Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
BERLIN 2003
Frau ZHAO LI ,
Kucha Caves Research Institute of Xinjiang,
hat sich die große Mühe gemacht, meine Abschrift
von HS 96 akribisch genau mit dem Originaltext zu
vergleichen. Sie konnte mich so auf elf Abschreibfehler
aufmerksam machen. Ich danke der chinesischen
Wissenschaftlerin an dieser Stelle sehr für ihre
willkommene Hilfe.
Im pressum :
Für die unter 3 und 4 angeführten Aufgaben wäre nur dann eine
befriedigende Lösung zu erwarten, wenn ein in der Geschichte
Centralasiens einigermassen bewanderter Sinologe sich die Mitarbeit
eines Iranisten sichern würde, der zugleich mit den westländischen
(griechisch-römischen, syrischen, armenischen, byzantinischen, arabi-
schen) Geschichtsquellen und den arabischen Geographen
vollkommen vertraut wäre.
J e me borne uniquement à examiner les causes de la destruction du royaume des Grecs dans
la Bactriane ... Ces détails nous ont été conservés par un Général des armées Chinoises ...
envoyer par l'Empereur de la Chine dans le Maouarennahar, & dans les autres pays voisins ...
Il a fait une relation de son voyage, qui est rapportée dans l'ouvrage de ›Ssé-ma-tsien‹.
On trouve aussi plusieurs autres détails intéressants dans l'histoire des ›Han‹,
& particulièrement dans celle qui a été composée par ›Pan-kou‹ ...
JOSEPH DE GUIGNES 1759
Déjà l'›Histoire des Huns‹ (par de Guignes) avait montré à l'Europe savante combien
d'intéressants souvenirs et quels précieux débris des traditions primitives
de la haute Asie sont conservés dans les annales chinoises ...
ABEL RÉMUSAT 1836
Ja wir nehmen als neuen Hauptbeweis für die innere Haltung der von uns vorgelegten, bisher
unbeachtet gebliebenen östlichen Quellen ... die Territorialkenntniß in Anspruch ... und fragen, ob
irgend eine frühere geographische Darstellung ... im Stande gewesen war, uns in diesem wichtigen
Gebiete Central-Asiens mit solcher Sicherheit zu orientiren, wie es uns, allein durch den Beistand
chinesischer Annalen, ihrer Geographen und Historiker, seit Ssematsien und den Annalen der
Han, in den Jahrhunderten unmittelbar vor und nach Chr.G. ... gegenwärtig gelungen ist.
CARL RITTER 1837
Den chinesischen Geschichtschreibern, die nicht nur die Geschichte ihres eigenen Landes ...
sondern auch die Verhandlungen der fremden Völker mit ihren Herrschern und ihre Geschichte,
wenn diese eine Beziehung zu der ihres eigenen Volkes hatte, treu und sorgfältig aufgezeichnet
haben, verdankt es die Nachwelt allein, noch eine Kunde von der Völkerwanderung
zu besitzen, deren Hauptereignisse hier dargelegt werden müssen ...
CHRISTIAN LASSEN 1838
Dans cette étude nous avons suivi le conseil que M. Vivien de Saint-Martin donnait ... de chercher
les renseignements relatifs aux contrées de l'Asie intérieure, non pas seulement dans Ma-touan-lin,
où l'on a presque exclusivement puisé, mais dans le corps même des annales de l'empire,
et d'en faire un dépouillement complet à ce point de vue.
ÉDOUARD SPECHT 1883
— VI —
The important passage ... has been known in an imperfect form for about seventy years ...
The early Sinologists copied it from the (misleading) extract given by Ma-twan-lin,
the encyclopaedist of the thirteenth century.
VINCENT ARTHUR SMITH 1903
Swåt, Dðr, Chitrål ... there is the broad fact that most of our historical knowledge about it
is derived from the same Chinese sources to which we are indebted
for all the essential facts concerning ancient Central Asia.
MARK AUREL STEIN 1921
The Chinese records bring more enlightenment. From them we learn that the Yueh–chi,
pushed westwards by the Huns about 165 B.C., displaced the Çakas ...
and then crossed the Jaxartes and conquered the whole of Sogdiåna.
EDWARD JAMES RAPSON 1922
Now we shall see that the Asiani are probably identical with the Yüe-chï of the Chinese annals,
and that the Tocharians were settled in and to the east of Bactria, when the Yüe-chï
became their masters. We therefore seem to have good reason for combining
the classical and the Chinese accounts in order to reconstruct the course of events ...
STEN KONOW 1929
Den Ansturm der Nomaden, die ... erst bei dem Betreten baktrischen Bodens im Gesichtskreis der
griechisch-römischen Geschichtsschreibung deutlicher sichtbar werden, reihen die chinesischen
Quellen in die Zusammenhänge großer Völkerverschiebungen ein und lassen uns
die treibende Kraft erkennen, nämlich das großhunnische Reich ...
GUSTAV HALOUN 1937
The two main Chinese sources for the conquest of Greek Bactria are chapter 123 of the Shi-ki
of Ssu-ma Ch’ien ... and chapters 96 (both parts) and 61 of
the Ch’ien-han-shu (Annals of the Former Han) of Pan-ku.
WILLIAM WOODTHORPE TARN 1938
My reexamination of some passages of the western classical sources has brought about
unexpected results. Similarly a new study of the Chinese evidence has
thrown strikingly new light on the problems of the period.
ABODH KISHOR NARAIN 1957
Whereas scholars ... have been able to apply contemporary canons of historical and textual
criticisms and archaeological method to the non-Chinese evidence, they have perforce
needed to rely on translations from Chinese texts that were made long before
sinologists could attempt to treat their own materials in such a way ...
MICHAEL A. N. LOEWE 1979
— VII —
INHALT
HS 96A
(0) The states of the Western Regions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
(1) Ch'o Ch'iang [Chuò Qiång] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
(2) Shan–shan [Shán-shàn] ...... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
(3) Ch'ieh–mo [Qi®-mò] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40
(4) Hsiao Yüan [Xi¬o Yuàn] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42
(5) Ching–chüeh [Jðng-jué] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
(6) Jung–lu [Róng-lú] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44
(7) Wu–mi [Yø-mí] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
(8) Ch'ü–lo [Qú-lè] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47
(9) Yü–t'ien [Yú-tián] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48
(10) Pi–shan [Pí-shån] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50
(11) Wu–ch'a [Wø-chá] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52
(12) Hsi–yeh [Xð-yè] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56
(13) P'u–li [Pú-lí] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58
(14) I–nai [Yð-nài] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60
(15) Wu–lei [Wú-léi] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61
(16) Nan–tou [Nán-dõu] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63
(17) Chi–pin [Jì-bðn] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65
(18) Wu–i–shan–li [Wø-yì-shån-lí] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84
(19) An–hsi [Ån-xí] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89
(20) Ta Yüeh–chih [Dà Yuè-zhð] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92
(21) K'ang–chü [Kång-jø] . . . . . . . . . . . ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102
(22) Ta Yüan [Dà Yuàn] . . . . . . . . . . . . ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117
(23) T'ao–huai [Táo-huái] . . . . . . . . . . . ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128
(24) Hsiu–Hsün [Xiø-xún] . . . . . . . . . . . ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129
(25) Chüan–tu [Juån-dú] . . . . . . . . . . . ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131
(26) So–chü [Shå-ch±] . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133
(27) Shu–lo [Shø-lè] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 138
(28) Wei–t'ou [Wèi-tóu] . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 140
— VIII —
HS 96B
(29) Wu–sun [Wø-søn] . . . . . . . . . . . . . .......... . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . 145
(30) Ku–mo [Gø-mò] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .......... . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . 204
(31) Wen–su [W±n-sù] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .......... . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . 206
(32) Ch'iu–tz'u [Qiø-cí] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .......... . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . 208
(33) Wu–lei [Wø-l®i] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .......... . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . 211
(34) Ch'ü–li [Qú-lí] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .......... . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . 213
(35) Wei–li [Wéi-lí] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .......... . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . 240
(36) Wei–hsü [W±i-xø] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .......... . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . 242
(37) Yen–ch'i [Yån-qí] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .......... . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . 243
(38) Wu–t'an–tzu–li [Wø-tån-zð-lí] . . . . . ...... . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . 245
(39) Pei–lu [B±i-lù] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .......... . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . 246
(40) Further Pei–lu [B±i-lù hòu] . . . . . . . ........ . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . 247
(41) Yü–li–shih [Yù-lì-shð] . . . . . . . . . . . ........ . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . 248
(42) Tan–huan [Dån-huán] . . . . . . . . . . .......... . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . 249
(43) P'u–lei [Pú-lèi] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .......... . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . 250
(44) Further P'u–lei [Pú-lèi hòu] . . . . . . ........ . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . 251
(45) Western Chü–mi [Xð Jø-mí] . . . . . . ........ . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . 252
(46) Eastern Chü–mi [Dõng Jø--mí] . . . ........ . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . 253
(47) Chieh [Jié] .................. ............. . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . 254
(48) Ku–hu [Hú-hú] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .......... . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . 255
(49) Mo–shan [Mò-shån] . . . . . . . . . . . . .......... . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . 257
(50) Nearer Chü–shih [Jø-shð qián] . . . ........ . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . 259
(51) Further Chü–shih [Jø-shð hòu] . . . ........ . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . 261
(52) Commandant of Chü–shih [Jø-shð dø-wèi] .. . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . 263
(53) Town Chief of Further Chü–shih [Jø-shð hòu chéng-cháng] . . . 264
Appreciation [Zàn-yu±] . . . . . . . . . .......... .............. . . 298
— IX —
A. FRÜHE CHINESISCHE CHRONIKEN: Originalausgaben
T Traditionelle chinesische
Blockdruck-Ausgabe
M Moderne Ausgabe
mit westlicher Interpunktion
— XI —
B. FRÜHE CHINESISCHE CHRONIKEN: Übersetzungen, Sekundärliteratur
— XII —
1897 É. Specht ›Les Indo-Scythes ... d'après les sources chinoises‹ JA
1900 Wáng Xiån-Qiån Hàn-shø b÷ zhù
(HS mit antiken und neuen Kommentaren)
— XIII —
1950 L. Petech Northern India according to the Shui-ching-chu SOR
1951 H. Hackmann Wörterbuch Chinesisch-Sanskrit-Deutsch
(Nobel)
1953 H. Bielenstein The Restoration of the Han Dynasty Diss.
1961 B. Watson Records of the Grand Historian of China Band 2
(Übersetzung SJ 110, 123 u.a.)
1962 T. Pokora ›The Present State of Translations from the Shih chi‹ OE
1963 M. Loewe ›Some recent editions of the Ch'ien-Han-Shu‹ AM
1968 E.G. Pulleyblank ›Chinese Evidence ... date of Kani•ka‹ in: A. Basham
1968 E. Zürcher ›Yüeh-Chih and Kani•ka in the in: A. Basham
Chinese Sources‹
1969 B. Watson Records of the Historian.
(Übersetzung SJ 123 u.a.)
1971 J. M. Streffer Das Kapitel 86 (76) des Hou Han shu Diss.
1978 T. Pokora ›Pan Ku and Recent Translations from the “Han Shu”‹ JAOS
1979 Hulsewé/Loewe China in Central Asia
(Übersetzung HS 61, 96A, 96B)
1980 H. Bielenstein The bureaucracy of Han times
(Appendix: Official Titles of the Han Dynasties)
1982 Leslie/Gardiner ›Chinese Knowledge of Western Asia during the Han‹ TP
1982 P. Daffinà ›The Han Shu Hsi Yü Chuan Re-translated‹ TP
1986 Twitchett/Loewe The Cambridge History of China Band 1
1988 P. E. Tinios Pan Ku, the Hsiung-nu and Han Shu 94
1990 Zhång Dà-K® Sh¯-jì quán b®n xðn zhù 4 Bände
(Gesamtes SJ: Text und neue Kommentare)
1995 W. Posch Baktrien zwischen Griechen und Kuschan Diss.
(Mit einem Exkurs zum SJ 123)
2000 M. Loewe A Biographical Dictionary of the Qin, Former Han HdO 16
and Xin Periods (221 B.C. – A.D. 24)
— XIV —
— Ä L T E R E H A N – A N N A L E N (HS)
( Das HanSchu — Hànshø, verfaßt von Ban Gu — Bån Gù. )
Ban Gu (A.D. 32–92) ... son of Ban Biao , is described as a widely read student and scholar
from his youth ... Without receiving training from a specific master, he did not himself produce com-
ments ... of earlier texts. While not attaining a prominent career in public life, his contribution to litera-
ture in the form of ... historical writings ... may be said to have had a paramount influence on China's
subsequent literary history ...
