ROUTLEDGE ENGLISH LANGUAGE INTRODUCTIONS
SERIES EDITOR: PETER STOCKWELL
Peter Stockwell is Senior Lecturer in the Schoal of English Stade atthe University of
Nottingham, UK, where his interests include socolingusties,syistics and eogaitive
postics, His recent publiations include Cagurtve Poetics: An Inroctcton (Routledge
2002}, The Poetics of Science Fiction, Investigating English Language (with Hoverd
Jackson), and Conextualied Stylistics (eed with Tony Bex and Michael Bur).
SERIES CONSULTANT: RONALD CARTER
Ronald Carter Professor of Modern English Language inthe School of English Stu
lesa the University of Notinghams, UK. He is the co-eres editor ofthe forthcoming
Routledge Applied Linguistics series, series eitor of intracs, and was co-founder of
‘the Routledge Intersex series
ctory of Engh
Den Mahyee
Sosioingietin 2nc ativan
Grammar and Vocabulary
Poyenotinguistes
Practical Phonetics and Phonology 2n6 extn
Bevanay Cling ret ngs Mews
Styfetice
Fou Siren
Language in Theory
Maes onsen ar
Prapmetes and Discourse 2adeton
WORLD ENGLISHES
A resource book for students
JENNIFER JENKINS
Second Edition
[2 foutiedge
Boog “ How 70 USE THIS BOOK
World Englishes
orld ngises has eight units each following the above four part structure Section
Asunits introdace the key topic in World Englishes from the sixteenth century tothe
resent tme and beyond, Secton B develops these issues with additional detail and
rai
Language \
Spoakets,
(Other varieties
Floure 83.5 Modiand’s English as an intenstional language EL) Hhustrated as those
features of English which aro common to al native and nar-natve varieties (enue:
Madiane r99eb: 10
of English (se Figure A3.5). His second circle consis of features which may become
Injermationally common or may fll into obscurity. Final, his auter area consist of
five groups (American English, Britsh English, other major varieties, local varieties,
foreign varieties) eich with features peculiar to theit own speech community and
‘which are unlikely to be understood by most memsbers ofthe other four groups.
‘There are sll problems. For example the dicalty of determining what goes
Into his central category remains. Io addition, some wil find unpalatable the fact
that Modiano equates native speakers with competent’ non-aaives, implying that al)
native speakers of English are competent users of English, which is patently untrue
here may alsobe objections tothe designation ofall the native yritiesa ‘mar, but
tstablshed Outer Circle vavietes such a Indian English (apoken bya large aumbe
than te NS (rave speaker} populations ef the US and UK combines! soa
‘Returning recently to Kachrus mode, Grado] (2006: 10) points out hat ‘Kachrs
himselfhesrecentiy proposed that the “inne crcl” is now beter conceived of asthe
‘group af highly proficient speakers of English ~ those who have “hinctional native
ness’ regardless of ow they leaned or ue the language! Greddl demonstietss this in
Figure A3.6, which he devised according to his interpretation of Kachr’e words,
Graddol argues that ‘in globalised world... there isan increasing need to
sisinguish between profciencies in English rather than a speaker’ bling! statu?
(2006; 10). This is similar to Rampton’ (1990) notion of ‘expert which, Rasap=
{on argues, 2 more appropriate concept for English than tht of nativeness (se anit
BG heiow). Degree of proficiency or expertise san eminently (and possibly the sos)
usefl way to approach the English of its entirety of speakers nowadays, regardless of
‘where they come from and wht athe angunge() they speak
The source for Grados presentation of functional naiveness in diagrammatic
form vas Kichew (2008) (Gradéol, personal communication). However it seems that
(Graddo’s interpretation ofthe phenomenon of"umetional matvenes® may not be pre=
‘isely the same as Kachru’ For when Kachru hime! disses Gunctiondl nativeness
A3 £0 prosicien®
Figura A3.5 Representing the community f Engh speakers asinchicing a wide
range of profeienciesisource: Grado! 2006: 10)
(2005: 12, and see ako Kachru 1997: 217) he explain i fn terms of two variables:
‘the RANGE and DEPTH ofa language in a society’ {capitals inthe eriginal), Le the
‘domain which a language is used and ‘the degre2 of social penetration of the fa.
guage! In other words, Kacheu seems to be referring to the use of Engleh in a society,
1nd Graddol othe proficiency level of speakers of English within the en
nity’ of English speakers. The two overlap, bucare sn necessary identical
Most recently, Canagaralah (in a lecture, ‘Developing & mee! for phrilingsal
competence given st Southampton Univesity England in July 2008) looked aftesh
‘¢ MeAtnur’ cicele model and argued that its world standard English centre is pro
lemati. Canagarajah saggsted replacing it with ‘Pragmatics’ ~ statepes of comms
nication (see Canagarsjah 2005: sy) ~ leaving the grammar to take cze of self Sell
‘more controversial, as an alternative, he suggested leaving the cene completely
empty. Biter way, the implication i that i impossible to capture the varity of
English forms wsedin contest around the wold within a singe terms 3 conclusion that
\sparticulrly consistent with the notion of English asa Linguo Franca (se strand 6
WME) variation across ouren cincte encLishes
‘New’ Englishes and ‘now’ Englishes
“The Outer and Inner Cicle Englishes (British English apart) belong to one of to
groups Uhe mew Englishes which resulted from the frst diaspor, oF the New Eng.
