Sion, Mère Des Églises: Mélanges Liturgiques Offerts Au Père Charles Athanase Renoux

Semaines d’études S1
liturgiques Saint-Serge
Michael Daniel FINDIKYAN | Daniel GALADZA |André LOSSKY (éd.)
Sion, mère des Églises : Mélanges liturgiques

offerts au Père Charles Athanase Renoux
SION, MÈRE DES ÉGLISES :
MELANGES LITURGIQUES OFFERTS AU
PÈRE CHARLES ATHANASE RENOUX
Le Père Renoux examinant le plus ancien manuscrit parvenu
(XIIe siècle) du Šarakan (hymnaire arménien) de la bibliothèque
de l’Institut du Clergé patriarcal de Bzommar (Liban), au cours
d’un congrès en 2009
Michael Daniel Findikyan – Daniel Galadza – André Lossky (éd.)
SION, MÈRE DES ÉGLISES :

MELANGES LITURGIQUES OFFERTS AU
PÈRE CHARLES ATHANASE RENOUX
Semaines d’Études Liturgiques Saint-Serge (SÉtL)
Actes édités par
André Lossky et Heinzgerd Brakmann

avec la collaboration de Barbara Hallensleben
Supplement 1
Comité scientiﬁque :
Heinzgerd Brakmann – Nicolas Cernokrak – Isaia Gazzola –

Flemming Fleinert-Jensen – André Lossky – Marcel Metzger –
Anatole Negruta – Thomas Pott – Goran Sekulovski
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TABLE DES MATIÈRES
Lettre des éditeurs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7

Lettre du patriarche Nourhan Manougian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Lettre de l’Archevêque Khajag Barsamian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
Lettre de l’Abbé David Tardif d’Hamonville . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
Notice biographique . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
Abréviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
Bibliographie Charles Athanase Renoux (O.S.B.) .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
CONTRIBUTIONS
Zaza ALEKSIDZE -- Dali CHITUNASHVILI, Fragments of the Oldest Arme-

nian Lectionary in the Armenian Collection of the National Centre of
Manuscripts of Georgia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
Heinzgerd BRAKMANN, Divi Jacobi testimonium. Die Editio princeps
der Jerusalemer Liturgie durch Jean de Saint-André und der Beitrag
des Konstantinos Palaiokappa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49
S. Peter COWE, Preliminary Investigation of the Earliest Extant Version
of the Dialogue between Nestorian Catholicos Timothy I and Caliph
al-Mahdî . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79
Michael Daniel FINDIKYAN, Ancient Introit Prayers from Jerusalem in
the Armenian Divine Liturgy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91
Stig Simeon R. FRØYSHOV, The Resurrection Office of First-Millen-
nium Jerusalem Liturgy and its Adoption by Close Peripheries, Part II:
The Gospel Reading and the Post-Gospel Section . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109
Daniel GALADZA, A Note on Hagiopolite Epistle Readings in Three
Greek Manuscripts from the Sinai « New Finds » .. . . . . . . . . . . . . 149
Job GETCHA, La liturgie hagiopolite et l’origine de la Liturgie des Pré-
sanctifiés . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163
Sebastià JANERAS, Liturgie hispanique et liturgie de Jérusalem . . . . 179
6 Table des matières
André LOSSKY, Sources hiérosolymitaines dans l’office byzantin : la

fonction de présidence, élément persistant du rite cathédral . . . . . 193
Jean-Pierre MAHÉ, La Tunique sans couture et la Conversion de la
Géorgie . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 205
Marcel METZGER, Les ministères de la Jérusalem céleste, selon les Con-
stitutions apostoliques .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 217
Paroyr MURADYAN (†), A Particular Contextualization of Ps 88/89 in a
Twelfth-Century Historical Translation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 229
Bernard OUTTIER, Fragments onciaux inédits d’un Lectionnaire géorgi-
en de Jérusalem VII . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 237
Michael E. STONE, Two Stories about the Ark of the Covenant . . . 257
Abraham TERIAN, Rereading the Sixth-century List of Jerusalem Mo-
nasteries by Anastas Vardapet . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 273
Gabriele WINKLER, Eine weitere Bilanz zum derzeitigen Kenntnisstand
über die armenische Liturgie bis 2011 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 289
THE RESURRECTION OFFICE OF FIRST-
MILLENNIUM JERUSALEM LITURGY AND ITS
ADOPTION BY CLOSE PERIPHERIES
Part II: The Gospel Reading and the Post-Gospel Section 1
The Sunday Vigil of Jerusalem was a long and composite celebration

consisting of both public and non-public (ascetic, « monastic »)
parts. 2 Its principal part was no doubt « the Resurrection Office », a
public office celebrated by the bishop and meant for the people.
According to the Itinerarium Egeriae this part started with a Gospel
section (psalmody, litany, pericope and hymn) in the Anastasis and
on the way to the Cross, and ended with a station of praise and epis-
copal blessing at the Cross. The excellent description by Egeria
forms the starting point for the historical study of the Hagiopolite
Sunday Vigil. The reconstructed outline of this Vigil, in its mature
form as it was supposedly celebrated in the Resurrection cathedral
in, let us say, the sixth century, is the following:
1. Entrance to the Anastasis
a) the bishop enters the Anastasis and goes to the cave
b) entrance prayer
2. Pre-Gospel psalmody at the Anastasis
a) three psalms
b) each followed by a prayer
c) litany (original position, seemingly moved to 4c)
d) prayer
3. Gospel at the Anastasis tomb, with hymn on the way to the
Cross
a) the Resurrection Gospel read by the bishop at Christ’s tomb
b) post-Gospel hymn sung during procession to the Cross
1 See abbreviations at the end of the article.

2 On the co-existence of the two liturgical types within this same office, see Stig R.
Frøyshov, « Søndagsnattens vigilie i Jerusalems oppstandelseskirke – biskoppelig
og monastisk [The Sunday night Vigil in the Resurrection Church of Jerusalem –
episcopal and monastic] », Meddelanden från Collegium Patristicum Lundense 21
(2006) 39– 52. On the distinction between liturgical types, see my forthcoming ar-
ticle « The cathedral-monastic distinction revisited. Part II ».
110 Stig Simeon R. FRØYSHOV
4. Station at the Cross

a) psalm 133
b) with hymnography
c) litany
d) prayer
e) blessing
f) dismissal 3
The present text forms part II of a double article in which I study
the Jerusalem Resurrection Office (RO) in its entirety. In Part I of
this double article I treat the pre-Gospel section of the RO. The top-
ic of the present second part is the rest of this office, from the Gos-
pel reading (3) to the station at the Golgotha (4). I am pleased to
offer it in honor of Dom Charles Athanase Renoux, in gratitude for
his extensive work on the liturgy of the Holy City, but also for his
guidance as my Doktorvater and his friendship and scholarly coun-
sel. The current study is indebted to Fr. Renoux’s ground-breaking
translation—the first into a western language—of the Sunday Oktoe-
chos of the Ancient Iadgari, 4 which contains the post-Gospel hym-
nody of the Resurrection Office.
The strictly local Hagiopolite sources of the RO include only Ege-
ria’s diary and the so-called « Anastasis Typikon » (HS 43). 5 In addi-
tion to this I will use a number of peripheral sources, mostly Pales-
tinian, written in the languages pertinent to the study of Palestinian
liturgy: Greek, Georgian, Syriac, Arabic and Armenian. Sinai Geor-
gian O.47 (SIN 47, 977) is a particularly valuable document, devoted
exclusively to the RO and pretending to follow the Greek use of
Sinai. 6 I will be searching for the specifically Hagiopolite (Resurrec-
tion cathedral) RO, usually starting from Egeria and gathering evi-
dence from the peripheral sources. At the end of this part II I will
3 This scheme is a slightly revised version of that presented in Part I (concerning 2c-
d and 4c-d). See also Part I for a discussion of the possibility of prayers before and
after the Gospel.
4 Charles Renoux, Les hymnes de la résurrection. I. Hymnographie liturgique géor-
gienne. Introduction, traduction et annotation des textes du Sinaï 18, Sources li-
turgiques 3 (Paris 2000); Les hymnes de la résurrection. II. Hymnographie litur-
gique géorgienne. Texte des manuscrits Sinaï 40, 41 et 34, PO 231 (52.1)
(Turnhout 2012); and Les hymnes de la résurrection. III. Hymnographie liturgique
géorgienne. Introduction, traduction, annotation des manuscrits Sinaï 26 et 20 et
index analytique des trois volumes, PO 232 (52.2) (Turnhout 2012).
5 The RO of HS 43 is presented and translated in Part I.
6 SIN 47 is described in detail in Part I.
The Resurrection Office of First-Millennium Jerusalem Liturgy 111
discuss the relationship of the RO with the daily office and offer a
comparative table of the most important material employed. 7
1. GOSPEL READING WITH PROCESSION

The resurrection Gospel reading is the principal component of RO
in Egeria and subsequent sources. The choice of pericope is subject
to a selection principle known in three different versions, corre-
sponding to three consecutive stages within the Palestino-Byzantine 8
daily office tradition:
1. 4 pericopes. Early Hagiopolite, Armenian: one from each Gos-
pel; octotonal (repeated in plagal modes)
2. 8 pericopes. Middle Hagiopolite: the four of Stage 1 plus the fol-
lowing post-resurrectional pericopes of each Gospel (except Mt, which
is repeated); octotonal
3. 11 pericopes. Late Hagiopolite (?) and Byzantine: the seven read-
ings of Stage 2 plus the four consecutive pericopes in Lk (1) and Jn
(3); not octotonal.
The three series are structurally interdependent, in that the latter
two stages preserve and expand their preceding stage; that is, while
the expansion from Stage 1 to 2 preserves the order of the first four
Gospel readings, that from Stage 2 to 3 uses essentially the same
seven readings (Mt is repeated) but rearranges their order. 9
1.1. Sunday Morning Gospel Series: Stages 1 and 2

The first stage, that of four pericopes, undoubtedly existed by the
fifth century, possibly earlier. It is still used by the Armenians and is
found in Georgian Palestinian liturgical collections as late as late
ninth to early tenth centuries (Sinai Georgian O.53 and N.58). Judg-
7 The sources, methods and full scope of the double article are presented in detail
in Part I.
8 By « Byzantine » is here meant the Byzantine rite, the liturgical tradition created
(no later than the 7th–8th century) through the process I label the « Early-Byzantine
liturgical synthesis ». The daily office, including the RO, of the Byzantine rite
comes from Palestine.
9 The development of the series of the Sunday morning Gospels was treated by
Sebastià Janeras, « I vangeli domenicali della risurrezione nelle tradizioni liturgiche
agiopolita e bizantina » in Paschale Mysterium. Studi in memoria dell’abate prof.
Salvatore Marsili (1910–1983), ed. Giustino Farnedi (Roma 1986) 55–69. In what
follows I resume, and, by considering as well the third stage of this development,
build upon my earlier treatment of this subject in Stig Symeon R. Frøyshov, « The
Early Development of the Eight Mode Liturgical System in Jerusalem », SVTQ 51
(2007) 139–178, here 158–161.
ing from SIN 47, the Georgian monks of Palestine (or some of them)
seem to have remained faithful to the first stage for most of the
tenth century. When Zosime copies this manuscript, which betrays
the second stage, that of eight pericopes, he emphasizes that it is
that of the Greeks of Mount Sinai.
The series of eight Sunday morning Gospels is found in peripher-
al Palestinian Gospel Lectionaries of various kinds and languages.
The most important of these, because it is in the original Greek and
is dated, is the Gospel Lectionary ms. Sinai Greek 210 (l844), 10 writ-
ten at a monastery 11 for the cenobion of Mount Sinai. 12 It has an
incomplete date that very probably should be 861/862. 13 The Greek
community of the cenobion of Mount Sinai therefore apparently had
eight readings in 861/862 and, according to Zosime, still in 977. In
the Greek realm we also find the eight pericopes in ms. Sinai Greek
212 (l846), dated by some to the seventh century 14 but now usually
dated to the ninth, 15 fol. 1r–51v, and in ms. Sinai Arabic 116 (l2211),
10 To this codex are identified several fragments: first of all Sinai Greek NE MΓ 12
and four leaves of St. Petersburg. On the ms. see Daniel Galadza, « Sources for the
Study of Liturgy in Post-Byzantine Jerusalem (638–1187) », Dumbarton Oaks Pa-
pers 67 (2013) 75–94, here 79–80.
11 Which one is uncertain, due to a lacuna in the subscription on the front page.
Harlfinger proposes the Great Lavra of St. Sabas. Dieter Harlfinger, et al., Speci-
mina Sinaitica: die datierten griechischen Handschriften des Katharinen-Klosters
auf dem Berge Sinai: 9. bis 12. Jahrhundert (Berlin 1983) 13.
12 See the description in Harlfinger, Specimina Sinaitica (see n.11) 13–14 and Kurz
Weitzmann and George Galavaris, The Illuminated Greek Manuscripts. Volume
One: From the Ninth to the Twelfth Century (Princeton, NJ 1990) 17–19.
13 Weitzmann and Galavaris, The Illuminated Greek Manuscripts (see n.12) 18.
14 Kenneth W. Clark, « Exploring the Manuscripts of Sinai and Jerusalem », The
Biblical Archaeologist 16:2 (1953) 22–43, here 27 (with Fig. 4). Murad Kamil, Cata-
logue of All Manuscripts in the Monastery of St. Catherine on Mount Sinai (Wies-
baden 1970) 70. Gardthausen and Gregory do not date the manuscript.
15 Kurt Aland, Kurzgefasste Liste der griechischen Handschriften des neuen Testa-
ments, 2nd ed. (Berlin, New York 1994) 269. Harlfinger includes it in his list of
Maiuscula Ogivalis Inclinata mss, which he carefully places, for the most part, in
the ninth century: « Aber abgesehen von den datierten Fällen liegt der Entste-
hungszeitraum bei den meisten Stücken im neunten Jahrhundert (und oft in des-
sen zweiter Hälfte). » Dieter Harlfinger, « Beispiele der Maiuscula Ogivalis Inclina-
ta vom Sinai und aus Damaskus » in Alethes Philia. Studi in onore di Giancarlo
Prato, eds. Marco D’Agostino and Paola Degni (Spoleto 2010) 461–477, Tav. I–
XXV, here 467; color photo of Sinai Greek 212: Tav. II. On this ms., see recently
Daniel Galadza, « Two Greek, Ninth-Century Sources of the Jerusalem Lectionary:
Sinai Gr. 212 and Sinai Gr. N.E. MГ 11 », BBGG III s. 11 (2014) 79–111 (Eight
Resurrection Gospels: 83–85).
which is bilingual Greek-Arabic and dated to 995/996. 16 Georgian