At his father's death (A.D. 54), Ban Gu started the task of completing his unfinished historical writings,
to be accused of introducing his own prejudiced revisions into the existing work. Rescued ... by his
brother Ban Chao , he was able to vindicate himself and was appointed Clerk to the Director,
Lantai Depository (›Lantai Ling shi‹ ) where, in the collaboration with others, he compiled an
historical record of Guangwudi's [emperor Guangwu's] reign (Shizu ben ji ). How far this has
been retained in the extant ›Hou Han shu‹ may not be known ... In addition he compiled ... records of
incidents ... of some of the events that had preceded the accession of Guangwudi.
He was now ordered to resume work on the historical writing on which he had been engaged earlier.
This resulted in the completion (A.D. 76–83) of the major part of the ›Han shu‹ in 100 chapters ... He
described his own work as that of collecting and selecting earlier works, thereby producing the ›Han
shu‹, to cover the 230 years from Gaodi [emperor Gao] to the end of Wang Mang . It is not known ...
to what extent if any Ban Gu composed parts of the surviving ›Hou Han shu‹. For various reasons it is
clear that in his composition of the ›Han shu‹, Ban Gu had been able to consult official records that had
been kept as a government archive.
Such documents were certainly available to his sister Ban Zhao (A.D. 48–?116) when she was or-
dered to complete the missing parts of the ›Han shu‹ ... About A.D. 85 ... he [Ban Gu] was able to pres-
ent a copy of the ›Han yi‹ by Shusun Tong ...
At one time Ban Gu had been appointed Major, Xuanwu Gate (›Xuanwu Sima‹ ), and he held
that title when the meeting was convened in the Baihu Guan to consider ... the traditional
texts of learning (A.D. 79) ...
As Commissioner over the Army (›Zhong Hujun‹ ) attached to Dou Xian , General-in-Chief
(›Da Jiangjun‹ ), he [Ban Gu] took part in the latter's victorious campaign against the Xiongnu
(A.D. 89–91), being at one time sent out on a mission beyond Juyan ... He was ordered to com-
pose a commemorative inscription for the stele which was erected at a long distance away from Chi-
nese territory ...
At the fall of Dou Xian (A.D. 92) Ban Gu was dismissed from his position and arrested, to die in prison
at the age of 61 (›HS‹ 100A: 4213; 100B: 4235. ›HHS‹ 40A: 1330; 23: 814 ...) ...
Ban Biao , of Anling (in the jurisdiction of the Metropolitan Superintendent of the Right),
A.D. 3–54 ... father of Ban Gu , Ban Chao and Ban Zhao ... was aged twenty at the
time of [emperor] Wang Mang's defeat ... recognised Guangwudi's [Later Han emperor Guangwu's]
authority in A.D. 29 ... who appointed him Magistrate (›Ling‹ ) of Xu (Linhuai). He resigned from
his office owing to ill health and devoted himself to historical writing. Ban Biao saw his main purpose
as that of collecting the information needed to supplement or correct the existing work, i.e. the ›Shiji‹
—1—
, and to complete it for the period that followed Wudi's [emperor Wu's] reign ... Ban Biao indicated
the ways in which he intended to repair the deficiencies of the ›Shiji‹ ... The extend to which Ban Biao
contributed to the extant ›Han shu‹ is by no means certain ...
(LOEWE 2000: 4–6)
Ban Gu (Pan Ku), 32–92 CE, is best known as the principal author of ›Han shu‹ (History of the Han) ...
Since most of the sources Ban Gu used have been lost, ›Han shu‹ now serves as one of the most impor-
tant sources for the study of the history of the Former Han (206 BCE–8 CE). In his historical scholarship,
Ban Gu was inspired by his father Ban Biao (3–54 CE) ... Ban Biao wrote several chapters of his own
work. The chapters are now lost, but parts of them were incorporated into ›Han shu‹ by Ban Gu ... ›Han
shu‹ is not only the first dynastic history of China, but Chinese scholars have also considered it to be
one of the best written ...
Ban Gu did not complete the treatise on astronomy and the eight tables in his lifetime. His sister Ban
Zhao (?48–116 CE) and Ma Xu finished these parts ... Ma Xu's exact dates are not clear, but ... he was
still active in 141.
(JI XIAO-BIN 1999)
Ban Gu (Pan Ku), A.D. 32–92, the son of the scholar Ban Biao, originally intended to finish his father's
continuation of Sima Qian's ›Shiji‹ (Historical Records), but in the end he compiled the ›Hanshu‹ (His-
tory of the Former Han) ... although early on he was denounced and imprisoned for writing an illegal,
private history. When the emperor read a draft he allowed Ban to continue, granting him imperial
sponsorship and access to the archives. Later Ban was jailed again ... and died in prison. After his
death, his sister Ban Zhao (Pan Chao), A.D. 49–120, an early woman historian of China, completed the
›Hanshu‹ ... She quickly gained the emperor's confidence and access to the Imperial Library ... She
edited the entire manuscript, adding facts, polishing style, checking original sources and documents,
and included a treatise on astronomy which illustrated that she was a mathematician as well as a true
scholar ...
(GRANT HARDY and BARBARA B. PETERSON 1998)
Ban Gu, An–ling, Fu–feng (east of modern Xian–yang, Shan-xi), A.D. 32 – Luo–yang, He–nan, A.D. 92 ...
was promoted to be the emperor's attendant in charge of secretarial affairs and was ordered to write
the official history of the former Han dynasty ... Methodologically, Ban Gu based himself on Si–ma
Qian's ›Shi–ji‹, whose former Han chapters he largely copied ... In A.D. 79, Ban was ordered to compile
the results of the White Tiger Hall debates, discussions comparing the five classics, which he completed
as ›Bai–hu tong–yi‹ ...
During the beginning of the A.D. 80s, he completed ›Han-shu‹ (one hundred volumes), which covers a
period of 230 years from the founding of the former Han to the end of the Wang Mang dynasties. But
eight biographies and a monograph on astronomy in it were completed by his sister Ban Zhao
(A.D. 49–120) after his death ... The purpose of Ban Gu in writing this work was different from that of
Si–ma Qian, Ban wanted to show that the history of Han was directly inherited from the (mythic) sage
emperor Yao ... the extension of the idea of ›Heaven's mandate‹ developed in the middle years of the
former Han dynasty. (Ban) thought that the founding of the former Han and the restoration of the later
Han were both arranged by the will of Heaven (›tian–ming‹) ... ›Han–Shu‹ has been highly regarded by
scholars of the past and the present for its care and comprehensiveness. After the fifth century A.D., the
study of ›Han–Shu‹ became a special branch of learning ...
(QU LING–DONG 1989)
—2—
Pan Ku wrote the Han Shu, a massive work in one hundred chapters, as a continuation of the equally
massive Shih Chi of Ssu–ma Ch'ien (ca. 145–86 B.C.). Ssu–ma Ch'ien composed the Shih Chi as a his-
tory of the known world from high antiquity to his own day. Pan Ku limited himself to the history of the
Former Han Dynasty and Wang Mang's interregnum, creating the model for all subsequent standard
dynastic histories.
The Han Shu's one hundred chapters fall into four categories:
— imperial annals (12 chapters),
— tables (8 chapters),
— treatises (10 chapters), and
— memoirs or biographies (70 chapters).
Pan Ku borrowed this format from Ssu–ma Ch'ien's Shih Chi.
The imperial annals present a formal record of each reign ... The tables include the genealogies of the
nobility and of worthy subjects ... The treatises cover a wide range of topics including the economy ...
geography ... The bulk of the Han Shu is made up of the memoirs. Sixty-seven of these deal with indi-
viduals ... treated as public figures; information about their private lives is almost entirely lacking ...
Three of the memoirs deal ... with China's neighbors. Han Shu 94 is devoted to the Hsiung–nu. Han
Shu 95 deals with the barbarians of the southwest ... and with Korea. Han Shu 96 is devoted to the
cities, states and peoples of the Western Regions (Central Asia) ...
Pan Ku incorporated into the Han Shu those Shih Chi chapters that dealt with the first hundred years
of the Former Han Dynasty. Most of the borrowed Shih Chi chapters were complete in themselves,
requiring no more than minor changes and few additions. Some, however, needed to be taken beyond
Ssu–ma Ch'ien's terminus ... Ssu–ma Ch'ien's account of Han-Hsiung–nu relations peters out in the
closing years of Wu–ti's reign (the 90's B.C.). Pan Ku continues the account beyond the death of Wang
Mang in A.D. 23 to events in A.D. 24 and 25 ... Pan Ku ... followed Ssu–ma Ch'ien's example in keeping
direct comments, observations and criticisms to a minimum ... His method may be described as one of
making his point through the careful editing of his sources ...
(TINIOS 1988: 2–4)
The study of the ›HS‹ seems to have begun one hundred years ago, in 1873, by R. Douglas in his lecture
›Sur les Annales de la dynastie chinoise des Han‹, while translations from the ›HS‹ started even earlier
... Undoubtedly, the historiography of the ›HS‹ in Western Sinology has been somewhat neglected when
compared with that of ›Shih chi‹ (E. Chavannes) or ›Hou Han shu‹ (H. Bielenstein).
(POKORA 1978: 451)
Pan–kou, mort en exil en l'an 92 de J.-C., n'avait achevé qu'en partie sa fameuse Histoire des premiers
Han; sa sœur, femme d'un grand talent littéraire, continua l'ouvrage de son frère et rédigea les tables
chronologiques et la partie concernant l'astronomie. Mais le chapitre sur les contrées occidentales a été
entièrement écrit de la main de Pan–kou. L'historien l'avait terminé et il avait relaté les événements
jusqu'à la fin de la dynastie des premiers Han (24 après J.-C.), comme le montrent les dates qui sont
citées dans ce chapitre ... De plus, Pan–kou visita en personne les contrées occidentales et accompagna
le célèbre général Teou–hien en 89 jusqu'à la montagne ›Yen–jen‹ (aujourd'hui les monts Khanggai) ...
(SPECHT 1897: 182)
er
N'est-ce pas un fait remarquable que le célèbre historien Pan Kou, au I siècle après notre ère, ait été
originaire de ›Singanfou‹ , sur les bords du ›Wei‹ et dans cette même province de
›Chànsi‹ (que Sema Ts'ien) ?
(CHAVANNES 1895: xxvi)
—3—
Le texte que nous traduisons est tiré du ›Heou Han chou‹ qui fut composé par Fan Ye, mort en 445 p.C.
L’auteur est donc notablement postérieur aux événements qu’il raconte; mais son œuvre avait été
préparée et rendue possible par toute une série de travaux antérieurs sur lesquels nous sommes assez
bien renseignés par une notice que rédigèrent en 1035 Yu Tsing et Wang Chou ; je repro-
duis intégralement cette notice qui est insérée à la fin de l’édition du ›Heou Han chou‹ faite par
ordre de [l'empereur] K’ien–long (1739) (réimpression de Chang–hai, 1888):
[HHS 77.1a hat das genaue Datum: danach wurde Ban Gu im Jahre 62 n.Chr. (Jahr 5 der Regierungs-
periode ›Yng–píng‹ ) als kaiserlicher Archivar (jiào–shø–láng ) an den Kaiserhof in Luo–
yang berufen. Siehe Chavannes' Übersetzung des Kapitels 77 des Hou–Han–Schu aus dem Jahr
1906. cmd]
The ›Êrh-shih-ss°‹ or “Twenty-four Dynastic Histories,” contain in all over 3,000 books ...
Most of the Dynastic Histories are divided into three sections:
— the ›ti-chi‹ or “annals of the emperors,”
— the ›chih‹ or “statistical essays,” and
— the ›chuan‹ or ›lieh-chuan‹ or “biographical, ethnographical, etc., notices.”
Each of these subdivisions has its own series of numbers attached to the various chapters or ›chüan‹ , so
that a ›chüan‹ may be quoted by two numbers, viz., the current number it holds in the complete work, and
the series number of the sub-division it belongs to. Anyone who is not aware of this distinction must find
it difficult to work his way in these bulky histories ...
