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Band 12 I M eta I Matters

Innovative Technologies and Social Change in Prehistory
and Antiquity
Stefan Burmeister, Svend Hansen,

Michael Kunst and Nils Muller-Scheef:Sel (Eds.)
Forschungs(luster
In novationen:
technisch, sozial
Menschen - Kulturen - Traditionen

Studien aus den Forschungsclustern
des Deutschen Archaologischen lnstituts
Band 12
DEUTSCHES ARCHAOLOGISCHES INSTITUT
Menschen- Kulturen- Traditionen

Studien aus den Forschungsclustern
des Deutschen Archaologischen lnstituts
Band 12
F O R S C H U N G S C LU S T E R 2
Innovationen: technisch, sozial
Metal Matters
Innovative Technologies and Social Change in Prehistory
and Antiquity
Stefan Burmeister, Svend Hansen,
Michael Kunst and Nils Mller-Scheeel (Eds.)
VIII, 282 Seiten mit 188 Abbildungen und 5 Tabellen

Titelvignette: Wordcloud des englischsprachigen Forschungsprofils von Cluster 2 (s.S. 1, Abb. 1 in diesem Band)
Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek

Burmeister, Stefan / Hansen, Svend / Kunst, Michael / Mller-Scheeel, Nils (Eds.):
Metal Matters ; Innovative Technologies and Social Change in Prehistory and Antiquity.
Rahden/Westf.: Leidorf 2013
(Menschen Kulturen Traditionen ; ForschungsCluster 2 ; Bd. 12)
ISBN 978-3-86757-392-4
Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie.

Detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet ber http://dnb.d-nb.de abrufbar.
Gedruckt auf alterungsbestndigem Papier

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2013
Verlag Marie Leidorf GmbH

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ISBN 978-3-86757-392-4
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Umschlagentwurf und Standard-Layout: Deutsches Archologisches Institut, Berlin
Lektorat und Redaktion: Stefan Burmeister, Hamburg; Nils Mller-Scheeel, Frankfurt/Main; Emily Schalk, Berlin
http://www.dainst.org
Satz, Layout und Bildnachbearbeitung: stm|media GmbH, Kthen/Anhalt
Druck und Produktion: IMPRESS Druckerei Halbritter KG, Halle/Saale
Table of Contents
Stefon Burmeister and Nits Muller-Scheef3el
Innovation as a Multi-faceted Social Process: an Outline .. . . . ... . ... .. ... .. ......... . .. ...... . . . ........ . ....... . . . .
Ulrich Hortung
Raw Material Supply and Social Development in Egypt in the 4'h Millennium BC . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
13
Florion Klimscha
Innovations in Cha lcolithic Metallurgy in the Southern Levant During the S'h and 4'h Millennium BC.
Copper-production at Tall Hujayrat ai-Ghuzlan and Tall ai-Maga~~. Aqaba Area, Jordan. . ....... .. . . ..... . ..... . .. . ..
31
Andreas Hauptmonn and lngo!f Loffler

Technological Innovations and Organ isationa l Structures of Prehistoric Mining and Metal ProductionExamples from Faynan, Jordan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
65
Kristino Pfeiffer
Archaeometallurgy in Sinai. The Innovation of Copper Metallurgy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
91
Borboro He/wing
Early Metallu rgy in Iran- an Innovative Region as Seen from the Inside . . . .. . . . ... ... . ... . . . ... ... . . .. .. . . ... . . . . . .. 1OS
Svend Honsen
Innovative Metals: Copper, Gold and Si lver in the Black Sea Region and the Carpathian Basin During the
S'h and 4'h Millennium BC.. . . . . ... ..... . .. . ..... . ... ... .. .. . . ..... . . .. . . . .... . .. .. . . . .. ... . ......... . . . ... .... ...... 137
Martin Borte!heim
Innovation and Tradition . The Structure of the Early Metal Production in the North Alpine Region . . .... . . ...... . .. . . 169
Michoe/ Kunst
The Innovation of Copper Metallurgy on the Iberian Peninsula: Its Significance for the Development
of Social Complexity in the 3'd Millenium BC...... . ....... .. . ... ... .... . . . ... . . . . ..... . . .. .. .. . . . . . .. . .. ..... . .. . ... 181
Rolond Gouf3
The Development of Metallurgy on the Iberian Peninsula. Technological and Social Patterns
of a Long-term Inn ovation Process........ . . .. . . . . . .. . ..... . ..... .. .. . . . . . . . ... .. . . . . ....... . ..... . ..... .. . . . . .. . . . 209
Salvador Roviro and lgnocio Montero-Ruiz

Iberia: Technological Development of Prehistoric Metallurgy ... . .. ... .. . .. .......... . .......... .. .... . ...... .. . .. . . 231
Juan Aurelio Perez Macfas and Thomas G. Schattner

Retaining and Renewing. The Roman Municipium Munigua in the Light ofTechnical Developments in Mining
in the Hispanic Southwest . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 241
Helmuth Schneider
Tertia ratio opera viceritGigontum: Innovations in Roman Mining on the Iberian Peninsula...... .. ......... .. .. ... ... 261
Peter Rothenhoefer and Norbert Hone/
The Romans and Their Lead- Tracing Innovations in the Production, Distribution, and Secondary Processing
of an Ancient Metal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 273
VII
Editorial
The experience of change has a decisive influence on all
spheres of modern life. Not only gradual change, but the
need for reforms and the unceasing search for innovations
amid global competition shape consciousness within society and politics. Innovations are regarded as vital if the future
is to be successfully managed and if standards of living and
social stability are to be maintained, and therefore enormous
efforts are invested in the pursuit of such advances. These
days, innovations are primarily conceived of as being technological; the criticism of nalve faith in technology, which
was more pronounced in the recent past, has given way to
a more differentiated attitude which supposes that urgent
problems are indeed to be solved above all by new, >intelligent< technologies. At the same time, broad sections of the
population today feel uncertain and anxious about the future
because of the pressure for change that is being brought to
bear on central structures that have hitherto been taken for
granted. These observations draw attention to the fact that
technology and innovations are embedded in a social context, and their acceptance is dependent on the prevailing
mentality. The close connection of the term >progress< with
the technological domain, as is common today, is a reduction of the meaning as originally intended: in the 18'h century, >progress< was meant as an all-encompassing concept
which comprised the refinement of human capacities, as well
as the emancipation from traditional dogmas and paradigms.
In marked contrast to the situation today, pre-modern
cultures appear slow or all but static as regards their development. In many cases the actual circumstances of life remained
virtually unchanged within individual generations. Static, of
course, is not to be confused with stable: economic capacity
often permitted nothing more than the preservation of a fragile status quo with little crisis tolerance, meaning that wars or
natural catastrophes could result in drastic setbacks. Progress
that had been laboriously achieved over generations could
be wiped out in one fell swoop. Nevertheless, development
impulses and innovations of all kinds play a central role in premodern societies, too. They are indeed a particularly interesting phenomenon on account of their rare occurrence. For
where the pace of development is essentially slow, the question of what the necessary conditions for the creation and diffusion of innovations are is all the more intriguing.
There is no doubt that innovations played an important
role in early human history. The set of new technologies collectively referred to by Gordon Childe's pithy term Neolithic
Revolution radically transformed prehistoric man's way of life
and means of subsistence. The invention of the wheel in the
4'h millennium is felt to be so fundamental that it has entered
the language in the form of idiomatic expressions. The >invention< of democracy in classical Athens is a fixed element in
the traditional narrative of European history. The emergence
of Christianity in the early Roman imperial era marks the beginning of long conflid with the traditional cults, which ultimately helped to bring about profound change in all spheres
of the ancient world. So, while the importance of innovations
to the emergence of social and political organization is uncontested, in modern archaeological research the connection between them has hardly been explored. The various branches
of archaeology are, however, eminently well suited to the task,
given the long-term perspective that is necessary in order for

new comparative insights into the difference of innovative
processes to be gained by means of cultural comparisons.
Rather than a traditional progressive history of technological
inventions, what we will seek to clarify is the significance various kinds of technology have for cultural systems. Hence the
term >innovation< here does not only denote technological
innovations in the strict sense, but rather any new thing that
comes into being in other cultural spheres. The emergence of
new religious cults is part of this, as much as the development
of types of buildings or the creation of new public institutions.
We propose that technological and other innovations should
be considered from the point of view of cultural history, not
primarily as functional solutions to problems, but rather in
terms of their social and symbolic dimension. Social structures
and innovations are interdependent. The possibility, and concrete development, of an innovation is contingent upon the
structures of a given society, and the application and dissemination of the innovation has an impact on the social fabric. A
judgemental way of thinking and the notion of linear progress
should be avoided. What is deemed to be >progress<is in fact
an expression of period-specific values both in the context of
the period being studied and in the researcher's own perspective, and should therefore be subjected to critical reflection.
Consequently, our approach will also look at the rejection of
innovation and opposition to it. The strong traditionalism of
many pre-modern societies must be borne in mind in addition
to the importance of innovation as an engine of social change.
The research cluster Innovations: technical, social<<
groups together conduct research projects at the German
Archaeological Institute in which the issue of innovation figures especially prominently. While another section of this
cluster focuses on innovations in water procurement and water management (Kiimscha et al. 2012), the topic of the current volume are innovations in metallurgy and their implications for the societies in question.
Today, metal is a substance without which every day
life in the industrial nations of today would be unthinkable.
Without metal there would be no modern industry. Increasing costs for raw materials testify to the rising world-wide demand for metals. In this, not only traditional metals like copper, gold and silver play an important role, but also titanium,
tantalum, or indium. Constantly, new alloys are being forged
to be used in diverse settings.
A world without metals is hardly thinkable, and still, metallurgy is a relatively recent innovation. Only long after the
slow introduction of the agrarian way of life, after the start of
the Neolithic Revolution, mining and smelting of ore as well as
casting began. The earliest evidence for true metallurgy dates
to the beginnings of the S'h millennium caiBC, but this is only
the current state of research. Technological innovations in metallurgy and resulting from metallurgical advances were often
of far-reaching significance. The crucial role played by metals
in the fundamental transformation of the Neolithic economy
and the development of political power has been a matter of
debate for a long time. In later periods, too, great importance
attached to the control of natural resources, the extraction
of metal from ores, the methods of working it and its use.
The use and possession of metal remained, right up until the
VIII
Editorial
Fig. 1 First meeting of the study group Metal of DAI-Ciuster 2 in the garden of the German Archaeological Institute, department Madrid, 20/4/2007.
From left to right: Ulrich Hartung (Cairo, Egypt), Ant6nio Monge-Soares (Sacavem, Portugal), Michael Kunst (Madrid), in front Juan Aurelio Perez
Macfas (Huelva, Spain), Roland Gaul5 (formerly Muller), Peter Rothenhofer (Munich), Thomas Schattner (Madrid), Andreas Hauptmann (Bochum),
Josef Eiwanger (Bonn), Svend Hansen (Berlin), Gert Goldenberg (Freiburg), in front Barbara Helwing (Berlin), Nicole Raring (Madrid), Dirk Mielke
(Madrid). At the back: Thomas Schuhmacher (Madrid), Erica Hanning (Freiburg), front row: Maria Joao Santos, Sofia Sanz, Beate Bruhlmann
(Photo: D-DAI-MAD-PAT-DG-022-2007-003; photographer John Patterson).
modern area, characterized by constant shortages. Therefore,

