to improve the
popular sectors’ economic, social, and political
capacities. Organization, training, participation
in decisions, etc., are required at different lev-
els and in function of immediate as well as
medium and long term interests.

Of course it is not naively assumed that


simply this process and the struggle to trans-
form housing and habitat conditions would on
their own produce general transformation of
society toward a more just and equitable
world. Among many other required factors,
linkages must be developed among the multi-
ple forms of social and economic struggle
developing in diverse fields and sectors,
2
Cfr. Romero, Gustavo. 1995. among which stand out those led by housing
La alternativa y opciones de la and habitat groups and movements in various
Autoconstrucción en América countries of our continent (Argentina, Brazil,
Latina, in Varios, Reflexiones
sobre la autoconstrucción del
Ecuador, Peru, and Uruguay, among others).
hábitat popular en América
Latina, CYTED, San Salvador. The search for alternatives The case of Mexico
A definition may be found here
of what we understand within
the term “popular sectors.” Parallel to the processes described, in the No legislative or legal frameworks existed
decades of the 1960s and 1970s, different in Mexico in the 1970s to support poor inhabi-
3
actors emerged in Latin America who would tants’ efforts to secure access to housing
Pioneers in the development
of experiences as well as the- link more directly and organically with the pop- which could better satisfy their needs. The
oretical reflection on the ular sectors2 in function of settlement and NGOs then promoted a series of cases using
theme in Latin America housing. The so-called nongovernmental orga-
include the following organiza-
cooperative organization, which, while in Mexi-
tions: Centro Cooperativo nizations (NGOs)3 and various sectors of pro- co was not defined in the case of housing,
Uruguayo (CCU), Fundación gressive elements of the Catholic Church, could be used albeit with limitations and mis-
Salvadoreña de Desarrollo y especially the Jesuits, began to form impor- understandings. The first of these was a build-
Vivienda Mínima (FUN-
DASAL), Centro Experimental tant networks around these issues at the ing identified for cooperative ownership in the
de la Vivienda Económica regional as well as global scales - such as the neighborhood of Tepito in the poorest part of
(CEVE) in Argentina, the origi- Latin American and Asian Popular Housing Mexico City’s historic downtown. In that case,
nal Centro Operacional de
Vivienda y Poblamiento
Service (Servicio Latinoamericano y Asiático for the first time an organized group requested
(COPEVI) in Mexico, and de Vivienda Popular - SELAVIP). Diverse pro- a loan to purchase the homes they rented and
DESCO in Peru, among others. fessionals, either individually or linked to uni- pursue a project for new housing, winning
4 versities, also began to search for answers modification of the finance program’s rigid
Settlement and Housing Oper- working from the problematic itself. design norms to more adequately correspond
ational Center (COPEVI),
institution from which other
to the inhabitants’ cultural characteristics.
NGOs detached. Responsibili- Various initiatives and proposals devel-
ty for technical advisory later oped calling for improvement of the majority Another very important case, in which vari-
continued under FOSOVI. A.C. population’s housing and habitat problems to ous strategy elements were forged which
5 be undertaken in a more integral way and would later transform into national housing
Also initially with COPEVI and through a more complex vision of the prob- policies, is the “Palo Alto” cooperative. A group
later with the Housing and lems and the ways to resolve them. These ini- of sand mine workers in what was the outskirts
Urban Studies Center (Centro
de la Vivienda y Estudios tiatives and proposals did not refer merely to of the city in the 1970s, and who had settled
Urbanos - CENVI A.C.), anoth- finance, norms, or architectural-construction with their families on lands around the mine,
er NGO integrant of Habitat solutions to housing and infrastructure, but saw their situation threatened when mine pro-
Mexico Coalition in Mexico
City. saw the problems rather as an opportunity for duction ended and the owner intended to
the population itself to decide and control how remove the families and sell the land. With

10 Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
advisory from a few social promoters and an effective actions or resources to support 6
By participative design we
NGO - the original Centro Operacional de groups struggling for housing and habitat. understand not only asking
Vivienda y Poblamiento (COPEVI)4 - a pro- inhabitants what they want,
posal was developed incorporating forms of In part due to the occasion opened by this but changing the role of the
Architect and understanding
savings, alternative finance, progressive hous- meeting, the Mexican government that same that ideas and decisions
ing, and organizational and self-construction year decreed its Human Settlements Law, should be built among all
techniques. A hard struggle was necessary to which proposed interesting changes. The Law, actors, especially future users.
The influences of John Turner,
achieve legal ownership, which then allowed however, ran up against enormous resistance with whom the NGOs worked
the residents to seek loan support. Even a by the conservative sectors - for whom it was during his stay in Mexico in
self-invasion was organized which provided a socialist law - and manipulated public opin- the early 1970s, are impor tant
leverage in order to negotiate under better ion. What could have been important social here, as well as those of the
already mentioned Habraken
conditions. reforms toward greater access to urban land through one of his students
for the low-income population, and in general and followers, and of the Self-
Palo Alto had four housing construction greater public control over urban issues, were Government School of Archi-
tecture of the National
stages between 1975 and 1985, the last of thus detained. Autonomous University of
which focused on the cooperative members’ Mexico (Universidad Nacional
children and their new families with progres- One year later, the Ministry of Human Set- Autónoma de México - UNAM).
Influences are also taken from
sive growth apartment solutions. The many tlements and Public Works was created in Nor th American architects
crises suffered by the cooperative fostered Mexico. Some members of the habitat NGOs, Hanno Weber and Michael
development of a series of proposals which it respected as professionals with important Pyatok, authors of - in our
opinion - one of the most
opened up to the multiple cooperative and civil experience and an open and plural vision of intelligent and complete par-
association groups generated in the 1980s. the issue, were invited to collaborate in the ticipative design methodolo-
Ministry’s housing area. gies and experiences, and the
Mexican habitat NGOs, espe-
In the 1970s, organized groups seeking
cially FOSOVI, who have con-
housing began to form, which would be the In 1979, the first National Housing Program tinued to develop these paths.
forerunners of the urban movements which was approved. Following are some of the most For more on these proposals,
would become so important in the housing noteworthy strategies lobbied for by the NGOs see Romero G., Mesias R., et
al: La participación en el
and popular housing settlement struggles and to support the poor population’s housing efforts: planeamiento y el diseño en la
achievements of the 1980s. With one of those producción social del habitat.
groups, focused on rental housing problems in - accept that housing is a process and Science and Technology for
Development Program (Pro-
downtown Mexico City, the “Guerrero” cooper- should be recognized as such in laws and grama de ciencia y tecnología
ative was formed in 1975-76. With NGO assis- regulations in order to assure respect for para el desarrollo - CYTED).
tance,5 a loan was solicited from the National the different ways of pursuing said process; XIV B. Soon to be published.
Workers’ Housing Fund Institute (Instituto del
Fondo Nacional de Vivienda de los Trabajado- - legally recognize organized inhabitants,
res - INFONAVIT). For the first time in Mexico, integrated in the form of cooperatives or as
a high-rise progressive housing solution used housing associations, in order for them to
the construction support method of Dutch be eligible for loans and finance;
Architect Habraken, adapted to Mexico. The Fig. 3:
Site plan of the Cooperativa
first participative design exercises in Mexico - create a financial institution which support- Guerrero Housing Project,
Mexico DF: four- and six-storey
also occurred with this experience.6 ed the low-income inhabitants, in accor- buildings housing 350 people on
a 1,450 m2 plot. One of the first
dance with their characteristics and modali- participative housing design
Unfortunately the finance institution never ties, and especially non-wage earners; exercices realized by COPEVI
A.C. in the Mid-1970s
again supported this type of experience, but Fig. 1-3 taken from Alternativas
such experiences were continued in any case - propose a housing law to foment the dif- de vivienda en barrios populares.
Universidad Autónoma Metropo-
in the 1980s. ferent production forms and the participa- litana Xochimilco (UAM-X) /
Secretaría del Desarrollo Urbano
tion of diverse social agents. y Ecología (SEDUE). 1988

Habitat I

The first world conference on human set-


tlements, Habitat I, held in Vancouver in 1976
organized by the United Nations, fostered the
encounter of numerous groups and persons
struggling for a better world from the habitat
and housing field. Groups from the north and
the south of the planet established links and
exchanged experiences. The collective reflec-
tion, discussions, and proposals gathered
there were synthesized in a Charter on human
settlements subscribed to by the majority of
A Parking space
participants.
B Community space
C Yard
Nevertheless, many of the proposals were D Children’s playground
used afterward only as elements of govern-
ment discourse and were never reflected in
Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
11
7 All of these goals were achieved, although laws. In a world where everything must be
Phrase of Raúl Fernández
Wagner, Argentinean with different degrees of success. Especially paid for, solidarity, mutual aid, and other social
researcher, in the conference noteworthy is the creation of the National Pop- forms of production not based on the law of
dictated during Housing Week ular Housing Fund (Fondo Nacional de las earnings, have no place. At the same time it is
at the Department of Architec-
ture, UNAM, Mexico, July 2001.
Habitaciones Populares - FONHAPO), an important to recognize that many social poli-
institution with enough flexibility in its rules cies and postures, even progressive ones,
and operating criteria for organized inhabi- have been exposed and placed in crisis, for
tants to obtain loans. In the ten-year period of the facts of being plagued with inefficiency,
1982-1992, FONHAPO allocated approximately irresponsibility, determinism, willfulness, inca-
20,000 loans, benefiting 150,000 people. pacity, and demagogy. If we do not transform
and fight against these as well, our proposals
Setbacks and new paths opened in for profound transformation will have little pos-
the struggle sibility of success.

Most unfortunately, all these advances But by this moment we can also refer to an
have been in large part disassembled and already long historic experience uniting multi-
destroyed by the new economic policies, ple actors: social groups and organizations,
referred to as neo-liberal, applied beginning in nongovernmental organizations, committed
the mid-1980s in the housing field as in others research centers and university groups, pro-
in Latin America and Mexico (especially as of fessionals and technicians looking to give
1992). This is the era of what some sense to their practice, a few governmental
researchers characterize as “the deconstruc- experiences seeking authentic solutions for
tion of the popular housing support system”.7 the common good, and some functionaries
and members of international civil society
It is necessary to analyze and evaluate bodies, the United Nations, and even the
what this setback of the progressive forces World Bank.
has meant and means, especially in the light
of the extraordinary development of capitalism The UN declared International Year of the
in its financial and global phase which para- Homeless in 1987 created the occasion to
doxically submerges modern societies in the bring together 57 NGOs from 40 countries in
illusion of material wealth and technological Limuru, Kenya. The Limuru Declaration and
progress - even if only for a few - while placing the mutual understanding which came out of
human civilization at risk, confronting it with that gathering led to the proposal to transform
social, economic, and ecological collapse. Habitat International Council, which had been
established in conjunction with the Vancouver
In the field we have been analyzing, hous- Habitat I Conference. The Council itself, and
ing and habitat are merchandise to be pro- as one of the most salient activities of that
duced and distributed according to market year, organized the Habitat Forum held in
Berlin. Part of the Forum included the exhibit
Fig. 4: of social production of habitat experiences
Palo Alto neighborhood, Mexico
DF, built in self-help in the 70s; undertaken in Latin American, African, and
in 2000, approaching "globaliza-
tion" threatens the site Asian countries. The occasion also served to
photo: Eike Jakob Schütz
invite the NGOs involved in those experiences
and other groups and individuals working over
many years in the search for alternatives, to
form part, together with the old Council mem-
bers, of Habitat International Coalition (HIC).8

An important transformation began at that


point, and it was decided that both the head-
quarters and the General Secretary of the
new HIC should be chosen from the southern
hemisphere.9 It was the first network with
more than three hundred members encom-
passing nongovernmental and civil organiza-
tions and research and academic centers,
with a clear definition of objectives and strate-
gies in the struggle for the right to housing
and related aspects derived from that struggle.

Along that same path, the Rio de Janeiro


conference on sustainable development in
1992 made possible the gathering of Latin
American inhabitants organizations (united in
the Continental Front of Communal Organiza-

12 Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
Fig. 5:
The El Chapulín cooperative
housing project from the 1980s
in Naucalpan, Mexico City,
includes innovative sewage
technologies and flexible hou-
sing types adapted to the steep
ground, which were developed
in a participative design process
with the users.
photo: Klaus Teschner

tions - Frente Continental de Organizaciones evolutionary development process of habitat, 8


Limuru Declaration, Interna-
Comunales - FCOC), environmentalist net- spontaneous or planned, to achieve satisfac- tional NGO Seminar, April
works, and members of the Science and Tech- tion of the tangible and intangible needs of the 1987, Limuru, Kenya.
nology for Development in Ibero-America pro- traditionally excluded social sectors”.11
9
gram (Ciencia y Tecnología para el Desarrollo In this case, the site was
en Iberoamérica - CYTED) among others. In more detail, for Enrique Ortiz it is “a established in Mexico City and
That occasion no doubt provided great stimu- social production system acting on a not-for- the designated Secretary
General was Enrique Ortiz,
lus to the process of analysis, reflection, and profit basis, through the initiative and under professional with very signifi-
work programs aiming to impact at the inter- the control of a social entity which may be a cant background in the field.
national level in the application of the right to community based organization (cooperative,
10
housing and the city, as well as to lobby for association, mutual-aid group, union, etc.), or For more information on this
policies which would allow the greatest num- a professional nongovernmental organization process of reflection and theory
ber of social groups to participate with their (some the types of NGOs, technical assis- production, refer to the follow-
ing documents among others:
own decisions and achieve access to the sup- tance groups, popular housing institutes, pro- Habitat II, Declarations, Com-
port they needed to improve their quality of life. housing civil associations, etc.) which produce mitments and Strategies for
housing units and complexes for organized Action, Víctor Delgadillo, Editor,
Habitat International Coalition
In 1993, at the invitation of the then Direc- seekers of housing, who generally participate and Habitat Coalition Mexico,
tor of the UN Habitat Center to a meeting to actively in the housing process from its initial Mexico, 1998; and Ten Pro-
promote the Cities Summit (Habitat II, Istanbul phases”.12 posals toward Habitat II, Dec-
laration of the Housing and
1996), the decision was made to reinforce the Building Network (Red Vivien-
Coalition’s work in the promotion of the imple- Here we have a first problem. Many under- do y Construyendo) Sub-Pro-
mentation of the right to housing and to con- stand social production as that in which the gram XIV-HABYTED- of
CYTED, 1994. (Editor’s Note).
solidate all the necessary measures. Discus- inhabitants participate, in either individual or
sion on the issue was opened in various organized form. Others include the population 11
forums, and the initiative emerged from the which is organized for said purposes or that In: Enet, Mariana; Mesías,
Rosendo; Romero, Gustavo et.
Latin American HIC network to promote social which is organized under the wing of govern- al. 2001. La participación en el
production of habitat and housing (SPHH) as mental institutions. And others refer to it as planeamiento y diseño en la
a key concept and strategy to focus and reap self-production and/or self-construction or producción social del hábitat,
Red Viviendo y Construyendo,
the greatest potential from the efforts under- informal production, etc.. It is also important to
Sub-Program XIV-HABYTED-
taken by the inhabitants.10 note that some refer only to housing, while of CYTED Unpublished docu-
others consider the broad habitat sphere in ment.
Social Production of Habitat and general.
12
Housing (SPHH): the debate Or tiz, Enrique. 1998. Notes on
This demonstrates that in social production social production of habitat.
Basic elements for its concep-
The term social production of habitat and of housing and habitat processes, many actors
tualization and promotion,
housing had been in use since the 1970s and intervene with different roles, diverse concep- Casa y Ciudad, Mexico.
was gradually being adopted by various tions of how to do things, and distinct goals
actors, although the lack of consensus on a and objectives. Classifying as social production
precise definition led to various differing inter- of housing and habitat both that produced
pretations. In some texts it is defined as “the spontaneously and that produced through
Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
13
Fig. 6:
Social production of habitat
leads to very different solutions:
Neighborhood built by a coope-
rative in Tlalpan, Mexico DF
photo: Eike Jakob Schütz

13 planned, participative, and strategic processes13, Nevertheless, these inhabitants also face
Enet, Mariana; Mesías,
Rosendo; Romero, G. 2001. with the inhabitants themselves as significant many problems. First of all, they must over-
Op. cit. actors, is useful from the point of view of com- come existing norms and deal with the incom-
prehension of the phenomena. Nevertheless, prehension of many technicians, researchers,
for the purposes of a proposal to build a trans- and functionaries who look upon them with
forming policy which integrates the efforts of political sympathy but do not understand the
the population with participative organization, processes and their potentials. In second
financial supports, and fulfillment of adequate place, they must resolve the poor conditions
norms, contradictions emerge requiring further of the sites and lands on which they are locat-
analysis. It is not the purpose of this text to ed: often on the outskirts of the city, poorly
delve into said contradictions, but only to communicated and serviced, on difficult lands
expose these questions so they may be dis- with steep slopes, prone to flooding, etc.
cussed and SPHH more solidly defined.
Despite all these limitations and difficulties,
It is important to recall that the idea of these inhabitants build neighborhoods which
social production of habitat emerges from the over time are gradually consolidated. We can
evidence of the enormous effort undertaken affirm that after fifty years, many of them are
by an important part of the population - those in better state than most of the housing com-
who we define in Latin America as the popular plexes built through public policies and with
sectors - to obtain their own home. The popu- technical supervision.
lar settlements have allowed many inhabitants
to acquire a plot on which to build a home The purpose of SPHH is to achieve a pro-
over time and gradually achieve introduction duction system which allows diverse sectors
of infrastructure and facilities. Such places of society to obtain habitat and housing
have also generated a supply of rental hous- responsive to their multiple conditions and
ing, mainly rooms in homes or vecindades demands through processes in which they
(generally buildings formerly convents or other participate and make decisions, and doing so
communal habitation institutions converted in a way which adapts to their present and
into multi-family dwellings), in which small future realities, possibilities, and potentials.
stores, workshops, and factories are often Which allows them to relate their particular
developed alongside housing. demands with those of the block, neighbor-
hood, and city-wide communities in which they
The process has a series of positive live; linking with the social, economic-political,
results which must be emphasized, given that normative, cultural, architectural, urban-space,
its virtues tend to be denied: housing with and ecological sustainability questions which
ample spaces and flexibility to respond to mul- make up and determine habitat, understood
tiple demands (shops, rental rooms, additional as a product-production in a dialectic process.
homes), streets with variable uses allowing We would thus have a complex response to
formation of neighborhoods, and scales foster- the multi-varied phenomena of inhabiting and
ing social interaction. of habitat.

14 Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
A first question posed to us is whether We propose a SPHH which is planned,
only organized population groups may lead participative, and strategic, with the following
this type of experience. Here we have two lev- central characteristics:
els: that of housing, and that of habitat. It is
obvious that the two must be related and - active actors inclined to link with others;
linked and this is one of the objectives to be flexible planning;
pursued, but we must also accept they may
be carried out independently, and in any case - diagnosis developed based on agreed
we may work from one to link it with the other. community needs;

A second question, at both the housing and - decisions made in a participative way
habitat levels, is the dominant trend toward jointly by the whole of actors;
isolated processes of families or communities
(the street, neighborhood, etc.). Here we must - collective construction and action plans, and
accept that this is the case and support them,
attempting to help them advance toward more - projects which express the possible,
complex organizational and participative forms. based on consensus and conflict-resolution.

This means in the case of housing, that for These characteristics and the objectives
those families attempting an individual self- should be envisioned over time, not as
production process, the system should make it mandatory preconditions but rather as the sit-
possible for them to do so, given the reality uation we aspire to reach. It is clear that
that they are the majority and it will be difficult SPHH ideas and forms are in permanent con-
in the early stages to get them to work only struction, and the experiences and paths
through organized processes. forming it over time must be evaluated. Even
more important is to undertake theoretical dis-
Toward a definition of “Social cussion among the different interested actors,
Production of Habitat and Housing” which would allow us to clarify our intention,
identify diversities and possibilities, and gradu-
In synthesis, we will define SPHH as the ally perfect the most useful strategies for its
system which allows individuals, families, development and evolution.
communities, and different social organiza-
tions, to produce housing and habitat in such This essay intends to simply contribute a
a way as to control the fundamental decisions, series of ideas on the processes, reflections,
either individually or jointly, through processes and discussions of some of us actors who
which tend to evolve toward more complex have been involved in these themes. I hope
and effective forms. This implies the need for this opportunity opens new possibilities for
the existence of policies, strategies, instru- more fruitful dialogue both among the NGOs
ments, legislation, norms, finance, advisory, and social organizations as well as with other
and space for all of the paths, possibilities, involved actors, especially the international
and options which facilitate it. institutions and governments.

Fig. 7:
San Miguel Teotongo neighbor-
hood, Iztapalapa, Mexico DF,
built in self-help after an
organized invasion in 1972.
One of the pilot areas for the
housing improvement project of
NGOs, urban movements and
the government of Mexico, DF.
photo: Klaus Teschner

The Spanish original of this text


was first published in „Vivitos y
coleando: 40 años trabajando
por él hábitat popular en
América Latina." (UAM / HIC-AL,
Mexico DF, Nov. 2002) and is
available under
www.trialog-journal.de

Translation: Jodi Grahl

Gustavo Romero Fernández


Architect, member of Fomento
Solidario de la Vivienda, A.C. -
FOSOVI, Mexico City, NGO
which forms part of Coalición
Hábitat México; professor at
the Department of Architecture
at UNAM National
Autonomous University.
Contact:
<fosovi@laneta.apc.org>

Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
15
Toward Decentralized
Housing Improvement Policies
in Peru

CARLOS ESCALANTE

1 The most important habitat production situation, which the experts do not argue, is
A variant of this occupation
modality through “irregular modality in Peru in quantitative terms is the nevertheless not always translated into public
land acquirement” is under tak- invasion of usually public lands in which self- policy and even less in assignation of budget
en through the small farmer construction clearly predominates as the funds.
(campesino) communities. The
procedure used is that of
means through which to acquire a home. The
appropriation in use and finance source for the most part is family sav- Primary impacts
usufruct of a plot of the com- ings; access to services comes later and is
munity’s land for a determined
time through assimilation of
usually obtained through neighborhood orga- Observing the results of these processes,
the condition of communal nization. The lowest-income social sectors are especially those involving land invasions and
member. those which recur to this housing strategy. The housing self-construction outside of regulations
2
second type of habitat production begins and with the complicity or at least indifference
Plan Nacional de Vivienda - through irregular purchase of unurbanized of the authorities, it may be argued that the
Vivienda para todos: Linea- lands.1 For this purpose, the families - with processes are excessively long, generating a
mientos de Política 2003 -
2006 approved by supreme
greater economic capacity - organize them- series of hardships in the families which regis-
decree Nº 006-2003-Vivienda selves in cooperatives or housing associa- ter high infant illness and death rates, domes-
on 10/03/03. tions. A third social production of habitat tic violence, etc. And the housing and neigh-
3
modality is constituted by processes of cre- borhoods produced are generally of low quali-
These figures correspond to ation of new housing units through expansion ty. Housing construction deficiencies including
the 1993 National Population of originally built areas and/or subdivision of use of precarious materials in walls, floors,
and Housing Census.
preexisting plots and homes. and roofs are characteristics corresponding to
14.2% of all homes according to the 1993
During the inter-census period of 1981- census. Overcrowding affected 17.8% of Peru-
1993, 121,249 homes were built in Peru per vian homes, and deficient basic services
year, and according to official diagnosis2 most affected more than half the homes (53.9% in
of these were built by the “social sector.” This potable water supply and 61.1% in drainage).3

Für dezentrale Fördersysteme zur Wohnraumverbesserung in Peru.


Es ist unbestritten, dass die untersten Einkommensgruppen in Peru die Hauptlast der Wohnraumproduk-
tion tragen. Über geduldete Landbesetzungen und sukzessiven Selbstbau, der sich flexibel der Finanz-
lage der Familien anpasst, schaffen sie beachtliche Werte. Andererseits erleiden sie räumliche Enge, eine
oft mangelhafte Bausubstanz und langjährige Defizite in der Versorgung mit Infrastruktur. Die staatliche
Wohnbaupolitik fördert jedoch - ganz im Interesse der Bauindustrie - bevorzugt den Neubau und nicht die
qualitative Verbesserung oder Aufstockung dieser bestehenden Substanz. So wurden im letzten Jahrzehnt
in und um Lima selbst steile Hanglagen, abgelegene Wüstenflächen oder ursprünglich für Sozialeinrich-
tungen und Parks reservierte Gelände neu besiedelt. Die "spontane" soziale Produktion gerade auch auf
solchen Flächen wird über exzessive Landtitelvergabe und Kleinkreditprogramme gefördert,
beides zentralstaatlich gesteuert, ohne Rücksicht auf Gemeindebelange und oft von parteipolitischen
Interessen geleitet.
Angesichts dieser Defizite könnten Spar- und Kreditkooperativen zur Wohnbauverbesserung, wie die
Kooperative "Señor de la Esperanza", einer staatlichen Wohnungspolitik als Modell dienen. Die NGO
CENCA entwickelte in diesem Sinne mit Unterstützung durch Misereor / KZE den Vorschlag eines de-
zentralen Fördersystems zur Wohnraum- und Siedlungsverbesserung mit technischer Beratung, lokaler
Kontrolle der öffentlichen Fördermittel auf Ebene der Gemeinden sowie einer aktiven Rolle der Bewohner-
organisationen bei der Planung der Maßnahmen. Dies wird unterstützt von einem breiten zivilgesellschaft-
lichen Bündnis, dem es bereits gelang, das Recht auf menschenwürdiges Wohnen in der neuen peruani-
schen Verfassung zu verankern.