Pan Ku , who, with his sister Pan Chao , compiled the ›Ch'ien-han-shu‹, i.e., “History of the
Former Han Dynasty,” and who died A.D. 92, knows considerably more about the countries of Central and
Western Asia ... from the fact of his being the elder brother of Pan Ch'ao , the famous military
traveller of that period. Pan Ku may have heard of his brother's expedition to the foreign territories in
Western or Central Asia but he was no longer alive when Pan Ch'ao returned to China in A.D. 102. This
may account for the fact that much of the information for which the Chinese must have been indebted to
Pan Ch'ao's last expedition found its way into the ›Hou-han-shu‹, or “History of the After Han Dynasty,”
and not into Pan Ku's work.
(HIRTH 1885: 2–3, 33)
—4—
Ban Gu: Han Schu (›[Ältere] Han–Annalen‹), Kapitel 96A (66A) : DIE WESTLÄNDER
—5—
HS 3871 (96A.1a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 71–72)
On the east the area adjoins Han (territory), being
blocked by the Yü–men and the Yang bar-
1 2
riers. On the west it is confined by the Ts'ung–ling
. Its southern mountains emerge in the east in
3
Chin–ch'eng (commandery) and are linked
4
with the Nan–shan of Han.
Its river has two sources, of which one rises in the
Ts'ung–ling and the other in Yü–t'ien (Khotan).
1. For discussions regarding the location of the Yü–men and Yang
›kuan‹ ,“ barriers”, which were located at the western
terminal of the Han defence lines at the northwestern tip of
present-day Kansu province, see A. F. P. Hulsewé, Han-time
Documents, in: TP 45, 1957: 1–50, here 7; Lao Kan , in: CYYY
30, 1959: 375–382 and in: Tsinghua Journal, New Series 11/1,
1960: 40–52; Lo Che–wen , in: Wenwu 1964/6: 46–57; Ch'en
Meng–chia , in: Kaogu 1965/9: 469–477. See also
Édouard Chavannes, Dix inscriptions chinoises de l'Asie Cen-
trale d'après les estampages de M. Ch.-E. Bonin, Paris 1902: 67,
note 2, and Les documents chinois découverts par Aurel Stein
dans les sables du Turkestan Oriental, Oxford 1913: vi.
2. The Ts'ung–ling or “ Onion Range”, so called because of the al-
leged growth of wild onions there, has long since been identified
with the Pamirs; see e.g. E. Chavannes, TP 1907: 149–234, here
168.
3. Chin–Ch'eng commandery was established in 81 B.C.; it lay in
the area of present-day Lan–chou in S.E. Kansu province; see
HS 28B.1.6b.
4. This is identified by the Chinese commentators with the Chung–
nan shan , south of present-day Hsi-an.
—6—
HS 3871 (96A.1a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 72)
Yü–t'ien lies at the foot of the southern mountains, and its
river runs northward to join the river that comes from the
1
Ts'ung–ling. Eastward it flows into the P'u–ch'ang Sea
(Lob–nor); another name of the P'u–ch'ang Sea is
the Salt Marsh ; it is more than (1)300 ›li‹ distant
from the Yü–men and the Yang barriers and measures
2
300 (to 400) ›li‹ in width and length.
Its waters remain stagnant, and are not increased or
reduced in winter or summer.
It is said: + It is generally believed that the water flows
hidden below ground, and that it emerges to the south at
3
Chi–shih to form the [Huang] Ho of China .*
1. The P'u–ch'ang Sea is Lob-nor. From Huang 1948: 1–21, it is clear that
the lake in antiquity was situated where Lob-nor lies at present, since
the change in the courses of the Tarim and the Kum- or Kuruk-Darya
in 1921; see also Sven Hedin, The Wandering Lake, London 1940:
231–280.
Albert Herrmann, ›Die Westländer in der chinesischen Kartographie‹,
in: Sven Hedin, Southern Tibet, vol. VIII, Stockholm 1922: 89–386, here
213, discusses the mistaken idea of the early Chinese concerning the
identity of the Tarim and the upper course of the Yellow River (Huang
Ho) ...
2. Wang Nien–sun (1744–1832), in (1870), proves
from ancient quotations of this passage that this is the correct
reading.
3. Chi-shih, according to the author of the Han history, was situated in
the south-western Ch'iang territory, in Ho-kuan prefecture in the
Chin-ch'eng commandery , see HS 28BI.8b ...
—7—
HS 3872 (96A.1a–1b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 72–73)
Starting from the Yü–men and Yang
barriers there are two routes which lead into the
Western Regions.
The one which goes by way of Shan–shan ,
skirting the northern edge of the southern mountains
and proceeding along the course of the river west of
So–chü* is the Southern Route.
To the west, the Southern Route crosses the Ts'ung–
ling and then leads to Ta Yüeh–chih
and An–hsi .
The one which starts from the royal court of Nearer
Chü–shih , running alongside and fol-
lowing the course of the river west to Shu–lo
(Kashgar), is the Northern Route.
To the west, the Northern Route crosses the Ts'ung–
ling and leads to Ta Yüan (Ferghana or Sog-
1 2
2 diana?), K'ang–chü and Yen–ts'ai .
* Paolo Daffinà, ›The Han shu Hsi yü chuan Re-translated. A
Review Article‹ (TP 68, 1982: 308–339, here 312) :
I would rather understand as: + ... proceeding in a
western direction along the river up to So–chü ...*
1. [The HS commentator] Yen Shih–ku (581–645) writes
that is to be pronounced ›yüan‹ and not ›wan‹ ...
2. Wang Nien–sun (1744–1832) shows that the addition of
the word ›ch'i‹ in some editions is due to later copyists; the
country of Yen–ch'i is not located in the area described
here.
(DE GROOT 1926: 47)
Vom Ju'men- und dem Jang-Sperrtor aus führen zwei Straßen nach den Westländern. Die, welche über
›Si¥nsi¥n‹ längs dem Norden des ›Nanšan‹ und in der Richtung des Flusses (›Ho‹, des Tarim)
westlich nach ›Saku‹ (Jarkand) führt, ist die südliche Straße. Sie führt weiter westlich über das
›Ts'ong‹-Gebirge und läuft dann nach Groß-›Goatsi‹ und ›Ansik‹. Die aber, welche vom ›vornliegenden
Fürstenhofe‹ von Ku–su (gleich Kª–su , Turfan) aus an dem Pe'–šan , dem ›Nordgebirge‹,
entlang und in der Richtung des Flusses westwärts nach Sª–lik (Kaschgar) läuft, ist die nördliche
Straße. Diese führt weiter westlich über das Ts'ong-Gebirge und läuft dann nach Ta–wan, K'ang–ki,
Am–ts'at und J¥n–ki .
—8—
HS 3872 (96A.1b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 73)
The states of the Western Regions .
For the most part (they have inhabitants who are) settled
on the soil, with walled cities, cultivated fields and domes-
ticated animals. Their customs differ from those of the
Hsiung–nu and Wu–sun.
Formerly they were all subject to the Hsiung–nu.
1
At the western edge of the Hsiung–nu, the Jih–chu king
established the post of Commandant of T'ung–pu
(Slaves) with orders to direct the Western
Regions .
He was permanently situated in the area of Yen–chi
, Wei–hsü and Wei–li , and acquired wealth
and resources by levying taxes from the various states.
From the decline of the Chou, the Jung and Ti
peoples lived as elements of a mixed population to the
2
north of the Ching and Wei rivers.
1. ›Jih–chu‹ king was a Hsiung–nu title ...
2. The text says literally: + The Jung–Ti were living intermixed to the
north of the Ching and Wei (rivers)*, but it seems that the implications
are wider. The terms ›Jung‹ and ›Ti‹ were applied originally to tribes
living west and north of the Chinese ›oikoumenè‹, but were
subsequently invested with the more general meaning of ›barbarians‹
...
—9—
HS 3872–3873 (96A.1b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 73–74)
1
By the time of the first Ch'in Emperor , the Jung
2
and the Ti were driven away and the long walls
were built to form a boundary for China .
However, in the west, these did not extend further than
3
Lin–t'ao .
The Han dynasty arose, and we come to the time of (Em-
peror) Hsiao Wu ; he undertook the task of subduing
4
the various barbarian peoples and of spreading (Han)
prestige, whereas Chang Ch'ien for the first time
opened up the way into the Western Regions.
1. Acceded as king of Ch'in in 246 B.C., and adopted the title ›Shih–
huang–ti‹ , ›First Emperor‹, after the unification of 221 B.C.
2. For the course of the Long Walls (traditionally translated as ›the Great
Wall‹) see e.g. Herrmann (1935: maps 16–18), Herrmann (1966: maps
8–9), Hulsewé (1962: 559), and, in greater detail, Wang Kuo–liang
(1933: 29–37) and especially Huang Lin–shu (1959) ...
3. Lin–t 'ao, a prefecture in Lung–hsi commandery according to
HS 28BI.5b. It was located in the area of present-day Min–hsien ,
in Kansu province at ca. 104º E and 34º 25' N ...
4. Literally “ the barbarians of the Four (Directions)”, ›ssu i‹ ...
— 10 —
HS 3873 (96A.1b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 74–75)
1
Thereafter the general of cavalry on the alert
attacked and vanquished those lands of the Hsiung–nu
that lay to the right (i.e. to the west). He forced the kings of
K 'un–yeh and Hsiu–ch'u to surrender and
2
thereupon had those territories evacuated.
For the first time (fortifications) were built at Ling–
3
chü and further west.
And, once Chiu–ch'üan (›Wine-spring‹) had been
founded, members of the (Han) population were gradually
removed there to fill that area.
This was then divided: Wu–wei , Chang–i and
Tun–huang were founded to form a line of four com-
4
manderies based on the two barriers.
1. This title refers to Huo Ch'ü–ping , whose biography is to be
found in HS 55.7a ff. ...
2. The principal victories over the Hsiung–nu took place in 121 and
119 B.C. resulting in the eventual acquisition of the Kansu corridor; for
the course and conduct of the campaigns fought at this time, see F. A.
Kierman Jr. and J. K. Fairbank (eds.), Chinese Ways in Warfare.
Cambridge (Mass.) 1974: 69 ff. ...
3. ... close to 103º E and between 36º and 37º N, East of the Ta–t'ung
river.
4. For the dates of the establishment of the four commanderies of the
north-west, see Hulsewé 1957: 6–7 and Loewe 1967: I, 59–60, where it is
concluded, tentatively that
(i) Chiu–ch'üan and Chang–i were established in 104 B.C.;
(ii) Tun–huang was established shortly afterwards, at least before
91 B.C.;
(iii) Wu–wei was probably set up between 81 and 67 B.C.
although minor administrative units had existed there previously.
See also Chang Ch'un–shu in: Bulletin of the Institute of
History and Philology of the Academia Sinica 37/II 1967: 681–749,
here 748: Chiu–ch'üan 111 B.C.; Chang–i between 111 and 109 B.C.;
Tun–huang between 101 and 94 B.C.; Wu–wei c. 72 B.C.
(DE GROOT 1926: 49)
Danach schlug der P'iao–k'i-General das rechte Gebiet von Hung–nö und unterwarf die Könige von Hun–
ša und Hiu–tª; dieses Land wurde darauf entvölkert, und nun erst wurde westlich von Ling–ki die Mauer
gebaut. Man gründete dort erst die Mark Tsiu–ts'uan und schickte allmählich Volk hin, um die Lücken
wieder aufzufüllen: dann teilte man das Gebiet durch Stiftung (der Marken) Wu–wei, Tšang–ji' und
Tun–hong, und diese vier in einer Reihe liegenden Marken grenzten grenzen an die beiden Sperrtore (von
Ju'–m¥n und Jang).
— 11 —
HS 3873 (96A.1b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 76)
1
After the Erh–shih General's attack on Ta Yüan
(after 101 B.C.), the Western Regions were shocked
and frightened.
Most of the states sent envoys to China to present tribu-
tary gifts, and those persons who were sent by Han on
missions to the Western Regions felt more satisfied (with
2
the reception that they now received).
Government posts were thereupon erected at frequent in-
tervals in a series running westwards from Tun–huang
to the Salt Marsh , and a complement of
several hundred agricultural conscripts was sta-
tioned at both Lun–t'ai and Ch'ü–li .