every piece of metal that was not usable was recycled.
Here, a variety of projects are brought together in a debate
that seeks to determine to what extent innovations in metallurgy impacted on society. The foll owing papers do not intend to write a history of technological progress. Instead, they
strive to look for the technical and social consequences of the
innovation >metal< for the societies in question. Technology is
deeply embedded into its social context and, therefore, the
latter must necessarily be explored together with the former.
As a result of our in itial discussions withi n the cluster, a set of
questions was formulated to gu ide our theoretical outlook and
to serve as gu ideli ne for working on the individual case stud ies.
- Preconditions: In what way are innovations dependent on
prior knowledge and manual skills? Are there any natural
factors w hich favou r or disfavour the implementation of
innovations? What is the social stru cture of a society that
absorbs a certa in innovation li ke? Do certa in innovations
presuppose certain socia l institutions?
- Potential: What uses of a particular innovation are conceivable? Have these all been rea lized? What usages can
be proven?
- Beneficiaries: Cu i bono? How do certain individuals or
groups profit from a particular innovation?
- Im plementation: How is an innovation accepted? Topdown or bottom-up? Why is it accepted?
- Transfer: Is the innovation transferable just by copying, or
does it presuppose complex learning?
Implications: What consequences did an innovation yield

in the short and the long term, in socia l, technolog ical,
ideolog ica l, ecological, etc. terms?
Some of the papers in this volume seek to shed light on
the beginn ing of copper metallurgy in different parts of Eurasia. Other papers dea l w ith the impact of metals in a more
deve loped phase of history, namely in Roman times. All
papers are the outcome of severa l workshops that were held
in Madrid in 2007 (Fig. 1), in Torres Vedras in 2008 and Almerfa in 2009. These meetings, organized by Michael Kunst,
were also more than we lcome opportun ities to engage w ith
col leagues from the Iberian peninsula in fruitful discussions
on early meta llurgy.
We thank Dirce Marzoli, director of the department of
the German Archaeological Institute in Madrid for her hosp ita lity and co nstant support. We wou ld also like to express our gratitude to Carlos Manuel Soares Miguel (president of cama ra Municipal), Rui Jorge Nunes Bras (Chefe da
Divisao de Museus Ga lerias e Bibliotecas) and Ana Navarro
(d irector of the Archaeolog ical Museum of Almerfa). Many
more individuals tha n just those represented in this vo lume contributed to the discussions and made sure that
the events were successes for all participants. In particular
we would like to thank the auth ors for their manuscripts
and fru itfu l colla boration, as well as Emily Scha lk who took
on the task of translating a number of papers.
Kalkriese, Berlin, Madrid and Frankfurt/Main November 2013
Bibliography
Klimscha et al. 2012
F. Klimscha - R. Eichmann - Ch. Schu ler - H. Fahlbusch (eds.),
Wasserwirtschaftliche lnnovationen im archaologischen Kontext: von
den prahistorischen Anfangen bis zu den Metropolen der Antike.

Menschen- Kulturen- Traditionen 5 (Rahden/Westf. 2012).
The Innovation of Copper Metallurgy on the Iberian Peninsula:

Its Significance for the Development of Social Complexity in the
3rd Millennium BC
Michael Kunst
History of research and setting

Introduction of the term Copper Age or Chalcolithic
The use of the term Copper Age goes back to the 19th century and the establishing of the Three-Age-System by Christian Jrgensen Thomsen.1 It was probably the Danish historian Lauritz Schebye Vedel-Simonsen who used this term for
the first time,2 while for Thomsen, in 1818, the copper objects
still played the chief part in the Bronze Age of his classification system.3 But it seems that it was Ferenc Aurl von Pulszky who was the first to write a monograph on the Copper
Age of a particular region; in his case: Hungary;4 his ideas had
already been published in the papers of the eighth Internat
ional Congress of Anthropology and Prehistoric Archaeology
at Budapest.5 On the other hand, Pulszky also discussed other
authors of English and German publications who used the
term Copper Age, some of them thinking that this period
of using copper artefacts preceded the Bronze Age, while
others defended the opposite assumption. The distinction of
a Copper Age from a Bronze Age, in other words, to deal
with a Three-Age- or a Four-Age-System, was common discussion among archaeologists in the mid-19th century. On
the Iberian Peninsula, I found the term Edad de Cobre published for the first time in 1876 by Francisco Mara Tubino.6
Already one year later, Augusto Filippe Simes used the term
Idade do Cobre in Portugal.7
At the ninth International Congress of Anthropology and
Prehistoric Archaeology in Lisbon in 1880, the Spanish geologist, and one of the first prehistoric archaeologists of Spain,
Juan Vilanova y Piera explained that a Copper Age must
be introduced into Iberian Archaeology between Neolithic
and Bronze Age. There were 13 Portuguese participants in
attendance, while he was the only Spanish one present, and
57% of the lecturers and 82% of all others were foreign participants in the discussions.8 One of these foreign participants
was Rudolf Virchow, who wrote in a German report about
this Congress: The knowledge of this whole copper industry
[he refers to the finds of copper tools on the Iberian Peninsula] is still relatively so new that it was received with defini-
1
2
3
4
Thomsen 1836; see also Hansen 2001; Kunst 1982; 2010.

Khn 1976, 58; Kunst 1982, 11; see Kunst 2010, 111.
Hansen 2001, 11.
Pulszky 1884. The book had been first published in Hungarian in
1883, and one year later in German.
5 Pulszky 1877.
6 Tubino 1876, 338f.; see also Much 1893.
tive disfavour, even during the discussions of the Congress,

and that it actually did not show any advantages, although
Mr. Vilanova made demands on a Copper Age for Spain []
Indeed, I believe that continuing collecting in the same manner as has been done before, even the Copper Age will be
found in its most complete and most copious representation on the Iberian Peninsula, as may be expected according
to the countrys nature. With the countrys great richness in
copper ores (Icall to mind the mines of Ro Tinto, of S.Domingo at the Guadiana river in Portugal, of Linares at the
Sierra Morena in Spain) .9 In the end, I guess, the paper of
Vilanova at the Lisbon conference was the scientific breakthrough for the use of the terms Copper Age, Chalcolithic
and Eneolithic in Spain and Portugal.
In his paper held at the conference in Lisbon, Vilanova
argued against the at that time common understanding
that bronze and, to a certain point, polished axes had been
brought to Europe by Asian peoples or merchants.10 He
pointed out instead: On voit par consequent que le passage de
lune de ces poque lautre a t insensible, et quil ny a pas besoin dappeler des races asiatiques pour lintroduction de la nouvelle industrie, que est tout--fait indigene, car les generations se
succdant dans le mme endroit pendant un temps trs long,
ont su fabriquer le couteau en silex et la hache polie en mme
temps que la cramique correspondante.11 Vilanova presented
a copper axe to the participants of the Congress, which had
been found together with a stone axe in the dolmen at Olleria (Valencia). He also showed other copper axes from Alicante and Extremadura and called the listeners attention to
the similarities between both forms, the stone and the metal
axes. He argued that the metal axes had been developed
from stone axes by the same people. Furthermore, he reported on an analysis that he had ordered to be made on the raw
material of one of these axes. The results showed that the axe
was made of pure copper, not bronze. With that, Vilanova
concluded, the existence of a Copper Age had been demonstrated through chemistry.12 This short article was, in my
point of view, very important for the further development of
7 Simes 1878, 113.

8 Gonalves 1980, 11.
9 Virchow 1880, 353f. (translation of the original German text by
M.K.).
10 Vilanova 1884, 352.
11 Vilanova 1884, 353.
12 Vilanova 1884, 354f.
182
Michael Kunst
the prehistoric archaeology in Spain and Portugal, because it

was the origin of two important aspects: 1)the introduction
of the term Copper Age, in French poque du cuivre13,
and 2)the introduction of a certain autochthonism, denying influences from outside and explaining all development
as introduced by indigenous inventions.
In Portugal the contemporary archaeologist Sebastio
Philippe Martins Estcio da Veiga, possibly influenced by the
discussions at the Lisbon conference in 1880, also subdivided
the first metal age into the Copper Age and the Bronze Age.14
Thus, we may consider 1880 as the year of the introduction
of the term Copper Age into the prehistoric archaeology of
Iberia.
Furthermore, we must not forget the brothers Louis and
Henri Siret, especially Louis, who was the first investigator of
the large Copper Age settlement of Los Millares (Santa F de
Mondujar, Almera). The Siret brothers most important publication was Les Premiers Ages du Mtal dans le Sud-Est de
lEspagne.15 They did not use the term Copper Age, but instead described a succession of three different so-called civilizations from the Stone Age to the Metal Age: The oldest
civilization belonged to the Stone Age and was distinguished
by two stages: an older one corresponding to the Portuguese shell middens nowadays classified as Mesolithic, a
term that did not yet exist around 189016 and a younger
stage corresponding to the Neolithic. They called the second civilization a civilization of transition, a period which was
characterized by three aspects:
1)use of a large number of Neolithic stone tools, especially
silex knives and arrows;
2)perfection of most branches of industries, especially an
advancement in pottery production; advancement in architecture, with the construction of houses and no longer
huts;
3)emergence of many new kinds of objects, e.g. bronze
ornaments originating from far away, the first copper artefacts produced within the country, carnelian beads, and
new cultural traits such as cremation burials.17
We can see that this division into three periods, today called
Neolithic, Copper Age and Bronze Age, was far from perfect, and especially the delimitation between the 2nd and the
3rd age seems somewhat arbitrary.
The site of Campos was considered to be one of the typical places of the second civilization, the period in time that
today is called Copper Age or Chalcolithic.18 The third civilization, the Bronze Age Argar Culture, in the Siret brothers
point of view, was far more developed than the other two;
therefore, they considered the Argar people as newcomers
from the eastern Mediterranean. Comparisons were drawn
13 Vilanova 1884, 355.