16 Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
Land invaded in 1995, the area
was once designated for com-
munal facilities,
Villa El Salvador, Lima
photo: Klaus Teschner

Another cause of suffering for the population ated between them over borders, prejudices, 4
is the poor location of their homes in danger- etc. In any case, these last settlements are Two examples of these critical
ous areas threatened by landslides, floods, or characteristically small and occupied by hous- situations are the neighborhood
of Belén in Iquitos in the Peru-
contamination from garbage dumps, industrial ing built with improvised materials, without vian Amazon, which is flooded
wastes, etc., extremely critical situations caus- basic services or passable roads. They are annually and registers alarming
ing increasing risk with each passing day.4 inhabited by families in extreme poverty, often health statistics, overcrowding,
and precarious housing condi-
headed by women or young couples who work tions; and the equally precari-
However, it must also be mentioned that as street peddlers. ous Oroya Antigua neighbor-
this social process has created wealth5 and hood, affected by toxic emis-
sions from a neighboring met-
has brought value to completely marginalized According to various sources, between
allurgic plant and threatened
lands with initially no commercial value, and in 1993 and 1996 no fewer than 700 new infor- by landslides from the hill on
which the market forces are unable or show mal settlements6 emerged in Lima, and which it is located.
no interest in investing. The immense demand according to COFOPRI7 figures, 200 land
5
generated for construction materials and relat- invasions took place in the capital over the According to Hernando de
ed services has contributed enormously to the past five years. As the result of said process Soto, the value of extra-legally
possessed rural and urban
construction sector’s economic dynamic. On and despite the work of COFOPRI in the land
proper ties in Peru reaches
the other hand, as settlements are consolidat- regularization sphere, to date there are approximately 74 billion USD,
ed, local markets are created for diverse activ- approximately 2,500 informal settlements with- while governmental investment
ities, especially in service industries. A note- out titles of a total of 4,800. in housing was equivalent, up
to the late 1980s, to only 2
worthy case is the construction of large com- percent of the extra-legal sec-
mercial centers in previously outlying areas Access to land for the lowest-income sec- tor in the same field. Hernan-
which now vie competitively for investments tors has been limited in recent years by formal do de Soto: El Misterio del
Capital. Ed. El Comercio S.A.
due to the enormous demand for services mechanisms, despite the fact that COFOPRI
registered there. and the National Commission on Access to 6
Housing have created the so-called Land Paul Maquet, El problema de la
vivienda en Lima metropolitana
New trends Exchange (Bolsa de Tierras). And uncultivated CENCA 1998. The term “Asen-
lands which by law are state property are tamientos Humanos” (“Human
In recent years and especially since the being auctioned to real estate companies for Settlements,” translated in this
text as “Informal Settlements”)
1990s, the informal land occupation process construction of government-promoted housing is used in Peru as the official
has reached areas increasingly less adequate programs. term for informal neighbor-
for urban use. The most recent land invasions hoods or land invasions.
have occurred in very difficult and rugged Traditional instruments 7
areas, occupying steep and rocky or sandy and housing policy COFOPRI – Informal Property
slopes far from the city, elevating urbanization Formalization Commission
(Comisión de Formalización
and housing construction costs even more, The process of social production of habitat de la Propiedad Informal).
and therefore prolonging the hardships of the or informal growth of cities has been confront- Responsible for regularizing
settlers. They are often expansions of old set- ed from the public sector through diverse informal properties in the coun-
try. It is par t of the justice sec-
tlements and occupy the far-away hills avoid- instruments, some preventative, such as urban tor, and is very “efficient,” but
ed by the first occupants or the lands desig- planning and the municipal housing programs does not coordinate enough
nated for communal facilities but not yet condi- which attempted to define expansion areas for with the municipalities. It has a
private sector vision which has
tioned for their foreseen purpose. And while low-income sectors and organize and imple-
led it to look for owners in cases
both cases involve low or very-low income ment orderly occupation processes in said in which there is no one claim-
populations, tensions and conflicts are gener- areas, and others designed to accompany the ing the property in question.

Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
17
processes and facilitate housing and urban policy prioritizes construction of new housing
facilities construction, such as the technical units and not improvement of existing housing.
assistance and credit for housing construction This policy of prioritizing new construction
and urban improvement programs, etc.. Final- translates through two loan modalities: for the
ly, there are the corrective-character programs middle-income sectors, fiscal funds are chan-
on land regularization, urban renewal, urban neled through the bank to private promoters
remodeling, and population relocation. who offer housing programs. For the lower-
income sectors, demand is subsidized so it
However, application of these instruments may reach access to the housing supply pro-
in general terms has not had a positive result. duced by the private sector.
In the majority of cases, land occupation took
place in areas unforeseen by the directive Housing policy emphasis in the past
plans due to divergence between the logic of decade was placed on the application of cor-
the population and the technical and function- rective instruments such as land regulariza-
alist criteria of the planners. While the design- tion, to the detriment of preventative measures
ers identified lands for urban expansion based such as municipal programs for access to land
on the possibility of water and drainage ser- and progressive housing construction. While
vices, linkage to urban infrastructure networks, COFOPRI received financial support from the
and lower natural disaster risk, the marginal- World Bank in the amount of 38 million USD,
sector and lowest-income families prioritized and was allocated exclusive and excluding
occupation of the lowest-cost (preferably no- competence in the field of regularization of 1.2
cost) lands which are precisely those lacking million plots, municipal housing programs
the technical qualities demanded by the plan- were discontinued and received no financial
ners. support from the central government. Housing
is precisely one of the sectors with no pro-
State loan programs such as the Materials gram for transfer of functions, competences,
Bank designed to accompany the self-con- and resources toward the regional or local lev-
struction process were used politically and els. To that we should add that the municipal
therefore generated a high level of default, housing programs have also not been inte-
which affected their sustainability. Furthermore, grated within a coherent system to interrelate
they were centrally developed, explicitly exclud- interventions and generate corresponding syn-
ing local actors (municipalities and social ergies based on common objectives.
organizations), and therefore their products
were too standardized and did not respond to Within that focus, the “Mivivienda” (My
the cultural characteristics of the diverse local- Housing) and “Techo Propio” (Own Roof) Pro-
ities in which they were implemented. grams which are the primary financial instru-
ments of the government’s housing policy are
Nevertheless, despite the fact that the offi- developed from the central government itself
cial figures themselves establish the qualita- with marginal participation by the municipali-
tive deficit as approximately three times the ties and a resource allocation modality
quantitative deficit,8 governmental housing through open calls in which the applicants are

8
The qualitative deficit consti-
tuted by precarious, over-
crowded, or deteriorated hous-
ing, numbers 900 thousand
units, while the quantitative
deficit, i.e. the number of
homes without housing, num-
bers only 300 thousand units.

Pachacutec neighborhood,
Distrito de Ventanilla, Lima
photo: CENCA

18 Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
not focalized. In that sense it is difficult for this port the efforts of self-building families produc- 9
The government’s argument is
policy to address the most critical cases given ing their homes in the most adverse condi- that application of the subsidy
that selection of beneficiaries is not based on tions due to their scarce income and the diffi- will stimulate the construction
priority of social cases using criteria such as cult soil conditions where they are located. industry and investment
amounts will be recovered
degree of precariousness, risk level, or prob- The program forms part of CENCA’s integral through taxes. Never theless,
lem magnitude, but instead on individually intervention program in San Juan de Lurigan- calculations made and experi-
evaluated applications. cho and which also incorporates advisory to ences in other Latin American
countries show that these
the inhabitants in the regularization of their amounts are not completely
These types of housing policies which take property, improvement of their environmental recovered (except in Chile
references from experiences in various Latin conditions, use of sustainable technologies, which grew at a seven percent
American countries and have been promoted income-generation, and participative rate over fifteen years). In a
poor country such as Peru,
by the Inter-American Development Bank, planning.11 the result is that a high
contain some elements important to note. On subsidy (3,600 USD) is only
the one hand, subsidies do not appear as a The My Roof program is oriented to the enjoyed by a few.
generalized policy but rather the criteria is to lowest-income sectors (social status E accord- 10
give enough to a few so they may access the ing to official terminology) and incorporates CENCA – Urban Development
prices of private supply, while mechanisms for two main focuses: technical assistance in Institute (Instituto de Desarrol-
lo Urbano). Non-profit institu-
recovery of the fiscal expenditures caused by housing design and construction, and finance tion dedicated to supporting
the subsidies do not appear to guarantee their through micro-credits staggered to adjust to the lowest-income population’s
full replacement.9 The logic of the intervention the irregular income of the population. But effor ts to improve its quality of
life. CENCA works in the fields
appears to be explained rather by the need to above all the program promotes reflection on of urban development, local
reactivate the economy, favoring expansion of the usefulness of the financial instruments to economic development, and
the construction industry and benefits for the reap the greatest potential from family sav- capacities development.
large construction companies. ings. 11
“Land regularization and popu-
But the main objection is to the disregard Within that framework of objectives, the lar housing improvement in the
East Cone of Lima”, project
for the process of social production of habitat, My Roof program has led to the creation of a suppor ted by KZE / Misereor.
despite its enormous importance in housing Savings and Loan cooperative of the inhabi-
production, replacing it by an alliance of the tants themselves, the “Señor de la Esperanza” 12
Among these are the self-
government with the construction companies Savings and Loan cooperative, to provide managed communal funds or
and the private bank. them with a communal financial instrument cooperatives, NGO directed
allowing them access to economic resources credit programs, local micro-
finance institutions such as the
My Roof Program and Lord of Hope to sustain their own projects. The My Roof Municipal Funds, Rural Funds,
(Señor de la Esperanza) Savings and program has supported consolidation of the and EDPYMES, as well as the
Loan Cooperative cooperative, transferring funds to it for its ini- Security Funds (Fondos Previ-
sionales) of unions of teach-
tial activities. For its part, the cooperative, in ers, policemen, fishermen, etc.
In this framework, the Urban Development addition to its financial activities, assumes
Institute (Instituto de Desarrollo Urbano - tasks in educational development and commu- 13
According to the magazine
CENCA)10 develops a housing loan and tech- nity leadership training, while also promoting Microfinanzas en el Perú, we
nical assistance program called My Roof (Mi debate on the role of cooperatives in housing may be talking about more
Techo). This program has the objective to sup- policies for the lowest-income sectors. than 280 million USD with
more than 320,000 current
loans. According to other
exper ts, micro-enterprise
credit (which does not include
the savings and loan coopera-
tives or the security funds but
does include the banks) regis-
tered investments of 359.4
million USD in late 1998 and
392.4 in the year 2000. See:
Felipe Portocarrero Maish,
Microfinanzas en el Perú.
Experiencias y Perspectivas.
Universidad Del Pacífico –
PROMPYME.

14
Estimates of the System of
Support for Social Production
of Housing and the City. Insti-
tuto de Desarrollo Urbano
CENCA and the Campaign
Committee for the right to
decent housing, February
2002, Lima, Peru.

Juan Pablo II neighborhood,


San Juan de Lurigancho, Lima
photo: CENCA

Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
19
In that sense, evaluation of the My Roof nance promoted by the United Nations Habitat
program, the positive evolution of the “Señor Center - aims to call attention to the grave
de la Esperanza” Savings and Loan coopera- conditions in which 1.2 million families live in
tive, and the fact that an extensive network of our country; to develop actions to influence
cooperatives and other micro-credit institu- housing policy, and to defend housing as a
tions exists in the country,12 lead us to sus- human right. Toward those goals, it has pro-
tain that the best way to confront the need for moted restitution of the Right to Housing in
finance for housing improvement is through the Constitutional Reform and the implemen-
this network of micro-credit institutions. It is tation of consensual mechanisms in the
estimated that these micro-credit institutions, finance, technical, and legal norm spheres to
working with average loans of 800 USD and facilitate concrete implementation of said right.
serving sectors considered “high risk” by the Parallel to lobby actions to influence public
traditional bank,13 have assigned only 6.4% policies on land and housing, the campaign
of the total of their investments for housing has incorporated emblematic cases which are
construction and/or improvement, amounting documented and directly supported and which
to 25 million USD, of which savings and loan constitute reference points for the design of
cooperatives contribute 67 percent, investing specific procedures for attention to these
approximately 17 million USD in the housing problems.
sphere.14 In this sense, the figures show, on
the one hand, the leadership of the coopera- The Campaign Committee12 has recently
tives which may be explained by their proximi- designed a proposal called “Support System
ty to the daily problems of the people, and on for Social Production of Housing and the City”
the other, the ample space for growth in this which is based on the fact that families are the
field still open to other micro-credit institutions. primary producers of popular housing and
That will require a process of awareness- neighborhoods. The proposal calls for a hous-
building on the role these institutions can and ing policy which prioritizes improvement of the
should play in housing policies for the lowest- housing self-built by the city’s poor over con-
income sectors as well as a sustained effort to struction of new housing. The proposal defends
develop capacities to allow them to efficiently the need for more active presence of the local
develop this task. It should also be noted that governments in the resolution of these prob-
the majority of Peruvian micro-credit institu- lems - which are heterogeneous and require
tions have focused primarily on support for thousands of small and distinct solutions, not
productive activities (loans to micro-enterpris- always apparent for standardized and massive
es) and not on housing improvement. programs such as those of the central govern-
ment and large construction companies.
Decentralized Support System for
Social Production of Housing The decentralized system of support for
social production of habitat is based on four
For the past two years a citizen initiative central elements:
has been underway called “Campaign for the
right to decent housing for all.” This campaign 1. A Popular Housing and Habitat Fund,
- in the framework of the global campaigns for integrated by 60% of the My Housing
Security of Tenure and Good Urban Gover- Fund, the resources assigned to the Mate-

Figure: CENCA
translation: Gerhard Kienast

20 Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
12
The Campaign Committee for
the right to decent housing is
a collective and open space. It
includes civil society institu-
tions and social organizations,
and is linked to the neighbor-
hood organizations which rep-
resent the emblematic cases
of violation of the right to
decent housing.

Figure: CENCA
translation: Gerhard Kienast

rials Bank, and those recovered from the ried out through application of poverty
National Housing Fund (Fondo Nacional level, housing deficit, and other indicators.
de Vivienda - FONAVI) currently in In this way, each locality will have an
process of liquidation. Resources from the amount to apply for the execution of its
Debt-Swap for Development project and intervention programs.
international cooperation should also be
- Participative elaboration of Local Action
incorporated within the Fund.
Plans under the responsibility of the local
actors, municipalities, social organizations,
2. The provincial and district municipalities,
local institutions, and general population.
which would be in charge of leading the
The programs and intervention arenas will
process at the local level, promoting the
be identified within these planes, program-
elaboration of local action plans duly
ming and financing the investment amounts.
agreed upon with the social organizations
and inhabitants in general. The municipali- - Selection of local micro-credit institutions
ties would also be responsible for organiz- which would assume the financial support
ing the technical assistance to the self- through public bidding.
building families, for which they may estab-
- Execution of the credit programs under
lish an employment exchange for local pro-
the responsibility of the micro-finance insti-
fessionals and skilled workers; agreements
tutions, and of the technical assistance
with universities, professional colleges,
programs under the responsibility of the
and NGOs, etc.
municipalities.
3. The micro-credit institutions, responsible - Loan recovery under the responsibility of
for placing the loans, qualifying individual the micro-credit institutions but with the
or organized inhabitants, and undertaking active support of the community consider-
follow-up and recovery of allocated loans. ing that the continuity and sustainability of
the program depend on such a community
4. The social organizations, participating role.
not only in dissemination of the technical
assistance and loan programs but also in To carry out a policy such as that outlined The Spanish original of this
article is available under
the social qualification of inhabitants and here, the Campaign Committee is determined www.trialog-journal.de
social supervision of the programs. Most to bring together a social force capable of Translation: Jodi Grahl
importantly, the social organizations influencing those making the decisions in this
should have an active role in prioritizing field, and is developing a strategy which
the programs to be implemented in the includes alliance with representative munici-
local action planes. palities and international support. For that pur-
pose it has established an alliance with the Carlos Escalante Estrada,
Architect; director of the Urban
The system works as follows: roundtables on coordination for the struggle Development Institute
(Instituto de Desarrollo Urbano
against poverty in order to promote a process - CENCA), Lima, Peru; coordi-
nator of the campaign for the
- Territorial assignation of the resources toward national level coordination on the right to decent housing for all.
from the popular housing fund, to be car- housing and habitat theme. Contact:
<cenca@terra.com.pe>

Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
21
The Renovation Process in
Downtown Lima and the El Chaparral
Self-managed Housing Experience

SILVIA DE LOS RÍOS

Stadterneuerung im Zentrum The largest concentration of slums in Met- sue housing renovation or improvement are
Limas und das selbstorga- ropolitan Lima is found in the Cercado District, rejected by the private banking systems. Nor-
nisierte Wohnungsprojekt which includes the Historic Downtown.1 The mative restrictions restrain urban renovation or
El Chaparral District is home to 278,804 residents (2001 neighborhood improvement, as do the overlap
figures), with a high land occupation ratio (557 of competences among public entities and the
Die von Regierung und Stadt-
verwaltung umgesetzten Pla-
persons/ha.) and less than ten percent open immobility of the confusing urban land tenure
nungen zur kulturellen und land areas. Deterioration of buildings with his- regimen. The National Construction Regula-
touristischen Aufwertung des toric monumental value is significant, caused tions law is not fully applicable to the reality of
Historischen Zentrums von by improper use, subdivision of prevalent the poor neighborhoods and this impedes
Lima trugen bisher nur wenig large older homes and their degeneration into implementation of possible actions such as
dazu bei, die Situation der Fa- slums, and the aging of installations which de-slumming without uprooting inhabitants.
milien zu verbessern, die dort subsequently threatens the structures them-
unter oft unerträglichen sanitä-
ren Bedingungen in 18.000
selves. Average house age is more than 60 To confront this scenario, the Metropolitan
überbelegten und verfallenen years, and 5,000 of those are in a state of col- Municipality of Lima and the inhabitant organi-
Elendsbehausungen leben. lapse. Some 38 percent of housing is rented. zations and NGOs pursue new initiatives to
Großteils liegt dies an der man- The economic crisis and high unemployment reduce this central area’s primary problems.
gelnden Einbeziehung deren rate are joined by loss of cultural traditions, Each of the actors pursues a distinct route,
Selbstorganisationen, obwohl moral degradation, and a new focalized delin- with no linkage among initiatives developed.
diese - mit Beratung durch
quency. Finally, the inhabitants who could pur- The strategic planning proposals established
NGOs - durchaus eigene Vor-
schläge präsentierten. Wie
Stadterneuerung im Sinne dor-
tiger BewohnerInnen aussehen
könnte, zeigen selbstorgani-
sierte Erneuerungsmaßnahmen,
wie das hier vorgestellte Woh-
nungsprojekt El Chapparal.
Nach einer Brandkatastrophe
schlossen sich die dort leben-
den Familien zusammen, um
das Gelände zu kaufen und auf
den Ruinen schrittweise eige-
ne Häuser zu errichten. Der
Kauf wurde durch ein Sparpro-
gramm finanziert (219 US$ pro
Familie), der Bau mit staatlichen
Krediten; für die Infrastruktur
wurden öffentliche Zuschüsse
eingefordert. Schwierigkeiten,
wie etwa das abschüssige Ge-
lände, bürokratische Hürden
oder interne Konflikte konnten
erfolgreich überwunden werden.
Dies stärkte die Organisation,
insbesondere das Selbstbe-
wustsein der Frauen und mach-
te diese Initiative zum Beispiel
für andere Bewohner des Zen-
trums und für mit Stadterneue-
rung befasste Institutionen.

22 Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
and regulated by the local government are left
as conceptual framework, despite the fact that
the daily practice is distinct.

On one side we find the proposal of inhab-


itants and NGOs who have been able to pro-
duce and present a proposal developed
through dialogue and based on the inhabi-
tants’ interests with the objective to build a
dignified habitat for everyone. On the other
side we find the proposal of the Metropolitan
Municipality and central government entities
which see the city as a product for sale in the
national or international market, attempting to
assure profitability capable of stimulating pri-
vate investment. Public management thus
evades many of its responsibilities, especially
in housing which it categorizes as expense
rather than investment.

The Cercado District has a Master Plan


elaborated and approved by the same Metro-
politan Municipality, conceived as an urban
planning instrument to orient the action of the El Chaparral, Montserrate, Lima
Temporary homes after the fire
different sectors and assure its inhabitants’ „Urban development is not a project, it is disaster
photo: CIDAP
quality of life. Nevertheless, this purpose is not a process. (...) The city is not only a con-
reflected in downtown urban life. The objectives glomeration of bricks or stones, with which
established by the Plan are the following: its buildings and streets are constructed.
The city is a complex system, formed by
- Modernize Lima and develop its ability to numerous subsystems, which are superim-
compete in the globalized context. posed and interrelated. These subsystems
are located along an axle of time, that is,
- Lead the decentralization process. they are processes. (...) different subsys-
- Broaden and strengthen municipal labor tems, of which the citizen is part, subsys-
in employment generation and social pro- tems which are superimposed, interrelated,
motion. or broadened. And all those subsystems
conform the global system of the city, which
- Contribute to improve the population’s evidently is a very complex and multidimen-
quality of life. sional system (...) Nevertheless, this is not
- Promote Lima as cultural and tourism the cause of the chaos of cities. The chaos
capital. results from the different weight or impor-
tance assigned to the distinct elements,
Lack of direct participation of Cercado Dis- according to individual priorities. For exam-
trict inhabitants in Master Plan elaboration ple, for a real estate agent, the priority is to
and application was the reason for the instru- maximize profit; for the worker who lives
ment’s weakness in achieving the purposes from temporary jobs, the priority is to live as
for which it was created. Participation is con- close as possible to their location; the auto-
ceived and approached by the municipal entity motive industry’s priority is to promote indi-
as consultative and indirect, and serving only vidual traffic; for environmental protection
to inform the population about what the gov- the priority is to promote collective trans-
ernment intends to do based on the idea of portation, etc., etc. Stated simply: the non-
city it wants to implant. trivial systems, as is a city without any
doubt, do not allow themselves to be direct-
We face two different concepts of city con- ed by a priori planning. Influence is only
struction: that envisioned by inhabitants and possible during the development of the
NGOs, and that pursued by authorities and process. Thesis: in order to develop cities in
businessmen. There is no harmony or negotia- a socially just, ecologically sustainable, and
tion of interests. Urban segregation is thus economically efficient direction, we must
sharpened and deepened. Planning is not newly appreciate the ancient art of naviga-
1
seen as a process, or - as Eike Schütz says - tion, of managing the helm. Electronic data
18,087 slum units (tugurios),
as the art of navigation, able to generate processing, that is cybernetics, probably from a total of 81,819 private-
spaces for negotiation, conflict resolution, and constitutes a useful tool for navigation”. owned homes. 50 percent of
these Cercado slums are found
recognition and institutionalization of participa- in Barrios Altos, with a popu-
tion as a force for change in neighborhoods: Eike Jakob Schütz, Misereor, Lima 1999. lation of 70,000 inhabitants.

Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
23
New cooperative houses in
progressive development
family housing - also contradicts basic urban
photo: CIDAP planning principles of international institutions
such as the WHO.2 These principles propose
urban centers as housing locations in accor-
dance with the cultural models exercised and
demanded by area residents.

The implementation of this Plan leads us


to believe that the concept of city continues to
be maintained according to type of citizens.
Those who lack sufficient opportunities, espe-
cially economic, to access the private housing
finance market, are left with the public alterna-
tive of economically “minimal” housing, syn-
onymous with technically overcrowded hous-
ing built for the poor, to whom, according to
the government, no more can be offered.

Once again we are presented with the


challenge which should be taken on by every
professional and authority: contribute to the
formulation of creative solutions for the hous-
ing of the majority, considering costs, dimen-
2 The governmental response to the popula- sions, and living conditions.
The World Organization of
Health (WHO) establishes that tion’s demands is presented with the support
inhabitable housing space of the Martinete housing Pilot Plan, which is a El Chaparral:
required per person is 10 m 2 . management model negotiated between the Popular Housing Complex in Lima
3 central and local government demonstrate the Urban Renovation
Two-story housing construc- possibility to develop projects linked among
tions built from reed bindings
and adobe, with architectural
actors. However, once again the central urban The El Chaparral project developed in the
style dating to the republican actor - the organized inhabitants - is not invit- first block of Jirón Angaraes in Monserrate
era. The families took advan- ed to this Plan’s decision making, despite hav- neighborhood, one of the most densely popu-
tage of the more than four- ing presented its downtown Lima proposals
meter high ceilings to build lated and deteriorated areas of downtown
lofts in an effort to reduce (proposing, among other elements, high-rise Lima. A group of inhabitants of this slum area,
overcrowding. densification with housing units with a mini- home to approximately 3,700 people, was
mum 60 m2 living area). able to organize and successfully negotiate
with public authorities and institutions to build
The weak citizen participation in elabora- a self-managed 35-unit housing complex
tion and development of this housing Plan through progressive construction with support
provokes results contrary to the citizen pro- from technical consultants in housing and pro-
posals, which have clear technical basis. The gressive urban rehabilitation from the Popula-
Plan’s urban proposal - based on a horizontal tion Research, Documentation, and Consul-
urban growth trend with 30 m2 plots for single tancy Center (Centro de Investigación, Docu-
Two-storey housing type mentación y Asesoría Poblacional - CIDAP).
El Chaparral
drawing: CIDAP
From tenants to owners

In 1969, approximately 50 tenant families


in the Monserrate neighborhood located in the
first block of Jirón Angaraes, survived a fire in
the building3 they occupied. The disaster left
them with no safe shelter and only a 3,194m2
plot in which they set up shacks with materials
recovered from the fire. To improve the situa-
tion and safety of the families, occupants
organized themselves within a voluntary-mem-
bership Housing Association. That organiza-
tion began negotiations with the landowner for
its purchase. Ten years went by with no
progress, and their attempts were further frus-
trated by a new fire.

In July 1989, negotiations to purchase the


land were resumed. The tenants learned indi-

24 Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
rectly that the owner planned to sell to a real
estate company. That news mobilized the fam-
ilies and they agreed to purchase the land,
with no consideration of how many square
meters would belong to each family. The most
important concern was to avoid abruptly leav-
ing the place in which they had lived for so
many years.

After several meetings and debates


around the idea of becoming owners, the
group of neighbors agreed to finalize negotia-
tions with the owner and invite all the tenants
to demonstrate that they could be owners
through their efforts and savings. As part of
the set of agreements reached by the neigh-
bors as a whole, a collective savings process
was initiated with personal savings booklets,
to guarantee to the owner completion of the
purchase within the proposed period of time
so that it would not be necessary to sell the
land to another institution.

It was agreed that each family should col-


lect the amount of 2,120,000 Intis (219.00
USD at that time).4 Through various types of well as execution of household connections. Three-storey housing type
El Chaparral
economic activities, in November 1989, 35 - Precarious occupants unable to be part drawing: CIDAP

families were able to liquidate the full cost of of the purchasing group and with housing
the plot, which totaled 74,200,000 Intis in other neighborhoods invaded a strip of
(7,665.29 USD), converting themselves into land resulting in legal suits and processes.
co-owners of the land. The remaining 17 fami-
lies were unable to secure their share of the Despite the obstacles, very positive results 4
money, and therefore were unable to become 1 USD= 9,689.00 Intis =
now exist. One of the most important was and
National currency until 1991.
owners of the land they occupied.5 continues to be increasing women’s participa- The new government estab-
tion in the process in conflict management lished the new currency called
Obstacles and results and negotiation. Nuevo Sol, which is used to
the present.

The El Chaparral experience has faced The housing urban and architectural 5
multiple limitations, such as: Five of these 17 families left
design was undertaken in a participative and
the place, receiving an indem-
progressive manner. The entire process was nification; two families returned
- Significant technical and cost difficulties controlled by the social organization of the to their property in a squatter
for urban rehabilitation and housing con- inhabitants which also assured protection of a settlement. The ten remaining
families still live in a border
struction due to the quality and slope of central green space for recreational and pro- fringe of El Chaparral. They
the land. ductive use. The whole effort contributed to are in negotiations with the 35
strengthen the neighborhood organizations, owner families as well as with
the municipality, intending to
- Internal conflicts among social and politi- demonstrating self-managed housing improve- be part of a municipal housing
cal groups antagonistic to El Chaparral ment possibilities which may be pursued in programme.
neighborhood interests. this type of downtown urban areas.