1. All authorities agree that this place is the early medieval Sutrishna,
near Uratepe, between Khojend and Samarkand; see Chavannes
(1906: 153, n. 2), Herrmann (1935: map 37), Tarn (1951: 309), and
Pulleyblank (1966: 26–27). The latter adds that + the striking similarity
between Erh–shih *nyis-•i i and the Nisaea, famous for its horses ...*
Emperor Wu appointed Li Kuang–li Erh–shih General in 104 B.C. ...
2. As indicated by Wang Nien–sun (1870: 4–15.2b ff.) ›te chih‹
means “ to be satisfied, to obtain one's due” ...
— 12 —
HS 3873 (96A.1b–2a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 76–77)
A colonel for the (assistance of imperial) envoys
was established to protect them and to provide sup-
plies for the Han envoys who were proceeding to the outer
states .
In the time of Emperor Hsüan a guards' major
was sent with a commission to protect Shan–
shan and the several states to the west.
1
At the conquest of Ku–shih (the state) was not com-
pletely destroyed but was split between the (two) kings
of Nearer and Further Chü–shih and six
2
other states north of the mountains.
1. Ku–shih ... is the older name of a group of statelets in the Turfan
oasis, extending north beyond the T'ien–shan ... After its conquest by
the Chinese in the sixties of the 1st century B.C. it was called
Chü–shih ...
Because the Shih–chi description of events stops long before the
latter date, this text only mentions Ku–shih, whereas the Han–shu
mentions both Ku–shih and Chü–shih. The Shih–chi mentions Ku–shih
five times in four passages (SC 123.1b, 5a, 5b), in three of these linking
it with Lou–lan ...
2. ... The event occurred in 60 B.C. ... As enumerated by Hsü Sung
, the six states were East and West Chü–mi , Nearer and
Further Pei–lu and Nearer and Further P'u–lei ...
Daffinà, TP 1982: 312–313 —
“ Nearer and Further Chü–shih”. ›Ch'ien‹ and ›hou‹ are regu-
larly rendered with “ nearer” and “ further” respectively. But in the
geographical terminology they mean, no doubt, “ southern” and
“ northern” ...
— 13 —
HS 3873–3874 (96A.2a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 77–78)
At that time Han only protected the Southern Route
, being unable to take over the Northern Route
completely. However, the Hsiung–nu no longer felt
at ease.
After this the Jih–chu king rebelled against the
1 2
›Shan–yü‹ and led his people to submit (to China).
Cheng Chi , commissioner for the protection of
Shan–shan and the west, received him.
And on his arrival the Han (government) invested the
Jih–chu king with the title of noble of Kuei–te
(allegiance to imperial authority), and (Cheng) Chi with
that of noble of An–yüan (Pacification of distant
3
areas).
1. Shan–yü ... the title of the paramount ruler of the Hsiung–nu. The
reading ›shan–yü‹ is traditional; Pulleyblank (1962: 256) reconstructs
the ›Old Chinese‹ pronunciation as dån–h wah
and believes this to be
+ the ancestral form of ... (a) title that reappears among the Turks
and Mongols ... namely ›targan‹, ›tarxan‹ etc.*
2. ... Concerning these events, HSPC 70.4a adds that on hearing the
news of the Jih–chu king's intention to submit to the Han, Cheng Chi
sent out 50 000 men to go and meet him, whereas the number of
persons who made over was 120 000.
3. ... This incident occurred in 60 B.C., see Dubs, HFHD II, 1944: 243.
— 14 —
HS 3874 (96A.2a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 78)
These events took place in the third year of (the reign-period)
1
›shen–chüeh‹ (59 B.C.).
And (the government) took the occasion to commission (Cheng)
Chi to act as protector of (both) the Northern Route (and the
Southern Route); he was therefore entitled Protector General
, (an office) which originated with this appointment.
From that time onwards the (post of) Commandant of T'ung–pu
( Slaves) was abolished.
The Hsiung–nu became increasingly weaker and were
unable to approach the Western Regions .
1. Shen–chüeh or ›Divine Bird‹ is the name of one of Emperor Hsüan's so-called
›reign-periods‹ ...
— 15 —
HS 3874 (96A.2a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 78–79)
Agricultural colonists were thereupon removed to work
1
the lands in northern Hsü–chien , and the lands (of
2
Chü–shih) were allocated (for this purpose). The colonel
of the agricultural colonies was first sub-
ordinated to the Protector General .
This office [of the Protector General] kept under obser-
vation the activities of the various outer states such as
Wu–sun and K'ang–chü , and when an
incident occurred he submitted a report to the throne.
If the situation was suitable for peaceful settlement, he
settled it peacefully; if it was suitable for launching an
attack, he attacked.
The Protector General had his seat in the town of Wu–lei
, which was 2 738 ›li‹ distant from the Yang barrier
but close to the agricultural office of Ch'ü–li
.
1. The location of Hsü–chien ... only mentioned in this passage, is
unknown; it is clear from the context that it was situated in the
Chü–shih area (cf. next note).
2. The text reads So–chü . Hsü Sung points out that its
region lay far removed from the area under discussion, whereas HS
94A.31b and HS 96B.31a show that Chü–shih is meant. These
events occurred in 67 B.C.
— 16 —
HS 3874 (96A.2a–2b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 79)
The land was fertile and the location was at the
centre of the Western Region; for these reasons the
Protector General had his seat there.
In the time of Emperor Yüan the additional post of
1
the Wu and Chi colonel was established
to set up agricultural colonies at the royal court of
Nearer Chü–shih.
2
At this time Tzu–li–chih , king of P'u–lei
to the east of the Hsiung–nu, led more than 1 700
of his people to submit to the Protector General.
The Protector General separated the western
part of (the land of) the king of Further Chü–shih
to become the territory of Wu–t'an–tzu–li
, in order to settle them there.
1. For the ›wu–chi hsiao–wei‹, see Lao Kan (1959: 485–496). Lao's
conclusion is that the latter post was established in 48 B.C. and
filled by one officer ... although as early as 31 B.C. a ›chi‹ re-
giment was split off from this command and placed elsewhere
under the command of a ›ssu–ma‹ major. After ... 74 A.D., there
were two officers, a ›wu‹ and a ›chi‹ colonel, down to 78 A.D. In
89 only the ›wu‹ colonel and his regiment were reestablished, to
be abolished again in 107 A.D. ...
2. (Lake) P'u–lei ... since long identified with Lake Barkul ...
— 17 —
HS 3874 (96A.2b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 79)
Since the time of (Emperors) Hsüan and Yüan , the
1
›Shan–yü‹ has styled himself vassal and the
Western Regions have been submissive.
1. ›Fan–ch'en‹, lit. “ a servant (who acts as) a screen (viz. for his ruler)”;
the term is used in Han texts both for Chinese kings and nobles, and
for leaders of foreign peoples ... The term “ vassal” is used here for
convenience, without implying any specified legal or contractual rela-
tionship.
Daffinà, TP 1982: 313 —
... in HS ›fan–ch'ên‹ only occurs as the name of a constellation
and as a title of Hu–han–hsieh Shan–yü who un-
doubtedly is the Shan–yü alluded to in the passage under discussion.
In 53/52 B.C., under Emperor Hsüan (74–48 B.C.), Hu–han–hsien
Shan–yü went south with the multitude if his people and approached
the Han frontier (HSPC 94B.3a.5). The following year he knocked
at the Wu–yüan pass (HSPC 94B.3a.7) and in January/February of
51 B.C., an imperial edict said: + Now the Hun Shan–yü has styled
himself (Our) feudatory at the northern frontier * (HSPC
8.22a.9 = Dubs, HFHD II, 1944: 258). In February/March of the same
year + When the Hun Shan–yü Hu–han–shieh ... came to pay court, he
was introduced and announced as a subject from the border
* (HSPC 8.22a.12–22b.1 = Dubs, HFHD II, 1944: 258–259) ...
From these passages it is clear that ›fan–ch'ên‹ neither means simply
“ vassal”, nor “ vassal (who acts as) a screen”, but rather “ vassal at
the border”, as Dubs understood it, or “ vassal in attendance at the
border”. In his position of ›fan–ch'ên‹ Hu–han–hsieh Shan–yü re-
mained till 43/42 B.C., when he withdrew from the Han frontier and
returned north of the Gobi (HSPC 94B.5b.11–12) ...
— 18 —
HS 3874–3875 (96A.2b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 79–80)
(So) the extent of the lands (of the Western Regions), their
mountains and rivers, their kings and nobles, the numbers
of their households and the distances by road have
1
become clearly known.
Setting out from the Yang barrier nearest to Han
2
are the so-called Ch'o (who are one of the tribes of the)
Ch'iang .
1. Presumably, this information was provided by the Chinese officials in
this area outside China proper, in conformity with the regular practice
of the Han empire. The duties of the local administration included the
annual presentation of detailed reports on the area administered,
with details such as population figures. These latter were needed to
organise taxation and to regularise liability for service. This process
of “ forwarding accounts”, ›shang chi‹ , has been very well
described by Kamada Shigeo , Shin–Kan seiji seido no
kenkyø , Tokyo 1962: 369–412.
2. [Mèng Kång (180–260 ) merkt hier zu diesem Namen an: + Chuò wird Ér
ausgesprochen* .
Yán Shð-G÷ (581–645) präzisiert: + Die Aussprache ist eine Kontraktion
von Ér+zh±* . cmd]
— 19 —
HS 3875 (96A.2b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 80)
1 2
The state of the Ch'o (tribe of the) Ch'iang .
The king is entitled Ch'ü Hu lai wang (›aban-
3
doner of the nomads who made over to the King‹).
1. ›Ch'o‹ . The only earlier occurrence of this word is in the Spring
and Autumn Annals ... Wei Chao (197–273) states that it was
pronounced like ›erh‹ ...
2. ›Chiang‹ is a general term for the tribes living to the south-west of
the Kansu corridor, mostly in the area of the present-day Ch'ing–hai
province; see W. Eberhard, Kultur und Siedlung der Randvölker
Chinas, Leiden 1942: 69–87; Lao Kan , in: , Taipei
1960: 89–100 (mainly quotations); R. Stein, Les tribus anciennes des
marches sino-tibétaines, Paris 1961: 84 ff; Hu Chao–hsi , in:
Li–shi yan–jiu 1963/2; 153–170; Li Shao–ming , in: Li–shi
yan–jiu 1963/5: 165–182.
3. ›Hu‹ ... is one of the most general terms for the non-Chinese
peoples of the North and West ...
As indicated by Chavannes, TP 1905: 527, end of note 8, and de Groot,
Chinesische Urkunden II, 1926: 52, note, the king's appellation
contains a reference to the Book of Poetry, viz. to ode 305 verse 5,
where the expression ›lai wang‹ , “ to come to the king (viz. in
homage)”, occurs ...
Daffinà, TP 1982: 313–314 —
For the usual pronunciation ›ch'o‹ has been adopted, disregard-
ing the fact that all ancient commentators (Fu Ch'ien , Mêng
K'ang , Su Lin ) are unanimous in stating that as a name
of one of the Ch'iang tribes the character must be read êrh ...
pointed out more than sixty years ago by F. W. K. Müller, ›To rð und
Kuišan‹, Sb. d. Pr. Akademie der Wissenschaften, Berlin 1918: 571 ...
I wonder what the reader, whether sinologist or not, will be able to
grasp out of such an expression as “ abandoner of the nomads who
made over to the King”. Who was who made over to the King? ... Who
is the King? ... Fortunately the same note has a reference to Cha-
vannes (1905: 527 n.), where ›lai wang‹ is translated “ venir vers
l'empereur”. Chavannes' words (which are not quoted by the
Authors) can only mean that the king of the Êrh Ch'iang was styled
›ch'ü hu lai wang‹ because he had “ departed from the
Hu (= Hsiung–nu) and had come (i.e. submitted) to the (Han)
emperor”. This is also the interpretation given by Yen Shih–ku who
glosses ›lai‹ with ›fu han‹ , “ to submit to Han”.)
(DE GROOT 1926: 52)
1
Der König [des Reiches] von D{a–k'iong führt den Titel ›der die Hu verlassen hat und zum König (zur
2
Audienz) gekommen ist‹ .
1. Dem K'ang–hi-Lexikon zufolge lautet das Zeichen ›ts'iok‹ ( , ) oder ›t'iok‹ ( ) oder ›d{a‹ ( ),
jedoch im Namen dieses Reiches ›dsi‹ ( , ). J¥n Ši–ku aber sagt, daß es hier ›d{a‹ ( ) lautet. Das Wort
›k'iong‹ ist uns als Name der Bevölkerung des Landes vom Kuku-nor schon im Teil I bekannt geworden, und D{a–k'iong ist in der
Tat die westliche Fortsetzung dieses Gebirgslandes.