Gospel Lectionaries with eight Sunday morning readings appear
only with Iovane Zosime writing at Sinai in the late 970s: ms. SIN 47
(977) and ms. Sinai Georgian 38 (979) 17, as well as the Lectionary of
ms. Oslo Schøyen MS 035 (olim Tsagareli 81; 979). 18 Of the Arabic
Gospel Lectionaries of Palestinian tradition none seems to include
the Sunday morning Gospels 19 except the bilingual ms. Sinai Arabic
116. Therefore, a certain part, at the very least, of Palestinian liturgy
was observing the series of eight readings through the tenth century.
When was the stage of eight readings composed (presumably in
Jerusalem)? It seems that there is no source whose writing can be
dated earlier than the ninth century. However, the fact that the sixth
century the Ancient Iadgari as we have seen has eight mode pre-
Gospel psalms (« fully-octotonal stage ») suggests that the accompa-
nying Gospel reading also was in a selection of eight. 20 We may
therefore presume that the state of eight Gospel pericopes dates to
(no later than) the sixth century.
16 Described in Gérard Garitte, « Un évangéliaire grec-arabe du Xe siècle (cod. Sin.

ar. 116) », Studia Codicologica, ed. Kurt Treu et al., Texte und Untersuchungen
124 (Berlin 1977) 207–225.
17 Published in Gérard Garitte, « Un index géorgien des lectures évangéliques selon
l’ancien rite de Jérusalem », LM 85 (1972) 337–398.
18 Lili Xevsuriani, იოანე ზოსიმეს ერთი ხელნაწერის შესახებ [Concerning a Manus-
cript by Ioane Zosime], Mravaltavi 7 (1980) 50–63, here 58 ; and Michel van Es-
broeck, « Les manuscrits de Jean Zosime Sin. 34 et Tsagareli 81 », BK 34 (1981)
63–75, here 72–73. See short description at http://www.schoyencollection.
com/bible-collection-foreword/hebrew-aramaic-bible/codex-sinaticus-zosimi-
rescriptus-ms-035 (accessed Febr. 24, 2016; only digital catalog).
19 Ms. Sinai Arabic 54 (9th c.), 70 (9–10th c.), 72 (897 AD), and 74 (9th c.). see Gé-
rard Garitte, « Les rubriques liturgiques de quelques anciens tétraévangiles ara-
bes » in Mélanges liturgiques offerts au R.P. Dom Bernard Botte (Louvain 1972)
151–166; and Samir Arbache, Le Tétraévangile Sinaï arabe 72. Ses rubriques litur-
giques et son substrat grec, Mémoire inédit, Université catholique de Louvain
(Louvain 1975), here especially 26–34. The content of ms. Sinai NF Arabic M7,
Gospel Lectionary written at the Lavra of St. Chariton in 901, has to my
knowledge not been published. Cf. Iôannês E. Meimarês, Κατάλογος τῶν νέων
ἀραβικῶν χειρογράφων τῆς Ἱερᾶς Μονῆς Ἁγίας Αἰκατερίνῆς τοῦ Ὄρους Σινᾶ (Athens 1985)
23.
20 It is true that some Georgian sources show the co-existence of eight (mode) psalms
and four Gospel readings, but this should rather be seen as the subsistence of four
Gospel readings even after the transfer to eight psalms. It is clear that the two se-
ries of Gospel readings, four and eight, co-existed in Georgian Palestine until the
tenth century.
1.2. Sunday Morning Gospel Series Stage 3: Eleven Pericopes

The third stage, that of eleven Sunday morning Gospels (Heôthi-
na), as in present Byzantine practice, raises complex questions con-
cerning its origin: Hagiopolite or Byzantine? Janeras observes that
the series of eleven pericopes was based on the Jerusalem lectionary
system for the Paschal week, and not on that of Constantinople. He
concludes, however, without substantiating arguments, that it was
created outside Jerusalem. 21 The following is a brief and preliminary
discussion of the origins of the third stage based on a representative
but incomplete examination of the sources
1.2.1. Early Sources of the Eleven Sunday Heôthina Gospels

The series of Eleven Resurrectional Morning Gospels (11 Heôthina)
is much better documented in the first millennium Byzantine area
than in the Palestinian one. An early hymnographical witness, if one
is to trust hymn ascriptions, is the attribution of the eleven heôthina
stichera to Emperor Leo VI (d. 912) and of the eleven resurrection
exaposteilaria to his son, Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitos;
these two series of hymns directly related to the eleven Gospel pe-
ricopes presuppose their existence. The most salient source material
of the 11 Heôthina is naturally Gospel manuscripts, mostly but not
only Lectionaries, 22 and primarily that of the tradition of Constanti-
nople.
Mateos asserts that the series of 11 Heôthina existed already in
the eighth century, with reference to the eighth century dating of the
Gospel Lectionary Moscow Hist. Mus. V. 11, Sinod. 42 (l47). 23 How-
ever, perhaps Mateos accepted the dating proposed by his Russian
source 24 too easily, since Gregory dates this manuscript to the tenth
century, 25 a date which is upheld by Aland/INTF. 26 In fact, it may be
21 « La serie degli 11…è costruita sulla base di un sistema di letture gerosolimitano

ma all’infuori de questa tradizone ». Janeras, « I vangeli » (see n.9) 68, and « Nata
fuori Gerusalemme, in qualche regione de tradizione bizantina ». Ibid., 69.
22 Some Tetraevangelion codices have liturgical rubrics or tables (Pinakes).
23 Juan Mateos, « Quelques problèmes de l’orthros byzantin », POC 11 (1961) 17–35,
201–220, here 218, n. 76.
24 Mihail Skaballanovič, Толковый типиконъ [The Typicon Explained], vol. II (Kiev
1913) 247. Skaballanovic agrees with Archimandrite Vladimir who dated it to the
eighth century : Archimandrite Vladimir, Систематическое описание рукописей
Московской Синодальной Библіотеки, vol I, Рукописи греческія (Moscow 1894), 12, MS
11.
25 Caspar R. Gregory, Textkritik des neuen Testaments I (Leipzig 1900) 392.
26 Aland, Kurzgefasste Liste (see n.15) is now « continued » at the Institut für
Neutestamentliche Textforschung, INTF (http://ntvmr.uni-muenster.de/liste).
that no Lectionary with the 11 Heôthina has been preserved for

which there is a commonly accepted dating prior to the ninth centu-
ry.
Among the Gospel manuscripts with 11 Heôthina which are dated
to the eighth century by Aland/INTF, most are either Alexandrian,
palimpsest or minor fragments. My rapid examination of the
Aland/INTF Kurzgefasste Liste yielded only three relevant Gospel
manuscripts dated to the eighth century: the Lectionary ms. Athos
Dionysiou 1 (l627), the Tetraevangelion ms. Basel Univ. Bibl. AN III
12 (E 07), and the Lectionary ms. Tirana, Central State Archive,
Beratinus 3 (l2372). However, all these three mss. have recently been
given a date later than the eighth century, so the eighth century da-
ting is uncertain to say the least. Džurova places l627 in a group of
tenth-eleventh century manuscripts, 27 and the paleographers Par-
pulov and Kavrus-Hoffmann date this Gospel Lectionary to the tenth
century. 28 The eighth century date of the Tetraevangelion E 07 has
recently been challenged by Cataldi Palau, who concludes her thor-
ough examination of the codex with a ninth century dating. 29 In E
07 the Eleven « Anastasima » Gospels are indicated by upper mar-
ginal rubrics, but these are not discussed by Cataldi Palau.
Aland/INTF dates l2372 to the eighth-ninth centuries, based on the
1968 catalogue by Koder and Trapp, but later scholars limit the da-
ting to the ninth century, while Džurova most recently opts for a late
ninth – early tenth century dating. 30 If the recent date revisions of
these three Gospel manuscripts are accepted, the current state of
Greek paleography implies that we do not dispose of any manuscript
evidence of the 11 Heôthina prior to the ninth century. 31
Moving to the ninth century, we do find numerous Byzantine Lec-
tionaries which have the 11 Heôthina. In fact, of the some thirty
Gospel Lectionaries of more than 100 fol. which are dated by
27 Axinia Džurova, Le rayonnement de Byzance. Les manuscrits grecs enluminés des

Balkans (VIe–XVIIIe siècles) (Sofia 2011) 210.
28 Georgi Parpulov communicated this to me in a personal mail of February 24, 2016
and Nadezhda Kavrus-Hoffmann in a personal conversation, March 11, 2016.
29 Annaclara Cataldi Palau, « A Little Known Manuscript of the Gospels in ‘Majuscola
Biblica’: Basil. Gr. A. N. III. 12 », Byzantion 74 (2004) 463–516; reprinted in idem,
Studies in Greek Manuscripts I (Spoleto 2008) 21–67, tables I–X.
30 For all the references see Axinia Džurova, « L’enluminure de l’Évangéliaire oncial
Beratinus 3 de Tirana. Notes préliminaires », Arte medieval 7:2 (2008) 121–130,
here 121. The Central State Archive of Tirana dates the codex to the second half
of the ninth century (I thank librarian Sokol Çunga for communicating this to me
in personal mail of February 25, 2016).
31 It must be noted, however, that many manuscript datings fail to take into consid-
eration liturgical data which could have a bearing upon the conclusion.
Aland/INTF to the ninth century, it seems that most or all include

the 11 Heôthina. 32 In these Gospel Lectionaries the 11 Heôthina
form a supplement to the pure Constantinopolitan Lectionary, also
including in the course of time the festal Heôthina Gospels, the
Twelve Passion Gospels and the Great Friday Royal Hours Gospels.
By contrast, the witnesses of the Jerusalem Lectionary dated be-
fore the turn of the second millennium all have Eight Sunday
Heôthina Gospels (the second stage). 33 The fragment ms. Sinai Syri-
ac X37N (10 fol.), which contains almost exclusively the 11 Heôthi-
na 34 is dated by the catalogue to « circa VIIIe siècle » but this dating
must be rejected on paleographic grounds. 35
The series of 11 Heôthina is also represented in HS 43, which was
copied in 1122 but may contain first millennium liturgy. 36 As is
known, HS 43 is characterized by a certain degree of Byzantinization
and we cannot a priori take its 11 Heôthina as evidence that they
have Hagiopolite roots. However, in order properly to interpret the
presence of the eleven resurrection Gospels in HS 43 we need in the
first place to ask whether it was actually a Hagiopolite practice to
read the Resurrection Gospel at the RO of Palm Sunday at all in the
32 The following eleven MSS have been ascertained to include them: Lect 17, 34, 63,
64, 111, 152, 292, 563, 845, 848, 849 (Christopher Jordan, The Textual Tradition
of the Gospel of John in Greek Gospel Lectionaries from the Middle Byzantine Pe-
riod, unpublished PhD thesis, University of Birmingham (2010), 213–214, or my
own observations.).
33 In addition to the sources cited above, see Daniel Galadza, « Two Greek, Ninth-
Century Sources » (see n.15) and idem, « A Greek Source of the Jerusalem Lec-
tionary: Sinai Gr. N.E. ΜΓ 8 (10th c.) », in: ΣΥΝΑΞΙΣ ΚΑΘΟΛΙΚΗ. Beiträge zu
Gottesdienst und Geschichte der fünf altkirchlichen Patriarchate für Heinzgerd
Brakmann zum 70. Geburtstag. Teilband 1, ed. Diliana Atanassova and Tinatin
Chronz (Vienna and Munich 2014) 213–228.
34 Philothée du Sinaï, Nouveaux manuscrits syriaques du Sinaï (Athènes 2008) 231–
235.
35 I am grateful to Sebastian Brock and Paul Géhin for communicating to me in two
personal e-mails each, at two years’ interval, their views on the question of dating
this Syriac fragment. In his second mail Brock writes: « I would conclude that it
could not be earlier than tenth century, and that on the whole I would suggest a
date of tenth-eleventh century » (2 July 2011). In his first message (21 September
2009), Géhin similarly rejects a dating earlier than the 10th c.; however, after a new
examination of the fragment, he is inclined to suggest an even later dating:
« L’écriture rectangulaire du X37N est très semblable à celle du X6N. Même s’il
s’agit de deux manuscrits différents, le copiste est peut-être le même. Je daterais
cette écriture du 12e ou du 13e siècle » (30 June, 2011).
36 The eleventh Gospel is written in extenso in the RO (HS 43 edition, 11,18; see
English translation of the RO in Part I). Further, the ninth (227,22), the tenth
(244,11) and, for a second time, the eleventh (252,9) Gospels are read at the Mat-
ins services of Wednesday, Friday and Saturday of the Paschal Week.
latter part of the first millennium. The Gospel Lectionary index of