14 Estcio da Veiga 1889, 2.
15 Siret Siret 1887. Interesting details of their life and investigation
can be found in Schubart Ulreich 1991, 113.
16 The term Mesolithic seems to have been used for the first time by
Allen Brown in 1893, who investigated some valleys around East
Dean near Eastbourne (Sussex); see Brown 1893, 74.
17 Siret Siret 1887, 255f.
18 Siret Siret 1887, 5561.
19 Siret Siret 1887, 256f.
with Troy, the excavations there published by H.Schliemann,

where the Phoenicians were considered to be the newcomers.19 It seems that the Siret brothers thought that even the
innovations of the period of transition had been brought by
the Phoenicians, and, in this context, the comparison of idols
from Campos with those from Hissarlik (Troy) is very important.20 They also compared the so-called Argar culture with
finds from Portugal,21 but they never mentioned the publications of Sebastio Philippes Martins Estcio da Veiga, much
to the latters disappointment.22 On the one hand, Estcio da
Veiga admired the Siret brothers book very much,23 while,
on the other, he was a harsh critic of their systematization
of these three post-Palaeolithic periods,24 especially their assumption that Argar innovations came from outside of the
Iberian Peninsula, brought by the Phoenicians.
The discussion between defenders of a diffusionist and
an autochthonist model began as early as the Middle Ages.25
By the end of the 19th century, it had become the major question asked about that period and has endured until the present day.26 In general, the preferred terms for this time period,
Chalcolithic or Copper Age, came into use in the early part
of the 20th century. However, Eneolithic, a designation that
became popular during the mid-1900s, is still present, although it is seldom used today. All of these terms are used
more or less for the same period, the third millennium BC and
the beginning of the second millennium BC. It overlaps in
time with the Early Bronze Age, a term used for the period
of the El Argar Culture. In the mid-20th century, there was also
a proposal to call the Copper Age the Early Bronze Age,
to be more specific: Bronze Age I (in Spanish: Bronce I).27
This term is practically out of use today.
A distinction between these terms was never considered
for the Iberian Peninsula, at least not in the sense as proposed by Christian Strahm.28 Strahm suggested using a schematic cultural sequence in order to create dividing lines between the different cultures, distinguishing them by groups,
focusing on common characteristics:
1)chronological criteria, for example 25001800 BC;
2)technological development;
3)socio-economic criteria;
4)development of architectural style;
5)appearance of a new basic material.29
Thus, it becomes clear, especially when we compare the first
of these categories an absolute time scale with the other
four categories that very often these are contemporaneous!
Ignoring this fact, on the Iberian Peninsula, the El Argar
culture is considered to date to the Bronze Age, whereas the
Bell Beaker phenomenon is considered to belong to the Copper Age; they overlap, however, around 2200 and 1700 BC.
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
Siret Siret 1887, 57.

Siret Siret 1887, 251.
Estcio da Veiga 1889, 341.
Estcio da Veiga 1889, for example 258f.; 276.
Estcio da Veiga 1889, 116.
Caballero Lpez 1998.
It is also reflected in the article by Rovira Montero Ruiz in this volume.
Pericot 1950.
Strahm 1982.
Strahm 1981, 197; 1982, 16.
The Innovation of Copper Metallurgy on the Iberian Peninsula
As Salvador Rovira and Ignacio Montero Ruiz pointed out, tin

bronze technology did not occur in the El Argar culture before the 19th century calBC. It is, therefore, not entirely clear
why the early El Argar culture is not denominated Chalcolithic or Copper Age,30 and vice versa the Bell Beaker phenomenon not as Bronze Age. There is a very interesting Bell
Beaker site in Catalunya, Bauma del Serrat del Pont (Tortell,
Girona), where evidence has been detected for the manufacture of tin bronze in the middle of the 3rd millennium BC.31
The classification of El Argar as Bronze Age and Bell Beaker as
Copper Age is, in my point of view, due to the above mentioned publication of the Siret brothers and has simply never
been changed, despite a great deal of new evidence.
Social changes and ideas on the origin of a prehistoric

state
Archaeological investigations of the last century have discovered many Copper Age sites; outstanding are fortifications
such as Los Millares,32 Vila Nova de So Pedro33 and Zambujal.34 Under the influence of the above mentioned diffusionist model, the main questions posed in these investigations
were: where did the builders of these fortifications come
from, and how did the knowledge of metallurgy spread from
its origins throughout the Mediterranean? The excavators of
Zambujal, E.Sangmeister and H.Schubart, came to the conclusion that these fortified settlement had been built by eastern Mediterranean colonists.35
An important change occurred when Colin Renfrew published new radiocarbon dates from the eastern Mediterranean
and declared that features like the architecture of corbelled
graves were older in the West than in the East.36 This was the
beginning of a new era of investigation, preferring autochthonous models as the explication of a local development of the
Neolithic societies into the Copper Age societies.37
After the Portuguese Revolution of 1974 and the death
of the Spanish dictator Franco in 1975, Marxist views began
to dominate the field of archaeological interpretation. It was

Antonio Gilman, who introduced this new era of interpretation through his studies on social differentiations during the
Iberian Copper Age.38 Terms like social inequality, elites
and so-called hierarchization came into vogue.39 The correspondent studies culminated, in accordance with historical
materialism, in the question: when did a hierarchical society begin that could be called a class society authors call
it the initial class society40 and when did this develop into
a supra-regional political organization, which we may call a
state? As mastermind of these attempts, we may refer to
the Chilean archaeologist Luis Felipe Bate.41 The first two
monographs addressing these questions were published by
Francisco Nocete on the 3rd and 2nd millennia BC in the region of the Upper Guadalquivir valley,42 followed by Vicente
Lull and Roberto Risch,43 and also by Oswaldo Arteaga44 on
the so-called El Argar Culture. They created, respectively,
some potent and interesting schools at their universities in
Huelva, Cdiz, Seville and Barcelona.
All of these terms, like initial class society and elite, for example, are relatively abstract. One aim of science, in general,
is to reach a certain level of abstraction, in order to be able to
make general conclusions about trends and tendencies in particular developments. But abstraction also brings with it some
problems. In the social sciences we might lose track of what
living in the past actually meant; we must take into account
the real people whom we are studying. For example, a good
description of elites is the working definition of D.Haller:
elites can be characterized as those who occupy the most
influential positions or roles in the important spheres of social life: the leaders, rulers and decision makers in any sector
of society, or custodians of the machinery of policy making, or
people whose ideas and interests are hegemonic.45 This definition, I guess, is very useful, but how should we imagine, in
our concrete case, the elites of the Iberian Copper Age? In the
following I will discuss the archaeological evidence in respect
to copper manufacture and social development.
Empirical data
Mining
In a seminal paper Christian Strahm46 proposed an evolutionary model for the development of copper metallurgy,
which he together with Andreas Hauptmann later modified.47
For the vast area between the Near East and the Iberian Peninsula the two authors formulated five successive phases of
technological and attendant social development: 1) a
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
See Rovira Montero Ruiz in this volume.

Alcalde etal. 1998; Rovira Montero Ruiz in this volume.
Almagro Arribas 1963; Arribas Molina 1982; Molina etal. 1986.
Numerous articles of A.doPao; see Pao Sangmeister 1956 and
Savory 1972.
Sangmeister Schubart 1981.
Blance 1971, 51102.
Renfrew 1967; 1973.
Soares Silva 1975, 151153.
Gilman 1987.
Preliminary Phase, 2) an Initial Phase, 3) an Innovation Phase,

4) a Consolidation Phase, and 5) an Industrial Phase.
Salvador Rovira and Ignacio Montero, in their article in
this volume, show that this model, nonetheless, cannot be
easily applied to the Iberian Peninsula, and they propose
some modifications. Another article in this volume concerning Iberia is by Roland Gau, who comes to the conclusion
that metal production and use were most likely introduced
39 For example: Gilman 1987; Arteaga Roos 1995, 207; Lpez Aldana Pajuelo Pando 2001; Morn 2001; Martnez Fernndez Afonso
Marrero 2003; Daz-del-Ro Garca Sanjun 2006.
40 In Spanish: Sociedad clasista inicial; see Nocete 2001, 94, 112.
41 Bate 1984.
42 Nocete 1989; 1994.
43 Lull Risch 1995.
44 Arteaga 2000; 2001.
45 Haller 2012, 87.
46 Strahm 1994; Strahm Kunst 2000, 437 Fig.1.
47 Strahm Hauptmann 2009.
183
184
Michael Kunst
through the transfer of knowledge from the eastern Mediterranean, and that from this broader, that is, European and
Mediterranean, perspective metallurgy emerged in the context of following Strahm and Hauptmann an Experimental Phase on the Iberian Peninsula. The two interpretations
differ in their considerations regarding the site of Cerro Virtud. For Rovira and Montero, Cerro Virtud is proof that copper smelting had started on the Iberian Peninsula by the
mid-4th millennium BC, and that it was an autochthonous invention. Gau argues here that the historical significance of
the Cerro Virtud fragment, as well as that of isolated finds of
the 4th millennium BC, must remain speculative for the moment. According to him, there is currently no evidence for a
widespread adoption of metallurgical practices before the 3rd
millennium BC in Iberia, despite the fact that local Neolithic
groups had the potential to sustain part-time specialists, the
capability to conduct systematic mining, and the ability to
master high temperature processes. I also agree more with
Gau, because Cerro Virtud still remains very isolated. In my
point of view the relation of the radiocarbon samples to the
smelting pot fragment and the slag is not imperative, because the question still remains as to whether or not the layers were free from contaminations. In the publication neither
the samples of the radiocarbon dates nor the slag and the
smelting pot fragment have three dimensional coordinates,
and the drawings of the stratigraphy are very schematic.48 On
the other hand, we cannot prove the contrary to that publication. Further, since as Gau points out the Neolithic
people of the Iberian Peninsula had the potential to master
high temperature processes and to conduct systematic mining, we cannot exclude that they discovered how to manufacture copper, especially in a region abounding with minerals as in southeastern Spain. Be that as it may, perhaps some
hundreds of years and Mediterranean contacts were necessary before this invention was accepted as a method to produce copper implements as part of the culture.
In the following section I wish to go into more detail concerning the non-metallurgical development of Neolithic cultures of the Iberian Peninsula and their possible, in a broader
sense, social development.
One major problem of the model of Strahm concerns
the topic of Mines.49 During the Preliminary Phase and the
Initial Phase (Neolithic), the model accounts for only surface
collection of the raw copper material. According to Strahms
model mining should have emerged during the Innovation Phase (Early Chalcolithic), but only as open cast mining
(trenches or pits), whereas the Consolidation Phase (Chalcolithic/Early Bronze Age) should have started with small-scale
mining, carried on in ever increasing depths, and the beginning of driving shafts for the exploitation of smaller deposits.
In contrast to this model, we find on the Iberian Peninsula, for example in Casa Montero, even in Early Neolithic
flint mines the use of pits with depths between 0.64m and
7.35m,50 some even reaching 10m in depth.51 In some cases, small connecting galleries have actually been revealed.52
Susana Consuegra and her colleagues consider 3,824 of
these shafts to belong to the Neolithic period. Two charcoal
samples of Quercus ilex resulted in radiocarbon dates (AMS)
between 5480 and 5070 calBC.53 These dates coincide very
well with some typical early Neolithic pottery found in Casa
Montero showing impressed decoration.54
Another rather impressive example of Neolithic mining is
the mining area of Gav, a small town south of the Barcelona
airport. Large and even deeper gallery systems (Fig.1) were
found there,55 reaching maximum depths of c.15m56 for extracting green stones (variscite). These systems are assigned to
the Cultura de los sepulcros de fosa.57 Variscites used for ornamental purpose were distributed in a region between the Ebro
river valley, from its mouth as far as the Asturias region and
southern France.58 The time span of this variscite mining ranges
from the second half of the 5th to the early 3rd millennium BC59
(other authors narrow this range to c.42003400 BC60).
Therefore, we must reject the idea that mining by driving
shafts came only first with developed metal production of
the Consolidation Phase of copper manufacturing. Further,
we must reject the ideas of Vere Gordon Childe, that metallurgy and mining activities were the catalysts for the socalled Urban Revolution.61 Social changes were not necessarily a consequence of metallurgy.
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
2001; Montero 1994; 1999; Montero Ruiz 1999; Gmez Ramos

1999; Rodrguez de la Esperanza 2005; Simn 1998. Only after having
finished the map and statistics, I became aware of some important
information on metallurgy in the upper Guadalquivir region and
Jan (Cerro del Tambor, Cerro del Pino and Marroques Bajos): Contreras Dueas 2010, 4950, 78. However, these three sites will not
change the essentials of the results of this article. I also excluded the
site of Porto das Carretas, where three small pieces of copper ores
and three copper artefacts were found, which, however, do not
really prove smelting or melting activities; see Soares Silva 2010,
237238 and 249 Fig.20.
63 Strahm 1995. Early El Argar sites and other sites classified as Early
Bronze Age albeit contemporaneous are excluded; Cerro Virtud
is included as it is considered as belonging to the Late Neolithic
with radiocarbon dates of the late 4th millennium BC; see Montero
Ruiz 1996, 6365.
Montero Ruiz 1996, 59 Fig.3 and 60 Fig.4; Montero Ruiz 1999.