2. Der Ausdruck “zum König kommen” (d.h. als Lehnsträger am Hofe erscheinen) datiert aus den alten Zeiten, als die Söhne
des Himmels noch den Titel ›wang‹ führten. Er kommt im Ši–king vor. (Vgl. die Bemerkungen LEGGEs zu dem Ausdruck in
Chin. Cl. III: 55 und IV: 465). FRANKE
— 20 —
HS 3875 (96A.2b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 81)
Distant by 1800 ›li‹ from the Yang barrier and
6300 ›li‹ from Ch'ang–an , (the state) lies
secluded in the south-west and is not situated on the
1
main route .
There are 450 households , 1750 individuals
with 500 persons able to bear arms .
To the west it adjoins Ch'ie–mo .
In company with their stock animals (the inhabit-
ants) go in search of water and pasture and do not
apply themselves to agricultural work. For field-
crops they rely on Shan–shan and Ch'ie–mo.
The mountains produce iron and they make military
weapons themselves. For military weapons they
have bows, lances, short knives, swords and armour.
(It is said:) + Advancing to the north-west, one rea-
ches Shan–shan and then meets the Route.*
1. The explanation by Yen Shih–ku of , sometimes , as
“ tunnel ”, followed by de Groot (Chinesische Urkunden II, 1926:
passim “ Lochweg”), is to be rejected ... see the remarks by
other Chinese commentators.
— 21 —
HS 3875 (96A.2b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 81–82)
The state of Shan–shan .
1
The original name was Lou–lan .
The seat of the king's government is the town of Wu–
2
ni , and it is distant 1600 ›li‹ from the Yang
barrier and 6100 ›li‹ from Ch'ang–an .
1. Lou–lan is the Krora'i™na or Krorayina of the Kharo•ƒhð docu-
ments; it was originally, it seems, the name of the whole
country and known as such to the Chinese — although they
may have been ignorant of its position — since 176 B.C., when
the Hsiung–nu ruler Mao–tun informed emperor Wen of his
conquest of this and of other states (HS 94A.10b; de Groot,
Chinesische Urkunden I, 1921: 76). In a more restricted sense,
Lou–lan continued to refer to the town of Krora'i™na, i.a. the
area designated as LA by Aurel Stein, Serindia, Oxford 1921: I,
414–415; see also Enoki Kazuo, in: Memoirs of the Research
Department of the Toyo Bunko 22, 1963: 125–171, here 147.
Shan–shan was the name adopted when the state had come
under Chinese domination in 77 B.C. The name has been
identified as being the origin of Cherchen or Charchan by
James Hamilton, TP 46, 1958: 115–153, here 121; see also E. G.
Pulleyblank, in: Asia Major 9, 1962: 58–144, and 206–265, here 109.
Nearly all authorities have accepted the identification of
Lou–lan with the site discovered at a place slightly west of
90 º E and 40º 31' N by Hedin and by Stein ... Huang (1948: 11),
who has also visited these localities, says ... that the Hedin-
Stein site is ancient Lou–lan, being situated to the north of the
ancient — and again the present-day — Lob nor, and deserted
in the 4th century of our era. The place later called “ Nob” was
south of the lake ...
2. Wu–ni, however, has given rise to considerable discussion be-
cause of the uncertainties surrounding the word here tran-
scribed as ›Wu‹, viz. ...
Now either Wu–mi or Chü–mi (not –ni!) may be correct for the
completely different country (see below), but, as regards the
capital of Lou–lan/ Shan–shan, it would seem that Han–ni
is right, supported as it is by the reading [Huan–ni]
in the Hou Han chi by Yüan Hung (328–375), for this
agrees with the word occurring in the Kharo•ƒhð inscriptions:
›kuhani‹ (or ›kvhani‹), meaning “ capital”
(Enoki 1963: 129–135) ...
— 22 —
(unweit Ta–t'ung in Šan–si). Die Wälle, welche die Hauptstadt umschließen, sind auf jeder der vier Seiten ein
›Li‹ lang. Das Land ist zumeist sandig und salzig, und in nur wenigen Gegenden gibt es Wasser und Pflanzen. Nach
Norden hin führt die Straße durch die “ Höhen der weißen Drachen” .* ...
In den Fu'–kuo'–ki , den “ Schriften über die buddhistischen Reiche”, welche die Reiseberichte des Pilgers Fa'–hi¥n [F¬
Xi¬n] enthalten, finden wir verzeichnet, daß er, im Jahre 400 von Tun–hong abgereist,
+ in 17 Tagen etwa 1 500 ›Li‹ zurücklegte und dann das Reich Si¥n–si¥n erreichte
.*
Keine dieser Quellen, noch irgendeine der anderen bisher von uns zitierten, noch Tšang K'i¥n's auf S. 12 wiedergegebener Bericht,
noch Sung Jün (kein Pilger, sondern ein Beamter und Abgesandter der Weï-Kaiserin. FR.), der die Stadt Si¥n–si¥n im
Jahre 519 besuchte, erwähnt ihre Lage am See. Dasselbe ist der Fall mit dem fünften Itinerar der Westlande, welches sich in Kap.
43B des T'ang–šu , “ Bücher der T'ang-Dynastie”, befindet (Bl. 17). Wir lesen da nämlich:
+ Weiter führt noch eine Straße vom Kreise Šou–tš'ang (S. 32) in Ša–tšou westwärts nach zehn ›Li‹ zur alten Stadt
des Jang-Sperrtors. Dann weiter westlich bis an das südliche Ufer des Pª–tš'ang-Sees (Lob-nor) sind es tausend ›Li‹.
Vom Südufer des Pª–tš'ang-Sees westwärts durch “ die Stadt der sieben Militärkolonien” , die in der Han-Zeit
die Stadt I–siu war; dann weiter westwärts kommt man nach achtzig ›Li‹ (vom See?) an die Burg Ši'–tš'ing ,
“ die Steinstadt”, die in der Han-Zeit das Reich (oder die Reichshauptstadt) Lª–lan war, das auch Si¥n–si¥n hieß.
Dreihundert ›Li‹ südlich (südwestlich?) vom Pª–tš'ang-See baute K'ang J¥n–ti¥n eine Burg , zum Nutzen des
Verkehrs mit dem Westen.*
Der Name Si¥n–si¥n ist wahrscheinlich derselbe, den wir noch auf unseren heutigen Karten in der Form Tscher–tschen antreffen,
und zwar als den des größten Flusses dieser Gegenden, der, vom Südwesten kommend, sich in den Lob-nor ergießt, und an dem
die Stadt Tscher-tschen liegt. Zu dieser Auffassung führt uns die Erwägung, daß das buddhistische Wort ›dhyåna‹, “ Beschauung”,
von Anfang an stets in China mit dem Zeichen transkribiert ist, das ebenfalls die Aussprache ›s¥n‹ hat, und daß sich nichts
der Annahme widersetzt, daß Tscher-tschen eigentlich Dscher-dschen lautet oder früher gelautet hat. Die Transkription von
›Dscher‹ mittels eines Zeichens, das ›dsi¥n‹ lautete, ergab sich von selbst, da das Chinesische kein ›r‹ besitzt.
Bei dem Namen der Residenzstadt U–le sei noch darauf aufmerksam gemacht, daß es ein Schriftzeichen ›han‹ gibt, das
dem Zeichen so ähnlich ist, daß ein Verwechslung damit sehr leicht hat vorkommen können. Die Stadt mag also Han–le oder
Han–mi geheißen haben.
— 23 —
HS 3875 (96A.2b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 82–84)
There are 1570 households. 14100 individuals with 2912 persons
able to bear arms.
(There are the following officials:)
1
the noble of Fu–kuo (support of the state), the noble of
2
Ch'üeh–hu (resistance to the nomads), the com-
3
mandant of Shan–shan, the commandant of Chi
4
Chü–shih (assault on Chü–shih), the Chü–ch'ü
5
of the left and the right, the master of Chi Chü–shih (as-
6
sault on Chü–shih) and two interpreters-in-chief .
1. “Noble who supports the State”, ›fu–kuo hou‹ (cf. the title “ King who supports
the State”, ›fu–kuo wang‹, in Ta Yüan, HS 96A.36b), a title which is found in
many of the states in the Western Regions. As remarked by Hsü Sung
(1781–1848), this and similar posts and titles were filled, c.q. borne, by men of
the locality in question, but it was the Chinese who bestowed them.
HS 96B.36a–b enumerates a number of such titles or functions and adds:
+ there were altogether 376 men who carried on their belts Han seals and
ribbons.* ...
Enoki (1963: 128, note 8) warns against attempts at identifying these Chinese
titles with native titles; all, except ›fu–kuo hou‹ and interpreter-in-chief,
being + military ones, showing the military nature of the Chinese
administration ... because of the policy of the Han government to organize
the countries ... for mobilisation to attack their strongest enemy ... the
Hsiung–nu ... (they) were established for the convenience of the government
of Han* ...
2. “ Noble who repels the Hu”, ›ch'üeh–Hu hou‹; for Hu see note p. 80.
3. Commandant, ›tu–wei‹. Within the Han empire, this title was borne by the
chief officer of a commandery in command of the troops in that area, under
the direction of the chief civil official, the Governor, ›t'ai–shou‹ , of the
commandery. In A.D. 30 the post of ›tu–wei‹ was abolished, except in the
commanderies situated on China's borders ...
4. ›Chü–ch'ü‹ ... This is a Hsiung–nu title, also mentioned in HSPC 94A.7a and
8.20a; cf. Dubs, HFHD II, 1944: 251 ...
5. “Master”, ›chün‹. This rendering is an emergency solution, for ›chün‹ does not
possess this meaning; it normally signifies “ prince” or even “ ruler” ...
6. Among the leading ministers was the Superintendent of State Visits, whose
title was originally ›Tien–k'o‹ ; in 144 B.C. this was changed to
Ta–hsing ling , which was again altered to ›Ta–hung–lu‹
in 104 B.C.; cf Dubs, HFHD I, 1938: 233 and Chavannes, MH II, 1969: 506 and 618
... Subordinate to the Superintendent of State Visits were the director, ›ling‹
, and his assistant, ›ch'eng‹ , in the interpreters' office; these posts were
abolished in the Later Han period (HHSCC, Tr. 25.11a) ...
(DE GROOT 1926: 54)
1570 Familien; 14100 Einwohner; 2912 Krieger. Ein ›Lehnsfürst, Stütze des Reiches‹ ; ein ›Lehnsfürst
für das Zurückwerfen der Hu‹ ; ein Generalkommandant von Si¥n–si¥n; ein General-
kommandant für die Kriegsführung gegen Ku–su; ein rechter und ein linker ›Tsu–ku‹ (vgl. Teil I, S. 56 f.);
ein Fürst für die Kriegsführung gegen Ku–su; zwei Haupt-Dolmetscher .
(WYLIE 1881: 24)
The kingdom contains 1,570 families, comprising a population of 14,100, with 2,912 trained troops, a Guardian
Marquis, a Marquis of Ke©h–hoo, a Protector General of Shen–shen, a Protector General for repelling the
Keu–sze, a Right Tseay–keu, a Left Tseay–keu, a Prince for repelling the Keu–sze, and two Interpreters-in-
chief.
— 24 —
HS 3875–3876 (96A.2b–3a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 84–85)
To the north-west it is a distance of 1785 ›li‹to the seat of
1
the Protector General and 1365 ›li‹ to the state of
2
(Mo–) shan ( ) . (Also) to the north-west it is 1890 ›li‹
to Chü–shih .
The land is sandy and salty, and there are few cultivated
fields. The state hopes to obtain (the produce of)
cultivated fields and looks to neighbouring states for field-
crops.
1. The text reads 1365 ›li‹, but some versions of the ›Shui–ching chu‹
by Li Tao–yüan (?–527) read 1865 ›li‹, a difference of
500 ›li‹ (i.e. ca. 200 km) ...
2. The text has only ›shan‹ , but the commentators show by means of
ancient quotations of this phrase, as well as of parallel passages, that
Mo–shan is the correct reading ...