- Prolonged processes (continuing to the The results have had an impact on neigh-
present) to obtain approval of projects by bors, NGO experts, and national and interna-
the municipality as required by law; lack of tional academics, in promotion of other experi- Part of this text was first
published in Spanish in „Vivitos
municipal political will and lack of facilities ences. The experience’s potential to promote y coleando: 40 años trabajando
por él hábitat popular en
by functionaries to resolve demands. changes in public policies is being considered América Latina." (UAM / HIC-AL,
These situations forced the organization to in new decision making and in the approach Mexico DF, Nov. 2002).

mobilize, apply pressure, and present pro- to “urban renovation without evictions” of the Spanish original available under
www.trialog-journal.de
posals in order to obtain their recognition, current municipal and central governments. Editing: Eugenia Mestres
financial resources, permits, and other Translation: Jodi Grahl

necessary supports. Development of this type of experience in


highly populated downtown areas with large
Silvia de los Ríos Bernardini,
- Incomplete inventory of neighborhood numbers of deteriorated constructions has an Member of the technical team
of Centro de Investigación,
drainage networks by the competent public important impact on issues of social produc- Documentación y Asesoría
entity impedes expedition of approval of tion of habitat in urban renovation processes Poblacional (CIDAP), Lima,
Peru.
the water supply and drainage project as and democratic management of the city. Contact:
<silviasdlr@terra.com.pe>

Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
25
UCISV-Inhabitants Housing Program
A Social Production
of Habitat Experience in Mexico

CRISTINA ALMAZÁN

The right to housing is constitutionally rec- Fortunately there is resistance to these con-
Das Wohnbauprogramm der
Bewohnerunion von Vera- ognized in Mexico. However, the public poli- ceptions. In Mexico, as in other parts of Latin
cruz - eine Erfahrung mit cies applied have not overcome the housing America and the world, there is a great diver-
der sozialen Produktion von lag and are far from addressing Mexico’s sity of experiences which promote the micro
Wohnraum in Mexiko housing needs, which will average 398,162 and the diverse, collective participation, and
Dass arme Stadtbewohner die new housing actions and 731,584 housing direct democracy, and which demonstrate that
Befriedigung ihrer Wohnbedürf- improvement actions per year over the next another world - another city - is possible. In this
nisse selbst in die Hand neh- ten years, according to official figures. context we documented our own experience,
men können, zeigt das Woh- which in 1998 achieved the International Unit-
nungsbauprogramm der Be- On the other hand, public policies in hous- ed Nations-Dubai Award as one of the year’s
wohnerunion von Veracruz. ing defined by the multilateral bank have a Ten Best Practices in Habitat Improvement.
Ausgangspunkt dieses Projek-
disturbing characteristic: they favor the private
tes waren 160 Familien, die
seit 1995 auf einer Flächenre- industry which builds housing units that do not UCISV-VER/ CENVI Housing Program
serve der Stadt Xalapa siedel- correspond to the real needs of the population
ten. Durch kollektive Sparan- in at least two aspects: in their design, which In 1995, UCISV-VER3 obtained the contract
strengungen, Zuschüsse aus restricts living spaces to the minimum and for 160 plots in the Xalapa Territorial Reserve
Mitteln der Entwicklungszusam- therefore housing quality, and their costs for an equal number of families. The challenge
menarbeit sowie Darlehen und which are outside the reach of popular sec- then faced by the families was to occupy their
Sachzuwendungen des Bun-
tors. Public resource application1 is not chan- plots, relying only on their will, their own eco-
desstaates gelang es einen
revolvierenden Wohnungsbau- neled to organized initiatives outside of the nomic resources, and their organizational
fonds aufzubauen, aus dem real estate market. All current policies to capacity, while at the same time paying rent,
über 500 Familien mit Wohn- address this social need have specific norms paying off the loan for their plot, and covering
raum versorgt werden konn- which facilitate or “place at their disposition” their family expenses; in other words, cover all
ten. Entscheidend für seine these resources for the private companies.2 these expenses with their meager incomes. All
Konsolidierung waren die über- of that in a period of two years.4
wiegend von Frauen getrage-
With this policy, the population’s productive
nen Solidaritätsgruppen, die
durch die langjährige Gemein- capacities are crushed, and housing is convert- Many families occupied their plots building
wesenarbeit des Vereins UCISV- ed to a consumer good without the creative, provisional shelters out of wood and card-
VER aufgebaut und begleitet playful, and spiritual elements or the diversity board panels, in the “traditional” manner of the
wurden. Der soziale Charakter of cultural conceptions which for centuries peo- popular settlements. The integrants of UCISV-
des Programms zeigt sich vor ple have imprinted in their homes. Effects on VER and CENVI5, through a highly participa-
allem an der Mitverantwortung neighborhoods are devastating: communities tive mechanism, analyzed the problem and
der Bewohner für die Mittel-
facilities are annulled; green and recreational reached the decision to promote a Housing
verwaltung und ihrer Beteil-
gung an Planung und Bau der areas are destroyed; urban infrastructure and Program which would generate an alternative
Wohnungen. services are privatized; a depredatory relation- within the population’s reach to allow it to pro-
Die Nachhaltigkeit des Pro- ship is fostered with the natural environment, gressively build a home while conserving the
gramms ist indes noch nicht and social fabrics and solidarities among peo- plot purchased from the state.
gesichert. Nach mehrjähriger- ples are destroyed to make way for an individ-
Unterstützung hat der Bun- ualist and in fact stressful conception with The experimental phase
desstaat dem Fond 2002 alle
which to address family or community prob- of the program
Mittel entzogen. Solange eine
langfristige öffentliche Förde- lems. This is the exclusivist neoliberal concept
rung nicht gesichert ist, muss of building the city. It is the conception that The Housing Program was experimentally
die Selbstorganisation der stigmatizes the role of citizens, limiting it to developed in 1997 with the participation of
Bewohner das Recht auf the simple function of voter, restricting his or seven women who had completely liquidated
Wohnen immer wieder aufs her right to active and conscious participation the cost of their plots with the State Govern-
neue einfordern. in decision-making. ment and were in conditions to join the Program

26 Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
without substantially affecting their incomes. Table 1. 1
Contributions made to the UCISV-CENVI Only 0.15% of the social
The model was called TANDA-LOAN and con- Housing Program in its experimental phase development budget (which is
sisted in the integration of a solidarity group, in 1.27% of the total national
this case of seven female household heads Contributions Amount US$ budget) is allocated to social
housing at the federal level.
who each saved 162 USD through the Tanda6 Group tanda 162.00
with a biweekly contribution of 20.40 USD.7 A Revolving Fund Loan 243.00 2
loan for 243 USD from the UCISV-VER/ CENVI State Government Loan / Subsidy 406.00
Other policies, applied by the
local governments, respond
Revolving Fund was added to that amount. Municipal Government In-kind Subsidy 71.00 only to electoral interests of
the administrator in power. In
Simultaneously to development of the com- Total Contribution 882.00 Veracruz there has been a
trend to offer material pack-
munity savings process, each family discussed
ages for housing improvement
and designed the prototype for its home with (388 USD) to the most vulner-
advisory from CENVI, in the understanding The innovative Tanda-Loan experiment able sectors in exchange for
that construction would be progressive. was possible thanks to the support, at key favors (votes), without
addressing construction quali-
moments, of financial resources contributed ty or social mobilization to
During the operation of the 1997 model, by international cooperation. While it did not resolve the structural basis of
support was secured from the State Govern- cover all the investment, this support allowed the housing problem. This poli-
cy does not respond to hous-
ment consisting in material packages worth the process to begin, stimulated activities ing needs, but rather has cre-
406 USD, of which 50 percent was considered already underway, and served as financial ated a “perverse” relationship
a loan to be repaid and the remaining 50% base to mobilize resources from other finan- with the inhabitants of the
popular settlements.
was granted as subsidy. The Municipal Gov- cial sources.
ernment also made a one-time, in-kind contri- 3
bution of a few complementary materials (see Consolidation of the Program UCISV-VER Pobladores A.C.-
Union of Inhabitants, Tenants,
Table 1). Upon conclusion of the housing and Housing Seekers of Vera-
investment, each family reintegrated their loan Through seven years of activity, the Pro- cruz (Unión de Colonos,
amount back to the UCISV-VER/ CENVI gram has been consolidated and has defined Inquilinos y Solicitantes de
Vivienda - Veracruz), popular-
Revolving Fund, and later the agreed amount its structure and operation in three parts: based organization in the State
was repaid to the State Government. of Veracruz, Mexico. Contact:
a) Community organization: <ucisvver@infosel.net.mx>.
These resources made it possible for each Allows formation and consolidation of soli- 4
family to build 32 square meters which includ- darity groups that make possible the pro- In Veracruz, Law 59 establish-
ed: foundation, walls, and roof, translating into ject’s technical, financial, and administra- es a two-year time limit to
occupy a plot, otherwise the
a cost of 26 USD per square meter. tive operation. These works require closely purchase contract is rescind-
accompanying the families to facilitate a ed. This Law aims to inhibit
The success achieved with the first Tanda- process of identity and solidarity that facili- speculation.
Loan groups laid the basis to consecutively tates program execution with the least 5
promote five stages of the Program up to 2003. number of problems. CENVI - Housing and Urban
Studies Center (Centro de la
Vivienda y Estudios Urbanos),
integrant of Habitat Mexico
Coalition in Mexico City. Con-
tact: <cenvi@prodigy.net.mx>.

6
A tanda is a common popular
savings mechanism in Mexico
which establishes a small
number of people in a “solidar-
ity group” who periodically
contribute an amount which is
distributed among the group
members on a rotating basis.

7
Amount agreed to by all the
par ticipants and in accordance
with their income.

Program options and resources


for the savings and credit scheme

Cartoons taken from


UCISV-VER / CENVI. El sistema
TANDA-PRESTAMO - una alter-
nativa para construir tu vivienda.
Mexico 1999

Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
27
Operation principle of the
savings and credit scheme
pation has had an important role for the Pro-
Cartoon taken from
gram’s consolidation, reflected in both the
UCISV-VER / CENVI. El sistema strengthening of the women’s promotion
TANDA-PRESTAMO - una alter-
nativa para construir tu vivienda. groups and in exponential growth of demand
Mexico 1999
(see Graph 1).

Community organization is also reflected


in the capacity of the population involved in
the project to diversify its activities. The
women’s promotion groups undertake social
development to improve basic services or
introduce them themselves in their neighbor-
hoods, and to promote productive projects to
help augment family income.

The gender focus has made possible the


real and effective participation of women in
reproduction of goods and income for the
household economy and for society, through
creation of a solidarity economic system,
demonstrating the economic aspects of the
reproduction and production of human
capital.9

Financial operation

Up to now, Program operation and Revolv-


ing Fund integration have been possible
8 thanks to international finance. For operational
The families participating in
the program are constituted on expenses, support was received from the
average by three members, Dutch Organization for Development Coopera-
and household heads in most b) Financial operation: tion, NOVIB (1997-1998); the City Council of
cases are natives of Xalapa or
neighboring rural communities.
Combines economic resources from the Madrid (1998-2000); the European Commission
45 percent of household heads following: the families through the tanda (1998-2003), and the Grant Program of the
are married, 23 percent live in mechanism, the UCISV-VER/ CENVI Ministry of Social Development (2000-2002).
open union, and 19 percent
Revolving Fund, and government support The finance to execute each of the construc-
are single. Average monthly
family income is 193 USD, through material packages which were tion projects has been obtained through com-
which is 1.7 times regional substantially obtained during the first three bination of the resources of the families inte-
minimum wage. Socio-econom- years (see Graph 2). The accounting grating the solidarity groups, the UCISV-VER/
ic studies identify the following
main occupations: domestic administration of these resources is the CENVI Revolving Fund (see Table 2), and the
workers, bricklayers, office co-responsibility of the solidarity groups in-kind contributions of the Veracruz State
workers, and “housewives.” and UCISV-VER. Government and the Municipality of Xalapa.
The last of these is the activi-
ty repor ted by 40 percent of
the women who integrate the c) Advisory and technical supervision: During the first three stages, the families
Program, but this figure should This element is assumed under the integrated in the solidarity groups each con-
be taken with caution since
the women often do not report
responsibility of CENVI, which facilitates tributed 20 USD bi-weekly, which covered
productive or informal activi- implementation of a participative design their tanda and the payments to the Revolving
ties which in fact contribute and construction execution process to Fund and State Government, undertaken over
significant complementary
incomes to their families.
assure planning and progressive growth of a period between 1.5 and 2.8 years. These
the housing. resources are jointly administered by the
9
UCISV-VER technical team and the solidarity
Coraggio J.L., 1994.
Progress and difficulties – groups through their representatives, for which
10 Community organization specific training workshops are held. This has
The contributions from the
City Council of Madrid and the
given transparency and trust to the Program.
European Community were The Program has consolidated its presence The Revolving Fund was formed thanks to
negotiated with the interven- not only in the Territorial Reserve; its impact negotiations by both UCISV-VER and CENVI
tion of the Institute of Political has allowed it to extend to eight neighborhoods with national and international cooperation
Studies for Latin America and
Africa (Instituto de Estudios in the Municipality of Xalapa and to generate entities, as outlined in Table 2.
Políticos para América Latina demand for the program in nine municipalities
y África - IEPALA). in Veracruz. This Fund has made it possible to issue
11 loans to the solidarity groups, considering dur-
The figures registered for While the Program equally welcomes par- ing the first three stages an additional recovery
2000-01 should be considered ticipation of male or female household heads, of 10% over the amount loaned to cover some
preliminary given that the
recovery process is still on- the reality is that the majority of integrants are Program operation costs. Starting with the
going. women, household heads or not.8 This partici- fourth stage, 7 percent annual interest is applied

28 Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
over the amount loaned in order to begin sus- Graph 1: No. of families participating in the UCISV-CENVI
Housing Program, 1997-2002
tainable management of the Revolving Fund.

The governmental contribution for construc-


tion and/or improvement since 1997 consisted
in construction material packages, and went
from 50 percent to just over 70 percent of total
resources applied to construction up to 1999,
as shown in Table 3 and Graph 2. However, in
the year 2000 the Program was delayed by
absence of response from the State Govern-
ment, which was not activated until 2001, but Table 2. International Cooperation for constitution of the UCISV-VER /
with a critical decrease of 34 percent of the CENVI Revolving Fund, in USD.
contribution amount. No governmental contri- Organization 1997 1998 1999
butions have been received in subsequent
UCISV-VER Homeless International 1,428.00
years.
International UN-DUBAI Award 15,000.00

As illustrated, the ratio of these govern- Township of Xalapa, Veracruz 5,102.00

mental contributions is inversely proportional City Council of Madrid 10 72,385.50


to the family and Revolving Fund contributions European Community 207,535.00
up to 1999. For the 2000-2001 period, despite CENVI CIMADE 1,428.00
existence of an agreement to mobilize govern- Hooge Waard Foundation 14,796.00
mental support, for diverse reasons said sup- Total 2,856.00 20,102.00 294,716.50
port did not materialize in the required
amounts. There was no governmental support Table 3: Contributions to the Housing Program construction and/or
in the year 2002. improvement process, in USD

Year Actions TANDA UCISV-CENVI State Total


This situation reflects the difficulties of Contribution Revolving Government
Fund
operating with the State Government and the
fact that despite capacity to mobilize govern- 1997 7 1,143.00 1,543.00 3,367.00 6,053.00
ment resources, that capacity is the result of 1998 49 8,000.00 10,800.00 3,631.00 22,431.00
pressure and intense social mobilization, more
1999 98 15,673.00 21,159.00 78,367.00 115,199.00
than governmental will to fulfill inter-institution-
al agreements to allow projection of this work 2000-01 208 39,347.00 228,776.00 91,837.00 359,960.00
as public policy. 2002 154 25,143.00 210,571.00 235,714.00

Total 516 89,306.00 472,849.00 177,202.00 739,357.00


Operating expenses

With increased scale of the Program from Graph 2: Contribution (%) of the Housing Program actors, 1997-2002

seven to 49 actions (1997-1998), operating


costs diminished significantly with respect to
total investments, and we observe an invest-
ment increase from 17 to 86 percent of
resources dedicated to construction (including
all contributions) with respect to total invest-
ment. These figures reveal the subsidy applied
by the two Program operating organizations.
The subsidy was provided by international
finance and covered practically all the produc-
tion process, including Program promotion,
management, operation, and evaluation. On
the other hand, this cost is still below commer-
cial operating costs which reach 40 percent.

Resource recovery
Graph 3: Recovery (%) of allocated loans, 1997-200111

Once the tanda contributions of the soli-


darity group are covered, the families initiate
repayment of the loans, first to the Revolving
Fund and then the government loan. The
recovery rate registered by the UCISV-CENVI
Revolving Fund varies between 92 and 100
percent, as observed in Graph 3, while recov-
ery of State resources ranges between 69 and
100 percent.11
Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
29
“Social pressure” is the most common sense. In reference to the State Government
mechanism recurred to for resource recovery. participation, while it is true that its contribu-
However, it should be noted that the low rate tion was important in the first three years, as
of recovery particularly of the government has been mentioned this support subsequent-
loans may be imputed more to insufficient fol- ly dropped drastically. The reasons for this are
low-up capacity of the organization, due to in large part political,12 and also due to depen-
significant growth in demand for improvement dence on bureaucratic norms and mechanisms
and construction actions which was not that hinder and delay resource application.
reflected in increased technical personnel to This problem has been reiterated since 1997,
address said demand. leaving the organization permanently worn
down by the relations with the government.
Advisory and technical supervision
Despite this situation, the organization will
The three important aspects of this techni- continue to defend negotiation of government
cal component are: participative design of resources, thereby fulfilling its role in exercis-
housing solutions; technical training of the ing the right to housing of the popular sectors
families, especially the women, as well as the in our state.
construction workers, and follow-up and tech-
nical supervision of construction. Program impact

In the first phase of the tanda-loan system, The Housing Program has had an impact
the original idea was to promote construction in the following aspects:
of a livable space of approximately 16 square
meters, but the needs expressed by the fami- Institutional strengthening: Execution of
lies led to proposal of a flexible model to sup- the Program has allowed various areas of
port production of house foundations, expan- UCISV-VER, Poblador@s A.C. to improve
sions, and improvements of existing spaces. their potential, in aspects related to: technical,
administrative and financial capacity for
To date, 516 housing actions have been design, execution and evaluation of similar ini-
executed of which 32 percent have been con- tiatives; capacity for social negotiation and to
struction starts and 68 percent housing develop proposals to mobilize resources from
improvement and/or expansion. The average the families as well as international coopera-
cost per square meter built by the UCISV- tion; strengthening of negotiation skills with
VER/ CENVI Housing Program is 71 USD, the public sector, and capacity to generate
compared to 122 USD offered by the local strategic alliances with other civil organizations.
market. It must be reiterated that said cost
does not contemplate the indirect costs or dis- Local development and impact on public
cretional earnings with which the commercial policy: The Program’s impact is particularly
housing businesses operate. evident in Xalapa and in the evolution of the
neighborhoods where it has been implemented,
The technical experience developed over translated in:
these seven years has allowed systematiza-
tion of the project’s housing prototypes which - Improved living conditions of the families
integrate 25 different diagrams for plots mea- through improvement of their housing
suring seven by 15 meters. space and introduction of basic services,
the latter achieved through the daily labor
Problems in Program operation of the inhabitants.

- Reconstitution of social fabrics and


Increased demand for the Housing Program
recovery of values of solidarity and co-
obligated its immediate attention and delayed
responsibility in the communities.
reflection on the most adequate mechanisms
both for resource recovery and technical oper- - Promotion of local development through
ation. For that reason, the resource recovery investment in the community and genera-
percentages, while satisfactory in relation to the tion of direct and indirect employment.
UCISV-VER/ CENVI Revolving Fund, are not
so in the case of the State Government. One - Stimulation of complementary projects
of the Program’s risk factors lies in the recov- that contribute to Program development as
ery mechanisms, since they bear an important well as local development, such as a con-
role to guarantee Program sustainability. A struction materials distributor, and a con-
more efficient mechanism must be designed struction components production unit.
12 based on deeper assumption of the importance
The year 2000 was character-
ized by intense electoral poli-
of solidarity and fulfillment of commitments as The results of the project provide elements
tics due to the national presi- well as incentives for punctual payment, to with which to elaborate a public policy on
dential succession process. avoid application of a “corrective” policy in this social production of habitat.

30 Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
Access to resources for social produc- Program’s operation by the government with References
tion of habitat: The model used not only facil- adoption of corresponding public policy, and/or Almazán V., 1998. Seguimiento del
itates access to resources, but also reaps full conversion of the initiative to a social enter- Plan Estratégico UCISV-VER,
potential from the savings and investment prise. In both scenarios, the experience 1998-1999. Photocopy.
capacities of families with incomes below three should be analyzed more thoroughly, and its
Township of Xalapa, 1995. Plan
minimum wages, to produce their housing. financial operation better adapted and operat- Municipal de Desarrollo de
The Program thus constitutes an alternative ing team better prepared. Xalapa, 1995-1997.
for this population sector made up by informal
Coraggio J. L., 1994. La Economia
sector male and female workers with irregular It is important to point out that promotion Urbana. La Perspectiva Popular.
incomes, for whom no official programs exist of this initiative has taken place within a con- Photocopy.
oriented in this sense and who are not subject text of national economic crisis. In these
INEGI, 2000. XII Censo General de
to credit from financial institutions. socio-economic conditions, it is imperative that Poblacion y Vivienda. Tabulados
the urban social organizations foment alterna- de la Muestra Censal.
We therefore feel it is important to empha- tive projects that promote participation tending
Suárez P., Almazán V. 2000. El
size that this initiative requires more and better to overcome state “inertia,” which is the conse- Programa de Vivienda de la
attention from state and national authorities, quence of implantation of the neoliberal UCISV-VER. Special Edition for
both through direct application of resources model: a policy which reduces social expendi- the CYTED VIII General Assembly.
Photocopy.
under operative mechanisms, as in establish- ture and through its actions inhibits full exer-
ment of clear agreements and commitments cise of human rights, including the right to
and a financial scheme to allow the economic housing. Furthermore, it is a policy which
sustainability of the Program. This would make reduces social participation to government
possible highly efficient resource application rhetoric, which in the case of habitat is used
and greater social impact, translated in execu- only to justify government actions, violating
tion of more and better construction works. the right to real participation in decision-mak-
ing while protecting local and national real
Women’s empowerment: Security of land estate interests.
tenure and home ownership constitute impor-
tant elements for women in at least two We the urban social movements must
aspects: in the security provided by a patrimo- therefore act on various levels, defending our
ny for their children and themselves, and in experience in social construction of habitat,
the stability it provides allowing pursuit of prioritizing the strengthening of community
long-term activities or plans including use of identity, and the rescue of the collective and
the housing for productive and/or micro-enter- the social fabric over the deteriorated commu-
prise purposes, which in turn generate access nity-government relationship based on political
to greater family income. maneuvering and application of individualized
policies.
Improvement of these objective conditions
are joined by subjective factors which are
rarely discussed. It is vital for women to initi-
Cartoon taken from
ate self-esteem development processes which UCISV-VER / CENVI. El sistema
TANDA-PRESTAMO - una alter-
stimulate them to undertake actions inside nativa para construir tu vivienda.
Mexico 1999
and outside of the family, be they for individual
or collective benefit.

Perspectives

The model promoted has shown its perti-


nence and validity in provision of access to
finance and promotion of progressive and
planned housing construction for low-income
families. The Spanish original of this
article is available under
www.trialog-journal.de

Nevertheless, continuity of the Program will Translation: Jodi Grahl

depend on the capacity to secure its sustain-


ability, given that until now it has depended on Cristina Almazán Villalobos,
international cooperation and direct subsidy biologist, founding member
and General Director (since
from UCISV-VER and CENVI, and has 1995) of UCISV-Pobladores
A.C. (Union of Settlers and
required significant work and energy in negoti- Solicitants of Housing - Inhabi-
tants Assoc.) in Xalapa,
ations with the State Government, always sub- Veracruz, Mexico. Promoting
social organization activities in
ject to the political situation of the moment. the association, based on a
strategy, which links urban
and housing aspects; main
Along these lines, it is proposed to intensi- axes: democracy, environment,
and gender approach.
fy the Program’s negotiations and visibility to Contact:
<cristinaalmazan@hotmail.com>
motivate interest and obtain subvention of the

Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
31
The Self-managed Co-operative
Movement in Buenos Aires and
the Construction
of Popular Habitat Policies

NÉSTOR ROLANDO JEIFETZ / MARÍA CARLA RODRÍGUEZ

Selbstverwaltete Wohnbau- The end of dictatorship in Argentina at the public property, but some were privately
kooperativen in Buenos beginning of the 80s was marked by an owned. Regularisation laws implied that settle-
Aires und die Schaffung advance of a spontaneous social production in ment organisations had to pay the aggregate
einer bewohnerorientierten the field of habitat. This was clearly evident in value that they had collectively generated.
Habitat-Politik the massive expansion of land occupations in This was good business for the owners
Nach dem Ende der argentini- peripheral areas (in the Greater Buenos Aires’ because the aggregate value was transferred
schen Militärdiktatur, die Arme first and second belts) and the squats in the to them. Politically, this was also good for
weitgehend aus der Stadt ver- central city areas, which had previously been provincial and national governments, as well
bannt hatte, gab es zu Beginn restricted for popular sectors by the dictators.1 as for political parties, since it strengthened
der 80er Jahre eine Welle von fragmentation and social control.2
Landbesetzungen in Groß-
Land occupation in the Greater Buenos
Buenos Aires, bei denen meist
wertlose Gelände im Metropo- Aires Area (GBA) implies the material produc- At the time squatting in central city areas
lengebiet durch Besiedlung tion of entire neighbourhoods, including occurred inside “endogenous” buildings, and
aufgewertet wurden. Gleich- streets and infrastructure, in peri-urban plots although around 150,000 squatters were
zeitig kam es zu Hausbeset- (generally unfit for housing or prone to flood- involved, they were interstitial and scattered.
zungen im Innenstadtbereich. ing) with very low real estate values (1 US$ Presently, together with other typologies such
Obwohl etwa 150.000 Leute per m2). The neighbourhoods in question as shantytowns, tenancies, boarding-house
daran beteiligt waren, waren
developed to significant levels; small settle- hotels and occupations, inner-city popular
diese zunächst unorganisiert,
zersplittert und im Bewusst- ments involved no less than 500 people. They habitat now integrates nearly 500,000 people
sein, auf teurem Grund und were sustained by community organisation and 150,000 vacant units. Located in any
Boden Eigentumsrechte zu processes under different structures (commis- given city neighbourhood, a typical squatted
verletzen. In der Folge ent- sions, co-ordinations) geared towards induc- house lodges around 20 families. At first,
stand daraus eine „Bewegung ing land regularisation processes for individual being conscious of both the land value in cen-
der Besetzer und Mieter“ ownership. A large number of these plots were tral areas (which ranged from US $200 to US
(MOI), der es gelang, das
„Recht auf die Stadt“ offensiv
einzufordern und zahlreiche
Kooperativen in besetzten
Fabriken und Wohnhäusern
zu konstituieren. Unterstützt
durch die Erfahrungen von
kooperativen Bewegungen in
Nachbarländern schafften sie
es, politische Spielräume ge-
schickt zu nutzen, um bewoh-
nerfreundliche Gesetzgebun-
gen für Gebäudeumnutzun-
gen durchzusetzen. In der
nächsten Phase dieser „sozia-
len Produktion“ werden
momentan kooperative Neu-
bauprojekte auf innerstädti-
schem Brachland vorbereitet.