Strahm Hauptmann 2009, 117 Fig.1.
Consuegra etal. 2004, 132.
Capote etal. 2008, 124 and 129.
Capote etal. 2008, 129 Fig.7.
Capote etal. 2008, 124f.
Capote etal. 2008, 133.
Villalba etal. 1986, 1349.
Villalba etal. 1998, 51; Bosch Santacana 2009, 110.
Villalba etal. 1986, 5967; Muoz 1965.
Villalba etal. 1998, 5860; Arias Prez 1990.
Villalba etal. 1998, 46.
Bosch Santacana 2009, 112.
Childe 1958, 78; see also Hachmann 1991; Kunst 2010, 117; Rovira
Montero Ruiz in this volume.
62 Most sites are mentioned in the studies by Delibes Montero 1999;
Delibes etal. 1986; 1995; 1999; Hunt 2003; Hunt Hurtado 1999;
Copper manufacture
Presented in Table1 is to my best knowledge all of the
currently available information about archaeological sites
on the Iberian Peninsula, in which evidence has been found
for early copper manufacturing: smelting or melting activities. There are all together 109 sites in Spain and Portugal,62
dating from the 3rd to the beginning of the 2nd millennium
and considered as Chalcolithic, from Early Chalcolithic to the
Bell Beaker phenomenon.63 When we exclude the uncertain
entries indicated by question marks in Table1, then a total of
106 sites still remains for the analysis.
Fig.1View into the gallery system of the Middle Neolithic variscite mine at Can Tintorer, part of the mines of Gav, south of Barcelona (Photo: German
Archaeological Institute, Madrid: D-DAI-MAD-WIT-R-1199415; photographer P. Witte).
185
Vinha da
Soutilha
Buraco da
Pala
A Malhada
Minas del
Aramo
Mina El
Milagro
Cueva de
Arangas
Cueva Rubia
Moncn
Bauma del
Serrat del
Pont
Cova de
Frare
Balma del
Duc
Cova del
Buld de
Rojals
Cova del
Cartany
Coveta de
lHeura
Cova
Josefina de
Escornalbou
Abrigo de
Rillo de
Gallo
Los
Ceniceros
El Pico del
Castro
Los Cercados Mucientes (M)/Valladolid (P)/

Castilla y Len
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
Quintanilla de Arriba (M)/Valladolid (P)/Castilla y Len
Moradillo de Roa (M)/Burgos

(P)/Castilla y Len
Molina de Aragn (M)/Guadalajara (P)/Castilla La Mancha
Riudecanyes (M)/Baix camp

(Com)/Tarragona/Catalunya
Ulldemolins (M)/Priorat (Com)/

Tarragona (P)/Catalunya
Vilaverd (M)/Conca de Barbar

(Com)/Tarragona (P)/Catalunya
Montral (M)/Conca de Barber

(Com)/Tarragona (P)/Catalunya
Montblanc (M)/Conca de
Barbar (Com)/Tarragona (P)/
Catalunya
Matadepera (M)/Valls
Occidental (Com)/Barcelona
(P)/Catalunya
Tortell (M)/La Garrotxa (Com)/

Girona (P)/Catalunya
Borja (M)/Zaragoza (P)/Aragn
Villaescusa de las Torres (M)/

Palencia (P)/Castilla y Len
Consejo de Cabrales/Principado
de Asturias
Consejo de Ons/Principado
de Asturias
Consejo de Riosa/Principado
de Asturias
Sobral Pichorro (F)/Fornos de

Algodres (M)/Guarda (D)
Passos (F)/Mirandela (M)/

Bragana (D)
Mairos (F)/Chaves (M)/Vila

Real (D)
Cangas de Morrazo (M)/

Pontevedra (P)/Galcia
O Fixn
Administrative localization
Name of
site
No.
Country
Fortification
Natural
protection
Located on
promontory
Ditches
Settlement
Hill-top
site
Cave/rock
shelter
Mine
Ore
Slag
Droplets
and prills
Lumps, rests
of metallurgy
Tab.1Sites on the Iberian Peninsula with items of local metallurgical activities (see Fig.1). X positive evidence; ? possible evidence.
Crucible
Model
Furnace
Smelting
pot
Blast pipe
Awl
Fragment
Tool
Delibes et al. 1999, 81; 1995, 49;

53; Rojo Val 1990, 322; Val
Herrn 1995
Delibes et al. 1999, 81; GarridoPena 2000, 168; Rodrguez

Marcos 2005
Delibes et al. 1999, 81
Balbn et al. 1989, 51; Garrido

Pena 2000, 168
Martn Clliga et al. 1999, 160;

Serra-Vilar 1925

Vilaseca 1952

Vilaseca 1926

Vilaseca Iglsies 1929

Sol 1982
Martn Clliga et al. 1981;

1999, 161
Martn Clliga et al. 1999,

160161
Harrison et al. 1994, 275286;

Rodrguez de la Esperanza
2005, 72
Delibes et al. 1999, 81; Morales et

al. 1992, 134
Arias Prez 1990, 136; Blas

1999, 49
Blas 1998; 1999, 49
Blas 1998; 1999, 49
Valera 2007, 129130; 161;

165166
Comendador 1999, 17; Snches

1997a, 19; 28; 234235; Snches
1997b, 107108; 211
Comendador 1999, 17; Jorge

1986, 156; 274275
Comendador 1999, 17;

Garca-Lastra 1984, 130; Surez
Otero 1995
References
186
Michael Kunst
Name of
site
Las Caamonas
Los Bajos II
Las Peas
La Alameda
Las Pozas
El Tomillar
La Solana
Los Itueros
La Ladera de
Padiernos
Los Lzaros
Las
Cabezadas
La Cantera
de las
Hlagas
Cerro de la
Cabeza
Cerro
Hervero
Aldeagordillo
Villaviciosa
de Odn 4
El Ventorro
Arenero El
Soto II
Camino de
las Yeseras
No.
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
San Fernndo de Henares (M)/

Comunidad de Madrid
Getafe (M)/Comunidad de
Madrid
Getafe (M)/Comunidad de
Madrid
Villaviciosa de Odn (M)/

Comunidad de Madrid
vila (M)/vila (P)/Castilla

y Len

y Len

y Len
La Colilla (M)/vila (P)/Castilla

y Len
Aldea del Rey Nio (M)/vila

(P)/Castilla y Len
Sotalvo (M)/vila (P)/Castilla

y Len
Padiernos (M)/vila (P)/

Castilla y Len
Santa Mara del Arroyo (M)/

vila (P)/Castilla y Len
Navalmoral de Bjar (M)/

Salamanca (P)/Castilla y Len
Bercial de Zapardiel (M)/vila

(P)/Castilla y Len
Casaseca de las Chanas (M)/

Zamora (P)/Castilla y Len
Peleagonzalo (M)/Zamora (P)/

Castilla y Len
Villardondiego (M)/Zamora (P)/

Castilla y Len
Vecilla de Trasmonte, Villanzar

(M)/Zamora (P)/Castilla y Len
San Cristobal de Entrevias (M)/

Zamora (P)/Castilla y Len
Country
Fortification
Natural
protection
Located on
promontory
Ditches
Settlement
Hill-top
site
Cave/rock
shelter
Mine
Ore
Slag
Droplets
and prills
Lumps, rests
of metallurgy
Crucible
Model
Furnace
Smelting
pot
Blast pipe
Awl
Fragment
Tool
Rovira et al. 2011, 292297
Blasco et al. 1989, 83; 9899;

Garrido-Pena 2000, 168; Rovira
Montero 1994a, 143
Garrido-Pena 2000, 168; Priego

Quero 1992; Rovira Montero
1994a, 146147
GarridoPena 2000, 168; Rovira

Montero 1994a, 148
Delibes et al. 1999, 81;

Fabin 2006, 5870; 420421;
Fernndez Manzano et al. 1997,
530531
Delibes et al. 1999, 81;

Fabin 2006, 7880; Fernndez
Manzano et al. 1997, 530
Fabin 2006, 9299; 420421
Fabin 2006, 101110;

420421; Fernndez Manzano et
al. 1997, 530
Fabin 2006, 254255; 420421
Fabin 2006, 257263; 420421
Fabin 2006, 173178; 420421
Delibes et al. 1999, 81; Fabin

2006, 203228

1995, 112115; Gmez Ramos
1999, 57

1995, 2124
Delibes et al. 1995, 49; 1999, 81;

Fernndez Manzano et al. 1997,
533; Gmez Ramos 1999, 5657;
Martn Valls Delibes 1981,
180184; Martn Valls Delibes
1982, 70; Val Herrn 1995,
298; 302
Delibes et al. 1999, 81; Gmez

Ramos 1999, 5657; Martn Valls
Delibes 1981, 180184
Delibes et al. 1999, 81; Martn

Valls Delibes 1982, 6870
Delibes et al. 1999, 81; Prez

Rodrguez et al. 1993, 6170
Delibes et al. 1995, 49; 53; Fabin

1995, 110111; Larrn Val
1990, 339340
References
187
Name of
site
El Guijo
El Castelln
Ereta del
Pedregal
Les Moreres
Las
Espeetas
Parazuelos
Cerro de Las
Canteras
Puente
de Santa
Brbara
Campos
Cerro Virtud
Almizaraque
El Grcel
Las Pilas
Terrera
Ventura
Los Millares
Fortn 1 de
Los Millares
Ciavieja
No.
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
El Ejido (M)/Almera (P)/

Andaluca
Santa Fe de Mondjar (M)/

Almera (P)/Andaluca
Santa Fe de Mondjar (M)/

Almera (P)/Andaluca
Tabernas (M)/Almera (P)/

Andaluca
Mojcar (M)/Almera (P)/

Andaluca
Antas (M)/Almera (P)/

Andaluca
Cuevas del Almanzora (M)/

Almera (P)/Andaluca

Almera (P)/Andaluca

Almera (P)/Andaluca
Hurcal-Overa (M)/Almera (P)/

Andaluca
Vlez Blanco (M)/Almera (P)/

Andaluca
Lorca (M)/Comunidad de Murcia
Orihuela (M)/Alicante (P)/

Comunidad Valenciana
Crevillent (M)/Alicante (P)/

Navarrs (M)/Valencia (P)/

Villanuevade los Infantes (M)/

Ciudad Real (P)/Castilla La
Mancha
Mazarambroz (M)/Toledo (P)/

Castilla La Mancha
Country
Fortification
Natural
protection
Located on
promontory
Ditches
Settlement
Hill-top
site
Cave/rock
shelter
Mine
Ore
Slag
Droplets
and prills
Lumps, rests
of metallurgy
Crucible
Model
Furnace
Smelting
pot
Blast pipe
Awl
Fragment
Tool
Carrilero Surez 1995, 200;