Daffinà, TP 1982: 315 —
+ The state hopes to obtain (the produce of) cultivated fields and looks
to neighbouring states for field-crops* . The
expression ›chi t'ien‹ occurs also in the case of P'u–li (96A.21a),
I–nai (96A.21b), and Mo–shan (96B.28b). It has been in every instance
understood as meaning “to hope to obtain (the produce of) cultivated
fields”, or “ to rely on getting field produce from”. This interpretation
is quite in contrast with the plain paraphrase that Yen Shih–ku gives
of the above quoted sentence: + They leave (or entrust) to other coun-
tries the tilling of the soil and buy the grains of the neighbouring
countries* . Analogously Hsü
Sung , commenting on Mo–shan, says that the soil being saltish
and hard , the people of the country are unable to plough it
and therefore ›chi t'ien‹ , + they make over their
fields (to others).* ...
In this connection it may be of some interest to remember that in the
first century B.C. Hypsicrates of Amisos (quoted by Strabo 7.4.6)
attributed this very custom of ›chi t'ien‹ to the Scythian nomads living
to the north of the Black Sea: + They turn over their land to any
people who wish to till it, and are satisfied if they receive in return for
the land the tribute they have assessed* (H. L. Jones' translation).
The grains for which, according to our text, the people of Shan–shan
were relying on (or looking to ) their neighbouring states, were
probably obtained in return for the land lent over to those states ...
(DE GROOT 1926: 55)
Nordwestlich sind [es] bis an den Verwaltungssitz des ›Allgemeinen Schutzherrn‹ 1785 ›Li‹, bis zum
Reiche (oder zur Reichshauptstadt) San 1365 ›Li‹ und nordwestlich bis Ku–su 1890 ›Li‹. Der Boden ist
sandig und salzig. Es gibt also wenig Ackerbau, und man ist deshalb auf den Landbau der anliegenden
Reiche angewiesen, von woher man Getreide zu bekommen sucht.
— 25 —
HS 3876 (96A.3a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 85)
1
The state produces jade and there is an abundance of rushes
2 3
, tamarisk , the balsam poplar , and white
4
grass .
In company with their flocks and herds the inhabitants go in
search of water and pasture, and there are asses, horses and
a large number of camels .
(The inhabitants) are capable of making military weapons in
the same way as the Ch'o [Erh] of the Ch'iang tribes.
1. ›Chia–wei‹, a general term for rushes; see ›Botanicon sinicon‹ II: 268 ff.
2. ›Sheng–liu‹, tamarisks; see ›Botanicon sinicon‹ II: 364 ff.
3. ›Hu–t'ung‹, “ balsam poplar” according to Laufer 1919: 339 f.
4. ›Pai ts'ao‹, white grass. This term evidently covers several plants; ›Chi–wu‹
provides two different identifications. When ›pai–ying‹ is meant, this
is Solanium dulcamara L., the common bittersweet or woody nightshade;
when ›pai–lien‹ is meant, this is the creeper Ampelopsis
serianaefolia, identified by the Japanese as the sorrel vine. See ›Botanicon
sinicon‹ II: 79 and III: 187 resp. II: 453 and III: 180 agrees with these
identifications, only calling the ampelopsis: vitis. See also HSPC 94B.14b.
— 26 —
HS 3876 (96A.3a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 85–86)
1
Originally Emperor Wu had been won over by
Chang Ch'ien's reports and whole-heart-
edly wished to open communications with Ta Yüan
and various states.
(Han) envoys were in sight of each other (as they
2
made their way) along the routes, and as many as
ten missions were sent during a single year.
Lou–lan and Ku–shih , being situated
on the route, harassed these missions, attacking and
robbing envoys such as Wang Hui . In addition
they frequently acted as ears and eyes for the
Hsiung–nu , enabling their troops to intercept
the Han envoys.
The Han envoys frequently said that those states
3
possessed walled towns and that their troops
were weak and easy to attack.
1. That is: after the return of Chang Ch'ien from his journey
through Central Asia in 126 or 125 B.C.
2. + Envoys in sight of each other* is a cliché ... indicating the
frequency of the official traffic.
3. The text reads , which here seems to be merely a general
term, not to be split up in + walled towns* and + (unwalled)
settlements*, for by Han times ›i‹ had lost this meaning.
— 27 —
HS 3876 (96A.3a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 86–87)
Whereupon Emperor Wu sent Chao P'o–nu ,
1
Noble of Ts'ung–p'iao , to take command of a
force, composed of cavalry from the dependent states
2
, and troops from the commanderies , and num-
bering several tens of thousands, to attack Ku–shih .
Wang Hui had on several occasions been harassed by
Lou–lan, and the emperor ordered him to assist (Chao)
P'o–nu in leading the troops.
(Chao) P 'o–nu reached the destination first, with seven
hundred light cavalry; and having captured the king of
Lou–lan he then defeated Ku–shih (108 B.C.). He took the
opportunity to stage a display of his military power so as
to shock (states) like Wu–sun and Ta Yüan .
1. HSPC 17.11a ... reports that Chao P'o–nu ... was created Noble of
Ts'ung–p'iao on 14 June 121 B.C. for his military merits in campaigns
against the Hsiung–nu ... The meaning of the name of his nobility
Ts'ung–p'iao is that Chao P'o–nu joined the army of the P'iao
ch'i General Huo Ch'ü–ping .
2. We believe these to be conscripts available for call-up as needed for
specified campaigns. Theoretically, all men between the age of 23
and 56, except for the holders of the higher aristocratic ranks, were
liable for military service, as well as statute labour duty. They had to
serve as “ regular conscripts”, ›cheng–tsu‹ , for one year under
the orders of the Commandant, ›tu–wei‹ , of their commandery
of origin. It is to these men that the text evidently refers. It should be
noted that the men had to serve another year as “ garrison
conscripts”, ›shu–tsu‹ , either guarding the imperial palaces in
the capital or the royal palaces in their place of origin, if this
happened to be a kingdom, or they had to serve in the defence forces
on the border ...
(DE GROOT 1926: 55–56)
entsandte Kaiser Wu den Lehnsfürsten, der mit dem P'iao–k'i–General in den Krieg zog, nämlich Tšao
P'o–nu (s. S. 31), mit Reiterei aus den Nebengebieten und Kriegsvolk aus den Marken, einige Zehntausende
an Zahl, zum Angriff auf Kª–su ins Feld. Wang K'wei, der mehrmals von Lª–lan arg mißhandelt war, wur-
de vom Kaiser beauftragt, dem Tšao P'o–nu Beistand zu leisten. Letzterer ritt nun erst mit 700 Mann leich-
1
ter Reiterei nach Lª–lan, nahm da den König gefangen (109 oder 108 v.Chr.) und schlug auch Kª–su nie-
der. Der Eindruck, den er durch diese glorreichen Waffentaten machte, erschütterte nun auch ¶–sun,
Ta–wan und die übrigen Reiche.
1. In einer kurzen biographischen Skizze des Tšao P'o–nu (Ši–ki 111.19) steht, daß sich das im 2. Jahr der Periode Juan–fung
ereignete, also 109 v.Chr. Nach dem T'ung ki¥n kang mu' geschah es im 3. Jahre dieser Periode [108 v.Chr.].
— 28 —
HS 3876–3877 (96A.3a–3b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 87)
On his return, (Chao) P'o–nu was invested with
1
the title of Noble of Cho–yeh and (Wang) Hui
with that of Hao . Han now (built) a line of
2
government posts and defences stretching as far
as the Yü–men barrier.
Once Lou–lan had surrendered and presented tributary
gifts (to the Han emperor), the Hsiung–nu heard of those
events and sent out troops to attack (Lou–lan).
Whereupon (the king of) Lou–lan sent one son as a hos-
tage to the Hsiung–nu and one as a hostage to Han.
3
Later, the army of the Erh–shih (general) attacked
Ta Yüan . Although the Hsiung–nu wished to
intercept him, the Erh–shih (general's) forces were strong
and (the Hsiung–nu) did not dare to confront them.
1. The nobility was bestowed in 108 B.C. (HSPC 17.11a); Wang Hui
received his nobility early in 107 B.C. (HS 17.21b).
2. ›T 'ing–chang‹. This is a general term; a ›t'ing‹ is a post, whereas
›chang‹ are earth works. For a description of the border defence
system in Han times, see Michael Loewe, Records of Han Admini-
stration (RHA), Cambridge 1967: I, 74–107 ...
3. This campaign was started in 104 B.C., but it was only brought to a
successful conclusion later, in 101 B.C. ...
— 29 —
HS 3877 (96A.3b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 87–88)
So they sent cavalry to make use of Lou–lan so as to await
those of the Han envoys who were the last to pass by, with the
intention of cutting them off and denying them a way through.
1
At this time Jen Wen , an army controller [of Han],
was in command of a force; he was garrisoning the Yü–men
barrier, and acting as a rear-guard for the Erh–shih (general).
From live captives whom he had taken he ascertained the facts
of the situation and reported accordingly.
The emperor commanded (Jen) Wen to lead the troops by a
2
suitable route, to arrest the king of Lou–lan and to bring him
to the palace at the capital city; (Jen Wen) interrogated the
king by presenting him with a bill of indictment, which he
answered by claiming that (Lou–lan) was a small state lying
among large states, and that unless it subjected itself to both
parties, there would be no means of keeping itself in safety. He
therefore wished to remove his kingdom and take up residence
within the Han territory.
1. Army Controller Jen Wen. For the post see A. F. P. Hulsewé, Remnants of
Han Law (RHL), Leiden 1955: 304, note 19, where this title is rendered as
Army Corrector. Jen Wen is unknown except for a brief mention in HS
94A.23b (de Groot, Chinesische Urkunden I, 1921: 155) to the effect that in the
autumn of 102 B.C. he drove away the Hsiung–nu who had raided the
Kansu corridor (cf. Dubs, HFHD II, 1944: 102).
2. Die interpungierten chinesischen Ausgaben — wie auch Wylie und de
Groot — beenden den Satz hier. Die Worte des Loulan-Königs geben alle in
direkter Rede wieder.
(DE GROOT 1926: 56)
Es schickte jedoch sofort Reiterei ins Feld, um nachkommenden Gesandten von Han, welche von Lª–lan
erspäht wurden, den Weg zu verlegen und sie nicht durchzulassen. Ein Direktor der Kriegsmacht
von Han, Z ¥n W¥n , der zur Rückendeckung des Dsi–su mit einer Streitmacht am Sperrtor von
Ju'–m¥n stand, bekam das von Leuten, die er festnahm, zu wissen und berichtete es dem Kaiser. Dieser
befahl nun Z ¥n W¥n, auf Seitenwegen Kriegsvolk zusammenzuziehen und den König von Lª–lan zu
fangen. Man führte ihn nach den Pforten des Palastes und stellte ihn mit den Schriftstücken in der Hand
zur Rede, jedoch er erwiderte: + Ein kleines Reich, das zwischen großen liegt, kann nicht den beiden
angehören und besitzt die Mittel nicht, um sich den Frieden zu wahren; ich möchte also mein Reich in das
Gebiet von Han hinüberbringen.*
— 30 —
HS 3877 (96A.3b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 88)
The emperor accepted this statement as true and sent
him back to his state; in addition he employed (the king's)
services to keep a watch on the Hsiung–nu, who from then
on showed no great friendliness or trust in Lou–lan.
1
In the first year of (the reign-period) ›cheng–ho‹
(92 B.C.) the king of Lou–lan died; his countrymen came
to (Ch'ang–an) to request the person of the king's son who
was serving as a hostage in Han, as they wished to set
him up as king.
But the (king's) son who was held as hostage had been
indicted according to the terms of the Han laws and sent
2
down to the silk-worm house to undergo castration; for
this reason (Han) did not send him (to Lou–lan).
But affirmed in reply: + The Son of Heaven has become
greatly attached to his attendant and is unable to send
him away; in his place you should enthrone the next son
who is suitable to accede.*
1. Nearly all texts which deal with these years, with but few exceptions
(HSPC 17.19b and 23b), call this reign period ›cheng–ho‹; the original
Han documents on wood, found in the Tung–huang and Edsin-gol
areas, show that this is correct and that the period was not called
›yen–ho‹ as had been suggested. The mistake is due to the
similarity between the two characters; see Hsia Nai , in:
CYYY 19, 1948: 235–261, here 236–237, ills. 1 and 2; cf. also Hulsewé,
Remnants of Han Law (RHL), Leiden 1955: II, 322.