La Fábrica Cooperative, Barrio


de Barracas, Buenos Aires
Photo: MOI

32 Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
$500 per m2, depending upon the district) and The Centro de Estudios del Habitat (Habi- 1
Through forced eradication of
of the fact that they were infringing “private tat Studies Centre) was founded around this shanty towns and the estab-
property”, squatters tried to be “not visible”. concept of architecture and popular urban lishment of free rents in the
Thus organisation processes were initially management, and was also the basis for the city, and by the elimination of
popular land divisions through
very limited, circumscribed to the families’ creation of PROHA, an NGO that participated law 89/12 which enforced the
internal and everyday organisation, or to their in the first experiences with land occupants provision of services and
defence in eviction trials. (Such trials were civil and squatters, as well as with the PADELAI raised the land prices in the
Greater Buenos Aires Area
law suits until the penal code was modified in experience itself. Several habitat NGOs in the because there was no comple-
1993.) GBA and in the city of Buenos Aires, such as mentary public investment, etc.
FVC - Fundación Vivienda y Comunidad
2
Nevertheless, the squatter phenomenon (Housing and Community Foundation) and This was mainly achieved
has established the city as a scenario for the SEDECA (Secretariat for Self-managed Com- through atomisation produced
construction of popular habitat policies. The munities) were integrated. They have continu- by the proliferation of pseudo-
neighbourhood associations.
squatter phenomenon raises questions about ally accompanied community organisation and Such land regularisation
“the city for whom”, the right to settle3 and the resistance processes since the dictatorship.5 processes were also promoted
construction of a democratic city. Simultane- by international credit organi-
ously, from a more specific intervention point The Experience of EX PADELAI and sations during the 80s and
90s. Never theless, some of
of view, it sets the problematic of establishing the Creation of MOI - Movimiento de the organisations that arose
real estate recovery and building rehabilitation Ocupantes e Inquilinos during this process managed
as a priority, given the fact that the urban (Squatter and Tenants Movement) to achieve continuity and a
cer tain autonomy, enabling the
ambit is completely built and that a significant conformation of a significant
amount of its patrimony is unoccupied and/or In 1984, the former Patronato de la Infancia par t of the socio-political basis
deteriorated. An additional significant aspect is (Children’s Fund) - Ex PADELAI - was occu- of the “piquetero” movement,
an unemployed workers move-
the recovery of everyday usage, beginning pied by 120 families. The building is exception- ment, that would consolidate
with the access to the city’s existing equip- ally well located, next to Plaza Dorrego in the its structure with the end of
ment and infrastructure which support the heart of the Historic Preservation Area of San the millennium crisis (for
example, in la Matanza and
quality of everyday relations in the neighbour- Telmo, the city’s historical centre. The build- Solano, basis of the FTV -
hood environment (i.e., health care, education, ing’s importance lies in its size and patrimoni- Land, Housing and Habitat
sports, culture). al significance: It is owned by the local gov- Federation).
ernment and covers half a square. Initially, the 3
This social process of habitat production, occupation was promoted through a clientelis- This was acknowledged by the
massively developed by popular sectors, was tic process started by a Partido Justicialista “regulation” plan in the first
ordinance sanctioned by the
also the basis and support in the recovery of (Peronist) neighbourhood leader. The first local legislative power after
knowledge and practices in state universities. organisational steps were accompanied by the reinstallation of democracy in
During the dictatorship, post-modernism was Engineering Students’ Centre (Engineering 1983, although it was not fol-
imposed at the School of Architecture. The School, Universidad de Buenos Aires) and the lowed by any corresponding
actions and public investment.
subsequent re-democratisation process historical Colegio Nacional de Buenos Aires,
enabled the reconstruction of previous profes- as well as by other neighbourhood actors who 4
City Architecture is a concept
sorial chairs and fields of study, such as City had managed to overcome the leaders domi- promoted and developed by
Architecture.4 This opened new paths for the nation and to establish their own objectives in Architect Marcos Winograd at
re-definition of professional outlines both in regard to everyday organisation as well as the School of Architecture,
project specifications and in urban manage- other activities (such as schooling support, Universidad Nacional de La
Plata, during the 60s and 70s.
ment processes. child recreation and adult education).
5
PROHA, in the city of Buenos
Aires, carried out several con-
tacts with squatters’ commis-
sions in the districts of Villa
Crespo, the Movimiento de
Inquilinos de Almagro (Almagro
Tenants’ Movement), linked to
CIBA, a group of lawyers who
were originally related to the
Communist Party and with the
Grupo San Telmo, integrated
by students from the Engineer-
ing School and the Nacional
Buenos Aires, who were work-
ing in a tenancy on Defensa
street and in Ex PADELAI.
This network led PROHA to
approach Ex PADELAI and,
later on, to the foundation of
MOI. SEDECA is the Secre-
tariado de Enlace de Comu-
nidades Autogestionarias.

Ground floor plan, La Fábrica


Cooperative, Barrio de Barracas,
Buenos Aires
Figure: MOI

Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
33
Section / lateral view of the La
Fábrica Housing Cooperative,
Barrio de Barracas, Buenos
Aires
Figure: MOI

6
Since 1987, movements geared towards e) The creation of a self-managed fund
SELVIP, the Secretaría Lati-
noamericana de la Vivienda eviction have been headed by a neighbourhood destined for the low income population
Popular (Latin American Sec- centre right councillor (Unión de Centro Demo- sectors.
retariat for Popular Housing) crático - UCD). Within this context, the first
was formally launched a year
later during the Foundational approaches to PROHA were made and the EX Within this framework, a multi-sectoral
Meeting in Sao Paulo in Sep- PADELAI families began to think beyond evic- Neighbourhood Commission (Comisión Veci-
tember 1991. It is a Network tion, towards the possibility of demanding their nal) and a local newspaper called Todo Telmo
based on the opposition to
neo-liberal policies, the inte- right to the city and to living in that building. were founded. The ordinance was approved in
gration of popular habitat base 1990, the Agreement was signed in 1991, and
organisations and the promo- Between 1989 and 1991, a strategy was the blueprints were then made. In November,
tion of self-managed policies.
At the Third Meeting in Sao
developed through the elaboration of a self- the property deed in favour of the Cooperativa
Paulo in 1995 companions managed project proposal. It designated the (70%) and the GCBA (30%) was signed.
from Fedevivienda, Colombia, San Telmo Cooperative families, a design chair
proposed that the participating
of the School of Architecture, the University of The PADELAI experience was discussed
organisations of SELVIP
should become members of Buenos Aires and several NGOs - PROHA and in 1990 in Montevideo during a workshop
the Habitat International FVC - as the organisational basis for interac- organised by FUCVAM, the Uruguayan Feder-
Coalition (HIC). In an organ- tion with the legislative and executive powers. ation of Housing Co-operatives by Mutual Help
ised manner, the base organi-
sations begin to integrate HIC, (Federación Uruguaya de Cooperativas de
in the understanding and The basic goal of this process was to Vivienda por Ayuda Mutua) to celebrate its 20th
knowledge that the Coalition, sanction a regulation defining: anniversary. The interaction and exchange of
initially co-ordinated by habi-
tat NGOs, was promoting - experiences during this workshop led to the
mainly from Colombia and a) Land regularisation with a property demand for the creation of a Latin American
Mexico - the incorporation of deed in favour of a condominium including habitat organisation, SELVIP.6 The encounter
their popular habitat social
organisations.
San Telmo Cooperative and the Govern- between the paradigmatic Uruguayan co-oper-
ment of the City of Buenos Aires (GCBA). ative experience and the Argentinean squatter
phenomenon through the PADELAI case
b) The definition of a social housing pro- opened a challenging dialogue. Antagonistic
gramme with neighbourhood involvement policy axes, such as formality and informality
and impact. in the world of labour at the social basis of
these experiences, construction in peripheral
c) The elaboration of technical, architectur- areas versus appropriation of central ones,
al, social and legal-administrative docu- and execution of new works versus building
ments with an agreement between the rehabilitation and patrimonial recovery, were
School of Architecture, the Cooperative all discussed.
and the Government of the City.
The PADELAI experience promoted a simi-
d) The self-managed execution of the lar approach for squatter families living in
housing complex and of the communal other occupied buildings. On this basis, meet-
and commercial infrastructure. ings were held with the idea of establishing

Ground floor and upper floors of


the El Molino Housing Coopera-
tive, Barrio de Constitución,
Buenos Aires
Figure: MOI

34 Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
commissions in different neighbourhoods. Facade of MOI house, logistic
base of the movement in Barrio
Finally, in 1991, the constitution of the de Barracas, Buenos Aires
Photo: MOI
Movimiento de Ocupantes e Inquilinos (MOI)
was decided on, utilising the premises used
by Cooperativa San Telmo (the Ex PADELAI
Co-operative) for its meetings.7

The 90s: Unidirectional


Self-management8 and Beginnings
of Regulation

The populist breeze that blew lightly during


the first few years of the “justicialista” (Pero-
nist) government in the City of Buenos Aires
between 1989 and 1991 enabled the existence
of four proposals, with different levels of devel-
opment, related to popular habitat issues in
the City. Three of them (Warnes in La Paternal
district, Recup Boca in La Boca and Manzana
de los Franciscanos next to Plaza de Mayo)
were promoted from official ambits. The fourth
was the PADELAI experience, built “from the
bottom up”, as previously described. However, MOI, a heavy discriminatory mass media 7
this hopeful breeze soon vanished. The politics campaign was instigated and, to put the cher- It is worthwhile remembering
that Arch. Enrique Ortíz visit-
of President Carlos Menem were in servile ry on the cake, developers and constructors ed PADELAI at that time and
obedience to orders given by international joined forces with the radical party to pass a informed about this experience
organisations and their Northern lords. They law changing the Civil Code so as to make in HIC documents. Arch.
Andrés Necochea, responsible
lead not only to the privatisation of strategic building occupations a penal crime. This meant for Habitat, UN, also visited
national firms, the increased growth of the that anyone who did not have a shelter for the site and expressed his
external debt, the pulverisation of the labour his/her children because he/she had been enthusiastic opinion about
conforming and promoting
legislation by means of deregulation, but also deprived of a job and had, as a result, occu- such squatter organisations.
to flexibility and precarious employment, the pied an empty house - usually already for
opening for imports and the destruction of the many years - had to go to jail. 8
For the definition of this
national productive apparatus. expression, see Jeifetz.N
In regard to the habitat sector, the city (1995). “Autogestión, reflexio-
The changes in local policies which fol- government’s actions were directed towards nes en torno al proceso desde
el contexto y la práctica”.
lowed these neo-liberal strategic actions were intervention processes for urban renewal relat- Quinto Congreso de la
expressed in an absolute stop in the city gov- ed to mighty private investors who, of course, SELVIP. San Pablo.
ernment’s support of the PADELAI experi- have been historically subsidised. Such is the
9
ence. The Centros Sociales Zonales (GCBA, case of the Project Puerto Madero, where In addition to PADELAI (118
or Social Zoning Centres - de-concentrated central urban land was “given away” for less families), the following build-
organisations with strong links with neighbour- than US $200 per m2, a gift known as “private ings were “gained” through dif-
ferent land regularisation
hood demands) were ordered not to contact investment promotion”. processes: Eleodoro Lobos-
Consorcio E. Lobos in Parque
Some of the squatter families had already Centenario and Azopardo 920-
Cooperativa La Unión in Puer-
approached MOI during the PADELAI process.
to Madero, both national build-
Later on, the Meeting of Squatters (Encuentro ings purchased within the
de Casas Tomadas) became involved with the framework of Law 24.146; a
First San Telmo Open Congress, a parallel municipal building, Perú 770-
Cooperativa Perú in San
process to the constitution of an agreement Temo, purchased within the
ambit - Mesa de Concertación - that would be framework of a law sanctioned
the interlocutor of the first “justicialista” city by the City’s Legislative Power
and a building in the district of
government. Barracas, purchased through
traditional market mechanisms
Between 1992 and 1998, during the period by squatter families who had
been living in Yatay 435-Coop-
of the two “menemist” governments, MOI erativa Yatay in the district of
approached the main occupied buildings in Almagro.
the city and formed around 15 co-operatives
in the same number of buildings, involving
about 350 families.9 The final four successful
experiences after PADELAI - Lobos, Perú, La
Unión and Yatay - numbered nearly 70 fami-
lies. This means that out of every 5 families Facade of the El Molino
initially incorporated in the co-operative Housing Cooperative, Barrio de
Constitución, Buenos Aires
Photo: MOI

Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
35
10 processes, only one reached the final stage of Evicted People (Asamblea de Desalojados de
See „Construcción de una cultu-
ra autogestionaria para ganar el self-managed processes: “Building without La Boca) was constituted, integrating affected
derecho a la ciudad.“ (pp 107 - Bricks”. They gained, through purchase of families and the parish of San Juan Evangelista
112) en Informe Nacional their own building, the right to live in the City. as well as its emerging base organisation, the
Estambul+5. Documento de la
República Argentina. June 2001.
Mutual Help Organisation for La Boca Evicted
This period ended in 1998 when MOI cre- People (Mutual de Desalojados de La Boca).
11 ated the Guardia de Autogestión (Self-man-
See „Sobre el desalojo del
Padelai. El In-formador. nro 58. agement Guard), a space that implies that This organisation promoted the approval
April 2003. MOI’s newspaper. “the first step is taken by those in need” of and later regulation of an ordinance by the Leg-
12
housing in the City. islative Power, thus generating Operative 525,
During these processes, urban which was carried out by the Municipal Hous-
policy has played a fundamen- Cooperativa La Unión, First ing Commission (Comisión Municipal de la
tal role: national and local
Experience in Self-managed Building Vivienda). It targeted families in housing emer-
governmental actions have
produced the necessary condi- Rehabilitation in Central Areas10 gency, providing individual mortgage loans. In
tions for economic, social and this sense they were maladjusted in regard to
environmental changes in In the same way that the PADELAI experi- what had been a collective struggle. This shows
degraded and re-qualifiable
city areas. During “menemism” ence meant - and still does, despite the recent that their problems are not very different from
the National Government sig- repressive eviction of last February 25th11 - those in the collective struggle for land, which
nificantly influenced this situa- the first land regularisation experience in the was atomised by regularisation processes
tion by making available, at
very low prices, 170 hectares City of Buenos Aires’ central areas through geared towards individual ownership.
of national land through the self-managed processes, Cooperativa La
creation of the “Corporación Unión was the first building rehabilitation expe- This process also opens the door to the
Antiguo Puerto Madero”. The
City Government invested in
rience in central areas carried out by collective multiplication of social organisations that con-
infrastructure works, such as property co-operatives and mutual help. stitute themselves as actors to be taken into
the coastal defences to allevi- account. Another product of this operative is
ate flooding in La Boca, located
next to Puerto Madero towards
The stage “Building without Bricks” was in the debate over the difference between “emer-
the South, and developing an full swing in April 1995 when the promissory gency” and “self-management”, which argues
urban renewal process, as sales contract was signed for a former water- the need to differentiate an emergency policy
well as other public investment proof materials factory building located from the outlines of self-managed co-operative
schemes. It was carried out
under the illustrative motto of between San Telmo and Puerto Madero production.
the first directly elected city through an operative within the framework of
government (1996) of Dr. De Law 24.146. It financed the co-operative pur- In fact, these struggles, debates and meet-
La Rua: “incorporating the
South to the North”. chase of the site with an 8 years repayment ings are the basis of proposals that have
plan (these payments finish next May). begun “to appear” as alternative constructions
to the official system; proposals declaring sup-
The stage “Building with Bricks”, i.e. build- port of self-management processes instead of
ing rehabilitation, with an apprenticeship peri- subsidies for entrepreneurial operations, and
od at FUCVAM for the co-operative members, which support the recognition of the right to
began in July 1997 and ended in July 1999. settle and recover idle buildings. All these con-
During 1998, a team of co-operative members cepts are expressed in Article 31 of the local
belonging to the co-operatives Leandro Gomez Magna Charta, the Constitution of the City of
and Covitea shared 10 days of joint work. Buenos Aires, autonomous as city since 1996.
Resources were gathered so as to buy materi-
als, and technical assistance was provided by A product of this development was the
Programme 17 - now closed - of the Nation’s approval of Law 341 in February 2000 and its
Housing Sub-ministry (Subsecretaría de regulation in August 2001 by the Municipal
Vivienda de la Nación). Qualified labour was Housing Commission as Self-management
hired with the support of national subsidies and Housing Emergency Operative. Hence,
(integrated to the co-operative’s accounts) without one year's effort of mobilization and
called Plan Trabajar, and there were co-oper- lobbying by MOI and the Mutual Help Organi-
ative mutual help contributions that surpassed sation for La Boca Evicted People these regu-
the amount of required non-qualified labour. lations would not have been approved.

New Internal Construction This law established for the first time in the
Methodologies: Guardias (Guards) city of Buenos Aires the fact that popular habi-
tat organisations with legal capacity were sub-
A significant process during the 90s in ject to financing. Thus they began to be per-
Buenos Aires arose as a consequence of a ceived, from their pre-existing collective prac-
popular reaction vis-à-vis urban renewal tice, as administrators of official resources in
processes in the traditional neighbourhood of regard to purchasing buildings - consolidation
La Boca. Renewal implies, from a socio-spa- of the Right to the City - and transforming
tial standpoint - as it usually does in a capital- them into housing complexes - consolidation
istic city - eviction and expulsion processes.12 of the Right to Housing. Self-management
To face this situation, the Assembly of La Boca regulations began to exist.

36 Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
During this stage, which began in 1998, Molino co-operative was originated by families 13
CTA – Central de Trabajadores
MOI widened its aims and changed its who lived in hotels subsidised by the City Argentinos - was born in 1990
methodology for the conformation of co-opera- Government. Located in Solís 1978 in the as a Central Trade Union that
tive processes. A weekly Guardia space was neighbourhood of Constitución, the building rejects privatisation policies
and proposes the unity of
implemented with three basic characteristics: was originally a factory. The Municipal Hous- employed and unemployed
ing Commission signed the property deed in workers. When the CTA opened
a) Families must approach as from their July 2002, as business manager, to transfer it its national premises in San
Telmo on May 1, 1993, they
own initiative to the co-operative. It involves 100 dwellings invited MOI to share the use
as well as socio-communitarian and produc- of the building. In 1995, MOI
b) The size of co-operatives was fixed (not tive commercial equipment. decided its organic incorpora-
less than 30 families) and tion to CTA as a habitat social
organisation. Since 2000, a
To summarise, these three co-operatives MOI representative integrates
c) Co-operative proposals were opened to (El Molino, La Fábrica and Yatay) involve 162 the leadership of the CTA Fed-
formal workers and to low income tenant dwellings. The physical intervention will be the eral Capital Board. The incor-
poration of formal trade union
families. renewal of approximately 100 units, and con- workers questioned the consti-
struction work will be carried out for another 62. tution of the co-operative
The Guardia, a pattern of the co-operative organisations. It questioned as
well the perception of self-man-
organisation, is intended to develop the peo- 2000: Crisis and Self-management
agement proposals by trade
ple’s self-management capacities for internal union workers, since their his-
organisation, to jointly define a collective Within the context of the country’s profound toric memory regarding access
to housing is nearer to the
objective, to assume roles and functions, to socio-economic, cultural and institutional cri- practice of “putting your name
work in teams in order to achieve these goals, sis, on July 20, 2001 an aspect of the govern- down on a list” as a beneficiary
and to make them realise that they are part of ment’s policy regarding housing emergency than being a subject who has
to attain its right to housing.
a larger struggle process aiming at the recon- “exploded”: It involved the families who lived in
struction of the popular field. subsidised hotels for which the city government
was paying more than US $500 per month
It operates in three sub-stages: (until December 2001). The rooms measured
4m by 4m and were deficient of common ser-
a) The initial stage of approaching the ini- vices; additional faults were restricted visits
tiative, with approximately 3 to 4 informa- and jail-like regimes for the use of spaces,
tion meetings. constant arbitrariness exerted by superinten-
dents, etc. The local government’s response to
b) The “first time” stage, when the organi-
the housing emergency through subsidised
sation’s basic proposals - pertinence, his-
hotels constitutes another example of the
tory, distance travelled and any reflection
meaning and main aim of state intervention: A
about co-operatives, MOI’s structure and
sub-market destroyed by the crisis - that of
working areas - are discussed.
hotel owners - is rescued and reconstructed
c) The pre co-operative stage, a process by means of government subsidies.
of approximately six months structured
around an agreement of participation, con- Law 341 became the tool for the imple-
tributions and mutual help. mentation of alternatives, often without proper
knowledge or organisational logic. The fami-
In this context, Cooperativa Fortaleza-Chile lies, who rapidly constituted legal civil associa-
1970 arose in the San Cristóbal neighbourhood tions or co-operatives as the governmental
Front view of La Unión Coope-
in 1998, still within the existing regulation structures politically responsible for these rative, Barrio San Telmo,
Buenos Aires
(Operatoria 525 of the Municipal Housing problems, embraced this law and its specific Photo: MOI

Commission). The building is a “chorizo” type


house, with one room after another in a row,
all opening to a patio. Next was the Cooperati-
va La Fábrica in a factory building located on
Icalma Street at the corner of Feijóo in Barra-
cas (in vicinity to Cooperativa Yatay with its 12
families). It involves dwellings for 50 families
with socio communitarian equipment. This is
the first co-operative purchase in the city of
Buenos Aires within the framework of the Self-
management Law 341, and it is the first one
to achieve the integration of CTA13 associated
formal workers (APA, airlines staff). The prop-
erty deed was signed during the December
2001 national crisis. Finally, the co-operatives
Los Invencibles and 20 de Julio arose, inte-
grated today in the Cooperativa El Molino,
also within the framework of Law 341. The El

Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
37
El Molino Housing Cooperative,
Barrio de Constitución, Buenos
operation - self-management and housing
Aires
Photo: MOI
emergency. The families living in hotels pro-
moted, jointly with popular habitat organisa-
tions such as MOI, the “production” of this law.
The purchase of plots and buildings for nearly
1,500 families incorporated into about 50 co-
operatives in the City of Buenos Aires should
become the basis of new housing complexes,
collectively constructed and self-managed by
grass-root organisations.

14 Towards the end of 2002, Law 341 was


MOI participated in this
readapted and improved. Law 964, the new
process i.e. by involving two
Uruguayan Technical Assis- law modifying Law 341, was approved on
tance Institutes (Centro Coop- December 5, 2002. During the second half of
erativo Uruguayo-CCU and 2002, the Municipal Housing Commission during the post-dictatorship years and later
Hacer de Sur). The new regu-
lations include the following advanced in its regulation.14 The operative achieved the regulation frameworks for the
topics: a) Readjustment of a today is called Self-managed Housing Program development and installation of popular habi-
unit’s value from $30.000 to (Programa Autogestionario de Vivienda), and tat policies. It has now to provide a sectoral
$42.000; b) Incorporation of a
pattern to enable higher sub-
although this does not mean that the differ- contribution for the construction of a new soci-
sidy levels for the lowest ences between self-management policies and ety: To start its execution stage and build
income groups with interest those destined to housing emergency are housing complexes and community infrastruc-
rates between 0 and 1.5%;
clear, some differential aspects are beginning ture. The organisation for the execution as well
c) Compulsory incorporation
of Interdisciplinary Technical to emerge. as for the construction of spaces for transfer-
Assistance Teams to the co- ence and training in self-management will be
operatives and d) Advance crucial for the development of a self-managed
Perspectives
payment to the co-operatives.
housing production16 as well as the way in
15 Many of the popular movements that arose which the national crisis will be solved.
Unemployed workers move-
ment. Its more distinctive way
in the context of the accelerated crisis - for
of protesting is by cutting example the “piquetero” movement15 - repro- At the height of a profound structural cri-
roads. duce the worst assistance proposals within sis, the struggle between antagonistic con-
the crude emergency situation that affects cepts is crudely expressed in different areas
16
In this sense, a pending issue nearly 60% of the national population. They and dimensions, some of which are:
is the creation of a Self-Man- live the contradiction of embodying, from
agement School, a proposal
inside the popular movement itself, the most - Individualistic assistance versus collective
that has been discussed at
SELVIP and HIC. genuine will for change while being restrained self-management.
and trapped in practices that emerge from the
individual subsidies systems forced by the - A culture of subsidies, functional to the
World Bank. class inequalities of a capitalist society,
versus a culture of work in the hands of
The self-managed co-operative movement those who generate human riches.
in the City of Buenos Aires made its first steps
- Private versus collective property.
Backfront of El Molino Housing
Cooperative, Barrio de
Constitución, Buenos Aires
Photo: MOI
- Entrepreneurial habitat production versus
The Spanish original of this
social production.
article is available under
www.trialog-journal.de
- A socio-spatially expelling city in compar-
Translation: Alicia Goldmann
ison to a democratic city with neither
expelling nor expelled sectors.
Néstor Rolando Jeifetz,
Architect, Buenos Aires;
President of the Squatter and - Organisational atomisation versus articu-
Tenants Movement (MOI); CTA
(National Trade Union) Federal
lation and integration of the popular field.
Capital Board Member;
member of SELVIP Executive
Secretariat; member of Red - Oblivion and concealment of history ver-
XIV F, CYTED Program.
Contact: sus people’s recovery of reflection and his-
<njeifetz@datamarkets.com.ar>
toric memory.
María Carla Rodríguez,
Sociologist, Buenos Aires;
Conicet Researcher; coordina-
tor of the Area on Urban Stud-
- Representative versus direct democracy.
ies, Gino Germani Research
Institute, University of Buenos
Aires; responsible of MOI’s The building of a popular movement must
Training, Research and Projects
Area; member of the Latin solve these dichotomies in its favour everyday
American Group of HIC on
Social Production of Habitat. in an organised way, in order to be free, to be
Contact:
<trebol@datamarkets.com.ar> fulfilled, and to strengthen its humanity.

38 Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
Social Production of Habitat:
Marginal Option or Reality-transforming Strategy?