205207; Gmez Ramos 1999,
48; Montero 1994, 141 Tab. 15
Arribas Molina 1982,

2326 Abb. 4; Molina et al. 1986,
190191; 198; Montero 1994,
145146 Tab. 15
Almagro Arribas 1963; Arribas

et al. 1979; 1989, 72; Arribas
Molina 1982, 1523; 29; Gmez
Ramos 1999, 48; Montero 1994,
230235 Tab. 15; 1999, 338
Gmez Ramos 1999, 49; Gusi

Olaria 1991, 29; 247250;
266268; Montero 1994, 140
Tab. 15; Rovira 1991
Gmez Ramos 1999, 49; Montero

1994, 119 Tab. 15; 1999, 338
Acosta 1976, 190; Gmez Ramos

1999, 4849; Montero 1994,
112113 Tab. 15; 1999, 338
Delibes et al. 1986, 18; 2425;

Gmez Ramos 1999, 4748;
Montero 1994, 230235 Tab. 15;
1999, 338
Montero 1999, 338339;

Montero Ruiz 1996, 7073;
1999, 9; Ruiz Montero 1999
Gmez Ramos 1999, 48; Martn

Socas Camalich 1986; Montero
1994, 115116 Tab. 15; 1999,
338; Siret Siret 1890, 6980;
Lm. 911
Gmez Ramos 1999, 49; Martn

Socas et al. 1993, 502503

1994, 136137 Tab. 15; Montero
1999, 338; Motos 1918, 810;
5561

1994, 192193 Tab. 15; Siret
Siret 1890, 5965; Lm. 6
Simn 1998, 17; 333
Simn 1998, 4751; 328329
Fletcher et al. 1964; Simn 1998,

142143; 334
Espadas et al. 1987, 41; 52; 61;

Garrido-Pena 2000, 168
Garrido-Pena 2000, 168; Rojas

Rodrguez 1990, 166; 175
References
188
Michael Kunst
El Malagn
Las
Angosturas
Los
Montefro (M)/Granada (P)/
Castillejos de Andaluca
Montefro
Cerro de los
Peones
Llano de la
Vrgen
Amarguillo II Los Molares (M)/Seville (P)/

Andaluca
Universidad
Laboral de
Seville
Valencina de Valencina de la Concepcin (M)/

la ConcepSeville (P)/Andaluca
cin
El Acebuchal Carmona (M)/Seville (P)/

Andaluca
Los Almiares
Guta
Cerro Venate Arjonilla (M)/Jan (P)/

Andaluca
El Llanete de
los Moros
La Vaquera
El Pen de
Pearroya
Cerro de los
Castillejos
Los Palacios
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
Valverde de Llerena (M)/

Badajoz (P)/Extremadura
Fuente Obejuna (M)/Crdoba

(P)/Andaluca
Fuente Obejuna (M), PearroyaPueblonuevo (M), La Granjuela

(M)/Crdoba (P)/Andaluca
Espiel (M)/Crdoba (P)/

Andaluca
Montoro (M)/Crdoba (P)/

Andaluca
Castro del Ro (M)/Crdoba (P)/

Andaluca
Castro del Ro (M)/Crdoba (P)/

Andaluca
Alcal de Guadaira (M)/Seville

(P)/Andaluca
Con (M)/Mlaga (P)/Andaluca
Colmenar (M)/Mlaga (P)/

Andaluca
Gor (M)/Granada (P)/Andaluca
Cllar Baza (M)/Granada (P)/

Andaluca
Orce (M)/Granada (P)/Andaluca
Cerro de la
Vrgen
57
Name of
site
No.
Country
Fortification
Natural
protection
Located on
promontory
Ditches
Settlement
Hill-top
site
Cave/rock
shelter
Mine
Ore
Slag
Droplets
and prills
Lumps, rests
of metallurgy
Crucible
Model
Furnace
Smelting
pot
Blast pipe
Awl
Fragment
Tool
Enrquez 1990, 8283; Hurtado

Hunt 1999, 265; 273
Gaviln Vera 1990, 142;

Gmez Ramos 1999, 51; Murillo
1986, 8492
Gaviln Vera 1990, 144; Gmez

Ramos 1994, 51
Gmez Ramos 1999, 51; Murillo

1986, 8082
Gmez Ramos 1999, 70; Hunt

2003, 306; Martn de la Cruz
1987, 4142; Rovira Montero
2000
Carrasco et al. 1980, 24; 26;

3032; Gmez Ramos 1999, 51
(here Cerro de Ventaje)
Carrilero Martnez 1985, 191;

198; 214218; Gmez Ramos
1999, 51
Gmez Ramos 1999, 51; Ruiz Lara

1987, 337; 340
Garrido-Pena 2000, 168; Harrison

et al. 1976, 83; Hunt Hurtado
1999, 294
Bayona et al. 2010; Hunt

Hurtado 1999, 294
Fernndez Alonso 1985,

1011; 16; 18
Cabrero 1990, 276; Gmez Ramos

1999, 50; Hunt 2003, 301; 303;
306; Hunt Hurtado 1999,
317321
Gmez Ramos 1999, 50; Marques

1984, 147148; 156158; Rodrguez Vinceiro et al. 1992, 227

Rodrguez Vinceiro et al. 1992,
222223
Arribas Molina 1979, 911;

4046; 1980, 1822; Gmez
169170 Tab. 15
Escoriza 1990, 95; 98; Gmez

156157 Tab. 15
Arribas et al. 1989, 74; Gmez

163164 Tab. 15; 1999, 338

Montero 1994, 164165 Tab. 15;
Schle 1980, 27; 30; 3637
References
189
La Sierrecilla
Cerro de la
Horca
La Pijotilla
San Blas
Cueva de la
Mora
Cabezo Jur
La Junta de
los Ros
Cerro do
Castelo de
Santa Justa
Cerro do
Castelo de
Corte Joo
Marques
Cerro dos
Castelos de
So Brs
Trs
Moinhos
Porto Torro
Sala N 1
Porto
Mouro
Castelo
Velho de
Safara
Monte
Novo dos
Albardeiros
Povoado dos Reguengos de Monsaraz (M)/

Perdiges
vora (D)
Mocissos
So Pedro
(Redondo)
76
77
78
79
80
81
82
83
84
85
86
87
88
89
90
91
92
93
94
Redondo (F)/Redondo (M)/

vora (D)
Nossa Senhora da Conceio (F)/

Alandroal (M)/vora (D)
Campinho (F)/Reguengos de
Monsaraz (M)/vora (D)
Safara (F)/Moura (M)/Beja (D)
Moura (F)/Moura (M)/Beja (D)
Pedrgo (F)/Vidigueira (M)/

Beja (D)
Ferreira do Alentejo (M)/

Beja (D)
Baleizo (F)/Beja (M)/Beja (D)
Santa Maria (F)/Serpa (M)/

Beja (D)
Ameixial (F)/Loul (M)/Faro (D)
Martim Longo (F)/Alcoutim

(M)/Faro (D)
Puebla de Guzmn (M)/Huelva

(P)/Andaluca
Alosno (M)/Huelva (P)/

Andaluca
Jabugo (M)/Huelva (P)/

Andaluca
Cheles (M)/Badajoz (P)/

Extremadura
Badajoz (M)/Badajoz (P)/

Extremadura
Plasenzuela (M)/Cceres (P)/

Extremadura
Santa Amalia (M)/Badajoz (P)/

Extremadura
Llerena (M)/Badajoz (P)/

Extremadura
El Pedrosillo
75
Name of
site
No.
Country
Fortification
Natural
protection
Located on
promontory
Ditches
Settlement
Hill-top
site
Cave/rock
shelter
Mine
Ore
Slag
Droplets
and prills
Lumps, rests
of metallurgy
Crucible
Model
Furnace
Smelting
pot
Blast pipe
Awl
Fragment
Tool
Mataloto 2010, 271277;

287289
DAI Jahresbericht 2006, 141
Lago et al. 1998, 48; Valera 1998
Gonalves 1989b, 4952; 5860;

Gonalves Alfarroba 2010;
Gonalves et al. 2005
Hunt Hurtado 1999, 291;

Soares et al. 1985; 1994, 167

Soares et al. 1994, 167168
Gonalves 1987; Hunt Hurtado

1999, 291292; Soares et al.
1994, 168169
Arnaud 1993, 44; Valera Filipe

2004, 3031

Soares 1992, 293294; 297

Parreira 1983; Soares et al. 1994,
171172
Gonalves 1989a, 27; 105108;

156159; 173174; Hunt
Hurtado 1999, 293
Gonalves 1989a, 29; 177;

197209; 285288; 309313;
Hunt Hurtado 1999, 293294
Bayona 2008; Nocete et al. 2008;

Nocete et al. 2010, 460466;
Nocete Lizcano Incio 2008,
178; 181
Bayona et al. 2004; Nocete et al.

2010, 457; Nocete Lizcano
Orihuela 2004; Nocete Sez
Nieto 2004
Daz 1923; Blance 1971, 80;

Gmez Ramos 1999, 51
Hurtado 2002
Hunt Hurtado 2001; Hurtado

2010, 113; Hurtado Hunt 1999,
265266
Gonzlez Cordero et al. 1991, 12;

16; Hurtado Hunt 1999, 265
Berrocal et al. 2006
Enrquez 1990, 77; 8081;

Enrquez Iesta 1985
References
190
Michael Kunst
Name of
site
Cabeo do
P da Erra
Vila Nova de
So Pedro
Castro de
Pragana
Outeiro
de So
Mamede
Pedra de
Ouro
Zambujal
Penedo
Penedo de
Lexim
Moita da
Ladra
Penha Verde
Leceia
Moinho
da Fonte
do Sol
Castro da
Rotura
Pedro
Castro de
Chibanes
No.
95
96
97
98
99
100
101
102
103
104
105
106
107
108
109
Palmela (F)/Palmela (M)/

Setbal (D)
Nossa Senhora da Anunciada

(F)/Setbal (M)/Setbal (D)
Nossa Senhora da Anunciada

(F)/Setbal (M)/Setbal (D)
Quinta do Anjo (F)/Palmela

(M)/Setbal (D)
Barcarena (F)/Oeiras (M)/

Lisbon (D)
So Martinho (F)/Sintra (M)/

Lisbon (D)
Vialonga (F)/Vila Franca de Xira

(M)/Lisbon (D)
Igreja Nova (F)/Mafra (M)/

Lisbon (D)
Runa (F)/Torres Vedras (M)/

Lisbon (D)
Santa Mara do Castelo e So

Miguel (F)/Torres Vedras(M)/
Lisbon (D)
Santo Estvo de Alenquer (F)/

Alenquer (M)/Lisbon (D)
Rolia (F)/Bombarral (M)/

Lisbon (D)
Lamas (F)/Cadaval (M)/

Lisbon (D)
Vila Nova de So Pedro (F)/

Azambuja (M)/Lisbon (D)
Erra (F)/Couruche (M)/

Lisbon (D)
Country
Fortification
Natural
protection
Located on
promontory
X
Ditches
Settlement
Hill-top
site
Cave/rock
shelter
Mine
Ore
Slag
Droplets
and prills
Lumps, rests
of metallurgy
Crucible
Model
Furnace
Smelting
pot
Blast pipe
Awl
Fragment
Tool
Carreira 1998, 132136; Est; VII