2. For this punishment see Hulsewé 1955: I, 127 ff.
(DE GROOT 1926: 56–57)
Der Höchste billigte diesen Wunsch und ließ ihn nach seinem Reich zurückgehen. Nunmehr war es ihm
auferlegt, Hung–nª auszuspionieren, und seitdem war es um das so enge und vertrauensvolle Verhältnis
von Hung–nª und Lª–lan geschehen. Im ersten Jahre der Periode ›Tšing–huo‹ (92 v.Chr.) starb der
König von Lou–lan. Seine Landsleute kamen dann, um den Sohn, der sich in Han als Geisel befand,
zurückzuerbitten, da man ihn auf den Thron setzen wollte, er war jedoch, weil er sich stets gegen die
Gesetze von Han vergangen hatte, nach dem Seidenzuchthause (dem Harem) verwiesen und dort
entmannt worden. Man ließ ihn also nicht gehen und antwortete: + Der Sohn, der sich im Dienste des
Sohns des Himmels befindet, ist so beliebt bei diesem, daß er ihn nicht gehen lassen kann. Ihr müßt also
den Sohn, der zunächst dazu berechtigt ist, auf den Thron erheben.*
— 31 —
HS 3877–3878 (96A.3b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 88–89)
Lou–lan established a king in his place and
Han once more claimed an hostage. Another son was
likewise sent as hostage to the Hsiung–nu. Later the
king died, in his turn. The Hsiung–nu learned the
news first and sent their hostage back (to Lou–lan)
so that he could be established as king.
Han sent an envoy bearing a command for the
1
new king, ordering him to come to court, and
(promising that) the Son of Heaven would reward
him richly.
Now the later wife of the king of Lou–lan was his
2
step-mother, and she spoke to the king in the fol-
lowing terms:
+ Neither of the sons sent by the previous king as
hostages to Han has come back; what purpose is
there in proceeding to court?*
1. The nobles were obliged to come to court in spring and
autumn; see HS 35.5b, cf. 52.1b /SC 106.6 and 107.3).
2. Hsü Sung remarks that in this respect the people of
Lou–lan followed the Hsiung–nu custom. The example he must
have had in mind is that of the unfortunate Chinese palace
lady whom the Han court gave as a wife to the Hsiung–nu ruler
Hu–han–yeh and who complained of having been
compelled, upon the latter's death, to marry his son Fu–chu–lei;
see HS 94B.9a (de Groot, Chinesische Urkunden I, 1921: 247).
— 32 —
HS 3878 (96A.3b–4a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 89)
The king accepted her advice and made his apologies to
the envoy; he said that he had but recently acceded to the
throne and that his land was not yet stable; he would
prefer to wait for a subsequent year before making his
way to court for an audience with the Son of Heaven
.
However, Lou–lan was the furthest east (of the states of
the Western Regions). It lay close to Han and confronted
1
the White Dragon Mound . The locality was short
of water and pasture, and was regularly responsible for
sending out guides, conveying water, bearing provisions
and escorting or meeting Han envoys. In addition the
state was frequently robbed, reprimanded or harmed by
officials or conscripts and found it inexpedient to keep in
contact with Han.
Later the state again conducted espionage for the
Hsiung–nu, often intercepting and killing Han envoys.
1. White Dragon Mounds, ›pai–lung tui‹. Sir Aurel Stein, Serindia, Oxford
1921: 341 f., describes these ›yardang‹, flattened, salt-encrusted
sandhills; see also Sven Hedin, The wandering Lake, London 1940:
passim, and ›Channel shifting‹, 1959: 102–104, and the plates on
pp. 127–128. Chavannes, ›Les pays d'Occident d'après le Wei–lio‹, in:
TP 6, 1905: 519–571, here 529 ff., n. 7, has assembled the relevant
ancient passages; he stresses the wide extent of this belt.
— 33 —
HS 3878 (96A.4a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 89–90)
1
The (king's) younger brother, Wei–t'u–ch'i , sub-
mitted to Han and gave a full account of the situation.
2
In the fourth year of (the reign period) ›yüan–feng‹
3
(77 B.C.), the supreme general Huo Kuang laid
4
before the emperor a plan for sending Fu Chieh–tzu
5
5 , inspector (of the stables) at the P'ing–lo Palace,
to go out and stab the king to death.
(Fu) Chieh–tzu lightheartedly led a group of bold and
6
venturesome men who were carrying gold and valuables
with them; and he let it be known that these were
intended as presents for the outer states.
1. Wei–t 'u–ch'i ... As Hsü Sung remarks, the two last signs are
used also for a Hsiung–nu word meaning “wise”; see HS 94A.7a:
(de Groot, Chinesische Urkunden I, 1921: 55).
2. The following incident is reported more fully in HS 70.1b. The veracity
of these events, at least of the dispatch of the king's head, is
substantiated by an actual document; see Lao Kan , in: CYYY 30,
1959: 311–491, here 365, or Lao Kan , , Taipei
1960: 23; and cf. M. Loewe, Records of Han Administration (RHA), Cam-
bridge 1967: II, 228 and A. F. P. Hulsewé, ›Han-time Documents‹, in: TP
45, 1957: 1–50, here 7.
3. Huo Kuang was one of the leading figures in the Han imperial
government, acting as regent between 87 and his death in 68 B.C.
4. Fu Chieh–tzu: For a brief survey of his life see HS 70 (de Groot,
Chinesische Urkunden II, 1926: 57 ff.).
5. Amended according to HS 17.28a; the text here leaves out the crucial
word “ stables”, ›ch'u‹ . The P'ing–lo Stables were presumably
attached to the P'ing–lo Lodge, ›kuan‹ or , in the Shang–lin
Hunting Park; cf. HS 6.31a (Dubs, HFHD II, 1944: 98).
6. Cf. HS 70.1b. For the use of silk as one of the most important items
among the “ gifts” to alien tribes, c.q. to their rulers, see A. F. P. Hul-
sewé, in: Mélanges de sinologie offerts à Monsieur P. Demiéville II,
Paris 1974, and Yü Ying–shih, Trade and Expansion in Han China. A
Study in the Structure of Sino-Barbarian Economic Relations,
Berkeley 1967: passim.
— 34 —
HS 3878 (96A.4a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 90)
Once he had reached Lou–lan he deceived the king
(by giving out) that he intended to make him a pre-
sentation. The king was delighted; and he became
intoxicated while drinking with (Fu) Chieh–tzu, who
now took the king aside for a private word. Two of
his strong men followed and stabbed the king to
death, and all his noblemen and attendants fled in
confusion.
(Fu) Chieh–tzu proclaimed the following message of
admonition from the Han emperor:
+ The Son of Heaven has sent me to punish the king,
by reason of his crime in turning against Han. It is
fitting that in his place you should enthrone his
younger brother Wei–t'u–ch'i who is at
present at Han.
Han troops are about to arrive here; do not dare to
make any move which would result in yourselves
bringing about the destruction of your state.*
— 35 —
HS 3878 (96A.4a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 90)
1 (Fu) Chieh–tzu then beheaded the king, who was named
1
(An–) kuei , and sent his head by the mounted
messenger service to the palace, where it was suspended
at the Northern Tower.
(Fu) Chieh–tzu was invested with the title of Noble of
2
I–yang .
1. Amended in conformity with HS 7.9a (Dubs, HFHD II, 1944: 171) and
HS 70.2a (where the name occurs twice). Our text here reads
Ch'ang–kuei ... whereas the other passages read An–kuei
... HSPC 70.2a quotes the imperial decree of enfeoffment which
reads: + An–kuei, the king of Lou–lan, acted as a spy for the
Hsiung–nu, repeatedly obstructing Han envoys, mobilizing troops,
killing and kidnapping the three groups of (respectively) the Guard's
major An–lo, the Palace Counsellor Chung and the Gentleman of the
Ch'i–men Guard Sui–ch'eng and the envoys from An–hsi and Ta
Yüan, robbing their insignia and seals as well as the objects for
presentation (to the Han court). This was highly contrary to the rules
of Heaven. The director (of the stables) of the P'ing–lo Palace, Fu
Chieh–tzu, holding credentials, in causing the head of An–kuei, King
of Lou–lan, to be cut off and to be hung at the northern palace gates,
has requited enmity with rightness (a quotation from ›Lun–yü‹
14.36.3), without causing trouble to the armies. Let (Fu) Chieh–tzu be
enfeoffed as Noble of I–yang, enjoying the revenue of settlements (to
the amount of) 700 households.* The soldiers who had stabbed the
king were all appointed Gentlemen-in-Attendance.
2. The date of the conferment of the nobility is yüan–feng, 4th year, 7th
month, day ›i–ssu‹, i.e. 8 September 77 B.C. (Julian); he died in
yüan–k'ang, 1st year, i.e. in 65 B.C. (HS 17.28a).
— 36 —
HS 3878 (96A.4a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 90–91)
And (Han) then established Wei–t'u–ch'i as king,
changing the name of the state to Shan–shan .
1
An official seal was engraved for (the king's) use; he
was presented with one of the women of the palace to be
his wife, and carriages, a mounted retinue and baggage
carts were prepared for him.
2 3
The chancellor and generals led (a group of)
4
government officials to escort him outside the Kuang Gate
5
, and when the ceremony of ›god-speed‹ had
been performed he was sent on his way.
1. Seal and seal ribbons ›yin shou‹ , were the visible insignia of
rank and office; they are specified in the ›Treatise of carriages and
clothing‹ in the History of the Later Han Dynasty, HHS Tr. 30.13b f.; the
measures of these ribbons, with different colours depending on the
rank, varied between 21 and 15 Han-feet, with a constant width of
1 ft. 6 in.; the tighter the weave, the higher the rank. There are several
instances known of “ barbarian” rulers receiving these insignia, like
e.g. the king of Tien, near the K'un–ming Lake in present-day Yün–nan
province (HS 95.5a) ... and the rulers in Central Asia and of the
Hsiung–nu (e.g. HS 99B.11a = Dubs, HFHD III, 1955: 294).
The expression used here for “ seal” is the binome ›yin–chang‹ ,
which is likewise used in the text carved on the seal itself (cf. Dubs,
HFHD II, 1944: 99, n. 31.8) ... An extensive discussion on Han seals is to
be found in Kurihara Tomonobu , Shin–Kan shi no kenkyø
, 1960: 123–228; the normal seals of the Chinese
officials are dealt with on pp. 160–173, those bestowed on alien rulers
on pp. 174–228.
See also notes on p. 158, 161, and 193 below.
2. ›Ch'eng–hsiang‹ ; nominally the highest functionary in the
empire and actually so during the early part of the dynasty, viz. the
2nd century B.C. ...
3. Some editions, including HSPC, following the Chi–ku ko ed., omit the
word “ generals” ...
4. According to Meng K'ang , is to be pronounced , i.e.
›kuang‹.
5. For the religious ceremony, called ›tzu‹ , see Bruno Schindler, in:
Asia Major 1, 1924: 624–656, here 649 ff.
(DE GROOT 1926: 58)
(Han) erhob also Ui–t'ª–ki zum König, veränderte den Namen des Reiches in Si¥n–si¥n und schnitt ihm
ein (entsprechendes) Siegel. Der Kaiser schenkte ihm eine Tochter aus dem Palast zur Gemahlin; ein Troß
von Wagen und Reitern wurde für ihn ausgerüstet, und der Reichsverweser mit den Generalen an der
Spitze des ganzen Beamtentums begleitete ihn bis außerhalb des Hung-Tors . Dort wurde (dem
Gott des Wegs) das Opfer Tsu dargebracht und man ließ ihn abreisen.
— 37 —
HS 3878 (96A.4a–4b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 91–92)
The king had made a personal request to the Son of
Heaven:
+ For a long time, * he said, + I have been in Han. Now
I am returning home deserted and weak at a time
when sons of the former king are alive, and I fear that
I may be killed by them.
1
There is a town (called) I–hsün in the state,
2 whose land is fertile. I would be grateful if Han could
2
send one leader to set up an agricultural colony
there and accumulate a store of field-crops, so that I
would be able to rely on the support of Han prestige.*
Thereupon Han sent one major and forty offi-
cers and others to colonise I–hsün, in order to
maintain a peaceful situation.
1. I–hsün ... some earlier commentators locate this place at
northern Charklik ... Chavannes (1905: 533, note) merely
suggests that it must have been close to Wu–ni.