ENRIQUE ORTÍZ

Several years ago, after the fall of the In this same authoritarian way and with Die soziale Produktion des
Berlin wall, in a meeting called by the World complete disregard for the people, the tri- Habitat – Randerscheinung
Bank in Washington to discuss social policies umphant model - that of infinite accumulation, oder Veränderungsstrategie?
with Latin American civil organization repre- the one-way-of-thought, fierce competition, Während die Vertreter des
sentatives, we were informed in no uncertain unrestricted free trade, financial and produc- neoliberalen Wirtschaftsmo-
terms of the new rules for playing development. tive globalization, city-corporations, and habi- dells selbstbewusst als Sieger
tat-merchandise - is imposed. The supposed der Ost-West-Systemkonkur-
One of the Bank’s Vice Presidents, in his end of history, and the announced death of renz auftreten und die Verfol-
inaugural speech, addressed us in fulminating ideologies. gung ihrer Rezepte, auch im
Bereich Wohnungsversorgung
terms to inform us - according to the synthesis und Stadtentwicklung fordern,
I built as I heard his words - that there are two Today we suffer new more abstract forms stellt sich die Frage nach der
bowls of soup, that one of them is gone, and of domination, further removed from our con- Relevanz der vielfältigen An-
the remaining soup would be eaten according trol, which expropriate the popular assets and sätze selbstbestimmter Wohn-
to their recipe, or there would be none. knowledge and snatch away or cancel the bau- und Siedlungsinitiativen.
autonomous productive capacity of large Sie stehen widersprüchlichen
As the solemn international functionary social sectors. The logic itself of the triumphant staatlichen Politiken gegenü-
ber, die einerseits der privaten
reached this categorical conclusion, I also system drives it to grow at the cost of the Bauindustrie die Wohnungs-
pondered my response, based on the vast degradation of nature and the exploitation, versorgung übertragen und
wealth of Latin American social experience - dispossession, and exclusion of large majori- diese als strategischen Wirt-
represented in this meeting by numerous col- ties. To avoid their rising up and their protests, schaftssektor fördern, ande-
leagues with long histories in the field - which collectives are disintegrated and problems and rerseits in bester paternalisti-
allowed us to affirm the falsehood of said con- solutions are individualized. Nation-states are scher und interventionistischer
Manier Brosamen verteilen für
clusion, that peoples’ ways are immensely debilitated, and leading roles are assigned to
die vom privaten Wohnungs-
diverse and a world can be built in which we the cities, forced to compete among them- markt Ausgeschlossenen.
all have a place, based on that wealth. I was selves to gain the favors of the nationless Demgegenüber sind die Er-
struck by the fact that the soup being offered, investors, subsidizing them with the peoples’ fahrungen der „sozialen Pro-
in addition to being tasteless and boring, money. duktion des Habitat“, wenn
being the only option, would surely sicken us, auch über 40 Jahre gereift,
leaving us no doubt at the mercy of their only Reality is reduced in order to control it. doch nur einzelne Blüten in
einem Meer aus Steinen. Als
medicine: structural adjustment and belt-tight- The communications media help in the
solche haben se bereits die
ening. homogenization of cultures, minds, products, Realität beeinflusst. Inwieweit
and even human beings, ignoring and crush- sie - im Zusammenhang der
All of this moved me to react immediately, ing the continuously reduced autonomous cul- zahlreichen Initiativen zugun-
but I was unable to request my turn to speak. tural production and social management sten einer „anderen mögli-
Mr. Bank Vice President had spoken, estab- spaces. chen Welt“ - Raum gewinnen
lishing the only and immutable truth, which können, um die Lebensbedin-
gungen der Bevölkerungs-
would from that moment on rule our debates The other, the different, the minority, is
mehrheit dieser Erde zu ver-
and surely our lives. He had finished his ignored, persecuted and even exterminated. bessern, dazu gibt es mehr
speech, and he marched, haughty and satis- The invisible hand of the market does not Fragen und Hoffnungen als
fied, without listening to anyone in return. work, as Thomas Friedman would say, without Gewissheiten.

Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
39
an invisible fist. Focused wars, violence, and It does not matter that this profusion of
repressive acts against the model’s oppo- inhabitable objects for sale is out of the reach
nents, proliferate; the fist becomes more visi- of large social sectors, and that their concep-
ble every day, and its use more cynical. tion ignores peoples’ ways of living, prefer-
ences, and dreams. The fact that these objects
In the field of social policies, accelerated turn their backs on the cities in which they are
transition takes place from the welfare state to located is of even less concern, destroying
the facilitator, which abandons old responsibil- every urban concept of encounter and convivi-
ities in favor of the free play of the market. In ality, and imposing their monotonous rows of
the habitat field, the concepts of need, solvent repetitious constructions ad nauseam.
demand, and market supply of housing solu-
tions substitute now-considered obsolete con- Nothing matters, as long as someone can
cepts of state provision of goods and services, buy the supplied products. While there is busi-
with no consideration given to what may be ness, while the abstract statistics and macro-
cutting-edge inclusive proposals based on the economic indicators grow, everything is fine
inalienable right of everyone to a dignified and with the model and for those who control it.
safe place in which to live and in fundamental
principles such as free determination and co- Partial and contradictory policies are
responsible action of citizens. designed, which on the one hand conceive
housing as a strategic macro-economic factor,
The globalized-era state decentralizes motor for economic development and impor-
itself, depositing its traditional responsibilities tant activator of financial capital, while on the
in one alone of the potential social actors: the other hand limiting its social impact on quality-
private sector. Financial capital and the large of-life improvement and on construction of the
corporations are privileged, and all support family’s private patrimony. Policies which, on
and recognition of social producers is can- one side, prescribe the free market and pro-
celled, even while they remain the main motion of the housing industry and private
builders of cities and housing in the majority of promoters to produce and offer for sale inhab-
our countries, in part as a consequence of the itable objects to carefully selected credit sub-
same noted conditions. jects, and, on the other, focalize state inter-
vention on sectors excluded from the model
Satisfaction of the human right to housing, through compensatory programs which distrib-
whose definition, recognition, and defense have ute crumbs to a sea of socially excluded, as
brought together vast efforts of diverse United paternalistic social assistance.
Nations bodies and an innumerable list of civil
organizations and organized populations Property-centered and individualized poli-
throughout the world, is understood today lim- cies are imposed which minimize and tend to
ited to the massive production and sale of cancel housing cooperativism and other orga-
habitable (even when only marginally so) nized popular housing production, manage-
spaces. The abundance of houses for sale fits ment, and tenure forms.
within this conception, providing satisfaction of
this right, just as the abundance of foodstuffs They are policies centered on economic-
Upgrading of housing and living
conditions has mobilizing impact
and medicines on the shelves of supermar- financial interests which ignore and intend to
on other activities kets and pharmacies pretends to fulfill, from cancel the macro-social and micro-economic
Sta. Fé, Argentina
photo: Eike Jakob Schütz the supply side, the rights to food and health. potential of other conceptualizations which,
like social production of habitat, focus on the
human being, in his or her personal as well as
collective dimensions.

The possibility is thus lost to conceive of


housing production as generator not only of
walls and roofs, but of aware, productive, and
responsible citizens, and at the same time as
a popular economy stimulating process.

Social production of habitat, especially that


supported by collective self-managed process-
es incorporating training, participative responsi-
bility, organization, and active solidarity among
the inhabitants, contributes to strengthen com-
munity practices, direct democratic exercise,
participants’ self-esteem, and more vigorous
social co-existence. The growth of organized
inhabitants’ management capacity and their

40 Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
control over habitat production processes; the
channeling of resources from savings, credit,
and subsidies within the communities in which
the actions unfold, and the subsequent
strengthening of popular market circuits, con-
tribute in turn to strengthen the economies of
individual participants, the neighborhood com-
munity in which they are located, and the pop-
ular sectors as a whole. Placing the - collec-
tive and individual - human being at the center
of their strategies, work methods, and actions,
puts innovative processes in march with pro-
found content and impact toward transforma-
tion of reality. society as a whole: violence, insecurity, lack of Building communities:
people’s assembly
governance, social polarization, privatization in Villa El Salvador, Lima
photo: Klaus Teschner
Centering housing policies and habitat and subsequent suppression of public spaces,
planning, design, and production processes and the rejection of all initiatives which aim to
around people and not around money, holds resolve our neighborhoods’ problems, to the
the potential to produce housing and popular extreme of opposing all public-benefit works.
neighborhoods which are social products that
recognize the diversity and the creative and The city’s purpose as space for socializa-
living wealth of the communities, and that tion and community co-habitation, as political
build upon (instead of over) the historic traits, theater, and as context for civilized human life,
life forms, aspirations, and dreams of the par- is thereby denied. Either the city is for every-
ticipant social groups. body or it will be for nobody. This is a theme
which unifies struggles, processes, thoughts,
On the contrary, imposition of housing poli- and projects in today’s Latin America.
cies which ignore cities and citizens, has gen-
erated enormous contradictions: massive pro- The historic struggle of those of us partici-
duction of merchandise-houses inaccessible pating in this collection of essays has focused,
to large population masses who are then and continues to focus today more than ever,
forced to self-produce their neighborhoods around support for initiatives which tend to
and their homes with no support; growing strengthen the autonomy and free determina-
social and urban segregation, citizens without tion of the social sectors who consciously and
cities and cities without citizens, and massive responsibly assume the construction of the
evictions of poor populations in favor of city and of citizenship, through concrete and
macro-investments justified in concepts of often heroic efforts to produce and manage
public utility, progress, and the city’s global their habitat and to transform the polices and
competitive edge, supposedly to the benefit of structures of power which impede and
its inhabitants. An in fact dual city is created, obstruct their efforts.
that of the excluded and poorly-housed who
seek to integrate themselves, versus that of At this dawn of the XXI
the city masters enclosed in well-serviced, century, does this upstream
controlled, and gated ghettos. struggle represent only a
marginal option or survival
These contradictions penetrate us, and tool destined for failure?
with minimal critical sense we accept the for- Hopeless socialistic nostal-
mulations which express this duality: formal gia in times of fierce individ-
and informal city, normal and subnormal hous- ualism? Anachronic strug-
ing, global enclave and marginal neighborhood. gle to defend peoples’ lands
and places, in times domi-
Where does this leave the right of all to nated by the imposition of
the city? The universal and inalienable human the non-location, the space
right to a place and to housing? How do we of flows through virtual net-
explain the mutation of human rights into mer- works, and society con-
chandise? The subordination of social rights ceived as only communication? Poetics of everyday life: Simple
but solid houses enable to set
to the commercial rights of large corpora- roots in the neighborhood
Sta. Fé, Argentina
tions? The postponement of the rights of the Or, on the contrary, may this stubborn photo: Eike Jakob Schütz

majorities to satisfy the interests of a few? struggle to promote transforming processes


driven from tangible places and by live people
The growing contradictions can not bring be considered part of a global strategic
anything positive for human co-existence. The process exploring new routes in the search for
destruction of the social fabric generated by another possible world, founded on respect for
these situations has grave consequences for nature, life, and human beings?

Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
41
Faced with the brutal enslavement Recently, and in response to some of the
imposed on us by transnationalized economic recommendations of the World Assembly of
power and its local allies, themselves increas- Urban Inhabitants held in Mexico in October
ingly subordinated, obedient, and ambitious, 2000, we undertook a survey to identify and
the struggle to defend and broaden document complex cases of social production
autonomous spaces of production, manage- and management of habitat in Latin America.
ment, and cultural creation, is for many a With support from the networks of Habitat
ridiculous and marginal effort with no future. International Coalition - Latin America (HIC-
LA) and the Latin American Popular Housing
It is increasingly common to find cases of Secretariat (SELVIP), a sample of 45 cases
intellectuals and social and civil organizations from 13 countries was collected, representing
who have abandoned these struggles to jump a broad range of experiences focused on
aboard the train of economic or political prof- implementation of peoples’ rights to the city
itability: NGOs converted into private busi- and to housing.
nesses or that have abandoned their commu-
nity work to manage their political agendas or Most of the documented cases are tremen-
position their leaders as full-time state func- dously vital experiences exploring and develop-
tionaries or “interlocutors;” social organiza- ing innovative paths, demonstrating the capac-
tions, which call themselves revolutionaries, ity of the social organizations to administer and
mutated into housing intermediaries or orga- drive complex processes. Their approaches
nizers of housing demand in support of private vastly surpass the sectoral vision of the gov-
real estate interests; “organic” intellectuals ernments, the homogenizing reductionism
now converted into experts or consultants sell- imposed by the transnationalized markets, and
ing their services to the highest bidder; social the fragmented specialization of the experts.
movements beheaded by the abandonment of
their leaders in favor of political party or public The programs and projects registered inte-
sector positions. grate diverse components and processes,
beyond the housing construction, training, and
But this does not in any way represent the organizational strengthening which character-
only possible route. New strategies are ize social production of habitat. They include
explored, new processes are opened and mul- various of the following components and
tiplied, and new searches are embarked upon, processes: income-generating activities or oth-
especially by women and youth. Old organiza- ers oriented to strengthen the popular econo-
tions also move forward, deepening their my; use of eco-techniques, environmental
experience and renewing their strategies and education and ecological project development;
methods, maintaining themselves open and in health, security and basic-goods supply sup-
continual search consistent with their social port actions; attention to special-needs sectors
Agents of the social production
commitment and historic work, despite the (children, youth, elderly); gender equity pro-
of habitat: Self-help group in obstacles and limitations imposed by current motion within the collective itself; cultural and
Sta. Fé, Argentina
photo: Eike Jakob Schütz trends. sports activity promotion; active participation
in public policy negotiation, and strengthening
of democratic struggles or local empowerment.

From the micro level, these experiences


build popular sovereignty and new culture
centered in collective practices and strategies
based on training, use of information, partici-
pative decision-making, socialization of
responsibilities, and self-management of the
inhabitants’ own knowledge, skills, assets, and
resources. Independently of which actor origi-
nated the experience, the most advanced
cases center on the community and imply the
interlinked and interdisciplinary work of techni-
cal support persons and professionals who
assist the productive and self-managed
processes.

These experiences, which represent only a


sample of the work being developed by the
organizations in which this book’s contributing
authors collaborate, among many other habi-
tat organizations, are also paralleled in experi-
ences of organizations working in many other

42 Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
fields. Thanks to electronic media, contacts
and solidarity ties among such organizations
are growing, and encounters and joint actions
are celebrated which contribute to interweave
and link processes at different scales - local,
national, regional and global - simultaneously
and progressively, without following pre-estab-
lished patterns or mechanical models.

New organizational and action forms devel-


op which unite wills and build synergies in the
global defense of human rights, nature, and
human habitat; cultural and biological diversi-
ty; the dignity and rights of the indigenous,
laborers, the displaced, refugees, migrants,
victims of war and man-made and natural dis-
asters; the hungry, the ill, and the homeless.

Experiences, testimonies and reflections


are exchanged on innovative processes in
fields as diverse as organic agriculture, fair While our achievements and the new World Assembly of Urban
Inhabitants, Mexico DF, 2000
trade, barter, alternative medicine, transform- experiences inaugurated today on so many photo: Klaus Teschner

ing education, and self-managed popular fronts inspire us to continue to move forward
habitat. Actions are linked against the exclu- to invent and open new routes, we do so in
sive globalization of the powerful, drug traffick- the face of the enormous economic and politi-
ing, the arms race, and social and environmen- cal power concentrated in the large corpora-
tal impacts of macro-development projects. tions that want it all, and which count on the
support of their operators in the governments,
The other possible world is being built international agencies, massive communica-
today on diverse fronts, in multiple places, and tions media, and armed forces.
at every scale - a world that inspires the
dreams, encounters, and debates integrated What place does our current daily work
within the World Social Forum and other have among these situations? To what point
spaces which imagine and build, step by step, do we dedicate our meager strengths to con-
the other globalization, that which conceives front the monster in his territory, the monster
our world as space and patrimony for all. That which in his long agony wipes out everything
other world will certainly not emerge from the opposing his path? How long do we continue
institutions, too closed within their own reduc- to plant seeds of the new in the most fertile
tionist, separatist and fragmentary rationality, and modest fields of the people who struggle
and bogged down in their bureaucratic rou- for their dignity and survival? Is the upstream
tines and obstacles. The other world we refer struggle to multiply, intensify, and link these
to, on the contrary, bursts with vitality in innu- experiences and processes, the work we must
merable, perhaps millions, of small experi- undertake at the dawn of a new civilizing era?
ences driven by communities, solidarity
groups, and social networks which, throughout The answers to these questions will not be The Spanish original version of
this text was first published in
the planet, resist the enslavement of their found in new “models” or in narrow utopias „Vivitos y coleando: 40 años tra-
bajando por él hábitat popular
autonomy and struggle for their dignity and used to justify our steps. The only certainty we en América Latina." (UAM / HIC-
AL, Mexico DF, Nov. 2002) and
survival, collectively interacting and learning to can count on is that this certainty does not is available under
drive increasingly complex and integral exist. That both science and history show us www.trialog-journal.de

processes and projects. that the universe and our world constitute a Translation: Jodi Grahl

dynamic, undetermined, unpredictable, pro-


Opposed to the gray men, accumulators of found, and increasingly complex system, and
time, power and money, new ways of living in that everything that happens at the smallest
community are developed which take us clos- scale of matter and of social existence, impacts
er to building and inhabiting - to borrow the in some way on what happens at the plane-
words of the Zapatistas - a world with room for tary scale and in the confines of the universe. Enrique Ortíz Flores,
all worlds. architect, president of Habitat
International Coalition, coordi-
These facts are precisely what affirm our nator of the Habitat Internation-
Nevertheless, almost 40 years working in hope and motivate us to continue forward, al Coalition Latin American
regional office;
the margins of the system impede us from even if we must do so from the cracks opened head professor of the Sergio
Chiappa Chair at the Metro-
being naive. We know that our best experi- by the great contradictions of our time and politan Autonomous University
- Xochimilco Campus;
ences, many of them recognized and reward- from the chaotic, random, and unpredictable member of the Mexican
National Housing Board.
ed as “best practices,” are but singular flowers reality in which the social processes which Contact:
<chm@laneta.apc.org>
grown among rocks. may transform this reality are developed.

Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
43
Changing Realities –
Neo-liberalism
and the NGOs in the South

ALEXANDER JACHNOW

Neue Realitäten für Defining NGOs is, as a German scholar tions or gratis support at the local level, an
südliche NGOs phrased it, as easy as nailing a blancmange essential difference between North and South
to the wall. The miscellaneous group of non- is to be pointed out for defining NGOs.
Es ist eine weitverbreitete Vor- governmental organisations, also called the
stellung, dass NGOs als Teil “third sector”, is best described as “neither pri- It is the Northern NGOs working in the
der Zivilgesellschaft den
Kampf gegen den Neolibera-
vate in the sense of the market, nor public in field of development that channel the funds
lismus anführen. Ihre Beteili- the sense of the state” (Carroll 1992: 11), they raise from voluntary contributions (and
gung an den Weltgipfeln - als though one may then confuse NGOs with also government aid) to their Southern coun-
Ausrichtende der Sozialgipfel other entities of civil organisations such as terparts. The basis of volunteerism therefore
und Demonstranten bei den sport clubs or grassroots organisations. NGOs has to be understood in this international con-
Wirtschaftsgipfeln - hat sie only form part of the much wider concept stellation. Southern NGOs often lack a sup-
als sogenannte Antiglobalisie- which the term “civil society” stands for. portive basis at the local level. Therefore, they
rungsbewegung in die Medien
gebracht. Doch ist die große
might be autonomous institutionally, but they
und durchaus heterogene Many organisations operating worldwide are not so in terms of economics and politics.
Gruppe der NGOs nicht per have been labelled “NGOs”, although they
se der Gegner einer neolibe- work in the most diverse contexts, on a vast Distinction
ralistischen, „neuen“ Weltord- variety of issues and with quite different pur-
nung, die von der Devise „der poses. NGOs defy attempts at precise classifi- Emphasizing the fact that an extremely
Markt ist überall“ geprägt ist
cation. Nonetheless, in the late 1990s five diverse group forms the third sector shows
und welche den Ausschluss
weiter Teile der Menschheit
characteristic dimensions were set up for that talking about “the NGOs” (as I do here) is
von ihren Grundrechten zufol- defining Non-Governmental Organisations a misleading simplification. And it is not only
ge hat. Innerhalb des dritten (Anheier 1997: 29 - 50). the location, they are working in or for, that
Sektors sind inzwischen weite makes the difference, but their history, size,
Teile in neoliberale Strukturen On the basis of this definition an NGO is approach, legal status etc.
einbezogen. Auch und gerade
die kleinen südlichen NGOs - institutionally autonomous
To differentiate by individual approaches is
müssen sich einem Wettbe- - organised through a defined setting and
werb mit oft ungewissem Aus-
useful in analysing their aims, strategies and
internal rules settings. Korten (1987) identified three sub-
gang stellen, sich den Vorstel-
lungen ihrer nördlichen Geber - self-administered groups by their distinctive orientations in pro-
anpassen und die Bedingun- gramming strategy, which he called genera-
gen der internationalen - based on volunteerism
tions. As the most antique, he defined the
Finanzinstitutionen befolgen, - and non-profit. relief-and-welfare approach as the origin of
um ihre Arbeit an der Basis
the emergence of NGOs, followed by the
weiterführen zu können. Ent-
For an organisation to qualify as an NGO, small-scale development approach, which was
wicklungs-NGOs sind in zu-
nehmendem Maße Teil der all five criteria have to apply. However, while criticised and replenished by a “third genera-
„Privatisierung“ von Entwick- the first three characteristics are relatively tion” aiming towards sustainable systems
lungszusammenarbeit und easy to identify, and prove, the concept of vol- development. This latter is also known as the
auch wenn sie bessere Erfol- unteerism might lead to confusion.1 Clear Reform Generation that had a share in imple-
ge erzielen als vordem staat- signs of volunteerism, such as donations, menting more comprehensive development
liche Institutionen, ist ihr unpaid helpers and a membership base are policies, also extending its influence to the
Wirkungskreis doch reduziert
und ihre Arbeit exklusiv. Um
applicable only to a subgroup of NGOs, gen- international level. At present, all three forms
Lösungen aus dem Dilemma erally found in the North (i. e. in OECD-coun- exist parallel, as “new generations take their
zu finden, wird es nötig sein, tries). As the prevailing type in the South (i.e. place along with older generations” (Korten
kritischer mit den Beiträgen in countries that receive development aid) 1987: 156). The following observations here
und Bedingungen der NGOs consists mostly of small groups of employed refer to the Southern urban NGDOs, the local
umzugehen. professionals and has little access to dona- Non-Governmental Development Organisa-

44 Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
NGO planning session with
donors
photo: Habitat International
Coalition

tions working in Southern cities that belong To Northern independent development


mostly to the second generation. Again, these activists, NGOs pursue an alternative, non-
are non-membership, small professional state-controlled development. To experts, they
organisations, dedicated to small-scale devel- are the experienced professionals working on
opment, though some intend to fit their pro- the ground, solving problems by adapting
jects into a wider picture of sustainable sys- international development expertise to the
tems. Their specific tasks include urban local setting. The World Bank defines them as
upgrading, housing and related areas. “private organizations that pursue activities to
relieve suffering, promote the interests of the
Perception from outside poor, protect the environment, provide basic
social services, or undertake community
Structural definitions of NGOs or distinc- development” (WB: Operational Directive
tions within the sector however do not lead us 14.70, 2000). And of course, those who focus
very far, towards comprehending the specific from outside on the contact with the poor,
role of NGOs at present. Maybe more reveal- classify NGOs as important intermediaries.
ing for the nature of the “NGO-success-story Finally, western politicians presume their
phenomenon” is to look at the common per- democratic commitment.
ception most people have of them. In contrast
to the dilemma of defining them, nearly every- For many people, particularly in the media,
one in the wide range of experts, activists and it also is a common assumption that civil soci-
bankers has quite a firm opinion about what ety and, within it, the NGOs represent the
NG(D)Os are to them. most effective and non-corrupt opponent of
neo-liberalism. With the movements and
Among these assumptions one will find the demonstrations against globalisation in mind,
consensus that: with the gatherings of NGOs during world
- they “touch the ground” being in direct summits on issues such as environment, gen-
contact with the poor der and habitat, the anti-neo-liberalist attitude
of non-governmental organisations makes
- they contribute to poverty alleviation perfect sense.
through their work directly, and
- they are independent, though committed But both assumptions are only partly true.
to the well being of the communities they Globalisation is not a synonym for neo-liberal-
work with, and represent somehow, what ism and NGOs are not the spearhead when it
is known as civil society. comes to fighting neo-liberalism. Relevant
sections of the Third Sector are turning into a
Even if these are not particularly specific part of a neo-liberal global concept, which is
suppositions, they may represent the lowest hallmarked by indicators such as socially
common denominator that the above men- unjust distribution and the philosophy that 1
tioned groups can agree upon. “anywhere is a marketplace”. The last of the five criteria,
“non-profit”, also leaves room
A projection surface for one’s ideals... for interpretation, especially in
…and the truth behind
areas where for instance con-
sultancy may provide the NGO
An astonishing feature of the perception of The impact of the neo-liberal setting or its members with an extra
NGDOs, however, is that most people who absorbs many NGOs into global mainstream income. However, to receive
direct personal benefit is
appreciate their work show a certain self-iden- development strategies, no matter, what unusual, but this also applies
tification with their aims when defining them. approach or political background they originally to many private businesses.

Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
45
All figures: A. Jachnow Decision flows for governmental projects Changing realities?

Development aid has increasingly become


a sub-market of state privatisation and the
NGOs have become a part of it, as they
depend on a constellation of financially weak
city departments, the missions of Northern
donors, and the conditions of international
financial institutions - that all still appreciate
their performance for specific reasons.

Contemporary city departments hardly


impede voluntary activities for improving urban
had or still claim as their own. And analysing living conditions such as housing support, no
the present-day setting, we must remember, matter how successful they actually are. In
that within each approach there have always terms of costs they also appear attractive to
existed miscellaneous political orientations. the beneficiaries, who e. g. receive subsidized
They can be conservative or declare them- credits, and the donor, who pays the differ-
selves “completely apolitical”, as is common in ence. This way, NGOs can achieve important
civil-war-traumatized Central America. advantages for their target groups, govern-
mental counterparts and donors. However, the
However, political orientation is decreasing benefits through cost sharing or involvement
in importance. The conditions and the socio- of many stakeholders do not imply that the
economic setting in present-day cities NGOs project may have an effect on an urban scale
work in have become very much the same. or could be extended easily. Reality demon-
Southern Non-Governmental Development strates that a significant impact of NGOs on
Organisations (NGDOs) have therefore adopt- urban development is still an illusion. But what
ed certain patterns of behaviour that often is so convincing even to those donors that
unwillingly and unwittingly position them as expect NGOs to be important change makers?
supporters of World Bank and IMF policies.
First, NGO projects are not accountable
For the benefit of big construction compa- either to the people concerned or to the local
nies in Mexico and Argentina, for example, the administration entities. Projects underachiev-
aim is now (again) social housing estates for ing their goals may be transformed into a
immediate occupancy. If NGOs want to com- quasi-success. The failure is thereby less
pete with the private sector, they have to harmful to the donor than to the beneficiary.
adapt to the new conditions, such as individ- Second, as some have undoubtedly achieved
ual credit schemes, leaving behind alternative exceptional results through their work, one
approaches, such as community empower- might presume that all NGOs have this ability.
ment. Though they might still anticipate such And the fact that NGOs have had success in a
approaches, they will be the easiest to drop if certain locality makes us believe that they
lack of time, staff or resources forces the NGO could perform well anywhere. But several hun-
to “trim down” implementation. As the projects dred good and best practices recorded
they run are often short- to medium-term, their through the last thirty years or so are outnum-
work is sometimes far from being sustainable. bered by several thousands running NGO pro-
They literally cannot afford to provide constant jects today. NGOs are, even within the sub-
support to the groups they work with, though group of housing and development, far from
most donors try to assure some continuity at being one unified group that would have the
least for the NGO itself. same abilities anywhere it acts.