ms. Sinai Georgian 38, copied by Zosime at Sinai in 979 and pre-
sumably of pure Palestinian tradition, has a festal Gospel at the
morning office (ცისკრად, c’iskrad), Mk 11:1–10 (or 11). 37 The fact
that the three pre-Gospel psalms are festal in HS 43, the second
being found also in AI-BD (see PART I), would point in the same
direction as ms. Sinai Georgian 38; that is, if the pre-Gospel psalms
of HS 43 are festal would not the integrity of the unit require that
the Gospel also was? However, the ninth century Gospel Lectionaries
mss. Sinai Greek 210 and 211 (both reflecting Palestinian tradition
in this part), while having a morning Gospel at certain other great
feasts, both lack a morning Gospel for Palm Sunday, which would
imply that they presuppose a resurrection morning Gospel on Palm
Sunday. 38 Further, HS 43 strongly emphasizes that, « After this the
Resurrection Gospel is read, for at the Holy Anastasis there is no
Sunday that it is not read, but it is always read [on Sundays] » 39 This
seems to signify that the Resurrection cathedral at the time was
clinging to an ancient tradition of reading a Resurrection Gospel on
Palm Sunday while the pre-Gospel psalms had been allowed to relate
to the feast.
1.2.2. The Sunday Series of Eleven Gospels: Hagiopolite or Byzan-

tine?
So what can the sources tell us about the origin of the third stage of
the Sunday Morning Gospels? On the surface, the answer seems
straightforward: the 11 Heôthina are found massively in Byzantine
Lectionaries from the ninth century onwards but (seemingly) 40 not in
a single first millennium witness of the Jerusalem Lectionary. The
Lectionary evidence seems to indicate that the third stage originated
in Byzantium.
However, before drawing our conclusion we need to make a
deeper reflection and account for certain points and circumstances
which actually contradict the apparent evidence of the Lectionary
material. We must start by asking whether it is thinkable at all that
the Sunday series of eleven Gospels was created in Byzantium. The
liturgical milieu in which the 11 Heôthina arose must necessarily
37 Garitte, « Un index géorgien » (see n.17), 352, no. 77.

38 No witness of the Georgian Lectionary prescribes a morning Gospel on Palm
Sunday but that is insignificant because it generally never has a festal morning
Gospel.
39 See translation of the whole RO of HS 43 in Part I.
40 There are sources which remain to be examined.
have been using the series of eight, since it forms the starting point
for the series of eleven; but were there eight Heôthina Gospels in
Byzantium? The Resurrection Gospels, contained in the Lectionary
book, belong to the Divine Office. From the existence in seventh-
eighth century Constantinople of hymnographers composing within
Hagiopolite genres (Sts. Germanos of Constantinople, d. c. 740s, and
Andrew of Crete, d. 740) we may infer that the complete Hagiopo-
lite Divine Office was in observance in the imperial city at the same
time. 41 For instance, Germanos’ use of stanzas of the early Jerusalem
Tropologion (known to us from the Ancient Iadgari) as heirmoi of
his kanons shows that this hymnal was at his disposal and well known
to him. 42 So the series of eight Heôthina Gospels, the composition of
which we have dated to the sixth century (above), must indeed have
existed in Constantinople. 43
However, the Jerusalem Lectionary with its local calendar can
hardly have been in use in Constantinople, so how is one to envisage
that some liturgical milieu not using it could have effectuated the
expansion from eight to eleven Gospel pericopes entirely taken from
this Lectionary and absent from the (Constantinopolitan/Byzantine)
Lectionary in use in that milieu? The Jerusalem Lectionary was no
doubt known outside Jerusalem, but to make creative use of liturgi-
cally foreign material is quite another thing. It just seems much
more likely that the expansion from eight to eleven Sunday Heôthi-
na Gospels happened in a place that followed the Jerusalem Lection-
ary. Let us therefore see which other arguments there would be for a
Jerusalem origin.
In the Georgian Lectionary and the Ancient Iadgari, both essen-
tially of the sixth century, the Vigils (შუაღამისაჲ, šuaḡamisay, lit.
« [Office] of Midnight ») 44 of the Nativity and Theophany include a
series of eleven units. 45 Each unit consists of several elements, in-
41 Germanos composed hymns for the feasts of the Constantinopolitan calendar.

Further, it would be strange if Germanos and Andrew were writing hymns for a li-
turgical activity in which they did not themselves take part. I refer to my future
publications on the adoption of the Jerusalem Divine Office in Constantinople.
42 See Stig Simeon Frøyshov, « Byzantine rite. », The Canterbury Dictionary of Hym-
nology. Canterbury Press, accessed February 26, 2016, http://www.
hymnology.co.uk/b/byzantine-rite.
43 I know of no evidence whatsoever for presuming an 11 Heôthina series for such
an early period.
44 These distinct Vigils or « Midnight » offices preceded the Morning offices.
45 GL No. 13–23, 97–106. AI pp. 12–15 (German tr.: Hans-Michael Schneider, Lob-
preis im rechten Glauben: Die Theologie der Hymnen an den Festen der
Menschwerdung der alten Jerusalemer Liturgie im Georgischen Udzvelesi Iadgari
(Bonn 2004) 79–82).
cluding a dasadebeli (stanza), a psalm, and a prophetic reading. 46

The Jerusalem Lectionary therefore already in the sixth century con-
tained series of eleven pericopes. At this time, neither the (eight)
Resurrectional Heôthina Gospels nor the (seven) Great Friday Pas-
sion Gospels numbered eleven units. The birthplace of the liturgical
series of eleven pericopies therefore seems to be the Vigils of the
Nativity and Theophany in Jerusalem.
The series of Gospel readings for the Vigil of (the night before)
Great Friday in Jerusalem underwent a thorough reworking with the
extension of readings from seven to eleven. Only three of the seven
readings were retained in the new series but, as Janeras has shown,
the new readings were again taken from the Jerusalem Lectionary. 47
The Ancient Iadgari, the eighth-ninth century Tropologion ms. Sinai
Greek NE MΓ 56–5 as well as the presumably early ninth century ms.
Sinai Greek 211 (see below) and Sinai Greek 210 (861/862) have
seven pericopes. 48 The Georgian material offers both a transitional
stage towards eleven units and the full eleven unit stage. The New
Iadgari ms. Sin. Geo. O.59 has eleven dasadebelni but only seven
psalms (which imply seven Gospel readings). 49 The full stage is
known through Iovane Zosime’s supplement of newer material in his
Lectionary ms. Sinai Georgian O.37 (987), which has the same elev-
en dasadebelni as O.59 but also eleven psalms (again, implying elev-
en Gospel readings). 50 Zosime labels the eleven unit Vigil « Jeru-
salemite » in the title: « Other [stanzas] for Midnight (šuaḡamisa),
eleven new dasadebelni; at the same Midnight of Great Thursday,
others ‘in the Jerusalemite manner’ (იერუსალჱმელად, ie-
rusalēmelad), mode 2 plagal » (GL App. I, no. 99–100). These eleven
units probably had the same basic structure as those of the Nativity
46 For the full content of these units, see Schneider, Lobpreis (see n.45) 50.
47 Sebastià Janeras, Le vendredi-saint dans la tradition liturgique byzantine, Analecta
Liturgica 12 (Rome 1988) 119–122.
48 Biblical pericopes are usually not given in a Tropologion, but in ms. Sinai Greek
NE MΓ 56–5 another hand has indicated in the margin the same seven Gospel
readings as those of mss. Sinai Greek 210 and 211 (from gathering 24 onwards; the
MS is not numbered on the photo at my disposal). The marginal rubrics of the
Gospel readings are not indicated in the summary edition of the Tropologion by
A. Û. Nikiforova, Из истории Минеи в Византии: Гимнографические памятники VIII–
XII вв. из собрания монастыря святой Екатерины на Синае (Moscow, 2012) 217–219
(office 38). I am not able to date this other hand, but it cannot be much more re-
cent since it represents the seven readings that were later replaced by eleven.
49 Eleni Metreveli et al., ქართულ ხელნაწერთა აღწერილობა. სინური კოლექცია,
ნაკვეთი I [Description of Georgian Manuscripts. The Sinai Collection, tome I],
(Tbilisi 1978) 174–5.
50 GL App. I, no. 99–113. See Janeras, Le Vendredi-Saint (see n.47), 103–106.
and Theophany, 51 while in the Byzantine rite 52 the Eleven/Twelve

Gospels lack the structural surroundings of such units and are
spread out through the Matins office of Great Friday. The basic
structural identity of the eleven units of the Great Friday Vigil in the
Georgian material with the earlier Vigils of the Nativity and The-
ophany, as well as its more coherent structure than that of Byzantine
Great Friday Matins, suggest that it represents the earlier redaction
of the eleven Great Friday units. The likelihood that the Georgian
material contains the more pristine Great Friday eleven unit series
adds an argument to the above to infer that the series of eleven Pas-
sion Gospels (twelve with the Gospel proper of Matins) was created
in Jerusalem. 53
The notable discrepancy between the seven Passion Gospels of
ms. Sinai Greek NE MΓ 56–5 and the emerging eleven units of the
New Iadgari may be explained by estimating (the content of) the
former to be of an earlier date than the latter. This is corroborated
by the « festal density » of these two manuscripts: the hymnal of ms.
Sinai Georgian O.59 has slightly more feasts than the Greek one, but
not as many as ms. Sinai Georgian O.64–65, a fact suggesting that
O.64–65 is later than the O.59. 54
Another piece of evidence which contributes to dating the evolu-
tion of the two series of eleven Gospels (Resurrection and Passion) is
offered by the Gospel Lectionary ms. Sinai Greek 211 (l845). This
codex represents a Constantinopolitan Lectionary with the exception
of a section extending from Palm Sunday through Great Week,
which follows the Hagiopolite tradition. While dated to the ninth
century by Aland/INTF, Weitzmann and Galavaris can specify a date
51 Janeras, Le Vendredi-Saint (see n.47), 106.

52 As found in HS 43 and the earliest (tenth c.) Triodon ms. Sinai Greek 734–735.
53 Janeras concluded that this series of eleven Gospels arose « dans une église de
tradition byzantine » on the basis of the argument that « autrement on aurait dou-
blé les offices, » that is, the offices of Great Friday (Le Vendredi-Saint (see n.47)
122, 121). But such doubling of offices and readings is not rare and does not con-
stitute a strong argument. The process envisaged by Janeras is not very plausible:
that a community whose Lectionary and Great/Holy Week offices were not Pales-
tinian (but presumably Constantinopolitan and Byzantine, respectively) should cre-
ate the new Gospel series employing existing pericopes from a Palestinian Lection-
ary.
54 See the comparative table in Tinatin Chronz and Alexandra Nikiforova, « Beobach-
tungen zum ältesten bekannten Tropologion-Codex Sinaiticus graecus MΓ 56+5 des
8.–9. Jhs. mit Erstedition ausgewählter Abschnitte », in: Diliana Atanassova, Tinatin
Chronz (eds.). ΣΥΝΑΞΙΣ ΚΑΘΟΛΙΚΗ. Beiträge zu Gottesdienst und Geschichte der
fünf altkirchlichen Patriarchate für Heinzgerd Brakmann zum 70. Geburtstag.
Teilband 1 (Münster 2014) 147–174, here 150–159.
to the first half of the ninth century. 55 In l845 we find the Eleven
Resurrection Gospels but only Seven Passion Gospels. 56 If there had
existed a series of Eleven/Twelve Passion Gospels one might have
expected that this Lectionary (or its model), corresponding to both
Jerusalem and Constantinople, would have had it. Ms. Sinai Greek
211 therefore confirms Janeras’ suggestion that the Eleven Resurrec-
tion Gospels are earlier than the Eleven Passion Gospels. 57
We are now approaching an answer to our question about the
origin of the Eleven Resurrection Gospels. As we have seen, the fact
that all the pericopes of this series of eleven readings are taken from
the Jerusalem Lectionary favors a liturgical milieu which used this
Lectionary. The presence in HS 43 of 11 Heôthina, in an office of
strong Hagiopolite tradition and identity (RO), suggests that 11
Heôthina are not imported from elsewhere. We have also seen that
the two series of eleven units for the Vigils of the Nativity and The-
ophany existed in Jerusalem by the sixth century and we have con-
cluded that the series of Eleven Passion Gospels originated in Jerusa-
lem. If the three other series of eleven readings, including the one
which is posterior to the 11 Heôthina, originated in Jerusalem it
would hardly be logical to posit an origin elsewhere for the resurrec-
tional series.
When was the 11 Heôthina series composed in Jerusalem? The
wealth of ninth century Lectionaries that have it, with ms. Sinai
Greek 211 perhaps as one of the earliest, set ca. 800 as a terminus
ante quem. The (apparent) absence of eighth century Lectionaries
that have it spares us from having to go too far back in time. 58 Also,
dating the 11 Heôthina to the seventh century is discouraged by
their absence in witnesses of the Jerusalem Lectionary; the longer
back in time one dates the 11 Heôthina, the more likely it is that
conservative peripheries would have contained them. It seems rea-
sonable to place the composition of the Eleven Resurrection Gospel
series within the period of great liturgical creativity which saw the
outburst of New Stage hymnography (New Tropologion): the eighth
century. In such a case, the 11 Heôthina series would have accom-
panied the vast amount of Palestinian hymnography which reached
Byzantium in the eighth century, epitomized by authors like Sts.
55 Weitzmann and Galavaris, The Illuminated Greek Manuscripts (see n.12) 19–20.
56 Janeras, Le vendredi-saint (see n.47) 84.
57 Janeras, Le vendredi-saint (see n.47) 122–123.
58 If the 11 Heôthina were documented in an eighth century Byzantine manuscript
one would have had to allow for time for the series to migrate from Jerusalem to
Constantinople/Byzantium.
John of Damascus, Kosmas of Jerusalem and Stephen the Sabaite