VIII; Costa 1908, 279 Est. IIII; Fig.
425434; Costa 1910, 5556 Fig.
436440; Silva Soares 2012,
67; 7577
Soares Silva 1975, 54; 140143
Carreira 1998, 130; 133134

Fig. 3; Costa 1908, 276 Est. IIII;
Fig. 401413; Gomes Ramos
1999, 53; Gonalves 1971, 37;
7273; 157158; Hunt Hurtado
1999, 294
Soares et al. 1972, 236238;

255257
Cardoso 1989, 107113; Cardoso

Guerra 1998; Cardoso 2010;
Mller Cardoso 2008

Zbyszewski Ferreira 1958,
3839; 52
Cardoso Caninas 2010, 7076;

8889
Sousa 2010a, 349; 2010b, 2640;

Sousa et al. 2004
Gmez Ramos 1999, 55; Spindler

1969, 4751; 7278; 105
Gau in print; Gmez Ramos

1999, 54; Kunst Lutz 2008,
4858; Sangmeister 1995;
Sangmeister Schubart 1981,
14; 226262; 279280
Branco 2007, 9597; Leisner

Schubart 1966, 13; 3032;
Gmez Ramos 1999, 5455
Cardoso Carreira 2003, 97;

123127; 139140; Fig. 12;
3740
Figueiredo et al. 2007, 197199;

202203

Mller Soares 2008; Pao 1955,
31; 3637; Pao Sangmeister
1956, 212; 215
Gil Guerra 1982; Gmez

Ramos 1999, 55;Gonalves 1982;
1985, 71
References
191
192
Michael Kunst
The characteristics of these sites can be divided into two

groups. The first group concerns the type of site:
1)Fortification: sites where fortification walls or walled enclosures have been observed.64
2)Natural protection: sites that show evidence of features
that may be interpreted as natural protection for the inhabitants. For example, an abrupt escarpment could have
been a great obstacle for an approaching enemy.
3)Location on a promontory: sites that are situated at the
end of a promontory, not on top of a hill. In such locations, it is often less windy than atop a hill, there is a better
view of the valley below, and there is a nearby river.
4)
Ditches: so-called ditched enclosures65 are sites that
contain evidence of one or more ditches.
5)
Settlement: open-air settlements, which may or may
not contain walls and/or ditches. This means that this category contains all sites from the above categories 14
and 6, showing features that are interpretable as settlements.
6)Hill-top site: contrary to sites located on a promontory,
these sites are situated on top of a hill. In most cases, such
settlements are also in an exposed position.
7)Cave/rock-shelter: sites located in a cave or under a
rock-shelter. These sites may also be settlements, al
though this is difficult to determine. They might have
been used frequently or equally as possible only once
for a specific purpose, in our case for copper metallurgy.
8)Mine: sites where evidence for prehistoric mining activity has been found.
The second group of characteristics concerns copper manufacturing. The presence of one or more of the following 12
items might be indicative of copper-working activities.
1)Ore: copper ore was found at the site; for example, a
piece of mineral like malachite or azurite.
2)Slag: at least one piece of slag has been found at the
site.66
3)Droplets and prills: droplets are very small fragments of
copper separated during melting activities, whereas prills
are very small, round copper spheres that are the product
of smelting activities in so-called reduction pots or smelting pots.67 In many publications, these items are not differentiated; therefore, both are subsumed here under the
same heading.
4) Lumps, residues of metallurgy: copper pieces that are remainders of metallurgical activities. These are normally lumps
of irregular shape and are larger than droplets and prills.
5)
Crucible: small ceramic vessels with characteristic
shapes used for melting activities. Usually they contain
rests of copper droplets or slag.68
64 Jorge 2003, 1722.

65 Jimnez Mrquez 2010, 146; Mrquez Jimnez 2010.
66 Gau in print, chapter 5.4; Hunt 2003, 304306; Mller etal. 2007,
1920.
67 Rovira 1989, 361.
68 Gmez Ramos 1999, 3637; Hunt 2003, 294302; Mller etal. 2007, 20.
69 Gau in print, chapter 5.3; Gmez Ramos 1999, 3738; Hunt 2003,
306307.
70 Gau in print, chapter 5.2.2.
6)Mould: a small ceramic vessel or also possibly made of

stone, most frequent in Bronze Age contexts, but also
sometimes occurring in Copper Age assemblages.69
According to Gau, there are no unambiguous finds of
Chalcolithic moulds, at least not in the southwest of the
Iberian Peninsula.70
7)Furnace: a fire place in which copper was smelted.
Common opinion is that there are no Chalcolithic furnaces on the Iberian Peninsula, but some authors have
published evidence that contests this. Thus, this is still an
ongoing question.71
8)Smelting pot: a ceramic vessel used for smelting activities. Rovira recognizes this type of smelting activity
as typical for the Copper Age of the Iberian Peninsula.72
Ordinarily, only potsherds with remnants of copper or
slag attached to the surface are found; these sherds can
show traces of secondary burning, which changes their
colours and porosity. Quite often, it is unclear in publications whether an object is really a fragment of a crucible
or of a smelting pot.73
9)Bellow pipe: a ceramic tube used at the end of an instrument to blow air into the furnace or smelting pot during the reduction process. This instrument is also known
by the French word tuyre.74
10)Awl: most objects made of copper during the Iberian
Copper Age are awls, which could have been used for
many different purposes, such as a specific form of ingot.75
11)Fragment: fragments of copper instruments found at
the respective sites.
12)Tool: a copper instrument other than an awl; for example, an axe, a saw blade, or a Palmela point. There are
many sites at which such copper tools as well as awls
have been found, but the sites were only recorded for
this analysis when they contained at least one of the
above mentioned characteristics of copper manufacturing. All other sites, settlements and graves with copper
instruments, including awls, are excluded from this investigation.
Figure2 shows, on the one hand, the wide spread of metallurgical activities throughout the Iberian Peninsula during
the Copper Age, and that these are not limited to only fortified settlements. On the other hand, there are some regions
in which no or relatively few Chalcolithic metallurgical sites
are known, as is the case of the Ebro river region, the lower
Duero/Douro region, the middle Tajo/Tejo region, northern
Portugal and Galicia, as well as the mountainous region of
the so-called Iberian Chain, between the Ebro and the Segura
rivers, where there is also a gap in the distribution of megalithic monuments.76 There are no signs of copper manufacturing in the region of Cdiz (southwestern Spain) as well.77
71 Gmez Ramos 1999, 2426; Hunt 2003, 294302.

72 Rovira 1989.
73 Gmez Ramos 1999, 2425; Hunt 2003, 294302; see also Rovira
Montero Ruiz in this volume.
74 Gau in print, chapter 5.3.4; Gmez Ramos 1999, 3536; Hunt 2003,
302304.
75 Sangmeister 1995, 8.
76 Kalb 2001, 102 map 13.
77 Rovira Montero 1994b, 297.
Fig.2Sites on the Iberian Peninsula where evidence for metallurgical activities has been detected; see Tab.1 (Map: German Archaeological Institute,
Madrid, designed by U. Stdtler, L. de Frutos and R. Almeida, symbols mapped by G. Casella based on indications from M. Kunst).
193
194
Michael Kunst
The different types of sites are not spread uniformly

throughout the Iberian Peninsula. There are only cave or
rock-shelter sites in Catalonia; fortified sites are distributed in
the south with some possible exceptions in the north;78 and
unfortified sites dominate in the centre of the Peninsula. In
three cases, the residues of metallurgical activities in mines
were observed. Another interesting observation is that metallurgical activities do not flourish solely in metalliferous regions, like in the southeast of Spain or in the mountains of
the so-called Central System near vila79 and Madrid.80 They
also abound in the regions, to which copper had been delivered from mines that are located at an average distance
of c.160 kilometers (i.e. the distance between Zambujal
and Redondo) from sites with metallurgical activities.81 This
means that metal, perhaps in the form of ingots82 (or perhaps
in the form of prills?) or small pieces of ore or scrap metal,83
was circulated around the Iberian Peninsula already in Chalcolithic times. Other objects were also circulating at that
time, such as certain types of minerals84 like silex and amphibolite;85 the use of gold86 and ivory87 were likewise innovations of the Iberian Copper Age.
Rovira has shown how primitive Chalcolithic metallurgy
worked during the Copper Age on the Iberian Peninsula.88
The question, however, is who performed the copper manuItems of
copper
metallurgical
activities
facturing in that period? And for whom? The initial answers to

this question can be found by a statistical analysis of Table1.
When we include the uncertain cases (see question marks
in Tab.1), nearly half of the 109 sites (51 sites) only offer one or
two items of copper metallurgical activities, 32 sites have three
or four items, 17 sites have five or six items, while more than
six items are found in only nine cases. Oppositely, when excluding the uncertain cases, the sample still contains 106 sites,
and we can count 48sites that offer only one or two items
connected with copper metallurgical activities, 35 with three
or four items, 15 with five or six, and eight sites with more than
six items. There are no sites in which 11 or 12 of the above
mentioned 12 indicators of copper metallurgical activities are
present. In the future, these estimations should also be carried out with a focus on the quantity of particular pieces (e.g.
number of droplets) and perhaps their weight and date; this
information has not always been published in the past.
The other columns in Table1 show the distribution of
copper metallurgical activities for certain types of sites. Each
distribution is compared with the distribution of all sites by
means of U-test analysis of Wilcoxon, Mann and Whtiney
(Tab.2).89 We see that the open-air settlement sites largely
mirror the distribution of all sites, and, therefore, the p-value
is relatively high.90 This means that the intensity of metallurgy
All sites
Settlement
Fortification
Natural
protection
Ditches
Cave/Rock
shelter
Located on a
promontory
Hill-top site
12
(only X)
(X+?)
48
51
33
37
4
9
6
8
3
3
11
11
5
5
6
7
34
(only X)
(X+?)
35
32
34
31
11
12
9
8
2
1
1
1
8
8
8
9
56
(only X)
(X+?)
15
17
15
17
5
9
7
8
2
2
0
0
2
2
7
8
>6
(only X)
(X+?)
8
9
8
9
6
7
2
2
1
2
0
0
5
5
1
1
(only X)
(X+?)
106
109
90
94
26
37
24
26
8
8
12
12
20
20
22
25
U-Test:
p(same)
(only X)
0,259
0,005
0,061
0,344
0,002
0,020
0,171
(X+?)
0,373
0,012
0,175
0,269
0,006
0,019
0,195
Tab.2Counts of evidence for copper manufacturing from each site represented in Tab.1; p value according to the software PAST.
78 This observation conforms in general with the distribution of Copper Age fortified settlements on the Iberian Peninsula; Mrquez
Jimnez 2010, 517 assembled 68 walled enclosures; see also Arnold
Kunst 2011, 37 Fig.1.
79 Fabin 2006, 39.
80 Rovira Montero 1994a, 153 Fig.6.
81 Mller etal. 2007, 2224.
82 Awls and chisels (see Sangmeister 1995, 8) and even axes (see Cardoso 1997, 9293) could have been ingots as well.
83 Pieces of the blade edges of copper axes are frequently present; an
interesting find of half melted scrap metal pieces were retrieved in
Zambujal (see Sangmeister 1995, 9 Pl.9,28).
84
85
86
87
88
89
Uerpmann, H.-P. 1995, 4748.