This rather negative and exaggerated


Decision flows for NGO projects
depiction reveals the possibility for some
NGOs to act without any real concern for the
intended effect for the poor and still receive
funding. However, the NGOs are not to blame
for this development, but the sub-market for
development aid. As they are dependent on
foreign funding, their genuine goals and activi-
ties are endangered.

Aspects of the
market-like performance

The crucial contribution of NGOs to neo-


liberalism, however, is not that they help

46 Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
establish social injustice in developing coun- Business competition References
tries through alleviating its consequences. Anheier, Helmut; Salamon, Lester
This is a disputable argument. The striking Finally NGOs have to compete with the M. (1997): Defining the non-profit
indicators for this contribution lie in the sup- business sector, which challenges them in sector: a cross-national analysis.
areas where subsidies, revenues or loans are Manchester
port NGDOs provide for development policies
that are in line with neo-liberalism and in the attractive. This does not necessarily imply that Bendaña, Alejandro (Oct. 1998):
market-orientated way they have to act. The NGOs are only good for the unprofitable mar- Which Ways for NGOs? - A Per-
spective from the South. Centro de
latter shall be confirmed here by briefly look- ket segments, i. e. the marginalized areas,
Estudios Internacionales, Managua,
ing at some aspects of competition. slums, informal settlements and squatted Nicaragua,
plots. One can find NGOs also working in www.solidaritetshuset.org/rorg/
RORG/NGO/ABenNGOs.htm
NGO competition “lucrative” areas such as infrastructure or
housing provision, where they often operate Bernard, Amanada et al. (edit.)
Market-like structures can be found in their cost effectively. This combines their exclusive- (1998): Civil Society and Interna-
tional Development. OECD; North-
orientation towards competition. The hardest ness with a random choice of action, scope of South Centre Council of Europe
one for NGOs, though, comes from other the project - and target group. In other words,
NGOs. The financing of Southern NGOs is a there is no instrument to regulate the distinct Brand, Ulrich (1999): Nichtregie-
rungsorganisationen, Staat(ensy-
matter of raising subsidies and donations that aims in a comprehensive and coordinated stem) und ökologische Krise: Kon-
Northern NGOs or development agencies may manner. It is left to the NGO and its donor to turen kritischer NRO-Forschung ;
decide, what it is right to do, what might das Beispiel der biologischen Viel-
allocate for this purpose. falt. Frankfurt/M.
receive funding and what will keep the NGO
Not only do Southern NGDOs have to fulfil “alive” in a competitive environment. Brunnengräber, Achim (edit.)
(2001): NGOs als Legitimations-
all bureaucratic requirements set up by a ressource: zivilgesellschaftliche
potential donor, they also have to “sell” the But what is wrong with market-adapted Partizipationsformen im Globalisie-
project. This is one of the reasons why pro- structures and competition that helps to offer rungsprozess. Opladen
jects are increasingly mainstreamed and alternatives? Of course, competition is not a
Carroll, Thomas F. (1992): Inter-
labelled with international development terms, synonym to neo-liberalism, but it implies more mediary NGOs: The supporting link
which are adapted sometimes even forcibly to demand than supply on the ground, and more to grassroots development. West
offer than funds on the project level. Hence, it Hartford
the local context.
is socially not justifiable that an instrument to Hall, Nicolas et al. (edit.) (1996):
And yet another remarkable fact of NGO- develop alternative methods should persist in The Urban Opportunity: The works
of NGOs in cities of the South. Lon-
funding has to be borne in mind. Criticism of excluding vast majorities from basic needs all
don
the public performance of service provision of the time, subjecting them to competition for
focuses frequently on the perceived distance limited private programmes. Hulme, David (edit.) (1997):
NGO’s, states and donors: too
between “the ground level” and the decision close for comfort? New York
taking level, blaming the remote perspective of Urban issues
the decision makers for the ill-fated output of in the scope of their work INTRAC (Jan. 2000): NGO Policy
Briefing Paper No. 2: NGOs and the
the project. Nonetheless, constellations within City. Oxford
the NGO sector, often involving governmental On the urban scale, NGDOs are expected
development agencies, force staff to judge on to contribute to a sustainable, socially inclu- Korten, David C. (1987): Third
Generation NGO Strategies: A Key
projects thousands of kilometres away, pro- sive development, combating the recent ten- to People-centred Development. in:
jects in cities they have never been to, in a dency towards quick-profit transactions and Gordon Drabek (1987): Develop-
context they have never experienced. segregation. From the dispersed projects ment Alternatives: The Challenge
for NGOs. World Development,
loosely spread over the urban texture, it is Oxford London
The other side of competition

But NGOs do not only compete - there


are many that compete for them. NGOs can
mean an extra endowment for the municipali-
ty; they can offer support for a CBO or for an
individual person in need. This leads to anoth-
er crucial criticism: the work of NGOs is exclu-
sive. No matter which way they choose to
select the beneficiaries from among the poor,
any private organisation can only pursue the
well-being of a few.

On the one hand, the aid internationally


provided by volunteers contains increasing
amounts of international and national subsidies.
On the other, nobody has the right to claim
NGO support. This is a fatal constellation. But,
as a consequence of privatising development
aid, the poor will soon have no one to claim
support from: not the bankrupt state, nor the
NGOs - and still less the private sector.
Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
47
the International Development Community
their own, they have done little to contribute
alternatives by experimenting on the ground
with non-conformist approaches. Another cru-
cial aspect of the neo-liberal market, as the
contemporary political and social regime, is its
anti-utopian belief in “process and self -regula-
tion”. There is no vision behind it.

Urban visions such as the socially inclu-


sive city can hardly be a major concern of the
everyday work of small NGDOs, in view of the
constraints they have to face on the ground.
However, public and private research institu-
tions, and, among the latter, some NGOs have
of late been contributing to alternative
approaches for urban development.

Conclusions

Meeting of housing NGOs


against evictions, World Social
easy to assess their potential impact on the Many NGOs are right in taking offence if it
Forum Porto Alegre 2003 city as a whole. However, to tackle the urban is insinuated that they have been instrumen-
photo: Habitat International
Coalition problems on their base is an impossible chal- talized by neo-liberal policies. As they try hard
lenge for NGOs and it would not be fair to to contribute to a significant impact on poverty
blame a few hundred badly equipped acade- alleviation, they deserve more respect for their
Mitlin, Diana (1999): Civil Society
and Urban Poverty. IIED, London mics, kept outside the hierarchic decision sys- efforts. NGOs are indispensable for compre-
tem, for being unable to change urban reality. hensive development policies, though they are
Ortiz, Enrique (1998): Estrategias They are forced into a framework that leaves forced to compete for the resources allocated
para la puesta en práctica de Habi-
tat II. en: Delgadillo, Victor (1998): little to no space for alternative visions. to improve urban living conditions for all, while
Habitat II - declaraciones, compro- public capital for this purpose is privatised,
misos y estrategias para la Acción globalised and diminished. At the local level,
Another constraint lies in the single-issue
(HIC). México
layout of most projects. Though they claim to NGOs too experience the insufficiency of
Treanor, Paul (Jan. 2003): Neolib- work in a comprehensive way and are often resources and the unjust terms of distribution.
eralism: origins, theory, definition. Though governments are more than willing to
Amsterdam
more than willing to do so, it is very difficult for
the funding to combine issues with different sub-contract political and aid work to NGOs,
Van Rooy, Alison (edit.)(1998): scopes, terms or targets. they only do so on a project-by-project basis.
Civil Society and the Aid Industry. But only the guarantee of long-term indepen-
Earthscan, London
The lack of an applicable dence would create a significant counter-
Wegner, Rodger (1993): Nicht- urban vision weight to the current neo-liberal tendencies in
Regierungsorganisationen als
urban development.
entwicklungspolitische Hoffnungs-
träger. Eine Studie zur Wirksamkeit NGOs have been especially appreciated
privater Entwicklungshilfe auf den for their search for alternative ways. Individually If we do not want our future cities to be
Philippinen. LIT Verlag, Münster,
Hamburg and through their networks, NGOs have proved shaped through the interests of a few, we
on several occasions to be important indepen- have to look to combine the efforts of civil
World Bank (1993): Housing: dent think tanks. Recent development theory society in its broad sense with the strengthen-
Enabling Markets to Work.
Washington DC is hardly separable from the contributions and ing of accountable public entities. The required
on-the-ground experience of many NGOs. shift in urban policies demands not more “par-
World Bank (Feb. 2000): Involving Research institutes in North and South oper- ticipation” but the strengthening of social
Nongovernmental Organizations in
Bank-Supported Activities GP 14.70 ate with the reliable data, gathered by them. responsibilities. NGOs should be accountable
http://wbln0018.worldbank.org to the groups they serve and they must get
Since the 1980s, progressive development the opportunity to serve them on the long run.
agencies have adopted essential parts of the
philosophy of NGO-work, with the consequence Finally, housing and service provisioning
A Spanish summary of this text of mainstreaming alternative development cannot be left to those who voluntarily con-
is available under
www.trialog-journal.de policies. NGOs and CBOs undoubtedly have tribute to the improvement of urban conditions
an important share in the development of pro- or just make money out of it. Urban policies
ject performances that are small-scale, locally demand a comprehensive, long-term institu-
Alexander Jachnow, adapted, participative, based on micro-finance tion for urban management which NGDOs
researcher and teacher at the
Habitat Unit, Technical etc. In the end, though, they suffered not the have to be part of, as they represent the best
University of Berlin. Academic
research on the changing role replacement of their work, but the loss of the basis for pluralistic and experimental
of Development NGOs active
in housing. Consultant for
autonomy of their ideas and their approaches. approaches to develop alternatives. And plu-
urban management and rality is not a matter of many organisations,
development in the South.
Contact: While in recent years some NGOs in the but of having the means to search for compre-
<Alexander.Jachnow@tu-
berlin.de> South have made the missions postulated by hensive solutions for the whole urban society.

48 Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
Neue Bücher / Book reviews

Architektur es schwer, einen Überblick bzw. eine schlüssige Stadtmauern. Ein weiterer Abschnitt des Buches
Einordnung von Einzelbauwerken in die Gesamt- verfolgt die Entstehung und Wandlung der Ge-
Dominique Gauzin-Müller. Nachhaltigkeit in entwicklung zu finden. Neben vertiefenden Spe- samtstadt über die vier maßgeblichen Dynasti-
Architektur und Städtebau. 256 S. ISBN 3- zialpublikationen haben auch Globalbände wie en hinweg, bis sich das zentrale Thema der
7643-6658-3. 2002. Birkhäuser Verlag, Basel. dieser ihre Berechtigung. ‚verschlüsselten Ordnung’ offenbart: eine durch-
Jedes neue Buch zum Thema Nachhaltigkeit Der Autor gliedert das 20. Jahrhundert in vier gängige Folge von Wasseradern und damit
muß sich dem Verdacht aussetzen, dieses Mode- Epochen mit den ungefähren Zäsuren 1930, gespeisten Gärten, und die (Markt-) Plätze als
wort als verkaufsfördernde Mogelpackung für 1950 und 1970. Die erste Zeitspanne wird mit Lebensspendende Organe der islamischen
die Replikation von Standardwissen zu verwen- Purismus assoziiert, darauf folgt ‚organische Stadt Marrakech.
den. Die hier vorliegende Publikation besteht Architektur und Technik’, später ‚synkretistische Die Arbeit geht weit über den zu erwartenden
den Test mühelos und erweist sich sowohl in Tendenzen’ und schließlich ‚Autonome Architek- Rahmen einer Dissertation hinaus – erklärbar
dem abgehandelten Spektrum der Einzelaspek- tur’ - gekennzeichnet durch regionale Identität sicherlich durch eine Zeitspanne von über 15
te wie auch in der Vermittlung neuer Informati- und die Wiedergewinnung von Tradition. Es mag Jahren, die der Verfasser in Marakech gelebt
on als kompetent und interessant. dahingestellt bleiben, ob diese Richtungen als und geforscht hat. Als Morphologie der islami-
In der Struktur ist das Werk in drei Abschnitte repräsentativ bezeichnet werden können, aber schen Stadt setzt sich das Werk von anderen
geteilt. Zu Beginn steht die Auseinandersetzung das war wohl auch nicht das Anliegen des Au- Büchern über das gleiche Thema dadurch ab,
mit den Rahmenbedingungen und Tendenzen tors. Vielmehr scheint das Gewicht darin zu lie- daß ganz konkret die Komposition einer einzigen
der Ökobewegung im Bausektor, wobei ein Kapi- gen, Architektur als Ausdruck eines epochal Stadt analysiert wurde, wodurch der Gefahr un-
tel speziell über Holz und Holzbau etwas aus dominanten Lebensgefühls vorzustellen, und präziser Verallgemeinerungen aus dem Weg
der Reihe tanzt. Im Mittelpunkt stehen jedoch ‚Gefühl’ zeigt sich nun einmal direkter in freien gegangen wird. Denn die ‚islamische Stadt
die verschiedenen nationalen und internationalen Formen als in den Kästen, die unsere gebaute schlechthin’ existiert wahrscheinlich nur als Ge-
Beschlüsse, Strategien, Kontroll- und Förderin- Umwelt mehrheitlich in der Realität zu bestimmen dankengerüst, aber als fassbares, versteinertes
strumente für den Bausektor. Es folgt eine Serie scheinen. Eine solche Sicht macht die zusam- Abbild sicherlich nirgends – abgesehen viel-
von Kapiteln über stadtplanerische Überlegun- menfassende Rezeption des Buches selbst zu leicht vom Sonderfall Mekka. Aus dieser Sicht
gen aus der Sicht der Ökologie – im Wesentli- einem Erlebnis, auch wenn der Text selbst sich und in ihrer Gründlichkeit kann die Veröffentli-
chen eine Auseinandersetzung mit den bekann- im Wesentlichen auf das Faktische beschränkt chung nicht hoch genug gelobt werden. Schade
ten Sektoren wie Flächennutzung, Grünflächen, und somit naturgemäß sehr trocken bleibt. nur, daß die Abbildungen so winzig sind und
Luft, Verkehr, Energie, Wasser, Abwasser und Kosta Mathéy die Druckqualität zu wünschen übrig lässt.
Müll. Hervorzuheben sind sechs Fallstudien von Kosta Mathéy
stadtökologischen Programmen in Mäder (Öster-
reich), Stuttgart, Freiburg, Amsterdam, Helsinki Hans-Dieter Evers; Rüdiger Korff. Southeast
und Rennes. Teil Drei des Buches wendet sich Asian Urbanism. 268 Seiten, ISBN 3-8258-
dann der Architektur zu - mit grundsätzlichen 4021-2, 2. Auflage 2003. LIT Verlag Münster
Kapiteln zu Energieeinsparung und den dazu- (www.lit-verlag.de).
gehörigen Verordnungen, alternative Energie- Die ‚Bielefelder Schule’ und ihre beiden Ver-
quellen und Baustoffe, (noch einmal:) Holzbau treter Evers und Korff, seit über 20 Jahren in
und verschiedene ‚weiche’ Faktoren wie: die der Entwicklungsländer-Forschung tätig, zählen
optimale Abwägung bzw. Kombination verschie- im deutschsprachigen Raum zu den renommier-
dener umweltrelevanter Maßnahmen, das grüne testen Wissenschaftlern zum Thema Stadtent-
Baustellen- und Gebäudemanagement und wicklung in Südost Asien. In diesem Band zie-
Finanzierungsfragen. Den Abschluss - mit fast hen sie sozusagen das Resümee aus ihren bis-
der Hälfte der Druckseiten - bilden 23 Fallstudi- herigen Arbeiten zu diesem Thema. Die empiri-
Gauzin-Müller /
en ökologisch innovativer Wohnbauten, öffentli- Nachhaltigkeit in Architektur und Städtebau sche Basis stellen Forschungen in Thailand, Sri
cher Einrichtungen und gewerblicher Bauwerke. Lanka, Indonesien, Malaysia, den Philippinen
Wie schon die vielen gut dokumentierten und Singapore dar, während sich der theoreti-
Architekturbeispiele (auch in den ‚stadtplaneri- Stadtentwicklung sche Ansatz in der Linie von Marx, Weber,
schen’ Kapiteln) zeigen, ist das Buch für Archi- Habermas, Bourdieu und Castells versteht.
tekten gemacht. Bei der hohen Zahl von rund Quentin Wilbaux. La Médina de Marrakech. Der theoretische Rahmen zu der Arbeit wird
300 Kapiteln ist deren Umfang notgedrungen 381 Seiten, ISBN 2-7475-2388-8. 2001. 30 EUR. gleich im ersten Kapitel entwickelt, wobei die
stark reduziert, worunter aber die Informations- L’Harmattan, 5 rue de l’Ecole Polytechnique, jüngsten gesellschaftlichen Veränderungen im
tiefe löblicherweise nicht leidet. Ganz besonders F-75005 Paris (www.harmat@worldnet.com). Spannungsfeld ökonomischer, kultureller und
hervorgehoben werden muß jedoch die Viel- Das umfangreiche Werk basiert auf der Dis- ideologischer Kräfte interpretiert werden. Kapitel
schichtigkeit des Untersuchungsansatzes mit sertation des Autors zu dem Thema ‘Ordnung Zwei beschäftigt sich mit der speziell asiatischen
den sich daraus ergebenden und dargestellten oder Unordnung’ – bezogen auf die Stadtgestalt Variante von Urbanisierung im Wandel von Tra-
Lösungen des nachhaltigen Bauens. von Marrakech. Die Morphologie dieser Stadt dition, Kolonialismus und modernem Wirtschafts-
Kosta Mathéy wird in ihre einzelnen Bestandteile zerlegt, die boom, was dann mit einer Fallstudie zu Malaysia
Elemente auf ihre Ursprünge zurückverfolgt und exemplarisch vertieft wird. Unter der Überschrift‚
Udo Kultermann. Die Architektur des 20. in ihrer vor Ort festzustellenden Vielfältigkeit Meaning and Power in the Construction of Urban
Jahrhunderts. 355 S. ISBN 3-211-83887-2, aufgefächert. Hier erscheinen das Verhältnis Space’ werden nicht-materielle Faktoren der
2003 (6. erweiterte Auflage). EUR 30,-. der Stadt zu ihrem Umland, die Zusammenset- Stadtentwicklung, wie Religion, Tradition und
Springer Verlag, Wien (www.springer.at). zung der Bevölkerung und ihre Wohngebäude, Kultur anhand von Fallstudien aus Sri Lanka,
Bei der zunehmenden Gleichzeitigkeit von die Stadtviertel, städtischen Einrichtungen, reli- Thailand und Indonesien analysiert. Die ökono-
mehreren parallelen Architektur-Richtungen fällt giöse Zentren, das Wasser und die ehemaligen mische Komponente wird im Kontext der Über-

Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
49
lebensstrategien der armen Mehrheit der Bevöl- in den Gemeinden, die es einerseits als ihre Auf- Regional thematisieren die Einzelbeiträge in-
kerung vertieft, wobei die Relation zwischen gabe verstehen, die wie auch immer definierte ternationales Terrain: Bolivien, Kenia, Zimbabwe,
Subsistenzproduktion, informellem Sektor und ‚öffentliche Ordnung’ im Interesse der Wirtschaft Sierra Leone, Bangla Desh, Osteuropa, USA,
Markt im Zentrum steht. Den Abschluss bildet und deren Entscheidungsträger zu schützen Japan, die Schweiz und -natürlich- Deutschland.
die Frage nach Zugang zu Land, was mit Fall- (z.B. klassisch durch Beschränkung der Aus- Flächendeckend deutlich wird ein Forschungs-
studien zu Padang und Bangkok illustriert wird. schankzeiten um ausgeschlafene Arbeitskräfte bzw. Handlungsbedarf zum Schutz der Arten-
Die Publikation synthetisiert richtungweisen- bereitzuhalten oder um den Wert von Wohnim- vielfalt (insbesondere durch Widerstand gegen
de Forschungsergebnisse aus den letzten Jah- mobilien durch das Verbot anrüchiger Beschäf- die Interessen einer global agierenden Agrarin-
ren, ist in sich kohärent und sollte Pflichtlektüre tigungen zu bewahren), und andererseits unter dustrie), in der Regulierung der städtischen
sein für alle, die sich auf theoretischer Ebene dem massiven Druck der Vergnügungsindustrie Flächennutzung, und in der Quantifizierung des
mit Urbanisierungsfragen in Asien auseinander nach weitergehender Liberalisierung stehen. Potenzials von Urban Agriculture zur Armuts-
setzen wollen. Hilfreich hierbei sind auch die Wie gesagt: ein spannendes Thema. bekämpfung und (körperlichen wie mentalen)
Zusammenfassungen, die am Ende vieler (aber Kosta Mathéy Volksgesundheit. Der im Titel betonte Gender-
nicht aller) Kapitel angehängt wurden. Aspekt erklärt primär aus der Tatsache, daß
Kosta Mathéy Carlos Smaniotto da Costa. Stadtrand – Öko- weltweit zwei Drittel der Kleinstfarmerinnen
logisch fundierte Stadtplanung in brasiliani- Frauen sind, vielleicht auch aus Förderungsre-
schen Mittelstädten. Beiträge zur räumlichen levanten Überlegungen, bleibt aber im Übrigen
Planung Band 62. 289 Seiten, ISBN 3-923517- in fast allen Einzel-Beiträgen unberücksichtigt.
49-1, 2001. Institut für Grünplanung und Kosta Mathéy
Gartenarchitektur, Universität, Herrenhäuser
Straße 21, 30419 Hannover. Geoffrey Payne (ed.). Land, Rights & Innova-
Der ansehnliche Band enthält die Veröffentli- tion. Improving Tenure Security for the
chung der Dissertation des Autors mit dem Urban Poor. 336 pages. ISBN 1853395447.
Untertitel ‚Planungsmethodische Ansätze zur 2002. ITDG Publishing, London (www.itdg-
Steuerung der Stadtentwicklung in Randberei- publishing.org.uk).
chen nach freiraumplanerischen Grundlagen’. Seit der UN-Habitat Kampagne zum den
Die Arbeit ist übersichtlich gegliedert und fasst Schutz vor Räumung informeller Siedlungen
im Wesentlichen die Erkenntnisse aus der Se- und De Sotos The Mystery of Capital ist das
kundärliteratur zusammen: Das Weltphänomen Thema der Bodenrechte erneut ins Blickfeld
Verstädterung; Merkmale ökologischer Stadtent- der Diskussion gerückt. Diese von DFID und
wicklung; Merkmale von Stadtrandgebieten, UN-Habitat geförderte Publikation thematisiert
Stadtplanung(sgeschichte) in Brasilien, Land- das komplexe Thema der Wohnsicherheit, der
schaft als Moment der Stadtrandgestaltung und Bodenrechte und Bodenbesitzformen im urba-
Smaniotto da Costa / Stadtrand eine Fallstudie der nordbrasilianische Stadt nem Raum anhand von diversen Fallstudien
Macapa. Der Leser wird verschont von kompli- aus 17 Ländern ‚des Südens’.
zierten wissenschaftlichen Fragestellungen, Ar- Der Herausgeber möchte unter anderem ver-
Paul Chatterton; Robert Hollands (eds). beitshypothesen oder gar Überlegungen zu wis- deutlichen, dass Rechtssicherheit eine zentrale
Urban Nightscapes: Youth Cultures, Pleasure senschaftlich bewährten Forschungsmethoden. Rolle für das Funktionieren eines effizienten
Spaces and Corporate Power. 285 Seiten, Die eigentlich neue Information, die die Arbeit Land- and Wohnungsmarktes in den Städten
ISBN 0-415-28346-9. 2003. Routhledge, beiträgt, sind die planungsrelevanten Konsequen- ist. Diese kann jedoch durch unterschiedliche
London. zen, die am Ende jeden Kapitels extrahiert wer- Rechtsformen gewährleistet werden, wie am
Eine aufeinender abgestimmte Serie von Auf- den und die spezifische Beschreibung der Stadt Beispiel von gleichermaßen praktikablen wie
sätzen analysieren die strukturellen Veränderun- Macapa (am Amazonas gelegen), zu der in Eu- „legitimierten“ und auch effizienten Beispielen
gen, die das nächtliche Entertainment und ihre ropa kaum Informationen auffindbar sein dürften aus unterschiedlichen Regionen gezeigt wird.
räumliche Verortung in den letzten Jahrzehnten - vielleicht auch noch die ansatzweise Entwick- Diese Varianten beruhen auf örtlich spezifi-
global durchlaufen haben. So ist nicht von der lung eines entwicklungsplanerischen Leitbildes schen, kulturellen, religiösen, institutionellen
Hand zu weisen, daß das Angebot an Orten für den Stadtrand dieser Gemeinde. Schade, und ökonomischen Gegebenheiten und haben
‚zum Ausgehen’ sowohl in der Menge wie in der dass für diese weiterführenden Überlegungen sich teils informell entwickelt, teils wurden sie
thematischen Bandbreite zugenommen hat. nach den umfangreichen Kapiteln zum Hinter- aber auch von Regierungen oder von NROs ins
Doch gleichzeitig - so paradox das erscheinen grund des Forschungsgegenstandes so wenig Leben gerufen.
mag - sind die Wahlmöglichkeiten für die Konsu- Platz mehr übrig war für das zentrale Thema. Das Buch, unter anderem mit Beiträgen von
menten geschrumpft. Dies hängt natürlich u.a. Kosta Mathéy Patrick McAuslan, Alain Durand-Lasserve und
mit der internationalen Konzentration von Unter- Lauren Royston, ist in vier Teile strukturiert: Der
nehmen zusammen, die ihre Verwertungsinter- Elisabeth Meyer-Renschhausen, Renate erste Teil führt in die Zusammenhänge des The-
essen und damit verbundenen Konsummuster Müller, Petra Becker (eds). Die Gärten der mas ein, Teil Zwei zeigt die Grenzen konventio-
global durchzusetzen verstehen. Daran ändert Frauen. Zur sozialen Bedeutung von Kleinst- neller Rechtsformen auf, und in den Teilen Drei
auch die optische Diversifizierung durch einen landwirtschaft in Stadt und Land weltweit. und Vier werden innovative Rechtssysteme vor-
geschickt gefächerten Klischeereigen nichts 323 Seiten, ISBN 3-8255-0338-0. Centaurus gestellt. Somit vermittelt die Artikelsammlung
(irisches Pub, argentinisches Steakhaus, ameri- Verlag, Herbholzheim. einen sehr guten Überblick über bestehende
kanische Ranch, bayrisches Bierzelt, etc) oder Der Sammelband rankt sich um das Phänomen alternative Bodenrechts- und Bodenbesitzformen
die Integration kleiner Lokalbrauereien durch der Subsistenz-Landwirtschaft, hauptsächlich und ist allen an der ‚Landfrage’ interessierten
eine der vier oder fünf weltweit führenden Bier- im städtischen Kontext (wofür sich auch der Be- Lesern sehr zu empfehlen.
konzerne. Was bestenfalls als Vielfalt interpre- griff ‚Urban Agriculture’ eingebürgert hat). Dieses Daphne Frank
tiert werden könnte ist eine stärkere Segregation Thema wird hier unter den Aspekten der nicht-
und Bedienung spezieller Zielgruppen, wie Yup- monetären ökonomischen Versorgungsleistung Volker Kreibich; Washington H.A.Olima
pies, Gays, Frauen, etc., womit sich dann aber der Hausarbeit, den sinnlich-gesundheitlichen (eds). Urban Land Management in Africa.
wieder echte und unkontrollierte Freiräume Qualitäten und im Kontext sozialer Bewegungen 380 S. ISBN 3-934525-40-7. SPRING Centre,
reduzieren. präsentiert. Die 24 Einzelbeiträge haben ihren Baroper Straße 201, D-44269 Dortmund.
Die Arbeit analysiert einen Aspekt der Orga- Ursprung teilweise in einer 1990 in Berlin abge- (www.pop.uni-dortmund.de)
nisation des städtischen Raums, der bislang, da haltenen Konferenz, einzelne Kapitel wurden Der Sammelband enthält 26 Einzelbeiträge
als marginal betrachtet, tendenziell übersehen später speziell für diese Publikation verfasst und über Land Management in Ostafrika, die ur-
wurde. Die neue Aufmerksamkeit für das Thema hinzugefügt. Bei einem Konferenzband sind die sprünglich im Rahmen von zwei Konferenzen in
erklärt sich nicht zuletzt durch das Bemühen der Themenauswahl und Stil der Präsentation natur- Tansania 1999 und Kenia 2000 geschrieben
Städte, ihre Freizeit und ‚Entertainment’ Poten- gemäß nur bedingt steuerbar, doch die Heraus- wurden. Eine vergleichende Auswertung der
tiale als Kapital in den Städtewettbewerb einzu- geberinnen haben die Originalbeiträge, wo ange- vorgelegten Papers von Volker Kreibich steht
bringen und - auch als wichtige Einnahmequelle raten, sehr erfolgreich überarbeiten lassen und zum Schluß des Bandes und erleichtert den
für Steuern - zu fördern. Interessant ist in diesem damit trotzdem eine kohärente Publikation vor- Lesern bzw. Leserinnen die Orientierung. Dort
Zusammenhang der interne Interessenskonflikt legen können. wird festgestellt, daß in den traditionell starken