(725–796).
How can we reconcile our conclusion with the early Lectionary ev-
idence, especially the fact that no preserved Lectionary of the Jerusa-
lem tradition has the 11 Heôthina? The evolution of the Resurrec-
tion Gospel series was no doubt a central phenomenon, anchored in
the cathedral of Jerusalem. The secular, monastic and non-Greek
liturgical peripheries of the Resurrection cathedral would either have
required some time to adhere to the central evolution or have be-
come so independent that they did not adopt it. The co-existence of
all three stages of the Resurrection Gospel series in Palestine more
or less until the turn of the millennium may be explained in accord-
ance with Taft’s « Law of the Paradox of the Conservative Periph-
ery: » 59 the Jerusalem cathedral, the evolving center, expanded to
eleven Gospels in the eighth century, while the liturgical peripheries
of Jerusalem predominantly preserved the older series of eight or
even four. 60 Such persistent conservatism on the part of Palestinian
monks, for instance, is not improbable: 61 the very existence of a dis-
tinct, separate rule (kanôn) of the Great Lavra of St. Sabas is well-
known (ms. Sinai Greek 863) and Iovane Zosime lists, as two of four
sources for his calendar in ms. Sinai Georgian O.34, one document
of Jerusalem and one of St. Sabas, presumably Lectionaries and nec-
essarily distinct from each other. 62
Perhaps another reason why no Lectionary of the Jerusalem tradi-
tion with the 11 Heôthina has been preserved is that the Byzantine
Lectionary in the second half of the ninth century, in the expansive
and consolidating period following iconoclasm, simply would have
59 « Local churches of the periphery…tend to hold on to older liturgical practices

long after they have been abandoned by the Mother Church. » (Robert Taft, « An-
ton Baumstark’s Comparative Liturgy Revisited » in Comparative Liturgy Fifty
Years after Anton Baumstark (1872–1948), eds. Robert Taft and Gabriele Winkler,
OCA 265 (Rome 2001) 191–232, here 214.
60 As noted above, ms. Sinai Greek 210 was written at a monastery (maybe St. Sabas)
for the cenobion of Sinai.
61 One would have expected, though, the erudite and encyclopedic scribe Iovane
Zosime, who showed himself to be aware of Hagiopolite liturgical usage on several
occasions (including the above-mentioned ms. Sinai O.37), to reproduce a Jerusa-
lem series of eleven Gospels in some manuscript or, at least, to make it known in
one or more of his innumerable notes.
62 Gérard Garitte, Le calendrier palestino-géorgien du Sinaiticus 34 (Xe siècle), (Brus-
sels 1958) 35–37, 114. On conservative monastic peripheries in Palestine, see my
article « Erlangen University Library A2, A.D. 1025: A Study of the Oldest Dated
Greek Horologion », in: B. Groen, D. Galadza, N. Glibetic, G. Radle (eds.), Rites
and Rituals of the Christian East (Leuven 2014) 201–253, esp. 243–250.
become, in some adapted redaction, 63 the central Lectionary of the

Jerusalem patriarchate. This remains of course speculation and
much research is needed on liturgical Byzantinization from the ninth
century onwards before secure conclusions may be drawn. 64
Thus our conclusion is that the Eleven Resurrection Heôthina
Gospels originated in the Jerusalem cathedral in the eighth century.
The fact that so many Byzantine Lectionaries from the ninth century
onwards, but seemingly not the eighth, include them forms but one
element in the story of the successful spread of the Jerusalem Divine
Office.
1.3. Procession with Post-Gospel Hymn

According to the IE, after the Gospel reading, a procession begins
toward Golgotha, during which a hymn is sung. HS 43 prescribes a
similar ritual: Litia with the sticheron, Σήμερον ἡ χάρις. 65 In these
sources the procession to the Cross appears within the office in
question (RO), and not after it as is strictly speaking the case in oth-
er Egerian examples of such a procession. 66 The shorter redaction of
Step’anos Siwnec’i’s commentary on the Armenian daily office is a
rare (unique, according to my present knowledge) example of a
source suggesting that the procession to the Cross was retained out-
side the Anastasis cathedral. We read there a phrase that concords
with the movement in HS 43 to the Cross and then, unlike the IE,
back to the Anastasis: « And moving to the holy cross and going to
the tomb, which are conducted more so than on other days ». 67
63 An example of such a redaction is ms. London BL Harley 5787 (l152), dated 875–
925, which makes Nativity the beginning of the (otherwise Byzantine) church year,
like the Jerusalem calendar, and employs some Palestinian liturgical terminology,
such as Μεσώδιον for prokeimenon.
64 Good examples of such research are Gabriel Radle, « Sinai Greek NE/ ΜΓ 22:
Late 9th/ Early 10th Century Euchology Testimony of the Liturgy of St John
Chrysostom and the Liturgy of the Presanctified Gifts in the Byzantine Tradition »,
BBGG III s. 8 (2011) 169–221 and Daniel Galadza, « Sources for the Study of Lit-
urgy in Post-Byzantine Jerusalem (638–1187 CE) », Dumbarton Oaks Papers 67
(2013) 75–94.
65 12,16–17 (incipit; full text at 24,3–7). In HS 43 this sequence does not follow
immediately after the Gospel, since two troparia are squeezed in between, the first
of which is a Palm Sunday variant of Anastasin Christou. This amounts to a dislo-
cation since, as we shall conclude below, Anastasin Christou originally constituted
a hymn to Ps 133.
66 For instance at daily Vespers (24,4–7).
67 SS-S III.18. Michael Daniel Findikyan, The Commentary on the Armenian Daily
Office by Bishop Step’anos Siwnec’i († 735). Critical Edition and Translation with
Textual and Liturgical Analysis, OCA 270 (Rome 2004) 205.
Some later manuscripts of the same text insert elaborations that

possibly refer to a procession with a cross. 68
Concerning the post-Gospel hymn, the Georgian RO material (AI,
SIN 47) has a stanza called gardamot’kumay, 69 whose direct relation-
ship to the Gospel is seen already in the respective title of SIN 47:
« The gardamot’kumani (pl.) of the Holy Resurrection, at Matins (or
in the morning) of the holy Sundays, after the holy Gospels ». In the
AI the three psalms, without mention of the ensuing Gospel, 70 are
followed immediately by the gardamot’kumay. The content of the
gardamot’kumay hymn is directly related to the Gospel reading; in
the words of Renoux the hymn is a « glose de la péricope évan-
gélique que l’assemblée des fidèles venait d’entendre ». 71 Helmut
Leeb, analyzing the gardamot’kumay of Pascha, also pointed out this
close relationship. 72
But do we know that the gardamot’kumay is a processional hymn?
Nothing in the content of the texts offers an answer. However, the
place of the gardamot’kumay in the ordo of early post-Egerian
sources suggests that this hymn is structurally identical to the proces-
sional post-Gospel hymn of Egeria. Further, their relatively great
length, especially that of mode 3, 73 is typical of procession hymnog-
raphy.
68 SS-S III.18a. Ibid. See discussion on pp. 395–398.

69 The name gardamot’kumay may simply be translated « say ». On this stanza, see
Renoux, Les hymnes de la résurrection I (see n.4) 78. Renoux translates garda-
mot’kumay freely as « L’hymne après l’évangile ».
70 Neither is it to be expected that books of the hymnal genre mention Gospel read-
ings.
71 Renoux, Les hymnes de la résurrection I (see n.4) 78.
72 Helmut Leeb, Die Gesänge im Gemeindegottesdienst von Jerusalem (vom 5. bis 8.
Jahrhundert), (Wien 1970) 200–203.
73 Renoux, Les hymnes de la résurrection I, 203 (ms. AI-B); Les hymnes de la résur-
rection II, 117 (ms. AI-D); Les hymnes de la résurrection II, 255 (ms. AI-E); Les
hymnes de la résurrection III, 357 (ms. AI-F). Unlike these witnesses, AI-C has a
short gardamot’kumay at mode 3 (Les hymnes de la résurrection II, 48) (for these
publications, see n.4). Interestingly, the Heôthina stichera and exaposteilaria at-
tributed to Emperors Leo VI and Constantine VII, respectively, are also directly re-
lated to the Heôthina Gospel, a fact which suggests a relationship with the garda-
mot'kumay.
2. POST-GOSPEL SECTION
2.1. Psalm 133 with Hymnography
2.1.1. Ps 133
According to the IE, once the procession with the chanting of a
hymn has reached Golgotha, a psalm is sung there. In both SIN 47 74
and HS 43, the post-Gospel hymn is followed immediately by Ps 133.
The ancient Armenian commentaries, while not indicating any post-
Gospel hymn, attest Ps 133 directly after the Gospel. 75 The Armeni-
an Horologion (Ժամագիրք, Žamagirk’) manuscripts used by Cony-
beare say nothing of Ps 133, 76 whereas the present Žamagirk’ for
Sundays of Lent 77 prescribes a section consisting of a slightly para-
phrased version of Man 1:15 (three times) and Ps 133. 78 The charac-
ter of Man 1:15 suggests that it is a preface to Ps 133 rather than a
post-Gospel hymn: it is mostly biblical 79 and the expression « I
shall…bless you, Christ » points to the phrase « Bless the Lord » of
Ps 133.
Further evidence of Ps 133 at this place is found in several docu-
ments of Byzantine tradition. In both recensions (A and B) of the
Studite Hypotyposis the order of the Sunday RO is the following:
« Prokeimenon – Pasa pnoê – Gospel – « In the nights » 80 – Anasta-
sin Christou ». 81 As mentioned by Skaballanovič, the chanting of Ps
133 after the Sunday morning Gospel is found also in the 14th cen-
tury Slavonic Horologion ms. St. Petersburg RNB Sof. 1052 (fol.
37r). 82 There can be no doubt that the presence of Ps 133 in Sunday
74 After the gardamot’kumay of each of the eight modes follows the incipit of Ps 133.
75 Findikyan, Siwnec’i (see n. 67) 387.
76 Frederick Cornwallis Conybeare, Rituale Armenorum, (Oxford 1905) 455.
77 Findikyan, Siwnec’i (see n. 67) 391.
78 Ibid., 391–392.
79 And it is very different from the gardamot’kumay.
80 Ἐν ταῖς νυξὶν, « In the nights » is the incipit of Ps 133.
81 For A: Aleksei A. Dmitrievskij, Описаніе литургическихъ рукописей, хранящихся в
библіотекахъ Православного Востока, vol. I (Kiev, 1895) 229. For B: PG 99, 1705C.
English translation in Byzantine Monastic Foundation Documents, eds. John
Thomas and Angela Constantinides Hero (Washington, D.C. 2000) vol. I, 102 (but
note that an important comma, after « prokeimenon », is lacking in the translation
of both passages: « The resurrection prokeimenon, ‘Let everything that has
breath’ »). « In the nights » is absent from the related Athonite Diatyposis (cf
BMFD I, 222).
82 I am gratefully indebted to Aleksei Pentkovskij for confirming this and for correct-
ing the folio reference of Skaballanovič, as well as for correcting the information
of Skaballanovič, according to whom Ps 133 is also prescribed by the main witness
Matins of a part of the Byzantine tradition is a feature of the ancient