Iishes whic resulied rom the second, Not, though, tha het dmsporas overiappec
in time, with, for example, the Indian English of the second diaspora preceding the
Australian English ofthe fist (hence the scare quotes round ‘New and ‘nev th the
headings sbowve and hela). The former group canes primarily of Noxth America
(the US and Canada), Australia, New Zealand and South Africa. The Englishes in
these territories developed independently of and diferent foe, English ip Britain
partly because of the original mistures of ales and aoents among the people who
seitied in these areas, and partly because ofthe influence afte languages ofthe Indi
nous populstions. Nevertheless, because of their direct descencence from British
English, an beeaate they were spoken as mother tongues, theres strong element of
continuity in the use ofthese Englishes fom pre-clonial days
(On the other hand, the latter group of Englishes, those commonly described as
the ‘New Englishes were, and sil are, for the mort pat learnt as second languages
for as one language within wider moltiingual repertoire of sequstion. This group
Includes for example, Indian English, Pilipine English, Ngertan English and Sings
pore English (the latter being one ofthe fw New Englishes which are incressinghy
being spoken as a mother tongue). Strand 4 wil not he concerned wit the Englishes
of the Expanding Circe. sach as European Englishes and Japanese English, thes
ae the focus of strand 6
“The main reason for looking sta ange of varieties of New English before tack-
ling the complex isue of standard English is to give a clear signal thatthe New
Englishes should be considered in their ow right, and notin terms of their dif
ferences from a particular native variety This point is widely accepted in terms of
American English, whlch is nowadays considered in the popular tind tobe one of
the worlds two prestig fish (the ether being British English) On the
other hand, as you will se in unit A5, Australian English has only recently begun
to lose the negative connotations atiched t its diferences fron Brish English
And the situation has not improved even ta this extent for maay of the Englishes
fof the Outer Cirde, particulany (but not exclusively) those tat have not yet been
fally described and coded (see BS for # discussion af the pracestes involved 9
standaréitstion)
Defining a ‘Now’ English
The term New Englishes’ covers 2 lrye oumber of warieties of English which are far
from uniform inter chacacteristics end current uj, They nevertheless share certain
features. According to Plat eal, (1984: 2-3), a New English ffs the following f
1 Ithasdeveloped through she education system, Ths means that has been taught
asa subject and, in many cases, also asec asa medim of instruction in regione
where languages other than English were the main languages
2 Ithas developed in an area where «native variety of English was not the language
spoken by most ofthe population.
3 Itieused fora range of fonctions among those who speak or write inthe region
sles wed 4 Ichas become ‘localised! or ‘nativised’ by adopting some language features of
las own, such as sounes, intonation patterns, sentence structure, eons and
expressions
Another way of lokiig a New English i to consider the stats fis norms and the
‘extent to which its ianovative uses ofthe language are accepied despite thei differ
ences from native English norms, Bamgbose (1998: 3-4 outlines five intemal factors
thst canbe used to decide on the status ofan iovation in Engh:
1 the demographic factor how many speakers of the acrlee, or standard variety,
the goograpica factor hove widely dispersed is it?
3 the authortaie factor where sts use sanctioned?
4 cadfication: doer st appear in relerence books such 2s dictionaries and
grammars?
5 the acceptably factor wets the attitude of uses and non-users towards i?
Bamgbose points out that ofthese five, codification and accaptailty are the most
‘racial a8, without them, any innenation will be regarded as an eror rather tha 3 8
legitimate forma characteristic ofa particular New Bnglish vaney.
English was intially spoken ia Africa and Asia only bythe ntive English speak
Ingenionsers from Brita and North America. They se up school to teach ist Eng
lish and then other eubjecs through English, in order to provid a local workorce
ble to communicate inthe langsage. AS tine went on, and the number of shudents
increased, the English-mediam schools bepaa to fecrit local non-native teachers.
“Their English was, inevitably, diferent frem that of their own natve speaker teach
ers and the differences grew sill more masked among the children who were taught
bby non-native speakers. Students were shus expose to the Inte for several years
during which time they used i for an ever increasing msmber of Functions In tis
‘way, the New Englishes evolved ito varieties ich served a wide or even fall range
‘of purposes and, atthe same time, developed thelr own character.
Levels of variation
"The main levels om which the new and New Englishes eifer from the Euglsh of what
CChinua Achebe has desribed a its ancestral home. Britain, and from each other.
are the following: promuncition, grammar, vocabularyliciom, and dicousse style
[Alhossgh you should bea in mind thar the diferent varieties of new and New Eng.
Iisbes are not internally uniform, nevertheless, as with British English, in the vast
majority ef eaves there s sufcient common ground for us to be able to talk about ¢
particular national English, be it Nigerian Engle Indian English, American English
fr whatever. The fllowing details draw mainly on Pat eta. (1984), supplemented
‘where appropriate with mare recent examples and commentary rom Y, Kachet and
‘Nelson (2006}, and Kachrw and Smith (2008) in particular.
Pronunciation
Consonant sounds
‘The dental riatve sounds // an 8 as in the words thia an this when spoken with
4 British English Received Pronunciation (RP) accent (eth the tongue tp vibra.
ing against the upper teeth) ate pronounced in various ways by speakers of New Eng
lishes, For example, speakers of Indian, and West Indian Englishes use instead the
sounds and so that these words ate pronounce tin and is
(On the other hand, speakers of Lankan (= Sri Lankan, Malaysion, Singapore
‘and many African Englishes often use the sounds /t ard fi, 90 thatthe same
words sound closer to "li and ‘this: These substitions would have started life
85 attempts to produce the ‘orrect’ Lt English sound. However once £2. English
speaking teachers beyan to be employed, the sounds would have been prodaced as
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