50 Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
und sehr hierarchisch strukturierten staatlichen funktionierenden Immobilienmarkt gibt: jede
Institutionen heute, mit fortschreitender Entmach- Familie baut das eigene Haus von Grund auf in
tung des Nationalstaates infolge Finanzschwäche eigener Initiative. Auch die bisherigen Bemühun-
und Globalisierung eine Neuordnung der Boden- gen in Richtung Legalisierung und Registrie-
regulierung akut ansteht. Die klassischen aus der rung von Baugrundstücken haben wenig Erfolg
Kolonialzeit übernommenen Flächennutzungs- - ein weiteres Anzeichen für die noch schwache
pläne haben heute, wo die Mehrheit auch der Position von Kapitalinteressen. Transport und A Journal for
städtischen Bevölkerung in illegalen Siedlungen Infrastruktur beruhen im Wesentlichen auf den
haust, keine praktische Relevanz mehr. Eine Vorgaben, die aus der Kolonialzeit übernommen
Planning and Building
Dezentralisierung hin auf Gemeinde- und Stadt- wurden. Als Besonderheit Cameroons werden in the Third World
teilebene wäre ein erster Schritt, aber die dafür schließlich die Namenlosigkeit von Straßen und
notwendigen Fachressourcen lassen sich in ab- das Fehlen von Hausnummern genannt, was z A journal for architects, planners, sociolo-
gists, geographers, economists and deve-
sehbarer Zeit kaum mobilisieren. Als Lösung sicher auch mit den oben erwähnten Schwierig-
lopment planners.
bleibt eine Einbeziehung der verhältnismäßig keiten bei der Durchsetzung von Legalisierungs-
z A journal for the exchange of professional
besser funktionierenden informellen Instrumen- programmen zu tun hat. Im letzten Kapitel wer-
experience in the field of urban develop-
te der Bodenregulierung unter Einbeziehung den die besondere Situation von Frauen in der ment in the Third World.
der traditionellen (z.B. Ältestenrat) wie neuen Stadt und die Ignoranz ihrer Bedürfnisse durch
z A journal for the presentation and discussion
sozialen Figuren (NROs, CBOs). Ergebnis wäre die Stadtplanung angesprochen. of new research results and for the discussion
ein hybrides traditionell-informell-legales System Das Forschungsergebnis, erarbeitet an der of recent concepts of development policies
unter selektiver Einbeziehung moderner Prakti- University of South Florida, ist interessant zu- for urban change.
ken (z.B. GIS, Luftphotos). nächst wegen des ordnenden theoretischen z A journal of free discussions, of work
Kosta Mathéy Überbaus, der dann in der systematischen Ab- reports and of documentation of alternative
arbeitung der typischen städtischen Planungs- approaches.
Aldo Lupala. Peri-urban Land Management Sektoren etwas in Vergessenheit gerät. Die
for Rapid Urbanization. The Case of Dar es zentrale Leistung ist jedoch die Analyse und The thematic range of TRIALOG includes among
Salaam. 306 Seiten, ISBN 3-934525-32-6. Dokumentation des städtischen Sektors in other related topics: Urbanization and housing
2002. SPRING Centre, Dortmund Cameroon, zu dem bisher kaum Literatur inter- policy / architecture and regional cultures /
(spring@pop.uni-dortmund.de). nationalen Standards verfügbar ist. Ein Manko ecology, technological transfer and appropriate
technologies / rural development strategies.
Der Autor stellt sich in dieser seiner Disserta- ist das Fehlen graphischer Illustrationen, abge-
tion die Frage, wie die knappen Land Ressourcen sehen von einer kleinen Landkarte und einer Contributions in TRIALOG are written in Ger-
im Umland seiner Heimatstadt Dar-es-Salaam Pyramidenhaften Darstellung der administrati- man or English, with a summary in the respec-
sinnvoll verwaltet werden könnten. Die Situation ven Hierarchien. tive other language.
dort ist unter anderem deshalb so kritisch, weil Kosta Mathéy
der Staat keine Landreserven unterhält und auch Available TRIALOG-numbers in English:
den Bodenmarkt nicht wirklich kontrolliert, der World Bank. Port Reform Tool Kit. Schuber
39 Planning Methods
somit dem informellen Sektor anheim fällt. Das mit 8 Modul-Heften und 1 CD, ISBN 0-82113- 43 Urban India
Verdienst dieser Arbeit liegt in den reichen, em- 5046-3. 2003. The World Bank, 1313 H. Street 46 Brasilien - Brazil
pirisch gesammelten Daten zur gegenwärtigen NW, Washington DC, USA. 47 Community Based Housing Finance
Praxis des Zugangs zu Boden bzw. die Legalisie- Ein hübsches Media Paket widmet sich dem 48 Infrastructure for Sustainable
rung von faktischem Besitz von Grundstücken in Thema der Hafenmodernisierungen, die heute Development
der Untersuchungsregion. Die Auswertung die- in allen Ecken des Globus mit Eifer vorangetrie- 49 Istanbul Habitat
50 Habitat II, Crowding and Health
ser Daten bringen den Autor zu der Empfehlung, ben wird und vermutlich auch hohe Renditen
51 Tailor-made?
das formelle Land Management zu dezentralisie- versprechen. Hier geht es allerdings nicht um 55 Planning Local Government
ren und ‚grass roots land-managing agents’ als die Umwandlung in Marinas, Shopping und Er- 58 Urban Heritage and Cultural Tourism
intermediäre Institution einzubeziehen. lebniszentren, sondern um die ursprüngliche 60 Gender and Sustainable Cities
Kosta Mathéy Funktion des Waren-Umschlags für die Seefahrt. 63 Planning and Health
Also neue Eigentums- und Managementmodelle, 65 Urban Agriculture
66 Grassroot Urbanity. Local Heroes
Ambe J. Njoh. Planning in Contemporary juristische Aspekte, Finanzierungsmodelle, ar-
69 South(ern) Africa
Africa: The State, Town Planning and Society beitsrechtliche Vorkehrungen und dergleichen 70 Peripheries
in Cameroon. 312 S. ISBN 0-7546-3346-2. sind das zentrale Interesse. Eine Informations- 71 Eco-technology
2003. GBL 50,-. Ashgate, Aldershot quelle für Entwicklungsbüros und Investoren- 72 Eco-community
(www.ashgate.com). Berater. 73 Disaster Relief
Cameroon wurde von Deutschland, England Kosta Mathéy 74 Urban Land Management
und Frankreich kolonialisiert und trägt das poli- 75 New Settlements
tisch-administrative Erbe dieser Geschichte Wohnungswesen
Single issue 10,- EUR (plus postage)
noch immer in sich – obwohl die formale Erlan- Previous issues (till No. 71) 6,- EUR (plus pos-
gung der Unabhängigkeit schon über 40 Jahre Vinit Mukhija. Squatters as Developers? 206 tage)
zurückliegt. Die Autorin stellt sich die Frage, S., ISBN 0-7546-1910-0, 2003, GBL 45,-.
warum es das Land in der Zwischenzeit nicht Ashgate, London (www.ashgate.com). Subscription of TRIALOG (4 issues/year):
geschafft hat, tief greifende und notwendige ‘Slum Upgrading’ wurde über gut zwei Jahr- 35,- EUR for personal orders (plus postage)
zehnte als die humanere und erstrebenswerte 45,- EUR for institutions (plus postage)
Reformen in der Staatsführung und in der
20,- EUR for students (plus postage)
Stadtentwicklung zu realisieren. Politik gegenüber informellen Siedlungen einge-
Ausgangsthese der Arbeit ist die Feststellung, schätzt, und als ein Fortschritt gegenüber den Membership in the association: 65,- EUR
daß in Cameroon die Kontrolle der Stadt- und früheren Slum Clearance Interventionen. Diese (annual fee, incl. the subscription of TRIALOG)
Regionalplanung in erster Linie dem Fortbestand Dissertation berichtet jetzt über eine möglicher-
des Staates selbst dienen, bevor die Mitglieder weise attraktivere Option in Form des Slum Re- Orders for subscription / single issues:
einzelner einflussreicher Partialgruppen zum development, die bisher auch von den betroffe- IKO-Verlag für Interkulturelle Kommunikation,
Postfach 900 421, D-60444 Frankfurt a. M.,
Zuge kommen. Aus einen explizit Neo-Weberia- nen Bewohnern selbst bevorzugt wird. Als Bei-
Germany, e-mail: <ikoverlag@t-online.de>
nischen Politikverständnis heraus wird zunächst spiel für die erfolgreiche Anwendung der Strate-
der Aufbau des Staates analysiert und festge- gie dient das Makandeya Projekt in Bombay, in Membership / orders for previous issues:
stellt, daß die Staatsordnung immer noch von dem die Bewohner mit Interstützung der NGO TRIALOG - Gislind Budnick, Heslacher Wand
den Interessen einer starken Bürokratie domi- ‚SPARC’ ihre Zustimmung zum Abriß der alten 35A, D-70199 Stuttgart, Germany,
niert wird und die Verwertungsinteressen des Slumhütten und zur Neubebauung durch einen e-mail: <gb@trialog.de.eu.org>
Kapitals an zweiter Stelle stehen. Die Frage der kommerziellen Developer gegeben haben. Am
For more information:
Landreform wird dahingehend beschrieben, daß Ende haben sie kostenlos neuen und meist auch
auch hier der Staat seine zentrale Kontrollge- größeren Wohnraum erhalten, Quersubventio- www.trialog-journal.de
walt noch nicht abzugeben bereit ist. Im Woh- niert durch auf dem Markt frei verkaufte Wohnun-
nungsbereich fällt auf, daß es praktisch keinen gen auf dem Rest des Grundstücks. Der Preis

Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
51
für den Deal waren (für die Zielgruppe) eine besteht, die Situation aktiv zu verändern und Mark Pelling. The Vulnerability of Cities. Nat-
fast zehn Jahre anhaltende Übergangsphase in sich auf Verhandlungen mit der herrschenden ural Disasters and Social Resilience. 212
Behelfswohnungen und (für die Stadt) die Be- Klasse einzulassen. Unter anderem folgt daraus, Seiten, ISBN 1-85383-830-6, 2003, GBL 18,-.
freiung von bestimmten zuvor festgelegten und daß die Entwicklung des politischen Bewusst- Earthscan, London (www.earthscan.co.uk).
auch wünschenswerten planerischen Vorgaben seins und Handlungsvermögens nicht primär Mit zunehmenden Urbanisierungsraten wer-
(wie z.B. Beschränkung der Baudichte). vom Bildungsstand und Einkommen der Ziel- den auch die Schäden durch Naturkatastrophen
Wie der Autor auch bemerkt, funktionierte das gruppe abhängt als vielmehr von den regional - bisher eher mit ländlichen Regionen assoziiert
Modell möglicherweise nur wegen der extrem unterschiedlichen Erfahrungen mit dem politi- - in den Städten häufiger. Die meisten dieser
hohen Bodenwerte im Zentrum Bombays so gut, schen Regime. Schäden in Folge von Überschwemmungen,
weil damit die Quersubventionierung leicht zu Kosta Mathéy Stürmen, Tsunamis, Erdbeben, Vulkanausbrü-
bewerkstelligen war. Auch wird festgestellt, daß che oder Dürreperioden wären vermeidbar. Da
die Bewohner, sobald sie einmal zugestimmt die zugrunde liegenden Naturereignisse selbst
haben, fast keine Einflussmöglichkeiten auf den ja nicht die Katastrophe darstellen, sondern erst
weiteren Bau- und Planungsprozeß mehr haben ihre Auswirkung auf Populationen, und diese
und potenziell leicht von dem Developer über Auswirkungen in den meisten Fällen auch vor-
den Tisch gezogen werden können. Deshalb hersehbar sind, stellt sich die Frage, warum
fordert er über die in diesem Fall gegebene hohe keine geeignete Vorsorgung zur Schadensbe-
Flexibilität der Vertreter der Stadt eine stärkere grenzung oder zumindest zu effizienter Hilfe für
Normen- und Qualitätskontrolle der ggf. invol- die Opfer getroffen wird. Ein wichtiger Grund
vierten freien Wirtschaft. Ferner wird zu Beden- sind die sozialen und politischen Strukturen in
ken gegeben, daß die beschriebene Erfahrung den betroffenen Orten, und hier setzt diese
noch sehr jung ist, und eine ‚post-completion’ längst überfällige Untersuchung an. Der erste
Evaluierung anstünde. und interessantesten Abschnitt der Publikation
Trotz der nur vorläufigen Erkenntnisse ist die geht systematisch den Katastrophen-Risiken in
Untersuchung eine wichtige Dokumentation zu den Städten nach, sowohl in urbanistisch-natur-
einer aktuell beginnenden Trendwende in der wissenschaftlicher wie auch in sozialer bzw.
Politik gegenüber Squatter-Siedlungen - gekenn- politischer Hinsicht.
zeichnet durch Deregulierung und Public-Private Der zweite Teil der Publikation enthält drei
Co-operation. Happe / Favela und Politik Fallstudien zu Bridgetown (Barbados), George-
Kosta Mathéy town (Barbados) und Santo Domingo (Domini-
kanische Republik). Implizit gemeinsam haben
Gesellschaft und Politik Hans-Peter Bärtschi „Der endliche Fortschritt diese Orte die Gefährdung durch Wirbelstürme
– unterwegs zur Zerstörung der Industrie- und Überschwemmungen, doch die politischen
Barbara Happe. Favela und Politik: Politi- kultur“, 336 Seiten, ISBN 3-280-02680-6, Rahmenbedingungen sind verschieden. Eine
sches Handeln von Favelados in 2002, 34,50 EUR. Orell Füssli Verlag, Zürich Analyse dieser Randbedingungen führt zu der
Brasilien. 292 Seiten, ISBN 3-88559-081-6. Wie lassen sich 3 Jahrzehnte Erfahrung im im abschließenden Abschnitt des Buches ver-
2002. Brasilienkunde Verlag, Postfach 1229, Umgang mit dem industriellen Erbe aufbereiten? mittelten Erkenntnis, daß zu einer wirksamen
D-49497 Mettingen. Der Architekt und Industriehistoriker Hans-Peter Katastrophenvorsorge in erster Linie das ‚kog-
Eine sehr interessante Dissertation zu der Bärtschi aus Winterthur hat sich dazu für 3 Mo- nitive’ oder ‚latente’ Sozialkapital gehört, das in
Frage nach dem politischen Transformationspo- nate auf dem Containerfrachter „Rome“ einge- zweiter Linie durch geeignete Hilfsorganisatio-
tential von Favela-Bewohnern in Brasilien. Die schifft, um seine früheren Reisen, Geschichten nen unterstützt werden kann, während drittens
Fragestellung steht vor dem Hintergrund ent- und die Geschichte zu reflektieren. Die Route die politische Unterstützung auf lokaler wie
täuschter Erwartungen an die Favela Bewohner folgt den rund 250 Jahren der Industrialisierung nationaler Ebene eine Voraussetzung ist.
als Motor einer politischen Erneuerung in opres- von England über USA nach Asien, Arabien Das Ausgangsargument des Buches, daß
siven Gesellschaften in den 1970er und 1980er und zurück nach Europa, von der industriellen nämlich Katastrophenschutz kein technisches
Jahren. Die Arbeit entstand 1995-98 im Rahmen Revolution zu den Ruinen und Museen der Problem ist, sondern in erster Linie eine geeig-
eines Forschungsverbundes mit ähnlichen postindustriellen Zeit. nete soziale Strategie erfordert, ist absolut rich-
Fragestellungen in Chile, der Elfenbeinküste Bärtschi fügt die verschiedenen Informatio- tig. Ob allerdings die Datenbasis der drei aus-
und Kenia. nen zu einem interessant zu lesenden Bilder- gewählten karibischen Inselstaaten allgemein-
Die vorbildhaft organisierte Arbeit konzentriert bogen von Fakten, persönlichen Erlebnissen gültige Schlüsse zulassen, ist weniger zwingend.
sich, nach Klärung der obligatorischen Literatur- und zusammenfassenden Einordnungen. Beispielweise ist zu vermuten, daß die Rolle
recherche, Fragestellung / Hypothesenbildung Dabei gibt es auch bei scheinbar wohl ver- von Hilfsorganisationen nicht überall so zentral
und Beschreibung der strukturellen wie admini- trauten Objekten immer wieder Neues wie z.B. ist wie in den untersuchten Staaten mit extrem
strativen Rahmenbedingungen, auf die Ergeb- bei den beiden von Ferdinand Lesseps geplan- schwachen Regierungen und ohne wirklich
nisse der Feldforschung in den vier untersuch- ten Kanälen: dem erfolgreichen von Suez und große Städte. Auch nicht ganz befriedigend ist
ten Favelas in Rio de Janeiro und im Nordosten dem finanziellen Desaster von Panama. Oder die rein strukturelle Analyse der drei Fallbeispie-
Brasiliens. Die objektiv festgestellten Wohn-, Ar- die Route führt ihn zu dem verbotenen Gelände le, die nicht so hypothetisch hätte bleiben kön-
beits- und Einkommensverhältnisse werden der am Strand von Pakistan, wo ausrangierte nen: wenn der Vergleich an einem konkreten
subjektiv wahrgenommenen Lebenssituation Supertanker unter schaurigen Bedingungen in Ernstfall festgemacht worden wäre – wie zum
der Favelados gegenübergestellt. Das Protest- Handarbeit zu Schrott zerlegt werden. Beispiel den Hurrikanen Joan (1988) und Mitch
potenzial der Zielgruppe ist demzufolge erkenn- Die Bedeutung des Werkes liegt vor allem in (1998). Allein der Unterschied der Gefährdung
bar aus deren Bewusstsein über ihre benachtei- dem klaren Blick für die Lebens- und Arbeitsver- und Hilfe der Bevölkerung in Cuba, Nicaragua
ligte Situation in Kombination mit einem mehr hältnisse unter denen Menschen damals und und Honduras hätte in der gleichen Region ver-
oder weniger ausgeprägten Verständnis von heute weltweit produzierten. Die heutigen Bedin- wertbare ‚harte Fakten’ geliefert. Dennoch lei-
Demokratie und Chancengleichheit. Für die ggf. gungen lassen jedoch für Bärtschi nur eine pes- stet die Arbeit Pionierdienste in einem bislang
zu beobachtenden Fälle konstatierter sozialer simistische Perspektive zu. Scheinbar überholte vernachlässigten Feld und verdient entspre-
Unzufriedenheit wird dann das politische Hand- Verhältnisse von schwerer körperlicher Arbeit chendes Lob.
lungsrepertoire analysiert und in Kombination werden durch moderne Technik nicht erleichtert, Kosta Mathéy
mit kollektiven Formen der Interessensartikula- sondern nehmen weltweit durch die Ausbeutung
tion werden partizipationsfördernde bzw. -hem- bei Niedrigstlöhnen zu. Ähnliches gilt für die Infrastruktur
mende Faktoren herauskristallisiert. Situation von Arbeits- und Menschenrechten
Im Ergebnis der Forschung wird allen Favela- oder dem Schutz der Umwelt (trotz aller abge- Peter Harvey, Sohrab Baghri, Bob Reed.
dos ein grundsätzliches Bewusstsein über die schlossenen, aber von den Mächtigen kaum Emergency Sanitation. 358 Seiten, ISBN 1
Diskrepanz von Lebensqualität und Zugang zu beachteten Verträgen). 84380 005 5. 2002, WEDC, Loughborough
Ressourcen bescheinigt. Im Nordosten des Lan- Das Buch ist interessant für alle, die sich mit University, Leicestershire LE11 3TU.
des ist die Bereitschaft groß, diesen Zustand Ursachen und Auswirkungen der gegenwärtigen Das von der staatlichen Englischen Instituti-
als unabdingbar zu akzeptieren, während in Rio beschleunigten Globalisierung beschäftigen. on der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit (DFID)
de Janeiro tendenziell ein größeres Interesse Wolfram Schneider gesponserte Handbuch ist als ‚erste Planungs-