RO and that it ultimately goes back to Jerusalem. We may conclude
that there is a clear and unanimous evidence for the use of Ps 133 at
this place in the Hagiopolite RO.
But why is Ps 133 used in a resurrection office? We shall treat this
important question at the end of the essay. We need to discuss here
another psalmic element included in the AI edition between the
gardamot’kumay and the Ainoi, 83 consisting of Ps 92 with Ps 91:16 as
refrain. It must be remarked, firstly, that this responsorium is found
only in one of the AI manuscripts, the AI-E (ms. Sinai Georgian
O.34), and only in modes 1 plagal, 2 plagal, and 4 plagal. Secondly, a
close reading of the manuscript (on microfilm in my case) shows that
the deciphering of the edition is erroneous. The highly abbreviated
phrase is: წრს ოი ღი ჩი. ოი სფს გრხ. 84 The AI edition has inter-
preted the phrase as being constituted of the last verse of Ps 91 and
the first of Ps 92: წრფელ არს უფალი ღმერთი ჩუენი (91:16)
უფალი სუფევს (92:1), « Upright is the Lord, our God. The Lord
reigns ». However, this reading does not account for the last word
(გრხ), 85 and the dissolution of წრს is more logically found in წმიდა
არს because while წმიდა, « holy », is a frequent word, წრფელ, « up-
right », is sufficiently rare for the scribe to have had to indicate more
letters of it than just the initial წ. In addition, it is much less usual to
have verses from different psalms, even if subsequent, combined in a
single responsorium. On the contrary, the abbreviated phrase finds a
perfect resolution in Ps 98: წ(მიდა) (ა)რს უ(ფალ)ი ღ(მერთ)ი
ჩ(უენ)ი (98:9). უ(ფალ)ი ს(უ)ფ(ევ)ს გ(ან)რ(ის)ხ(ნედ/ს) (98:1), « Holy
is the Lord, our God (98:9). The Lord reigns, let [the peoples] get
angry (98:1) ».
What could be the role of Ps 98 in ms. Sinai Georgian O.34 at this
place of the office? Jeffery interprets it (that is, the edited Ps 91:16 –
92:1) as a « prokeimenon » to be sung at Golgotha, in other words,
as an alternative to Ps 133. 86 This is not to be entirely excluded and
to the Slavonic Studite Typicon of Patriarch Alexis, which it is not. Skaballanovič,

Толковый типиконъ (see n. 24) 249, with n. 2.
83 AI edition, 455, 473, and 506, as well as commentary, 889 and 909.
84 It is not fully legible in any of the three instances. Fol. 127v is clearest. On fol.
128v სფს is not legible, and on fol. 131v only გრ of the last word is legible. But
taken together, the deciphering is certain. Judging from the black and white micro-
film, the phrase is written in red ink.
85 The continuation of Ps 92:1 is შუენიერებაჲ, impossible as a resolution of გრხ.
86 Peter Jeffery, « The Sunday Office of Seventh-Century Jerusalem in the Georgian
Chantbook (Iadgari): A Preliminary Report », SL 21 (1991) 52–75, here 69 and
Table III, 74.
in that case, since Ps 98 figures in the clearly Sabaite manuscript

Sinai Georgian O.34 only, it could have been a local choice of the
Great Lavra. However, another, more likely interpretation is to link
Ps 98 with later Palestino-Byzantine practice. Interestingly, the same
phrase « Holy is the Lord, our God », with a varying number of
verses from the same psalm, is a fixed element of Byzantine Sunday
Matins in numerous manuscripts and in present practice, at the
same place as in ms. Sinai Georgian O.34: right before Ainoi. It must
be noted that Ps 98 does not seem to be wholly integrated within the
text of the manuscript, but rather figures as a secondary element,
which is congruent with its very limited presence in the witnesses. 87
Perhaps Zosime, in a spontaneous and unsystematic way (in only
three of the eight modes), added this element according to some
contemporary Sabaite custom of singing it before the Ainoi, unlike
the earlier practice to which the Oktoechos of the Ancient Iadgari
belongs.
2.1.2. Psalm 133 Hymnography

Egeria does not speak of hymnography in connection with the Gol-
gotha psalm; neither does the Armenian material have any. Contrary
to this, the Ancient Iadgari in its octotonal Sunday hymnography has
a unit labeled აქა აკურთხევდითსა, ak’a akurt’xevdit’sa, « [Stanzas]
at Now bless », that is, at Ps 133, which begins with these words. The
use of this hymnography at Ps 133 is confirmed by its content; sever-
al stanzas paraphrase verses of the psalm. 88
The very possibility of hymnography at Ps 133 is evident from
GEO, in which this psalm figures at the Nocturns office (6th Hour of
the night). Here the psalm includes both an « external » refrain
(« Alleluia ») and a GNE, features distinguishing it from the type of
responsorial psalmody which is unable to take hymnography (for
instance prokeimena). Among the ak’a akurt’xevdit’sa hymnography
of AI, a series of three short phrases ending in « Alleluia » differs
87 On fol. 128v the phrase figures between two lines on the right, written by the same
scribe (Zosime) but apparently added after he had started the next line, which is
the beginning of Ainoi. In the two other cases the phrase figures at the end of the
line, perhaps added somewhat later in the open space at the end of the garda-
mot’kumay paragraph.
88 One example: « Let us rejoice in the Lord and be glad, peoples. We who stand in
the house of the Lord… » in which the second sentence repeats Ps 133:1b but
changing it to first person (AI-B, mode 2; AI edition, 385, 28–29). Renoux, Les
hymnes de la résurrection I (see n.4) 145.
from the remaining phrases, which are generally longer and not
ending in « alleluia »:
Let us hymn the Savior’s resurrection 89. Alleluia
We who are standing in the house of the Lord, let us sing. Alleluia.
Save us, Son of God. Alleluia. 90
These three stanzas are particularly present in mode 3, being the
only ak’a akurt’xevdit’sa hymns for all witnesses of this mode. AI-C
has the three stanzas in mode 3 only, whereas AI-BEF also have them
in modes 1 and 2. In addition, there is a partial presence of them in
plagal modes (AI-DF in mode 1 plagal, without the 3rd stanza; AI-E
in mode 2 plagal, 3rd stanza only). 91
It seems clear that the three stanzas represent expansions of the
original « alleluia » refrain. I interpret this to mean that whereas the
refrain on weekdays was just « alleluia », on Sundays this word was
expanded by a preceding phrase highlighting the festal occasion.
Thus the case of these three short stanzas suggests one way in which
hymnography initially would expand.
The ak’a akurt’xevdit’sa unit is, in most but not all cases, in the AI
directly followed by the ჯუარისანი, ĵuarisani, « [Stanzas] of the
Cross ». What is the relationship between these two hymnodic units?
First, both being of resurrection content, as is natural for Sunday
hymnography, there are nevertheless marked differences. Whereas
the ak’a akurt’xevdit’sa is related to Ps 133 by word links and in gen-
eral does not mention the cross, the opposite is the case with the
ĵuarisani. Each and every stanza of the ĵuarisani in all surviving wit-
89 (After finishing the present article, I have seen that this short refrain is found also
in Greek and Armenian. Its Greek Original is provided in the Narration of John
and Sophronios, placed after the Great Doxology in Neilos’ Vigil, and its Armeni-
an version is a Morning Song, figuring at the same place after the Great Doxology.
For more on this see my forthcoming articles « The Book of Hours of Armenia
and Jerusalem: an Examination of the Relationship between the Žamagirk’ and the
Horologion » in Acta SOL 2014 and « La Narration de Jean et Sophrone: Traduc-
tion et commentaire ».)
90 AI edition, 371 (mode 1); Renoux, Les hymnes de la résurrection I (see n. 4) 106.
In his version, Renoux omits « alleluia » in the first line, presumably on the basis
of the critical apparatus of the edition, but the manuscript (AI-B) does contain it.
In mode 3 exclusively there is a double alleluia and the second-person imperative
in the two first lines: უგალობდეთ [hymn/sing], instead of უგალობდით [let us
hymn/sing].
91 From this we may probably infer that mode 3 was originally the privileged mode of
this group of three stanzas, perhaps even a single pre-octotonal mode. We also
note that there is a much stronger presence of the three stanzas in the authentic
modes, suggesting that they originated in an early period in which no plagal modes
were employed in this case.
nesses has the word « cross » in the first phrase. The explicit cross
theme of the ĵuarisani does suggest an intimate connection with a
physical cross. Knowing that Ps 133 is sung in front of the Cross of
Golgotha in HS 43 and that the psalm sung there in the other Hagi-
opolite source, Egeria, could be ps 133, we are led to conclude that
the ĵuarisani were also sung there, directly after the ak’a
akurt’xevdit’sa.
Second, the ĵuarisani do not appear in all modes of all AI manu-
scripts. The unit has a strong presence in both AI-E and AI-D. AI-B,
translated by Renoux, has ĵuarisani only in modes 4, 1 plagal, and 2
plagal. 92 AI-F has ĵuarisani in all modes, but unlike the rest of its
Sunday hymnography (including that of ak’a akurt’xevdit’sa) the
ĵuarisani are given only by incipit. AI-C lacks the ĵuarisani altogeth-
er. 93 This suggests that the ĵuarisani constituted no mandatory ele-
ment, and probably no independent liturgical element. We may also
conclude from their varying presence and their cross theme that the
ĵuarisani are secondary to the ak’a akurt’xevdit’sa. A convenient ex-
planation is that the ĵuarisani actually constitute the last stanza of the
Ps 133 hymnography, for instance after GNE. 94 I therefore consider
the two units to represent together the hymnography of Ps 133.
But at which point was the Ps 133 hymnography of AI performed?
As noted above in the introduction, in the AI this hymnography
does not belong to the RO, since it figures at a much earlier point
than the Gospel section. A full explanation of this circumstance is
beyond the scope of the present study. What matters here is whether
the Ps 133 hymnography of AI originally belonged to the RO and
thus, for some reason, has been displaced. In answer to this, we may
first remark that, judging from relevant traditions, Nocturns seems
to be the only office in which Ps 133 figures in a manner susceptible
of taking hymnography. 95 As we shall conclude below, it appears as a
Sunday variant of Nocturns. Second, the Georgian material is not
unanimous, since SIN 47, after the post-Gospel hymn garda-
mot’kumay taken from the AI, does prescribe Ps 133 within the RO.
92 Modes 1–3 and 3 plagal do not have ĵuarisani, while 4 plagal is absent due to
lacuna.
93 But a stanza of mode 2 plagal, which in other witnesses is a Cross hymn, in ms.
Sinai Georgian O.40 figures under the rubric ak’a akurt’xevdit’sa. AI-C was copied
at the Great Lavra. A possible explanation could be that it reflects a Sabaite tradi-
tion lacking a Cross procession.
94 GEO shows that there was a GNE at Ps 133.
95 In the Byzantine rite, Ps 133 is one of the psalms of Kathisma 18 of certain forms
of Vespers and the prokeimenon of Sunday Vespers. But in neither of these cases
does Ps 133 have a genre that would take hymnography. talk
Third, the Anastasin Christou hymn, to which we shall turn below

and which is made primarily of Ps 133 hymnography, in later tradi-
tion consistently figures after the Gospel. These pieces of evidence
make a strong case for assuming that the Ps 133 hymnography of the
AI originally was a part of the RO and that for some reason it had
been dislocated in the AI.
2.1.3. A Particular Ps 133 Hymn: « We Have Seen the Resurrection

of Christ » (Anastasin Christou)
Ἀνάστασιν Χριστοῦ θεασάμενοι figures as the post-Gospel hymn of the
present Byzantine Vigil, as well as of the Hagiopolite Sunday Agryp-
nia according to HS 43. As has just been pointed out above, howev-
er, several important documents of Studite tradition place Anastasin
Christou not immediately after the Gospel, but with Ps 133 in be-
tween. As we shall see, evidence of textual history corroborates the
Studite sources, indicating that the hymn was not originally a post-
Gospel hymn.
Anastasin Christou bears clear signs of being a composite hymn.
An examination of its textual borrowings, especially from the AI,
shows that it may be broken down into five units. Three of these are
found separately in the AI, whereas one section is a partly rewritten
verse from Is 26, and another is found in Armenian and Latin ver-
sions. The following scheme gives the details:
Table 1: Anastasin Christou in the Ancient Iadgari

Latin number signifies layer; Arabic number signifies place in the
layer (if more than one layer or stanza within layer).
English version 96 Ancient Iadgari. Comments
1 Having seen the Resurrection 480,22 ak’a akurt’xevdit’sa Sunday,
of Christ, let us worship the mode 3 plagal, AI-BFG 1, AI-E 3
Holy Lord Jesus, the only 227,25 KyrEk, 2nd Saturday after Pascha,
sinless one. mode 3 plagal, AI-AB I,1
491,5 Ainoi, Sunday, mode 3 plagal, AI-
D III,4
2 We worship your Cross, O 463,17 ĵuarisani, mode 2 plagal, AI-
Christ, and we praise and BDEF 2, AI-C
glorify your holy Resurrec- 402,27 ĵuarisani, mode 3, AI-DE 1 (with
tion. extension)
3 [a] For you are our God; we Is. 26:13 (LXX): Part a) is verbatim; part
know no other but you; [b] b) is a strong reworking. 97
96 Translation by Ephrem Lash at http://www.anastasis.org.uk/mat-sun.htm.

we name you by name.