Lillios 1997.
Pingel 1992, 2429.
Harrison Gilman 1977; Schuhmacher 2012, 443446.
Rovira 1989; 1991. See also Rovira Montero Ruiz in this volume.
I have also carried out 2-analysis, but this method does not offer
plausible results because of the low numbers in the majority of cases. For the U-test according to Wilcoxon, Mann and Whitney, see
for example Ihm 1978, 171174.
90 Significant differences between a specific distribution to the distribution of all sites should have a p-value lower than 0.05, see Ihm 1978,
197. This would correspond to an error probability of 5% and below.
in an open-air settlement site is unpredictable. Three cases,

however, show significant differences in relation to the distribution of items connected with copper metallurgical activities in all sites. These are: sites with fortification walls or sites
located on a promontory and caves/rock shelters. We must
then ask what are the reasons for these results.
The fortified sites in southern Iberia in particular show
more intensive metallurgical activities than other sites. Very
often these fortified places are located on a promontory;
therefore, the characteristics of group 1 (categories 1 and 3)
are similar. On the other hand, only a significantly low number of objects connected with copper metallurgical activities
are found in caves or rock shelters. Thus, we might interpret
the map (Fig.2) as showing a division of the Iberian Peninsula into a northern part where copper manufacture played
a less important role, and into a southern part where copper
manufacture was more intensive. This has also been tested
by means of U-test analysis (Tab.3). We tested the sample of
the northern against the sample of the southern part, and the
result is highly significant. Therefore, we may conclude that
copper manufacture during the 3rd millennium BC played a
considerably more important role in the South of Iberia than
in the North, especially the Northeast (Fig.2), despite the fact
that there are important copper mines in the northern part,
for example in Asturias91 (Fig.2, points 5 and 6)and further
Items of copper
metallurgical
activities
North of
Tagus river
South of
Tagus river
12
(only X)
(X+?)
28
31
20
20
34
(only X)
(X+?)
6
5
29
27
56
(only X)
(X+?)
2
3
13
14
>6
(only X)
(X+?)
0
0
8
9
(only X)
(X+?)
36
39
70
70
U-Test:
p(same)
(only X)
0,000003
(X+?)
0,000002
Tab.3Counts of evidence for copper manufacturing to the north

(points 140 in Tab.1 and Fig.2) and to the south (points
41109 in Tab.1 and Fig.2) of an imaginary line from the
Atlantic to the Mediterranean coast following the middle course
of the Tagus River dividing the Iberian Peninsula into two parts
(see Fig.2); p value according to the software PAST.
91
92
93
94
Blas 1998.
Fabin 2006, 4142.
Rovira Montero 1994a, 153159.
For example the cases of Zambujal, see Kunst Lutz 2008, 4858;
and Leceia, see Cardoso 1989, 1997, 2010, 4761; Cardoso Guerra
1998; Mller Cardoso 2008.
important copper sources in the mountains of the Central

System around vila92 and north of Madrid.93
Most of the open air settlements without fortifications
are only known through surface surveys and are still unexcavated, whereas the most intensive excavations have taken
place at the fortified settlements, and these are also often the
sites with longer chronologies.94 This means that they were
inhabited over a long period of time, while some smaller,
unfortified settlements were occupied only for one short period. In this context it is interesting to note that of the 20 sites
situated on a promontory, solely one belongs to the region
north of the Tagus River (point 29, La Ladera de Padiernos),
while the rest of the 19 sites are located in the South. This
could also be an indication that truly fortified settlements of
the type like Zambujal or Los Millares, which are very often
situated on promontories, do not occur in the centre of the
Iberian Peninsula. However, the majority of the sites has not
been intensively excavated.
Nonetheless, in my opinion it is very important to keep in
mind that there are many smaller sites, unfortified sites, sites
on hill-tops or plains, ditched enclosures and mines, in which
certain metallurgical activities have been detected. At Zambujal, where years ago I argued that such activities were associated with elites, who perhaps were the smiths themselves,95
we now find evidence for these activities at the fourth line of
fortification, and not only in the so-called citadel.96 Thus, perhaps copper metallurgy did not depend only on elites, and
we must ask what kind of elites should we imagine. Is copper
metallurgy, therefore, found in all types of sites that we know
from the Iberian Copper Age? On the other hand, there are
many settlements, in which indicators of copper manufacturing are absent. In the future, there is still much to do in comparing sites with and without evidence for copper manufacturing, and this analysis must also be combined with a more
precise chronological analysis, as well as with more precise information on the extent of metallurgical activities at each site.
Elites, chiefdoms and the state

Let us return to the questions: who were the elites and how
might we imagine a state in the Iberian Copper Age? Usually drawn in reference in an investigation on elites are grave
goods and the effort invested in grave monuments. Thus,
we note that there are great differences in the graves belonging to Valencina de la Concepcin, for example. Oswaldo
Arteaga called attention to the differences between huge
grave monuments, like the Dolmen de Matarrubilla97 and
the Cueva de la Pastora98 with its elaborate architecture
(perhaps built for only a small group of people), and further,
smaller dolmens used for a large number of individuals.99
We see that certain items like gold or ivory occur much
more seldom in Copper Age assemblages, suggesting they
distinguished ordinary people from elites.100 However,
the differentiation should not have been very great in any
95 Kunst 1998, 549.

96 Gau in print, Fig.5.1.
97 Leisner Leisner 1943, 195196.
98 Leisner Leisner 1943, 194195.
99 Arteaga Cruz Aun 1995, 598599; Arteaga Roos 1995, 207.
100 Schuhmacher 2012, 441442.
195
196
Michael Kunst
case, and we are far from the possibility of pointing out an

inheritance of status. At the end of the Copper Age and in
relation to the Bell Beakers, new burial customs began. We
see the custom of collective graves gradually ending, and
we find more and more individual graves, some with rich
grave goods, as in the case of Pago de la Pea.101 In this
context, the richly furnished burial of a child in Santioste,
dating to the Early Bronze Age and displaying some characteristics of the Bell Beaker phenomenon (button with a
V-shaped perforation and a wrist guard) is very illustrative.
Namely, here we see a 14-year old girl with three silver
plaques and an exotic button with a V-perforation made
of African ivory. Most likely, the girl inherited these items.
Thus, this might be an indication of a hereditary transmission of status.102
However, for the 3rd millennium such a find has not yet
been discovered. It seems that a certain division of labour
existed, for example at Zambujal. Margarethe Uerpmann did
not find any flint blades with sickle gloss. She interpreted this
absence as a sign of a division of labour:103 cereals were consumed,104 but not harvested by the inhabitants of the fortified settlement. According to her a large number of flint artefacts were projectiles, in particular arrowheads, which, taking
into account the relatively low number of wild animal bones
that could be attributed to wild game,105 underline the interpretation of the enclosure walls as fortification. The majority
of flint artefacts are cutting devices for household activities.
She did not find accumulations of flint tools which would

indicate a manual production.106 On the other hand, signs of
copper metallurgy have been found in many places at the
site, and it seems that this took place at the same hearths
that were used for cooking.
It has also been argued that a certain hierarchization took
place, as ever more people were concentrated in large settlements. Oswaldo Arteaga and Anna Maria Roos write: Thus,
the increasing population starts to organize itself in relation
to well defended centres consolidating territorial organizations during the Copper Age, and based on this hierarchic
and also tributary organization developed more and more
strongly centralized systems in the Bronze Age.107
However, quite recently most of the arguments leading to
the idea of the origin of a Copper Age state on the Iberian
Peninsula have been considered and refuted.108 For example, the case of Valencina de la Concepcin: no fortification
walls have been found to date,109 and evidence for actual
dwellings, as in Los Millares110 and Leceia,111 is still lacking.112
One of the arguments for population growth, namely the
great number of silos excavated around Valencina de la Concepcin, has been convincingly invalidated, especially since
there is no reason to think that all such interpreted structures
were contemporaneous.113
Finally, I would like to amend some observations of my
own excavations at the heavily fortified Copper Age site of
Zambujal. Shown in Figure3 are all structures considered to
Fig.3Distribution of the remains of Copper Age houses at Zambujal (Torres Vedras, Lisbon, Portugal). Phase 1 green; phase 2 yellow; phase 3
blue; phase 4 red (design by G. Casella based on a map of Ch. Hartl-Reiter and the plan of the houses from Sangmeister Schubart 1981, 256
fig.38, updated with information from recent excavations).
101 Harrison 1988, 161163.

102 Delibes etal. 1998, 179183.
103 Uerpmann, M. 1995, 41.
104 Hopf 1981.
105 Driesch Boessneck 1976, 109.
106 Uerpmann, M. 1995, 4142.
107 Arteaga Roos 1995, 207.
108 Berrocal etal. 2013. See especially Gilman 2013; Garca Sanjun
Murillo-Barroso 2013.
109 Garca Sanjun Murillo-Barroso 2013, 126.
110 For example Arribas etal. 1979, 74, 81, 84.
111 Cardoso 2010.
be the remains of Chalcolithic houses.114. What we see is that

these so-called houses are very small. Therefore, the term
hut, as used in most publications,115 is perhaps more appropriate. Around structures CA, CB, CC and CD is a modernday farmhouse, which today occupies a large part of the inner fortification; the farmhouse is indicated by a dotted line,
as seen in Figure4. The photograph shows the remains of
a small farmhouse, and one can imagine how much smaller
the Chalcolithic huts were; their diameters ranging between
3 and 6 meters at maximum116, most of them measuring
around 3 and 4 meters.117 There is no sign that the Copper
Age houses at the centre of the site were bigger than the
others, and we have not found evidence for more than five
houses from each period. The reconstruction of hundreds
of houses in Los Millares is, in my opinion, poor fantasy.118
Again, the question arises as to how we should imagine the
elites of the Copper Age. There are no palaces! Copper production took place in the small houses, at the same hearths
used for cooking purposes. For a state organization, we
would at least expect differences between private and official buildings. The towers could have been official buildings,
but they also are very small in diameter. And where should
we imagine storage places for surplus food? Furthermore,

the entrances to Zambujal are normally no wider than one
meter. It would have been impossible to enter with carts,
and there are no signs of streets or roads. Thus, the above
mentioned circulation of metal and other items could only
have taken place laboriously by foot or with the help of
beasts of burden.
On the other hand, the fortification towers of Zambujal
show an impressive act of monumentalization,119 and we
should also consider that for the building of the fortification
walls, as well as other defences, commanders and the commanded were needed. Further, the above mentioned architecture of the graves and the differences between richer
and poorer grave goods imply social differentiations. But
these differentiations among the deceased are not as clearly
reflected by archaeological remains of the living inhabitants
of that time. A certain division of labour might have existed,
but not as distinctly as we would expect it by an actual stratified society. Moreover, the inheritance of social status is not
attested, at least for the Early Chalcolithic, perhaps beginning
with the developed Bell Beaker phenomenon already in the
2nd millennium BC.
Fig.4Aerial photograph of the Copper Age fortified settlement of Zambujal (Torres Vedras, Lisbon, Portugal) with its four lines of fortification walls;
view from the southeast at the end of the excavation campaign of 2002 (Photo: German Archaeological Institute, Madrid: D-DAI-MAD-MKKB-29200231; photographer M. Kunst).
114 Edward Sangmeister and Hermanfrid Schubart also thought the U

and D structures were houses (Sangmeister Schubart 1981, 256
Fig.38), but these are omitted from this map, for the reason that
they could have also been towers. Notwithstanding, I would not
exclude the possibility that towers could have also been used as
houses. Other structures shown in Figure3, like YA, YB, VV, MA and
UU, are considered to be houses, but this attribution is not certain.
Perhaps the remains of these structures were actually parts of walls
that did not belong to houses.