52 Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
hilfe’ in Katastrophen-Situation gedacht, wenn den die Texte nicht einmal einheitlich neu ge-
es darum geht, in Siedlungen schnell und durch- setzt, sondern die Ursprungsseiten - oft genug
greifend minimale Hygienestandards herzustel- aus Zeitschriften - wurden verkleinert und repro-
len. Das Werk enthält drei gleichermaßen nütz- duziert. Inhaltlich sind die Beiträge fünf Abschnit-
liche und komplementäre Abschnitte. Mit etwa ten zugeordnet. Der erste Abschnitt ist übertitelt
zwei Drittel des Buchvolumens steht das eigent- mit ‘Marine and Coastal Science’ und als Ein-
liche Handbuch im Vordergrund. Dort wird das leitung gedacht, mit Definitionsklärung und Ähn- Zeitschrift für das
faktische Wissen um Zusammenhänge und Lö- lichem. Kapitel Zwei unternimmt eine Bestands- Planen und Bauen
sungen von Hygienefragen in hypothetisch be- aufnahme über die von den Menschen verur-
in der Dritten Welt
troffenen Ansiedlungen vermittelt, wie z.B. mittels sachten Schäden und Risiken, worauf als näch-
Entscheidungskriterien über Art und Ausmaß stes das Thema ‚Küstenmanagement’ vertieft
von Interventionen. Teil Zwei, die ‚Richtlinien’, wird. Im vierten Abschnitt wird der Versuch einer z Ein Journal für Architekten, Stadtplaner,
Ökologen und Entwicklungsplaner.
thematisiert prozessorale Aspekte, also Hinwei- Quantifizierung von Schäden unternommen und
z Ein Journal zum Austausch beruflicher
se über Art, Ausmaß und Sequenz von Interven- unterschwellig auch die Frage des damit einge-
Erfahrungen im Bereich städtischer und
tionen und deren Steuerung. Den Abschluss bil- handelten Nutzens in den Raum gestellt. Teil ländlicher Entwicklung der Dritten Welt.
det die Fallstudie zu Kala Camp in Zambia, wo Fünf schließlich ist geographisch ausgerichtet, z Ein Journal zur Aufarbeitung neuer
das zuvor gesagte auf einen konkreten Fall wobei verschiedene ‘regionale Meere’ das Leit- Forschungsergebnisse und zur
appliziert vorgestellt wird. thema darstellen. Diskussion entwicklungspolitischer
Das Buch ist in bemerkenswerter Weise gut Der teure Band ist für Bibliotheken gemacht - Konzepte für die räumliche Planung.
strukturiert, und viele Aussagen lassen sich auf wer sonst könnte sich den Kaufpreis von über z Ein Journal der freien Diskussion, der
ganz normale Situationen – also unabhängig 180 Euro leisten? Der Inhalt spiegelt den aktu- Arbeitsberichte und der Dokumentation
vom Kontext der aktuellen Katastrophen ellen Wissensstand wieder und erspart den richtungsweisender Ansätze.
anwenden: also ein echtes Grundlagenwerk. Lesern mühsame Detailsuche in zig Zeitschrif-
Die thematische Bandbreite von TRIALOG
Kosta Mathéy ten. Leider ist die Aufmachung stinklangweilig umfasst u.a.: Verstädterung und Wohnungspolitik
und Satz wie Druckqualität lassen zu wünschen / Architektur und regionale Kulturen / Ökologie,
Horst Valentin Kreutner, Birgit Kundermann, übrig. Technologietransfer und Angepasste Technolo-
Kiran Mukerji. Handreichung für Baumaß- Kosta Mathéy gien / Ländliche Entwicklungsstrategien.
nahmen nach Katastrophen und Konflikten.
Themen der letzten Jahrgänge:
176 Seiten, 2003. GTZ; Postfach 5180, D- Umwelt –Ökologie 56 (1/98) Altstadterneuerung in Südostasien
65726 Eschborn 57 (2/98) Lateinamerika - Wer baut die Stadt?
Bei jährlich über 20 Millionen Vertriebenen Dagmar Ridder. Umweltmanagement im 58 (3/98) Urban Heritage and Cultural Tourism
und Flüchtlingen auf der Welt und über 200 Mil- urbanen Ghana. 260 Seiten, ISBN 3-934525- 59 (4/98) ASA-Projekte
lionen indirekten Opfern von Naturkatastrophen 39-3. 2002. Spring Centre, Dortmund 60 (1/99) Gender and Sustainable Cities
wundert man sich, dass die Problematik der 61 (2/99) Curitiba
(spring@pop.uni-dortmund.de).
baulichen Soforthilfe in den Medien wie in der 62 (3/99) Lehre und Forschung
Diese Dissertation hat sich zum Ziel gesetzt, 63 (4/99) Planung und Gesundheit
Entwicklungszusammenarbeit einen relativ be- ‘mit Hilfe eines integrativen Ansatzes des Abfall 64 (1/00) Algier - Stadt, Metropole, Region
scheidenen Platz einnimmt. Um so rühmlicher, und Wassermanagements für Accra Instrumente 65 (2/00) Urban Agriculture
dass die GTZ ihre kumulierte Erfahrung aus ei- und dezentrale(re) Maßnahmen zu identifizieren, 66 (3/00) Grasroot Urbanity. Local Heroes
nem guten Dutzend Projekten der Flüchtlings- die dazu beitragen, dem Idealbild geschlossener 67 (4/00) Transformations of Public Housing
siedlungen und des Wiederaufbaus jüngst aus- lokaler Stoffkreisläufe näher zu kommen’. Inter- 68 (1/01) China
gewertet und - zufälligerweise simultan mit dem 69 (2/01) South(ern) Africa
essant ist, daß die Autorin auf die klassische
70 (3/01) Peripheries
Ausbruch des neuen Irak Kriegs - in einer Pub- Form von Dissertationen mit einer grundsätzlich 71 (4/01) Eco-technology
likation dokumentiert hat. Das Handbuch bewegt angelegten ‚wissenschaftlichen Forschungsfra- 72 (1/02) Eco-community
sich simultan auf zwei Ebenen: Ausführlich wer- ge’, Abarbeitung des Stands der Forschung 73 (2/02) Disaster Relief - Katastrophenhilfe
den Schritt für Schritt alle Aktivitäten und Risiken und Erläuterungen zur Methodik und Erhebung 74 (3/02) Urban Land Management
beschrieben, die bei einem Notfall-Einsatz in von Primärdaten verzichtet, sondern ganz direkt 75 (4/02) New Settlements
einem fremden Land zu planen bzw. zu berück- 76 (1/03) Stadt und Wüste
und praxisnah strategische Entwicklungskon-
sichtigen sind. Dazu gehören beispielsweise die 77 (2/03) Infrastruktur und Entsorgung
zepte erarbeitet, die einen aktuellen Notstand
konkreten notwendigen Baumaßnahmen, ver- beheben könnten. Vorschau
tragstechnische Schritte, Bedarfsanalysen, un- Sehr treffend stellt die Verfasserin fest, daß 79 (4/03) Globalisation and Urbanisation
terschiedliche Unternehmermodelle (Umnutzung der Export z.B. europäischer Ver- und Entsor- 80 (1/04) Tourism
bestehende Anlagen, Selbsthilfemodelle, Bau- gungstechnologien nicht den Bedürfnissen in
hofmodelle, grundsätzliche Planungskriterien) Entwicklungsländern gerecht wird und kleine, Einzelheft 10,- EUR (zzgl. Versand)
etc. Diese trocken-systematische Abhandlung Abo-Preis für Ausgaben (1 Jahrgang)
übersichtlich zu verwaltende Lösungen ange-
Standard-Abo: 35,- EUR (zzgl. Versand)
wird unterbrochen durch Fallstudien von 13 zu- passter wären. Ihre Sichtung bereits verfügbarer Institutionen-Abo: 45,- EUR (zzgl. Versand)
rückliegenden Projekten der GTZ, die die Sinn- dezentraler Technologien für diesen Zweck Studenten-Abo: 20,- EUR (zzgl. Versand)
haftigkeit der vorgeschlagenen Maßnahmen und zeigt, daß dezentral-integrale Lösungen prakti-
Formalitäten illustrieren (Aserbaidschan, Bosni- kabel wären. Die Berücksichtigung der anzutref- Abo-Bestellung / Einzelheft:
en, Kroatien, Indien, Kambodscha, Kolumbien, fenden rechtlichen und planerischen Rahmenbe- IKO-Verlag für Interkulturelle Kommunikation,
Sierra Leone, Sri Lanka, Afghanistan, Türkei). Postfach 900 421, D-60444 Frankfurt a. M.,
dingungen in Ghana lassen eine Umsetzung in
Natürlich weiß niemand besser als die Autoren Germany, e-mail: <ikoverlag@t-online.de>
den Bereichen Abwasser und Müllentsorgung
selbst, dass im konkreten Ernstfall jeder neue realistisch erscheinen, während im Sektor der Mitgliedschaft im Herausgeberverein: 65,- EUR
Fall anders ist als der vorhergehende, und dass Wasserversorgung die aktuellen Privatisierungs- im Jahr (Mitgliedsbeitrag inkl. TRIALOG-Abo)
ein gutes Improvisationsvermögen der Verant- prozesse noch als Hindernis anzusehen sind.
wortlichen durch nichts zu ersetzen ist. Umso Der Anspruch der Verfasserin, eine Übertra- Hefte älterer Jahrgänge (bis einschl. Nr. 71)
besser ist dann natürlich, wenn diese Improvi- gung des Arbeitsansatzes auf andere Länder können einzeln oder in Themenpaketen für 6,-
sation vor dem Hintergrund des Wissens statt- EUR / Heft (zzgl. Versand) direkt beim Verein
auf Grund des Verzichtes auf die ‚aufwendige’
bezogen werden.
findet, was im Idealfall zu tun sein sollte. Erhebung von Primärdaten zu ermöglichen, muß
Kosta Mathéy als kritisch eingestuft werden: etwas umfangrei- Antrag auf Mitgliedschaft und / oder Bestellung
chere Erfahrungen in verschiedenen Entwick- von Heften älterer Jahrgänge:
Kerry Turner, Ian Bateman. Water Resources lungsländern zeigen, daß jede Situation eine TRIALOG - Gislind Budnick, Heslacher Wand
and Coastal Management. 527 Seiten, ISBN besondere ist und Lösungskonzepte ohne eine 35A, D-70199 Stuttgart, Germany,
1 84064 222 X. Edward Edgar, Cheltenham, e-mail: <gb@trialog.de.eu.org>
intime Kenntnis der lokalen Rahmenbedingun-
2001. GB 125,-. www.e-elgar.co.uk. gen wenig Erfolgschancen haben – trotz Globa- Mehr Infos im Internet unter:
Das dicke Buch sieht aus wie ein Konferenz- lisierung (oder gerade, weil die typischen Ziel-
band, ist es aber nicht: es handelt sich um einen www.trialog-journal.de
gruppen nur sehr beschränkt an der Globalisie-
Reader mit 33 zuvor woanders veröffentlichten rung partizipieren können).
Beiträgen zum Thema Küstenschutz. Dabei wur- Kosta Mathéy

Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
53
Aktuelles / News

Seminar on Informal Land but it is clear that rich land owners benefit from land titling often leads to an increase in prices,
Markets, Regularization of Land minimizing the impact of informality: they have poor inhabitants are forced to move and new
Tenure and Urban Upgrading the financial means to urbanize first and legali- informal settlements arise elsewhere.
Programs in Latin America ze the land afterwards. The legalization and Individual land titles are not the only option for
regularization processes here are far quicker providing security to inhabitants of informal
Over 30 participants from 12 different Latin than in the low-income areas, which often settlements. There are also other innovative
American countries were invited by the Lincoln remain illegal and without infrastructure and examples of land tenure legalization, such as
Institute of Land Policy in Cambridge, Massa- city services for years or even decades. the “anticretico” tenure system in Bolivia or the
chusetts, to participate in the seminar super- community land trusts in Kenya; both were pre-
vised by Edesio Fernandes and Martim Smolka It seems to be widely accepted that the infor- sented and discussed during the seminar. (In
(and supported by Laura Mullahy and Joseph mal method of land “production” has several the Bolivian anticretico system, the house
Mc Niff) which took place from November 18 - advantages, such as flexibility and a lower owner makes a contract with the second party
22, 2002. The participants came from different urban land price incomparable with that of the in which the latter agrees to pay a fixed amount
backgrounds, but most of them work in public formally serviced land market. As a result, the in advance for the use of the house for a speci-
administrations at the local, intermediate or provision of informal land, both for the high- fied time. At contract end, the owner returns the
national level. Some political representatives income as well as the low-income sector, has full amount paid by the second party. In Kenya,
were also present. been recognized as a valid means of getting the community land trust establishes the com-
access to land. Therefore, informality in general munity as the owner of the land. (For more
The objectives of the seminar was to systemati- should not be avoided; for the poor it is often information, see Payne 2001)
ze and consolidate the knowledge and under- still the only option to gain access to land. But,
standing of topics related to informality and while informality itself was not perceived as a However, the majority of the participants in the
land ownership, and to consider this issue from problem by the seminars participants, its nega- seminar were not convinced that providing new
various perspectives based on Latin American tive impacts on its poor inhabitants, such as the forms of land titles would result in equal oppor-
and international cases. Both academic and lack of basic infrastructure and services, were tunities for the inhabitants. Rather, participants
political reviews of different countries were pre- underlined. believed that this would result in two different
sented, and on the last day representatives Various experiences have shown that the infor- kinds of legal property systems: one for the poor
from various donor agencies (World Bank, mal system should be recognized as being hig- and one for the rich. The prevailing view was
Interamerican Development Bank, UN Habitat, hly similar to the formal system; even today it that the poor have the right to be treated equal-
Cities Alliance, HIS, German Technical Coorpo- often remains the only option to provide cheap ly in regard to individual land titles. It was also
ration GTZ) provided an overview of the main land. Of course, conditions must be created to opinionated that the alternative land title system
aspects that international projects focus on in avoid or reduce its negative impacts. For exam- would not necessarily grant the same security
this context. The seminar was successful in ple, basic urbanization standards must be put as an individual land title, that it would only be
encouraging and initiating critical thought and into effect and inexpensive and fast access to a temporary solution. The question still requiring
discussion among the participants about the infrastructure made possible. New rules are future discussion is: How should secure tenure
conceptual, methodological, legal, political and needed and must be implemented, though it for poor inhabitants be provided or improved,
social aspects of the subject. This text summa- would take a huge effort to do so - especially and what conditions are required to do so?
rizes some of the lessons and conclusions of since such actions must take into account the
the seminar. political way of thinking and decision-making During the seminar, participants also discussed
process of policy makers. Cooperation between whether regularization programs overall have
Informal (and Formal) Land Markets the two land markets would likewise bring new, been, to date, a success or failure. The general
unexplored opportunities and would also facili- consensus was that it is not yet clear whether
Generally speaking, there are two land market tate the advantages of both systems. the programs help to reduce poverty; particular-
systems: the formal and the informal. They ly it is not yet clear if land titling helps the inha-
have different characteristics but do depend on An even more complex issue is the question of bitants to borrow on mortgages. Participants
each other. In Latin America, two different pro- international land markets: What happens when were in agreement that the roots of poverty lie
cesses of informal land markets can be identi- property owners migrate or live in another much deeper and cannot be addressed only
fied: the first process can be described as “land country but own or buy land in their home through regularization programs. Such pro-
invasion,” the second as “unauthorized land country? Very little is known about the impact grams are “curative politics,” and even as they
subdivision” (lots are divided into several small this has on local informal land markets. are being implemented, new informal land pro-
plots without municipal permission). It is known duction may occur elsewhere. The roots of the
that informality is not necessarily a result of Regularization / Upgrading Programs solution are to be found not only in the availabi-
poverty, and that it occurs in high-income areas lity and affordability of land and housing, but in
too. Often it has to do with complex market During the seminar participants also discussed the political will for change as well. The pro-
rules and profit opportunities: the informal land the advantages and drawbacks of legalization grams are a learning process and require the
market generally generates higher prices than and regularization programs. Do these pro- participation of different kinds of actors.
the formal market. grams cause more problems than they solve? To date it has been established that for the
regularization programs to have a positive
During the seminar, participants focused on the Besides the provision of infrastructure, the initi- impact on poverty reduction, they must be com-
informal land market system of the poor and al aim of such programs is to provide secure bined with a political process enabling the key
did not discuss the process of the “rich” tenure by individual land titling. However, evi- actors to influence the frame conditions which
system, thus implying that the “rich informal dence has shown that providing individual land currently prevent the integration of informal
land market system” is often not perceived as a titles does not necessarily lead to a socio-spati- settlements. A political process is needed to
problem. The reasons for this are numerous, al integration within the informal settlements. As create effective reforms and laws leading to

54 Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
Impressum
urban politics that better serve the low-income
segments of the population. Herausgeber von TRIALOG ist die Vereinigung zur
wissenschaftlichen Erforschung des Planen und
The negative impacts of informal settlements Bauens in Entwicklungsländern e.V. (gemeinnützig)
have a lot to do with the price of the land, and Postadresse für Redaktion und Verein:
there is still much to be learned about how pri- TRIALOG, c/o PAR Planen und Bauen in außereu-
ces evolve in informal land markets. A recent ropäischen Regionen, TU Darmstadt, El-Lissitzky-
Straße 1, 64287 Darmstadt
study from Brazil has already revealed that the
e-mail: <Redaktion@trialog-journal.de>
price system of informal land markets follows a
different logic than that of formal markets. Verlag: IKO-Verlag für interkulturelle Kommunikation,
Postfach 900 421, D-60444 Frankfurt /Main,
Germany, Tel: 069-784808, Fax: 069-7896575
Some questions still have incomplete answers: e-mail: <ikoverlag@t-online.de>
How can affordable housing and access to
secure land be provided? How can land be Vertrieb: Koch, Neff & Oetinger (KNOe)
urbanized and equipped with infrastructure and ISSN Nr.: 0724-6234
basic services without disproportionably increa-
sing costs? A deeper understanding of the V.i.S.d.P.: Klaus Teschner
“rules” of the informal game is required. Redaktion: Eike Jakob Schütz, Klaus Teschner
Redaktionelle Mitarbeit: Gerhard Kienast
Übersetzungen / proofreading: Jodi Grahl, Jürgen
In conclusion, it can be noted that the informal Oestereich, Bryin Abraham, Eugenia Mestres, Alicia
and formal markets can only work together and Goldmann und Sunniva Greve
Satz / Layout: Gerhard Kienast
not against or in competition with each other. Buchrezensionen: Kosta Mathéy
This can be achieved through the participation Veranstaltungen: Klaus Teschner
of the private sector and civil society, and with
Titelbild / cover image:
the support of the local government. The future
Eike Jakob Schütz, Bauliche Selbsthilfe / Self-help
will show whether or not it is possible to create construction work in Sta. Fé, Argentina
a dialogue between informal and formal land
market systems, and whether this will lead to a Die in TRIALOG veröffentlichten Artikel repräsentie-
ren nicht zwingend die Meinung der Herausgeber/
political process capable of changing conditions innen und der Redaktion. Nachdruck ist mit Angabe
towards a better integration of informal settle- der Quelle und Zusendung eines Belegexemplars
ments. If this happens, it will be an important gestattet. Artikel, Ankündigungen und Informationen
bitten wir an die Adresse des Vereins oder an die
step towards good governance. Learning from regionalen Kontaktpersonen zu richten:
other experiences is one part of the solution,
z Kosta Mathéy (Buchrezensionen, Austauschabos)
developing the right local solution for each indi- Habsburger Str. 3, D-10781 Berlin
vidual country is the other. The seminar at the Tel.: 030 - 216 63 55, FAX 030 - 219 17 599
Lincoln Institute of Land Policy was successful e-mail: <KMathey@aol.com>
in initiating further discussion, but both organi- z Klaus Teschner (Veranstaltungen)
Lochnerstr. 26, D-52064 Aachen
zers and participants agreed that the difficult
Tel.: 0241 - 559 2164; FAX 0241 - 442 188
part of this process has just begun. e-mail: <teschner@habitants.de>
Daphne Frank z Gislind Budnick (Mitgliederverwaltung, Finanzen)
Heslacher Wand 35A, D-70199 Stuttgart
Tel.: 0711 - 607 19 65; FAX 0711 - 640 03 54
References: e-mail: <gb@trialog.de.eu.org>
Abramo, Pedro: Funcionamento do Mercado informal de ter- z Michael Peterek (Aktuelles)
ras nas favelas e mobilidade residencial dos pobres, Lincoln Eleonore-Sterling-Str. 8, D-60433 Frankfurt / Main
Institute of Land Policy Research Paper, Cambridge, 2002 Tel.: 069 - 530 98 328, FAX 069 - 530 98 329
e-mail: <MPeterek@aol.com>
Geoffrey Payne Associates: Land Rites, Innovative Approach-
es to Secure Tenure for the Urban Poor, London, June 2001. z Antje Wemhöner (experts)
Zwingli-Str. 4, D-10555 Berlin
Smolka, Martim: Informality, Urban Poverty and Land Market Tel./FAX: 030 - 391 015 25
Prices, in: Land Lines, Cambridge, January 2003, pages 4-7 e-mail: <A.Wemhöner@gmx.de>
z Jürgen Oestereich (international co-operation)
Websites: Am Dickelsbach 10, D-40883 Ratingen
Tel./FAX: 02102 - 60 740
Lincoln Institute of Land Policy: www.lincolninst.edu/
e-mail: <JOestereic@aol.com>
MIT, Boston, Department of Urban Studies and Planning:
z Hassan Ghaemi
http://dusp.mit.edu/
Bessunger Str. 88d, D-64285 Darmstadt
Cities Alliance: www.citiesalliance.org Tel.: 06151 - 963 707/8, FAX 06151 - 963 709
The Institute for Housing and Urban Development Studies: e-mail: <hassan.ghaemi@balluff-ghaemi.de>
www.ihs.nl/ z Hans Harms, 29 South Hill Park, London NW3
London School of Economics, Department of Geography: 2ST, UK, Tel./FAX -44-207 - 435 39 53
www.lse.ac.uk e-mail: <hharms02@aol.com>
Colombia: Universidad de los Andes, Bogotá, CIDER (Centro z Florian Steinberg, IHS Indonesia - IRO Wisma
Interdisciplinario de Estudios Regionales: Anugraha Building, Jalan Taman Kemang 32 B,
http://research.uniandes.edu.co Jakarta 12730, Indonesia, Tel: -62-21 - 718 1361,
FAX -717 921 72, e-mail: <f.steinberg@ihs.nl>
Mexico: Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana Azcapotzalco:
www.azc.uam.mx/html/directorio.html TRIALOG kostet 10,- EUR / Heft zzgl. Versand.
Brazil: Universidade do Vale do Ríos dos Sinos, Sao Leopoldo: Bestellungen beim Verlag.
www.unisinos.br
TRIALOG kostet im Abonnement (4 Ausgaben/Jahr):
Universidade Federal do Río de Janeiro, JPPUR: www.ufrj.br
Standard-Abo: 35,- EUR (zzgl. Versand)
Irglus – International Research Group on Law and Urban Institutionen-Abo: 45,- EUR (zzgl. Versand)
Space (no website) Studenten-Abo: 20,- EUR (zzgl. Versand)
Inter-American Development Bank: www.iadb.org
Die Kündigung eines Abos ist dem Verlag späte-
World Bank: www.worldbank.org stens sechs Wochen vor Jahresende mitzuteilen.
UN-Habitat: www.unhabitat.org
Für Abo- und Vertriebsfragen wenden Sie sich bitte
an den Verlag.
Daphne Frank, Dipl.-Ing., urban planner
and international advisor, worked as a
project coordinator of GTZ in Quito,
research assistant at Technical University of
Darmstadt, Germany.
Contact: <daphnefrank@hotmail.com>

Tr i a l o g 7 8 / 2 0 0 3
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ISSN 0724-6234

Veranstaltungen /
Forthcoming events

Sept. 22 - 24, 2003 in Stockholm, Sweden October 17 - 22, 2003 in Cairo, Egypt December 2 - 4, 2003 in Santiago de Chile
International Conference: “Methodologies in Hous- 39th International ISoCaRP Planning Congress: II Seminario Internacional de la Red de Investi-
ing Research”. Organised by The International “Planning in a more globalized and competitive gación sobre Áreas Metropolitanas de Europa
Association of People-Environment Studies, the world”. Organised by the International Society of y América Latina (Rideal): Nuevas tecnologías,
European Network for Housing Research and City and Regional Planners in association with redes, competitividad, reestructuración metro-
The Royal Institute of Technology (KTH) in The Faculty of Urban & Regional Planning, Cairo politana y gobernabilidad. Organisado por el
Stockholm. Contact: <ingabrit@arch.kth.se> Univ. Contact: ISoCaRP, Willem Witsenplein 6, Instituto de Estudios Urbanos y Territoriales de
www.iaps-association.org/ Rm 459a, 2596 BK The Hague - The Nether- la Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile (PUC).
lands. (31 70) 3462654, fax: 3617909; Contacto: Gloria Yánez Warner, Fax: (56 2) 232
September 22 - 26, 2003 in Abuja, Nigeria <secretariat@isocarp.org> www.isocarp.org/ 8805; <gyanez@puc.cl> or: Arturo Orellana
29th WEDC International Conference: “Towards Ossandón, Fax: (34 93) 542 2599; <arturo.orel-
the Millennium Development Goals - Actions for Nov. 12 - 15, 2003 in Paris/ St. Denis, France lana@ietcat.org> www.rideal.net
Water and Environmental Sanitation.” Organised 2nd European Social Forum (ESF). Organised
by the Federal Ministry of Water Resources, the by l’Association pour le Forum Social Européen December 10 - 12, 2003 in Geneva, Switzerland
Water, Engineering and Development Centre 2003. Contact: Association pour le Forum Social World Summit on the Information Society
(WEDC) and the Local Committee, led by the Européen 2003, Boite Postale 6594, 75065 Paris, (WSIS). Organised by a High-Level Summit
National Water Resources Institute. Contact: Cedex 02, Fax: (33 1) 4455 3855; French Orga- Organising Committee (HLSOC) under the
Mrs. Dot Barnard, WEDC Conference Co-orga- nisation Secretariat: <inforum@fse-esf.org> patronage of Kofi Annan. Aims to bring together
nizer, Loughborough University, Leicestershire more information: www.fse-esf.org Heads of State, UN agencies, industry leaders,
LE11 3TU, England. (44 1509) 223772, fax: non-governmental organizations, media repre-
211079; <wedc.conf@lboro.ac.uk> www.lboro. November 16 - 22, 2003 in Concepción, Chile sentatives and civil society. Contact: Executive
ac.uk/wedc/conferences/29contents.htm XX CLEFA - Conferencia Latinoamericana de Secretariat WSIS, International Telecommunica-
Escuelas y Facultades de Arquitectura. Orga- tion Union, Place des Nations, 1211 Geneva
September 22 - 29, 2003 in Puebla, Mexico nisado por la Facultad de Arquitectura, Con- 20, Switzerland - for Civil Society Entities:
Tercer Congreso Internacional: Balance y Per- strucción y Diseño, Universidad de Bío-Bío, (41 22) 730 6364, fax: (41 22) 730 6393;
spectivas del Analisis Territorial. Organisación/ Concepción, Chile. Contact: Carlos Egídio <wsis.csd@ties.itu.int>; for general inquiries:
contacto: Red Nacional de Investigación Urba- Alonso, Presidente de UDEFAL, Universidade (41 22) 730 6111; <wsis@itu.int>
na, <elsa@siu.buap.mx> www.miu.buap.mx Mackenzie, Rua Itambé 45, Prédio 9, CEP www.itu.int/wsis/basic/about.html
01239-902, Sao Paulo, Brasil. (55 11) 3236
September 25 - 27, 2003 in Milano, Italy 8313, Fax: 3236 8435; <udefal@mackenzie.br> February 2 - 4, 2004 in Hong Kong, China
Challenging Urban Identities. Organised by the www.ubiobio.cl/xxclefa2003 International Housing Conference "Housing in
International Sociological Association, Research the 21st Century: Challenges and Commitment".
Committee 21 und Urban Europe Project. Contact: November 18 - 21, 2003 in La Habana, Cuba Organised by the Hong Kong Housing Authority.
Prof. Hartmut Häusermann, Humboldt Univ. Berlin Evento Internacional “Urbanismo 2003: Munici- It will be a major event to mark the 50th Anni-
or Enzo Mingione, Univ. of Milano-Bicocca pio y Urbanismo”. Contacto: Arq. Mirta Hernán- versary of Public Housing Development in
<enzo.mingione@unimib.it> www.urban-europe.net dez González, Instituto de Planificación Física, Hong Kong. Contact and more information:
or www.shakti.uniurb.it/rc21 Lamparilla No. 65 entre San Ignacio y Merca- www.housingauthority.gov.hk
deres, Habana Vieja, CP:10100, La Habana,
October 1 - 3, 2003 in Skiathos, Greece Cuba. (537) 8628525, 8624504, fax: (537) June 26 - 29, 2004 in Toronto, Canada
International Conference: Sustainable Planning & 335581; <ipfvices@ceniai.inf.cu> ISA International Housing Conference: “Ade-
Development. Contact: <rgreen@wessex.ac.uk> quate and Affordable Housing for All - Rese-
www.essex.ac.uk/conferences/2003/planning03/ Nov. 28 - 29, 2003 in Darmstadt, Germany arch, Policy, Practice”. Organised under the
TRIALOG Annual Conference at the occasion auspices of Housing and the Built Environment
October 5 - 8, 2003 in Vienna, Austria of TRIALOG's 20 Years' Jubilee: "Private and Research Committee 43 of the International
47th IFHP World Congress: “Cities & Markets: Intermediate Initiatives in Neighbourhood Deve- Sociological Association (ISA). Contact. Philip-
Shifts in Urban Development”. Organised by the lopment". Contact: Prof. Dr. Kosta Mathey, TH pa Campsie, Housing Conference, Centre for
International Federation of Housing and Planning Darmstadt, <KMathey@aol.com>. Urban and Community Studies, University of
(IFHP). Contact: IFHP Congress Department, Conference date might be changed, please Toronto, 455 Spadina Avenue, 4th floor, Toron-
43 Wassenaarseweg, 2596 CG The Hague, The see announcement on the website: to, Ontario, M5S 2G8, Canada. Fax: (1 416)
Netherlands. (31 70) 3281504, fax: 3282085 www.trialog-journal.de 9787162; <housing.conference@utoronto.ca>;
<congress@IFHP.org> www.ifhp2003.at www.inura.org
November 2003 in Vienna, Austria
October 6 - 9, 2003 in Camagüey, Cuba The Future of Social Housing in Europe: Ecolo- Mid 2004 in Brisbane, Australia
Ier Congreso Internacional de Ciudades His- gy in Social House Building - principles, International Conference on Urban Agriculture:
tóricas / VI Conferencia Internacional de Con- methods and best practices. Organised by the „URBANAG 2004“. The conference will outline
servación del Patrimonio Edificado. Organizado City of Vienna, Department of Housing, Hou- the future of urban agriculture in the Western
por el Centro de Estudios de Conservación sing Construction and Urban Renewal. Contact: Pacific region. Organised by the Urban Agricul-
CECONS. Contacto: Dr. Oscar Prieto Herrera / Europaforum Wien, Centre for Urban Dialogue ture Network - Western Pacific. Contact: Geoff
Dra. Vivian Más Sarabia, Univ. de Camagüey, and European Policy, Rahlgasse 3/2, 1060 Wilson, PO Box 5151, Mt Gravatt East, Queens-
Circunvalación Norte km 5 ½, Camagüey, Vienna, Austria. (43 1) 5858510-24, fax: (43 land 4122, Australia. (617) 3349 1422, fax
Cuba, CP.74650. (53 32) 261776, fax. 1) 5858510-30; <lutter@europaforum.or.at> (617) 3343 8287; <fawmpl@powerup.com.au>
261126 <congresocecons@yahoo.com> www.europaforum.or.at www.urbanag.info