4 [a] Come, all the faithful, let Not in the AI. I have found no separate
us worship the holy Resurrec- Greek use of this unit. 98 Part a) is found
tion of Christ; [b] for behold in Beneventan and b) in Latin (Grego-
through the Cross, joy has rian) and Armenian usage.
come in all the world.
5 [a] Ever blessing the Lord, we a) 460,6 KyrEk, m2pl, AI-BD I,2, AI-C
sing his Resurrection. [b] For I,5, AI-F I,6
having endured the Cross for b) 460,3 KyrEk, m2pl, AI-BCD I,1, AI-F
us, by death he has destroyed I,5
death.
As the table shows, the major use in the AI of unit 1, « Having
seen the Resurrection of Christ », is at ak’a akurt’xevdit’sa (four wit-
nesses); secondarily, outside the RO, it serves as a stanza both at
KyrEk and Ainoi in a limited numbers of witnesses. No AI stanza has
the same ending as unit 1; instead of « the only sinless one », AI
480,22 has « our Savior », while AI 227,25 and AI 491,5 have « our
only Savior ».
Unit 2, Ton stavron sou, is a well-known and widespread stanza,
and is no doubt the centerpiece of Anastasin Christou. The range of
versions of the hymn is succinctly presented by Rosemary T.
Dubowchik; 99 it was translated in virtually all ancient Christian tradi-
tions. Comparison with the versions, as well as with the early sev-
enth-century Greek Life of St. Martha, mother of St. Symeon Stylite
the Younger 100 indicates that « praise and » is an addition to a more
original text. Interestingly for our purposes, Ton stavron sou (with-
out « praise and ») in the AI figures as second ĵuarisay of mode 2
plagal in all witnesses. 101 In addition, an extended 102 redaction of
Ton stavron sou, with « praise and », is found as first ĵuarisay of
witnesses AI-DE in mode 3.
Unit 5 is found in the Sunday KyrEk of four witnesses of the AI,
but in two different stanzas. In two witnesses these two stanzas are
97 Σὺ γὰρ εἶ Θεὸς ἡμών instead of LXX, Κύριε ὁ Θεὸς ἡμών, κτῆσαι ἡμᾶς.
98 I have searched several variant incipits, both with and without articles.
99 Rosemary Thoonen Dubowchik, « A Jerusalem Chant for the Holy Cross in the
Byzantine, Latin and Eastern Rites », Plainsong and Medieval Music 5 (1996) 113–
129.
100 Καὶ τὴν ἁγίαν σου ἀνάστασιν δοξάζομεν. La vie ancienne de S. Syméon Stylite le
Jeune, ed. P. van den Ven (Brussels 1962–1970) II, 312, ch. 70,14.
101 Except AI-C, in which it figures as one of the ak’a akurt’xevdit’sa.
102 The extension consists in the word « precious » (« your precious Cross ») but
witness E lacks « your » and the ending, « for by your wounds we have all been
healed ».
the first ones, and in three of them they are consecutive. The begin-
ning of the stanza in the Anastasin Christou redaction is the begin-
ning of the second consecutive stanza, and the end is the beginning
of the first.
What can we draw from our observations of the relationship be-
tween Anastasin Christou and the AI? First, the textual divergences
from the AI point in the direction of the second stage Jerusalem
hymnography (from the seventh century onwards, the New Tropolo-
gion). That Anastasin Christou belongs to the new stage hymnogra-
phy is corroborated by the existence of phrases of Anastasin Chris-
tou in somewhat later sources of other traditions (« praise and », and
see unit 4 in the table). Second, it is noteworthy that the first two
components of the Anastasin Christou come from the hymnography
of Ps 133, and that even in the same order as in the AI: unit 1 fig-
ures in ak’a akurt’xevdit’sa, unit 2 in ĵuarisani. Even though the
modes of units 1–2 are different (mode 3 plagal vs. mode 2 plagal
and mode 3) it seems that the composition of Anastasin Christou
was begun by the joining of two important stanzas of the Ps 133
hymnography, one from each of the two consecutive parts (ak’a
akurt’xevdit’sa and ĵuarisani), after which were added biblical mate-
rial as well as old and new hymnography. Third, its composition to a
large degree from older Ps 133 hymnography and its position after
Ps 133 in Studite sources corroborate its textual identity as a Ps 133
hymn and excludes the interpretation that, first, Ps 133 had disap-
peared by the time of its composition and, second, that Anastasin
Christou was composed de facto as a post-Gospel hymn. 103
We may conclude that by content and structural position the Ana-
stasin Christou was originally a Ps 133 hymn, rather than a proces-
sional post-Gospel hymn as in the later Byzantine rite (and in HS
43).
2.2. Litany with Prayer and Dismissal with Blessing

At the Cross towards the end of the RO, the IE has the following
sequence in which, after the psalm (presumably 133) and a prayer,
the bishop says the dismissal blessing: « Ibi denuo dicitur unus
psalmus et fit oratio. Item benedicit fideles et fit missa » (24,11). As
Bermejo Cabrera notes, oratio and benedictio form a common cou-
103 Its placement as a post-Gospel hymn in HS 43, a document that has both a proces-
sional post-Gospel hymn and Ps 133, of course partly contradicts my interpreta-
tion. HS 43 could be explained by hypothesizing that by the time of the copying of
this manuscript (1122) the regular Sunday Vigil of Jerusalem had lost Ps 133 and
that Anastasin Christou therefore had otherwise become the post-Gospel hymn.
ple in Egeria. 104 We shall now examine the prayer and the blessing,
as well as a litany absent from Egeria but preceding the prayer in
later sources.
2.2.1. Prayer Eventually Preceded by a Litany

Bermejo Cabrera 105 holds the point of view that the Egerian prayer
occurring between the post-Gospel psalm and the blessing should be
seen as attached « backwards » to the psalm, which would imply that
the couple « prayer – blessing » in this case is intertwined with the
preceding couple « psalm – prayer ». The latter couple is of course
basic in Christian liturgy and was possibly operative in the case of
this late fourth century celebration. 106
In later sources this part of RO has been extended by a litany pre-
ceding the prayer. In the Armenian Horologion there is a bidding
section at this point, 107 regarded as consisting of a diaconal procla-
mation (քարոզ, k’aroz), a people’s response (« Save us, O Lord, and
have mercy »), 108 and a priestly prayer (աղօթք, aġot’k’). 109 Siwnec’i
alludes to the proclamation but not to concluding prayer, while the
tenth-century mystagogue Xosrov Anjewac’i interprets a prayer
slightly different from that in the textus receptus. 110 Findikyan is
certainly right in his suggestion that the OW supplication and pray-
er, with the addition of a short litany, correspond with Egeria’s final
prayer. 111
SIN 47 here also has a litany (kuerek’si) and a prayer (or rather,
only its exclamation). As seen in Part I, according to the actual order
of the codex the post-Gospel hymn (gardamot’kumay) and Ps 133
104 « La oratio precede siempre a la benedictio ». Enrique Bermejo Cabrera, La pro-

clamación de la escritura en la liturgía de Jerusalén. Estúdio terminológico del
‘Itinerarium Egeriae, Studium Biblicum Fransciscanum, Collectio Maior 37 (Jerusa-
lem 1993) 131.
105 Bermejo Cabrera, La proclamación (see n.104) 128.
106 The sequence in GEO for daily Nocturns (sixth Hour of the night) is: Ps 133 –
litany with prayer – Our Father (and fixed prayers) – episcopal blessing (short
prayer).
107 The Book of Hours or the Order of Common Prayers of the Armenian Apostolic
Orthodox Church (Evanston, IL 1964) 55.
108 This response (կեցո եւ ողորմեա) is found also in the Georgian kuerek’sni
(გუაცხოვნე, შეგჳწყალენ; for instance, the kuerek’si of the Hexapsalm, Sin. Geo.
O.12, fol. 34v).
109 Performed by the deacon according to ibid., 55. The prayer is short, like an ex-
clamation at the end of a prayer.
110 See an examination of the bidding section in Findikyan, Siwnec’i (see n. 67), 398.
111 Ibid.
are followed by a Sunday morning kuerek’si and the exclamation 112

of the prayer. 113 However, the fact that the same exclamation is pre-
scribed by its incipit directly before the Gospel raises a question of
the intended placement(s) of this litany and prayer. Petitions 6, 7
and 10 of the kuerek’si concern the hearing and the fruits of the
Gospel and therefore have a pre-Gospel character. 114 Why do the
kuerek’si and the exclamation now figure at this place in SIN 47?
Did the scribe Iovane Zosime in this way, at the end of the codex,
simply provide the full text, taken from another book (Euchology),
to an element given by incipit earlier in the codex? The presence of
a full-page cross before the Sunday morning kuerek’si would support
such an interpretation.
However, there exists an evident structural analogy between the
SIN 47 kuerek’si, on the one side, and the Armenian bidding section
(proclamation and prayer) and a litany of the (daily) Nocturns ser-
vice of GEO, on the other. In GEO Nocturns, after Ps 133 comes the
unit ‘21 Lord, have mercy’ (see table 2 below), which no doubt rep-
resents a litany, followed by two (alternative) prayers. The GEO Noc-
turns litany is significant for our present purposes because of its
relationship with the RO (below I consider them as two variants of
the same office). In addition, unlike Sinai Georgian O.12 and O.54
which also have a Sunday morning litany, SIN 47 includes in the
kuerek’si one petition 115 from the ‘Catholic kuerek’si’, a litany per-
formed at the end of services (Vespers, Matins, Eucharist) and not at
all related to the Gospel. Also, full-page crosses are found before the
post-Gospel hymn (gardamot’kumay), which is borrowed from yet
another book (the AI) and figures at the ‘right’ place in the office; in
other words, the cross before the Sunday morning kuerek’si in SIN
47 does not necessarily signify the end of the regular RO.
The structural analogy of SIN 47 with the OW and GEO Noc-
turns, which can hardly be arbitrary, suggests that the Sunday morn-
ing litany of SIN 47 actually does figure at a ‘real’ place, determined
by its place in the RO structure. How can we then explain the dou-
ble position, before and after the Gospel, of the (exclamation of the)
prayer and the presence of at least three pre-Gospel petitions in the
post-Gospel litany, including petition 10 which is the traditional pre-
112 Not identical to the Armenian prayer-exclamation (aġot’k’).

113 As the last element of the codex, after this kuerek’si and exclamation follow those
of the Sunday Liturgy of JAS.
114 Petitions 1–7 are common to SIN 47, Sinai Georgian O.12 and O.54 (see Part I); in
addition, SIN 47 has 4 more petitions.

115 No. 10, concerning the Fathers, especially hierarchs (petition 6 or 16 in the Catho-
lic kuerek’si).
Gospel petition « And that we may be counted worthy [of hearing

the Holy Gospel …] »?
Our explanation is many-fold. First, there is no doubt that the
original location of the pre-Gospel litany of SIN 47 was before the
Gospel. Second, the content of the structurally analogous Egerian
« commemoration of all » has been replaced in SIN 47 by a litany
preparing for the hearing of the Gospel. Third, the pre-Gospel litany
and prayer of SIN 47 have been moved to a post-Gospel position.
This move has not been smoothed out; it is strange to say the three
petitions preparing for the Gospel after the Gospel. Fourth, SIN 47,
unlike the Armenian tradition but like Byzantine practice as we shall
see shortly, upholds the Egerian pre-Gospel prayer. 116
HS 43 has no litany or prayer at this point. If its synaptê, which
figures before the three psalms, represents a relocated pre-Gospel
litany, it means that the Anastasis cathedral moved it to the begin-
ning of the RO, contrary to Sinaitic (and probably other) usage, in
which, according to SIN 47, it was moved to the end.
In the Byzantine rite the litanic prayer Σῶσον ὁ Θεὸς τὸν λαόν σου
seems to correspond structurally with the (litany and) prayer said at
the Cross station. In most cases, as in present practice, Ps 50 comes
between Anastasin Christou and « Save, O God, your people », a fact
which apparently would separate the latter from the RO and attach
it to Matins. However, the fact that in some sources 117 there is no Ps
50 at this place, suggesting that this position of Ps 50 is in fact of late
date, permits to consider « Save, O God, your people » and other
litanies a part of the RO. As Skaballanovič pointed out, 118 the 16–
17th century Euchology ms. Tbilisi NCM A-450 contains a series of
« kverek’sni of feasts, which are said after the reading of the morn-
ing Gospel »; 119 these are certainly of Palestinian provenance.
116 It is interesting to note that with a litany at this point, the structure of the end of
the RO becomes very similar to that of IE daily Vespers (24,6): ‘diaconal litany –
episcopal prayer – inclination – episcopal blessing’ (however, no RO source pre-
scribes an inclination). This structure is in its turn practically identical to a basic li-
turgical unit in the Armenian rite, according to which a diaconal litany precedes
‘double-prayers’ separated by peace and inclination (see Michael Daniel Findikyan,
« ‘Double Prayers’ and Inclinations in the Liturgy of the Armenian Church: The
Preservation and Proliferation of an Ancient Liturgical Usage », SNTR 8 (2004)
117–140, especially on 129–131.
117 As the 12–13th c. Sabaite Typikon ms. Sinai Greek 1095, fol. 9r.
118 Skaballanovič, Толковый типикон, II (see n. 24) 255.
119 Korneli Kekelidze, Литургическіе грузинскіе памятники въ отечественныхъ книго-
хранилищахъ и ихъ научное значеніе [Liturgical Georgian Documents in National Li-

braries and Their Scientific Significance], (Tbilisi 1908) 121.
2.2.2. Blessing and Dismissal

The Egerian benedictio is always performed by the bishop. 120 But
what is actually meant in IE by this term: words of blessing, a physi-
cal gesture with hands, or the combination of both? That the bless-
ing may contain words is seen in a sequence of the description of
daily Vespers (24,6): ‘Bishop says a prayer – All pray – Deacon asks
inclination of head – dicet episcopus stans benedictionem super
cathecuminos’. 121
While in other offices Egeria mentions an inclination at the dis-
missal, in the RO she does not. As in the IE, in HS 43 the bishop
(here patriarch) does the dismissal (ἀπολύει, 12,25–26), certainly
including a prayer. The Nocturns service of GEO has a dismissal
prayer (fol. 12r14–17), in principle read by the bishop; 122 it is not
known whether it was used also on Sundays (RO, see next para-
graph). It seems that the dismissal blessing was not retained outside
Jerusalem. In any case, when Sunday Nocturns ceases to constitute a
separate office it is no longer apt to have a dismissal.
3. EXCURSUS : THE RESURRECTION OFFICE AND THE DAILY

OFFICE : IS THE RO A « KERYGMATIC OFFICE » OR A SUNDAY
VARIANT OF NOCTURNS?
After having examined the historical development of the Resurrec-
tion Office we shall briefly turn to its relationship to the regular
daily office. The question I would like to raise here is whether the
RO represents (a) a service foreign to the daily office with a different
character and other roots; or (b) a resurrection variant of a regular
office of the daily cycle. The discovery of GEO and its Nocturns
office opens up a new possibility of determining this relationship.
Interpretation (a) is opted for by Rolf Zerfass, who makes a basic
distinction between two types of office of the Word (Wort-
gottesdienst): service of the daily office (Stundengebetsgottesdienst,
« latreutisch ») without Scripture reading, and service of proclama-
tion (Verkündigungsgottesdienst, « kerygmatisch »), whose nucleus is
120 See the thorough study of the use and meaning of benedictio / benedico in the IE
in Bermejo Cabrera, La proclamación (see n. 104), 113–132.
121 This case also shows that episcopal prayer and blessing, even if both may consist of
words, constitute two different elements.