116 Sangmeister Schubart 1981, 259.
117 Similar measures are known from other sites, for example: Cerro de
la Virgen (Kalb 1969, 216, 221) and El Malagn (Arribas etal. 1978,
71 Fig.3).
118 Molina Cmara 2005, 33.
119 Arnold Kunst 2011.
197
198
Michael Kunst
Before considering the origin of states, we must first look

for the origin of chiefdoms, as precursors of the state, as outlined by Robert L. Carneiro.120 His definition of a chiefdom is:
an autonomous political unit comprising a number of villages or communities under the permanent control of a paramount chief.121 Carneiro also recapitulated the archaeological identification of chiefdoms and proposed the following as
indicative of chiefdoms: 1)the presence of monumental architecture; 2)the identification of ceremonial centres; 3)differentiated burials distinguished by rich and poor assemblages; and 4)hierarchically differentiated settlement sizes, which
we may call something like central place organizations.122
The difficulty here is where the limit of these points should
be set in order to distinguish them from states.123 And also,
when the passage from chiefdom to state is continuous, we
must be careful not to overestimate our archaeological finds.
The state has been defined by Carneiro as follows: When I
speak of a state I mean an autonomous political unit encompassing many communities within its territory and having a
centralized government with the power to collect taxes, draft
men for work or war, and decree and enforce laws.124 I think
that the features that we find in the Copper Age on the Iberian Peninsula do not suffice to conclude that such a level of
society had been reached there. Perhaps also the chiefdom
in the sense of the quoted article by Carneiro is not exactly
the same as that of Chalcolithic societies in southwestern Europe, but it surely resembled it more than the concept of a
state.
Thus, I guess in full agreement with Antonio Gilman
that we cannot go beyond chiefdoms125 in the classification
of Copper Age societies in Iberia. It seems that the so-called
elites during the Iberian Chalcolithic were somewhat more
like primi inter pares, living very similar to other people, yet
with privileges archaeologically undetectable in the material culture, and honoured as reflected in their graves. Furthermore, we have seen that there was a great difference
between the northern and the southern part of the Iberian
Peninsula concerning the impact of metallurgy. There are
also regional differences in the south: huge settlements like
Valencina de la Concepcin or Marroques Bajos did not exist
in Portuguese Estremadura, but in the south of Portugal, like
in Alcalar and Porto Torro. By contrast, Portuguese Estremadura stands out against other regions by an accumulation of
Copper Age fortifications126 in addition to accumulations of
fine pottery so-called copos canelados127 during the Early
Copper Age as well as a conspicuous accumulation of Bell
Beakers in the developed Copper Age128 and an accumulation of items made of ivory129 and gold130. Nevertheless, a
number of questions still remain open concerning the social
development during the Iberian Chalcolithic.
Conclusion
This article has illustrated the following problems:
1)The term Copper Age or Chalcolithic has a 130-year old
history in Iberian prehistoric research. This terminology
influenced investigations about this period, focusing on
copper finds.
2)By combining metallurgy with mining as a spark for the
Urban Revolution, Vere Gordon Childe attributed even
more importance to the role that copper played in human
social evolution.
3)New finds of mining during pre-metallurgical phases, especially at Gav and Casa Montero, allow us to reject the
idea of a great influence of this technology upon social
evolution, because these Neolithic mining activities demanded the same level of organization as Copper Age
mining; however, social stratification is not yet represented in the Neolithic period.
4)Copper manufacturing is relatively widespread through
out the Iberian Peninsula and not restricted to a certain
type of settlement; nevertheless, most evidence for copper production has been found in fortified settlements.
This might be a result of the longer duration of occupa
tion, or the fact that such settlements have been the focus of archaeological excavations much longer. Indeed,
there are fortified settlements without any evidence for
copper production. On the other hand, copper manufacturing seems to have played a more important role in the
South than in the North of the Iberian Peninsula.
5) Therefore, copper manufacturing per se cannot be considered an activity only of and for elites. Perhaps certain
copper objects were symbols of elites, as suggested
by axes, daggers and Palmela points occurring as grave
goods. Other innovations of that period, like the use of
gold and ivory, far more seldom, would be a better indicator of higher social status. On the other hand, we must
reckon that the time span for the settlement of Zambujal
was at least 800 years, if not more than 1000 years.131 For
such a long time span, it would not even be necessary for
copper manufacturing to have taken place during each
generation to amount to what we have excavated today. Therefore, it is clear that copper manufacturing was
not part of an industry that produced trade goods, but of
household crafts that produced goods for the producers
own use.
6)The Iberian Copper Age societies show some social differences, especially in relation to grave goods and burial
architecture, but it is very difficult to prove the inheritance
of social status. The comparison of the Chalcolithic houses
shows that they were nothing more than huts of more or
120 Carneiro 1981.

121 Carneiero 1981, 45.
122 Carneiro 1981, 5254.
123 A. Gilman writes that chiefdoms have fallen out of anthropologicalarchaeological fashion, in part because they are associated with the
gradualist systems-functionalism of classic social evolutionary approaches, in part because they encompass an uncomfortably large
diversity of forms; see Gilman 2013, 22.
124 Carneiro 1970, 733.

125 Carneiro 1981.
126 Arnold Kunst 2011, 37 Fig.1.
127 Carvalho Amaro 2012.
128 Salanova 2000, 186187, Fig.116.
129 Schuhmacher 2012, 6776, Fig.22.
130 Pingel 1992, 20 Fig.4 and 23 Fig.5.
131 Kunst Lutz 2008, 57.
less the same size. Therefore, it is hard to imagine social

stratification in the sense of a class society.
7)There are no surplus storage buildings. This makes it very
difficult to imagine a regional and, even more, a supra-regional control system for tax collection.
8)These observations contradict ideas of state-like organizations. It may be that societies like those of ancient Copper
Age societies do not exist today, and perhaps we must
find a term for their classification, but it seems that they
more or less resembled a chiefdom.
Therefore, I wish to end with this statement of Antonio Gilman: States cannot develop unless two conditions are combined: first, the state needs an economic base sufficiently
productive to permit collection of the surplus that is required
to finance its essential institutions; second, the environment
and/or the technology of basic production must be such that
one can prevent those who are exploited from fleeing. In
the Nile valley or in Mesopotamia, both conditions are present, but in prehistoric southern Iberia, they are not.132
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Tyler Perkins, Iowa, who was so kind to
control and correct the English text, and also Stefan Burmeister and Nils Mller-Scheessel for their help and suggestions.
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Address of author
Michael Kunst
Instituto Arqueolgico Alemn
C/ Serrano 159
28002 Madrid
Spain
michael.kunst@dainst.de

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Menschen- Kulturen- Traditionen

ancient technology t n n o v a t l < D l l !:> felt o

Band 12 I M eta I Matters

Stefan Burmeister, Svend Hansen,

Menschen - Kulturen - Traditionen

DEUTSCHES ARCHAOLOGISCHES INSTITUT

Menschen- Kulturen- Traditionen

VIII, 282 Seiten mit 188 Abbildungen und 5 Tabellen

Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek

Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie.

Gedruckt auf alterungsbestndigem Papier

Verlag Marie Leidorf GmbH

Andreas Hauptmonn and lngo!f Loffler

Salvador Roviro and lgnocio Montero-Ruiz

Juan Aurelio Perez Macfas and Thomas G. Schattner

given the long-term perspective that is necessary in order for

modern area, characterized by constant shortages. Therefore,

Implications: What consequences did an innovation yield

den prahistorischen Anfangen bis zu den Metropolen der Antike.

The Innovation of Copper Metallurgy on the Iberian Peninsula:

History of research and setting

Thomsen 1836; see also Hansen 2001; Kunst 1982; 2010.

tive disfavour, even during the discussions of the Congress,

7 Simes 1878, 113.

the prehistoric archaeology in Spain and Portugal, because it

13 Vilanova 1884, 355.

with Troy, the excavations there published by H.Schliemann,

Siret Siret 1887, 57.

The Innovation of Copper Metallurgy on the Iberian Peninsula

As Salvador Rovira and Ignacio Montero Ruiz pointed out, tin

Social changes and ideas on the origin of a prehistoric

to dominate the field of archaeological interpretation. It was

See Rovira Montero Ruiz in this volume.

Preliminary Phase, 2) an Initial Phase, 3) an Innovation Phase,

2001; Montero 1994; 1999; Montero Ruiz 1999; Gmez Ramos

Montero Ruiz 1996, 59 Fig.3 and 60 Fig.4; Montero Ruiz 1999.

The Innovation of Copper Metallurgy on the Iberian Peninsula

Los Cercados Mucientes (M)/Valladolid (P)/

Quintanilla de Arriba (M)/Valladolid (P)/Castilla y Len

Moradillo de Roa (M)/Burgos

Molina de Aragn (M)/Guadalajara (P)/Castilla La Mancha

Riudecanyes (M)/Baix camp

Ulldemolins (M)/Priorat (Com)/

Vilaverd (M)/Conca de Barbar

Montral (M)/Conca de Barber

Tortell (M)/La Garrotxa (Com)/

Borja (M)/Zaragoza (P)/Aragn

Villaescusa de las Torres (M)/

Sobral Pichorro (F)/Fornos de

Passos (F)/Mirandela (M)/

Mairos (F)/Chaves (M)/Vila

Cangas de Morrazo (M)/

Delibes et al. 1999, 81; 1995, 49;

Delibes et al. 1999, 81; GarridoPena 2000, 168; Rodrguez

Delibes et al. 1999, 81

Balbn et al. 1989, 51; Garrido

Martn Clliga et al. 1999, 160;

Martn Clliga et al. 1999, 160;

Martn Clliga et al. 1999, 160;

Martn Clliga et al. 1999, 160;

Martn Clliga et al. 1999, 160;

Martn Clliga et al. 1981;

Martn Clliga et al. 1999,