122 Since it is preceded by უფალო, გუაკურთხენ, [Lord, bless us], which is the Hagi-
opolite request to bishops. The blessing was for ordinary days because this is the
nature of the Horologion genre.
the Scripture reading. 123 According to Zerfass the RO does not be-
long to the daily office, but is a kerygmatic office, together with the
pilgrimage devotion (Wallfahrtsandacht) and particular additions at
feasts (Sonderfeier des Kirchenjahres). 124 Zerfass further finds that in
the fifth century a mixed type appears, the festal office (Festoffizi-
um): daily office with Scripture reading. 125
Zerfass bases his interpretation that the RO is a proclamation ser-
vice on its striking structural analogy with the Wallfahrtsandacht. 126
The basic scheme of the pilgrimage devotion being ‘Introductory
prayer – Reading – Psalm – Prayer – Blessing’, 127 the only differences
are that the Egerian RO has three introductory psalms and a prayer
after each psalm, as well as a litany after the psalms. No group of
three psalms or antiphons figures in a pilgrimage devotion, but
Zerfass interprets such a prolonged introduction to the reading as a
festal feature. This is not to be excluded, but he does not explain the
litany, which is also found at this place in the RO of SIN 47 (excla-
mation incipit). In addition there is the following major obstacle to
his interpretation.
The post-Gospel psalm (Ps 133) does not have any element that
could possibly be interpreted as resurrectional. Besides the common
topic of God’s blessings, it speaks particularly of being and lifting
hands in the house of God at night. In other words, it would have
rather been chosen on the criterion of its nocturnal theme. Further,
this choice would have logically been made for a regular Nocturns
office, not for the RO which has its focus on the resurrection. Ps 133
figures as the traditional fixed psalm in the Nocturns service of sev-
eral rites, including the Hagiopolite one according to the GEO. 128 In
the latter, Ps 133 constitutes an alleluia psalm following the initial
psalmody of Nocturns. In GEO Nocturns there is even a litany after
Ps 133, which, according to SIN 47, is the place to which the Noc-
turns litany was moved.
123 Rolf Zerfass, Die Schriftlesung im Kathedraloffizium Jerusalems (Münster Westfa-

len 1967) 4–38.
124 Ibid., 15–20, 28–30.
125 Ibid., 56ff.
126 Ibid., 17; see scheme below. NB. Zerfass published his study before the discovery
of GEO.
127 Ibid., 5.
128 It is important to distinguish between Midnight, which usually has Ps 118, and
Nocturns, which usually has either Ps 3 or Ps 133. GEO has both offices : the office
of the second hour of the night is called « Midnight » and that of the sixth is a
Nocturns office.
These correspondences make GEO an argument in favor of an-

other interpretation of RO’s nature: it is simply the Sunday variant
of daily Nocturns. There are two indications supporting this inter-
pretation.
A first indication is the place of the RO in the total structure of
the Palm Sunday Agrypnia of HS 43, which becomes clear especially
through two features of this Agrypnia: a) it lacks the Hexapsalm and,
b) it contains ps 118 with Ἐπὶ σοὶ χαίρει as kathisma theotokion. Ps
118 is the Midnight office psalm par excellence everywhere, also in
the Palestino-Byzantine tradition. Ἐπὶ σοὶ χαίρει also figures as ka-
thisma theotokion after Ps 118 in the Midnight services of the Horo-
logia GEO (fol. 8r2–6) and ms. Sinai Greek 864. 129 The surprising
absence of the Hexapsalm is perfectly logical if the latter belonged
originally to daily Nocturns. It therefore seems that the HS 43 Vigil
should be interpreted as consisting of the sequence « Vespers –
Midnight – Nocturns – Matins », 130 a sequence that certainly sup-
ports the view that the RO is Sunday Nocturns. This is explicated in
the following table:
Table 2: Sunday Nocturns and Related Structures

‘Kerygmatic’ RO GEO Nocturns HS 43 GEO: Larger
Office acc. to Sequence
Zerfass (p. 17)
Ps 118 with 2nd Night
Ἐπὶ σοὶ Hour
χαίρει (Midnight with
Ps 118)
6 odes 3rd–5th Night
Hours
1. Introductory 3 pss, each 6 pss (Hexap- 3 antiphons 6th Night
prayer with prayer salm) Hour (Noc-
– Litany (Ege- (Below) – turns)
ria and SIN
47)
2. Reading Gospel with – (no Gospel on Gospel with
hymn regular days) hymn
129 Livre d’heures du Sinaï, eds. Maxime (Leila) Ajjoub and Joseph Paramelle, SC 486
(Paris 2004) 240 (25.14). For a study of this document see my « Livre de prière
quotidienne sans Heures majeures: étude sur l’Horologe du Sinaï grec 864 (9e
siècle), récemment édité » (forthcoming; Ru. tr.: Bogoslovskie Trudy 43–44 (2012)
381–400, 45 (2013) 272–307).
130 The three latter forming what HS 43 calls Agrypnia.
3. Psalm Ps 133 with Ps 133, with Ps 133

hymns GNE. Refrain
« alleluia »
4. Prayer Litany with Litany (21 KE, –
prayer (OW, prayer)
SIN 47) Our Father, 2
KE
5. Dismissal Dismissal Dismissal bles- Dismissal
blessing blessing sing blessing
A second indication that the RO constitutes a Sunday Nocturns
office is found in the 8–9th century Euchology ms. Sinai Greek NE
MΓ 53 which, as seen in Part I, contains two prayers of a Nykterinê
Gospel which are probably meant for the RO.
On the basis of the structural similarities between the RO and
GEO Nocturns, and of the two external indications, my conclusion is
that the RO is a Sunday variant of daily Hagiopolite Nocturns. 131
4. CONCLUSION TO DOUBLE ARTICLE (PARTS I AND II) 132

The first millennium Hagiopolite Resurrection Office has been pre-
served first of all in two sources describing and prescribing the litur-
gy of the Jerusalem cathedral itself: Egeria’s pilgrimage diary and the
« Anastasis Typikon » presumably reflecting tenth-century usage. The
content of the RO in these two documents is remarkably similar and
witnesses to what seems to have been a high degree of continuity in
the celebration of the RO in the Jerusalem cathedral between the
fourth and the tenth centuries. The RO of peripheral sources both
serve the reconstruction of the Hagiopolite RO and testify to its
adoption in other churches. Ms. Sinai Georgian O.47 (977), a docu-
ment covering exactly the RO and claiming to be congruous with the
contemporary Greek tradition of Mount Sinai, occupies a particular
place, as it comes very close to Egeria and HS 43. It is studied here
for the first time.
In HS 43 the RO opens with Ps 117 as a patriarchal entrance
psalm, but this unit is not found elsewhere and is either a Palm Sun-
day proper or a late prelude to the regular beginning of the RO, the
131 This implies that the three initial psalms of RO constitute a Sunday variant of the
office’s introductory psalmody, while the classical Hexapsalm represents the daily
variant. Such psalmodic variation between ordinary days and Sundays is also found
in Vespers. For the liturgical typology of Zerfass, it implies that the mixed type
(Festoffizium) appeared for the first time not in the fifth, but already in the fourth
century.
132 Pertaining to the entire two-part study.
three psalms. The identity of the three pre-Gospel psalms of Hagio-

polite RO may to a very little degree be disclosed in local sources,
and their historical development may only be gleaned from periph-
eral documents. The following hypothetical reconstruction of three
stages is proposed:
In a pre-octotonal period, probably until the fifth century, these
psalms may have been fixed, as they have always been in the Arme-
nian tradition. Particularities of mode 3 in the case of several RO
elements suggest that the mode 3 set of the second and third-stage
RO was a very early, if not the pristine one. Ps 43 was probably the
fixed first psalm; the prayer after it seems to figure in SIN 47. 133
A second, early-octotonal stage, in which there were four (authen-
tic) modes of three psalms, repeated to yield eight, seems to have
appeared in the fifth century. Ps 145 was probably the fixed last
psalm in all modes except the third.
The third, fully-octotonal stage, with four authentic and four pla-
gal modes, existed by the sixth century, as attested in the Ancient
Iadgari hymnal (given that its sixth-century dating is correct), and
presumably included the eight Sunday Morning Gospel series. Ps
150 gradually imposed itself as a new fixed final psalm. This is the
case in the tenth-century Anastasis cathedral according to HS 43 and
several Georgian sources, some of which were copied at St. Sabas.
The three psalms were by time reduced to two in both the Arme-
nian and Byzantine rites: the OW already by the eighth century ac-
cording to the Armenian commentaries of the divine office, which
only have two resurrection psalms; the Byzantine RO no later than
the tenth century.
The prayers following the psalms in Egeria have been partly re-
tained in later traditions: there are Palestinian and Byzantine prayers
or reminiscences of prayers before the Gospel that follow various
pre-Gospel psalms.
The Egerian commemoratio omnium right before the Gospel
reading was probably a general litany. Such a litany has not been
preserved in the Armenian material, while in SIN 47 this was the
original location of the Sunday morning kuerek’si (litany), of which
the themes were both resurrectional and Gospel related. The prayer
following the kuerek’si does not seem to have been preserved. Pray-
ers before and after the Gospel are found in some Byzantine Eu-
chologies but not in Palestinian sources, except – if it is Palestinian –
133 Cf. its apt verses: « Wake up! Why do you sleep, O Lord? Arise, and do not reject
us totally! » (v. 23), and « Rise up, O Lord; help us, and redeem us for the sake of
your name » (v. 27).
in the 8th–9th century Euchology Sinai Greek NE MΓ 53, in which

case pre- and post-Gospel prayers figured in the later centuries of (a
part of) first millennium Palestinian RO.
The resurrection Gospel was selected according to a principle
known in three consecutive stages. The Palestinian provenance of
the first two, octotonal series is indubitable: first four then eight
pericopes, the latter remaining in use throughout our period. The
third series, eleven Heôthina Gospel readings, still in use in the Byz-
antine rite, also seems to have originated in Jerusalem, in the eighth
century. This conclusion implies centuries of co-existence in Pales-
tine of two or three stages, in which a conservative (probably mostly
monastic) periphery would have remained faithful to the series of
four or eight Gospels, while the Resurrection cathedral as the evolv-
ing center carried on to eleven Gospels.
The post-Gospel procession to the Cross was supposedly retained
in Jerusalem between its documented existence in Egeria and HS 43,
but seemingly not adopted elsewhere (with a possible eighth-century
Armenian exception). The post-Gospel hymn of the IE, sung during
the procession, corresponds to the gardamot’kumay hymn of the
Georgian material. Anastasin Christou, which would become the
fixed Byzantine post-Gospel hymn, originally belonged to the Ps 133
hymnography; partially found in the AI, it attained its present com-
position within the New stage hymnody (seventh century onwards).
The station at the Cross, documented in Egeria and HS 43, start-
ed with the singing of Ps 133. The psalm was retained at this place in
SIN 47, seemingly without station, and in the Armenian tradition
(today only in Lent), but not in the Byzantine rite except in some
branches, including the early Studite tradition. The Georgian mate-
rial, notably the AI, testifies to a ps 133 hymnography which is found
neither in Egeria nor in the Armenian tradition: the ak’a
akurt’xevdit’sa and the ĵuarisani. However, surprisingly, the AI has
separated this Ps 133 hymnography from the RO with the result that
it figures in an earlier place of the Sunday office than in the Gospel
section. The prescription by SIN 47 of Ps 133 at the « correct »
place, albeit without hymnography, supports the view that the ak’a
akurt’xevdit’sa and the ĵuarisani of AI originally succeeded the Gos-
pel section.
The Egerian prayer after Ps 133 corresponds with the bidding sec-
tion of the OW, while the tenth-century Anastasis cathedral ignored
it according to HS 43. Sinaitic usage had, according to SIN 47, by
977 apparently placed the pre-Gospel litany before the prayer follow-
ing Ps 133; in this way the end of the RO became structurally analo-
gous to other early Hagiopolite offices (‘ps – litany – prayer –
peace+inclination (not in RO) – dismissal blessing’). A late Georgian
Euchology, ms. Tbilisi A-450 (16th–17th c.), has preserved a series of

festal, post-Gospel litanies of Palestinian provenance. In Byzantine
tradition the litany prayer « Save, O Lord, your people » corre-
sponds structurally to the IE prayer.
This study has shown that not only the Armenian but also the
Byzantine tradition has preserved a reduced version of the Hagiopo-
lite Resurrection Office. This is not surprising, since the Byzantine
daily office is in direct continuation with that of the Anastasis cathe-
dral. In about equal measure, albeit in different ways, both represent
a simplified continuation of the Jerusalem original.
The following scheme compares the two:
Armenian 1 – 1 – Gospel Ps – Prayer
RO ps ps 133
Byzantine 1 Rest of 1 Rest of Gospel – Ps 133 Prayer
RO ps prayer ps litany and hymn
prayer
This study also points out significant structural parallels between
GEO Nocturns and the RO, which leads to the conclusion that the
RO represents a Sunday variant of daily Jerusalem Nocturns. Anoth-
er implication is that the weekly reading of the resurrection Gospel
in early Palestinian tradition took place not in Matins but in Noc-
turns.
The RO redactions of the most significant sources studied here
are resumed in the following table.
Table 3: Recapitulative and Comparative Table of the First Millenni-

um Resurrection Office in Jerusalem and Close Peripheries
- : absence of an element which one could expect
Nothing: Not applicable (the document belongs to a genre in which the
element is not contained)
[]: evidence from another relevant document; m pl: mode plagal
GENERAL Egeria 134 HS 43 135 SIN 47 Arme- Ancient Sin. Geo. Present
SCHEME nian OW Iadgari O.53 Byzan-
tine rite
Entrance Soon the Entrance (Implied – Ak’a akur- Proces-

first cock psalm: ps by the t’xevdit’sa sion
crows, and 117. entrance + from
134 24,9–11, full text, tr. Wilkinson.

135 P. 10,33–12,21 + 12,25–26.
tine rite
at that the Patriarch prayer) Ĵuarisani altar

bishop and clergy Canticles
enters, enter the hymno-
and goes Anastasis graphy
into the at v. (« ka-
cave in the 117:20 non »)
Anastasis.
The doors
are all
opened,
and all the
people
come into
the Anas-
tasis,
which is
already
ablaze
with
lamps.
When they
are inside
Entrance – The arch- « Prayer –
prayer deacon of the
does a card-
synaptê gomay »
(content:
entrance
to the
altar)
1st psalm a psalm is 1st m1–8 ps 43 m1–4, m1–4, Prokei-
said by antiphon m1–4pl m1pl, menon,
one of the (Palm m4pl m1–4,
presbyters, Sunday: m1–4pl
with ps 117:26, (Rus-
everyone with sian:
respond- resurrec- m1–8)
ing, tional v.
144:13)
Prayer and it is – Prayer – Τοῦ
followed (quoting Κυρίου
by a ps 43:27) δεη-
prayer; θῶμεν.
Excla-
mation:
« Ὅτι
tine rite
ἅγιος εἶ,
ὁ Θεὸς
ἡμῶν »
2nd psalm then a 2nd m1–8 – m1–4, –
psalm is antiphon (ps 69 or m1–4 pl
said by (Palm 53 in 8th
one of the Sun.: ps c.
deacons, 85:8–9a) sources)
Prayer and – – – –
another
prayer;
3rd psalm then a 3rd m1–8 ps 145 m1–4, m1– Pasa
third antiphon Fixed 3rd m1–4 pl m1 pl, pnoê
psalm is (Palm ps: Pasa m4l
said by Sun.: pnoê
one of the 117:27).
clergy,
Fixed 3rd
ps on
regular
Sundays:
Pasa pnoê
Prayer a third – – – « Let us ?
prayer, pray to
the
Lord ».
Litany and and the – Kuere-k’si – « And Excla-
prayer Comme– and that we mation:
moration prayer may be « Καὶ
of All. implied counted ὑπὲρ τοῦ
wor- καταξιω-
thy… » θῆναι »
Incensation After [below, at – – (At
these Golgotha] earlier
three point of
psalms Vigil: at
and ps 118
prayers or Poly-
they take eleos)
censers
into the
cave of the
Anastasis,
so that the
whole
Anastasis
basilica is
filled with
the smell.
tine rite
Pre-Gospel – – (prayer of – [Sin. Gr. –

prayer above NE MΓ [Ἔλλαμ-
litany 53] 136 ψον ἐν
could also ταῖς
be pre- καρδίαις
Gospel ἡμῶν’,
prayer) earlier
Byzan-
tine
Eucho-
logies]
Gospel Then the 11 m1–8 m1–4 + (indica- m1–4 11
bishop, ted in [Mss
standing titles) from
in the 9th c.]
sanctuary,
takes the
Gospel
book and
goes to
the door,
where he
himself
reads the
account of
the Lord’s
resurrect-
tion. […]
Post-Gospel – – – – [Sin. Gr. –
prayer NE MΓ
53]
Procession When the Anastasin – – – –
to Golgotha Gospel is Christou.
finished, Proces-
the bishop sion to
comes out the Holy
and is Kranion
taken
Processional with Stiche- Gardamo- Gardamo- –
post-Gospel singing to ron, m2pl t’kumay – t’kumay
hymn the Cross, « Today m1–8 (Man.
and they the 1:15 3x,
all go with grace » revised)
him.
Ps 133 They have The Pres- Yes (implied –
one psalm patriarch cribed (present by ps 133 [In
there incenses Žama- hymno- Studite
Golgotha. girk’: graphy, Rite]
The arch- only in above)
priest Lent)
with the
136 Presupposing that this Euchology is Palestinian.

tine rite
clergy
sings ps
133:2, v.
133:3
Hymno- – – – – (above) Anasta-
graphy at ps sin
133 Christou
Litany – – Kuerek’si Procla- Ps 50
mation « Σῶσον
ὁ Θεὸς
τὸν λαόν
σου »
Prayer and a – Exclama- Prayer Excla-
prayer, tion mation
(presup-
posing
prayer)
Dismissal then he The – – –
blessing blesses the patriarch
people, dismisses
and that is
the dis-
missal.
Abbreviations
Part I = The first part of this double article: Stig Simeon R. Frøyshov, « The Resurrec-
tion Office of the First Millennium Jerusalem Liturgy and Its Adoption by Close
Peripheries. Part I: the Pre-Gospel Section » in Studies on the Liturgies of the Chris-
tian East. Selected Papers from the Third International Congress of the Society of
Oriental Liturgy, Volos, May 26–30, 2010, eds. Steven Hawkes-Teeples S.J., Basilius J.
Groen, and Stefanos Alexopoulos, Eastern Christian Studies 18 (Leuven - Paris -
Walpole, MA, 2013) 31–57.
AI = Ancient Iadgari (AI edition: უძველესი იადგარი [The Most Ancient Iadgari],
eds. Eleni Metreveli, C’ac’a Čankievi and Lili Xevsuriani (Tbilisi 1980).
AI-B = ms. Sinai Georgian O.18 (AI witness; O = Old, to be distinguished from the N
of the 1975 New Finds)
AI-C = ms. Sinai Georgian O.40
AI-D = ms. Sinai Georgian O.41
AI-E = ms. Sinai Georgian O.34
AI-F = ms. Sinai Georgian O.26
Ainoi = Αἴνοι, Pss 148–150 (Matins)
GEO = The ancient « Georgian » Horologion of ms. Sinai Georgian O.34 (edited in
Stig R. Frøyshov, L’Horologe « géorgien » du Sinaiticus ibericus 34: Edition, traduc-
tion et commentaire, unpublished doctoral thesis, Paris IV-Sorbonne (Paris 2003;
corrected redaction, 2004. Forthcoming in CSCO).
GL = Georgian Lectionary, ed. Tarchnischvili, Le grand lectionnaire de l'Église de
Jérusalem (Ve–VIIIe siècle), CSCO 188–189, 204–205 (Louvain 1959–1960)
HS 43 = ms. Jerusalem Holy Sepulchre 43, 1122 AD (the so-called « Anastasis Typ-
icon »; HS 43 edition: Ἀνάλεκτα ἱεροσολυμιτικῆς σταχυολογίας, t. 2, ed. A. Papadopoulos-
Kerameus (Saint Petersburg 1894)
IE = Itinerarium Egeriae
KyrEk = Κύριε ἐκέκραξα, Pss 140 etc. (Vespers)
OW = Armenian Office of the Oil-Bearing Women
RO = Resurrection Office
SIN 47 = ms. Sinai Georgian O.47
GNE = Glory to the Father …, now and ever …
KE = Κύριε, ἐλέησον
11 Heôthina = Eleven Sunday Morning Gospels
For the transliteration of non-Latin alphabets I use the ISO standards: 9984 (Geor-
gian), 9985 (Armenian) and 9:1995 (Russian).
Stig Simeon R. FRØYSHOV

Professeur de sciences liturgiques à la Faculté de Théologie, Université
d’Oslo.

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Semaines d’études S1

Michael Daniel FINDIKYAN | Daniel GALADZA |André LOSSKY (éd.)

Sion, mère des Églises : Mélanges liturgiques

SION, MÈRE DES ÉGLISES :

Actes édités par

André Lossky et Heinzgerd Brakmann

Heinzgerd Brakmann – Nicolas Cernokrak – Isaia Gazzola –

© 2016 Aschendorff Verlag GmbH & Co. KG, Münster

Lettre des éditeurs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7

Zaza ALEKSIDZE -- Dali CHITUNASHVILI, Fragments of the Oldest Arme-

André LOSSKY, Sources hiérosolymitaines dans l’office byzantin : la

The Sunday Vigil of Jerusalem was a long and composite celebration

1 See abbreviations at the end of the article.

4. Station at the Cross

1. GOSPEL READING WITH PROCESSION

1.1. Sunday Morning Gospel Series: Stages 1 and 2

which is bilingual Greek-Arabic and dated to 995/996. 16 Georgian

16 Described in Gérard Garitte, « Un évangéliaire grec-arabe du Xe siècle (cod. Sin.

1.2. Sunday Morning Gospel Series Stage 3: Eleven Pericopes

1.2.1. Early Sources of the Eleven Sunday Heôthina Gospels

21 « La serie degli 11…è costruita sulla base di un sistema di letture gerosolimitano

that no Lectionary with the 11 Heôthina has been preserved for

27 Axinia Džurova, Le rayonnement de Byzance. Les manuscrits grecs enluminés des

Aland/INTF to the ninth century, it seems that most or all include

latter part of the first millennium. The Gospel Lectionary index of

1.2.2. The Sunday Series of Eleven Gospels: Hagiopolite or Byzan-

37 Garitte, « Un index géorgien » (see n.17), 352, no. 77.

41 Germanos composed hymns for the feasts of the Constantinopolitan calendar.

cluding a dasadebeli (stanza), a psalm, and a prophetic reading. 46

and Theophany, 51 while in the Byzantine rite 52 the Eleven/Twelve

51 Janeras, Le Vendredi-Saint (see n.47), 106.

John of Damascus, Kosmas of Jerusalem and Stephen the Sabaite

59 « Local churches of the periphery…tend to hold on to older liturgical practices

become, in some adapted redaction, 63 the central Lectionary of the

1.3. Procession with Post-Gospel Hymn

Some later manuscripts of the same text insert elaborations that

68 SS-S III.18a. Ibid. See discussion on pp. 395–398.

2.1. Psalm 133 with Hymnography

Matins of a part of the Byzantine tradition is a feature of the ancient

to the Slavonic Studite Typicon of Patriarch Alexis, which it is not. Skaballanovič,

in that case, since Ps 98 figures in the clearly Sabaite manuscript

2.1.2. Psalm 133 Hymnography

Third, the Anastasin Christou hymn, to which we shall turn below

2.1.3. A Particular Ps 133 Hymn: « We Have Seen the Resurrection

Table 1: Anastasin Christou in the Ancient Iadgari

96 Translation by Ephrem Lash at http://www.anastasis.org.uk/mat-sun.htm.

we name you by name.

2.2. Litany with Prayer and Dismissal with Blessing

2.2.1. Prayer Eventually Preceded by a Litany

104 « La oratio precede siempre a la benedictio ». Enrique Bermejo Cabrera, La pro-

are followed by a Sunday morning kuerek’si and the exclamation 112

112 Not identical to the Armenian prayer-exclamation (aġot’k’).

addition, SIN 47 has 4 more petitions.

Gospel petition « And that we may be counted worthy [of hearing

хранилищахъ и ихъ научное значеніе [Liturgical Georgian Documents in National Li-

2.2.2. Blessing and Dismissal

3. EXCURSUS : THE RESURRECTION OFFICE AND THE DAILY

words, constitute two different elements.

123 Rolf Zerfass, Die Schriftlesung im Kathedraloffizium Jerusalems (Münster Westfa-

These correspondences make GEO an argument in favor of an-

Table 2: Sunday Nocturns and Related Structures

3. Psalm Ps 133 with Ps 133, with Ps 133

4. CONCLUSION TO DOUBLE ARTICLE (PARTS I AND II) 132