2. Other texts, including HSCP, read , “ two leaders”.
We use the term “leader” for ›chiang‹ , in distinction to “ gen-
eral” for ›chiang chün‹ . The precise function of the
“ leader” is unknown.
— 38 —
HS 3878–3879 (96A.4b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 92)
1
At a later time the office of commandant was
established instead; the foundation of an official post
at I–hsün started at this juncture.
Shan–shan is situated on the Han communi-
cation routes; to the west it is connected with Ch'ieh–
mo at a distance of 720 ›li‹.
From Ch'ieh–mo and beyond, (the states) all sow the
five field-crops. The land, vegetation, stock-animals
and manufacture of weapons are in general similar
to those of Han. Where there are differences they will
2
be noted.
1. The Commandant, ›tu–wei‹ , was, as the commentators
indicate, higher in rank than the ›ssu–ma‹ , major, sent
originally. He was, of course, an official appointed by the
central government, and not, as was the case with the
commandant mentioned previously (p. 83 and note), a local
dignitary on whom the title had been conferred.
2. The text ends in ›yün‹ , which is used elsewhere in this
chapter to show the end of a citation from a different source. It
is difficult to understand the use of the term in this passage,
where it may be corrupt for . This, however, would not affect
the sense of the translation.
— 39 —
HS 3879 (96A.4b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 92)
1
The state of Ch'ieh–mo .
The seat of the king's government is at the town
of Ch'ieh–mo and it is distant by 6820 ›li‹ from
Ch'ang–an.
There are 230 households, 1610 individuals with
320 persons able to bear arms.
(There are the following officials:)
the noble of Fu–kuo (support of the state), the
leaders of the left and the right and one inter-
preter-in-chief.
1. Ch'ie–mo ... long since identified with Calmad(ana), in the
area of modern Cherchen or Charchan; see e.g. Brough
(1965: 592). For older literature see Chavannes (1905: 536,
n. 4) and Stein (1906).
— 40 —
HS 3879 (96A.4b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 92–93)
To the north-west it is a distance of 2258 ›li‹ to the
seat of the Protector General . To the north it
adjoins Wei–li , and to the south one reaches
1
Hsiao Yüan after some three days' journey.
2
There are grapes and various types of fruit.
To the west there is communication with Ching–
chüeh at a distance of 2000 ›li‹.
1. Hsiao Yüan, i.e. ›little Yüan‹ ...
2. Grapes, ›p'u–t'ao‹. For the western origins and phonetic chan-
ges of this non-Chinese term see Laufer (1919: 225 ff.) and the
corrections suggested by Chmielewski (1958: 7–45) and (1961:
65–69).
— 41 —
HS 3879 (96A.4b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 93)
1
The state of Hsiao Yüan .
The seat of the king's government is at the town
of Wu–ling and it is distant by 7210 ›li‹
from Ch'ang–an .
There are 150 households, 1050 individuals with
200 persons able to bear arms.
(There are the following officials:)
the noble of Fu–kuo (support of the
state) and the commandants of the left
and the right.
To the north-west it is a distance of 2558 ›li‹ to
the seat of the Protector General .
To the east it adjoins (the land of) the Ch'o [Erh]
(tribes of the) Ch'iang . It lies secluded to
the south and is not situated on the route.
1. Hsiao Yüan, ›Little Yüan‹; the name is evidently con-
trasted with Ta Yüan, ›Great Yüan‹ ... The history of the
Later Han, HHS Mem. 78.1b, reports that early in the first
century A.D. it was annexed by Shan–shan, together with
other small states; it is not clear whether Little Yüan
belonged to those states which later became independent
again ...
The exact location of ›Little Yüan‹ is not know; see Brough
(1965: 592–593) who suggests reasons why it might
perhaps be the old country of the Tochari. He adds that
+ an obvious parallel is to be seen in the use of the names
“ Great Yüeh–chih” for those who had migrated
westwards ... and “ Little Yüeh–chih” for those who had
remained in or near earlier territory of the tribe.* See
also Pulleyblank (1966: 27) ...
(DE GROOT 1926: 64–65)
1
Der Regierungssitz des Königs des Reichs Šao–wan ist die Stadt U–ling , die 7210 ›Li‹ von
Tš'ang–ngan entfernt liegt. 150 Familien, 1050 Personen, 200 Krieger. Ein Lehnsfürst, ›Stütze des Reiches‹.
Ein linker und ein rechter Generalkommandant. Nordwestlich bis an den Verwaltungssitz des
Allgemeinen Schutzherrn sind es 2558 ›Li‹. Östlich grenzt es an D{a–k'iong. Es liegt abseits im Süden und
nicht an der Straße.
1. An einer andern Stelle teilte der Text uns mit, daß Šao–wan ungefähr drei Tagereisen von Ts'ia–boat lag. Es muß somit
7 210 – 6 820, d.h. 390 ›Li‹ südlich von Ts'ia–boat gelegen haben, und wir können es also nur im Gebiet des Oberlaufes des
Tschertschen-Flusses lokalisieren. Die Karten zeigen eine Straße, die aus der Stadt Tschertschen ins Gebirge führt und dann, das
Reich D{a–k'iong durchschneidend, nach Tun–hong läuft. Vor einer Übersetzung des Namens Šao–wan in ›Klein‹-Wan haben wir
bereits gewarnt, und zwar, weil von einem politischen, geschichtlichen oder geographischen Zusammenhang mit Ta–wan, das
sich in ›Groß‹-Wan übersetzen läßt, keine Spur zu entdecken ist.
— 42 —
HS 3880 (96A.4b–5a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 93–94)
1
The state of Ching–chüeh .
The seat of the king's government is at the
town of Ching–chüeh and it is distant by
8820 ›li‹ from Ch'ang–an .
There are 480 households, 3360 individuals with
500 persons able to bear arms.
(There are the following officials:)
The commandant of Ching–chüeh, the
leaders of the left and the right and an
interpreter-in-chief .
To the north it is a distance of 2723 ›li‹ to the
seat of the Protector General and to the
south one reaches the state of Jung–lu
after four days' journey. The land is enclosed.
To the west there is communication with Wu–
mi at a distance of 460 ›li‹.
1. Ching–chüeh ... identified as Cadota, situated in what is
known as the Niya site; see Enoki (1963: 143, 159) and
Brough (1965).
— 43 —
HS 3880 (96A.5a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 94)
1
The state of Jung–lu .
The seat of the king's government is at the town
2
of Pei–p'in and it is distant by 8300 ›li‹
from Ch'ang–an .
There are 240 households, 1610 individuals with
300 persons able to bear arms.
To the north-east it is a distance of 2858 ›li‹ to
the seat of the Protector General . It
adjoins Hsiao Yüan on the east, (the land
of) the Ch'o [=Erh] (tribes of the) Ch'iang
on the south and Ch'ü–lo on the west. It
lies secluded to the south and is not situated on
the route.
1. ... HHS Mem. 78.1b says that also this country was
annexed by Shan–shan ... see Chavannes (1907: 156).
2. Pei–p'in ... No further information is provided by texts or
commentators.
— 44 —
HS 3880 (96A.5a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 94–96)
1
The state of Wu–mi .
The king's seat of government is at the town of
Wu–mi, and it is distant by 9820 ›li‹ from Ch'ang–an
.
There 3340 households, 20040 individuals with
3540 persons able to bear arms.
(There are the following officials:)
the noble of Fu–kuo (support of the state),
the leaders of the left and the right, the
commandants of the left and the right, the
2
masters of cavalry of the left and the right
and two interpreters-in-chief .
1. Wu–mi ... HHS Mem. 78.6b calls the state Chü–mi ...
whereas ... SC 123.1b writes [Han–mi] ... From this it
would seem, that the name of this country was Chü–mi and
that the character [›han‹] in SC is due to a copyist's error ...
Chavannes (1905: 538, n. 1) is in favour of Han–mi ... adding that
the Hsin T'ang shu writes Han–mi; see Chavannes 1903:
392, n. 4. These data lead him to the localization of
Chü–mi/Han–mi in the vicinity of Uzum-Tati ...
The HHS passage adds that + leaving the Yu–men barrier, and
going via Shan–shan, Ch'ieh–mo and Ching–chüeh, one reaches
Chü–mi after more than 3000 ›li‹.* In his remarks to the next
line, Hsü Sung computes that the distance to the Yang
barrier should be in the order of 4780 ›li‹ a considerable
difference ...
Huang Wen–pi (1958: 49–51) ... suggests that Wu–mi
should be identical with present-day Kara-dang (at approx.
81º 45' E and 38º 29' N), situated north-west of the third, dried-up,
arm running NNW of the Keriya River (which flows NNE) ... he
found some Han coins and photographed some ruins of wooden
buildings.
2. For “ masters” see note on p. 84; this one was mounted, ›ch'i‹
, and may have been the commander of (a troop of)
cavalrymen.
(DE GROOT 1926: 66)
1
Der Regierungssitz des Königs des Reiches U–bi , die Stadt U–bi, liegt 9280 ›Li‹ von Tš'ang–ngan.
3 340 Familien, 20040 Personen, 3540 Krieger. Ein Lehnsfürst, ›Stütze des Reiches‹. Ein linker und ein
rechter Heerführer. Ein linker und ein rechter Generalkommandant. Ein linker und ein rechter Reiterfürst
. Zwei Hauptdolmetscher.
1. Da nun ›u‹ auch ›hu‹ gelautet haben kann ... so ist es wahrscheinlich, daß der Name des Reichs einen Anlaut hatte, der der
chinesischen Sprache fremd ist und sich annähernd durch ›h‹ oder gehauchtes ›k‹ ersetzen ließe, und daß er also ›Chu–bi‹ lautete.
— 45 —
HS 3880 (96A.5a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 96)
To the north-east it is a distance of 3553 ›li‹ to
the seat of the Protector General .
It adjoins Ch'ü–lo on the south, Ch'iu–tz'u
on the north-east and Ku–mo on the
north-west. To the west there is communication
with Yü–t'ien at a distance of 390 ›li‹.
1
It is now named Ning–mi .
1. Ning–mi ... the commentators give no further indications.
Brough (1965: 593, n. 45) suggests + as a possibility for con-
sideration ... that the second character ... is a corruption
... and that the name of the town might be amended to
[Ning–er] ... This could represent the name of Niya.*
— 46 —
HS 3881 (96A.5a–5b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 96)
1
The state of Ch'ü–lo .
The king's seat of government is at the town of
2
Chien–tu and it is distant by 9950 ›li‹
from Ch'ang–an .
There are 310 households, 2170 individuals with
300 persons able to bear arms.
To the north-east it is a distance of 3852 ›li‹ to
the seat of the Protector General . It ad-
joins Jung–lu in the east, (the land of) the
Ch'o [=Erh] (tribes of the) Ch'iang in the
west and Wu–mi in the north.
1. Ch'ü–lo ... the commentators only refer to HHS and SKC
information ... that it was annexed by Khotan, and add
that the ›Hsi–yü t'u–k'ao‹ says that it had disappeared in
the desert.
2. Chien (–tu) ... we translate: + The king's seat of govern-
ment is at the town of Chien–tu*, including ›tu‹ in the
transcription of the town's name. However, ›tu‹ also
means “ city” and the expression ›tu–cheng‹ for “ capital
city” or “ chief town” also occurs in Han texts.
Consequently, the translation might also be: + The king's
seat of government is at the capital city of Chien* ...
— 47 —
HS 3881 (96A.5b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 96–97)
1
The state of Yü–t'ien .
2
The king's seat of government is at the western town
2 and it is distant by 9670 ›li‹ from Ch'ang–an
.
There 3300 households, 19300 individuals with
2400 persons able to bear arms.
(There are the following officials:)
the noble of Fu–kuo (support of the state),
the leaders of the left and the right, the masters
of cavalry of the left and the right, the chiefs
of the eastern and western towns and
the interpreter-in-chief .
To the north-east it is a distance of 3947 ›li‹ to the
seat of the Protector General .
1. Yü–t'ien ... later called Ho–t'ien ... since long identified
with Khotan. It is to be noted that late in the 19th century a sub-
prefecture with the identical name Yü–t'ien was established in
Keriya ... See also Pelliot (1959: 408 sq., s.v. ›Cotan‹).
2. West City, ›Hsi–ch'eng‹. Hsü Sung refers to Wei–
shu 102.4b, which says that the territory of Yü–t'ien extended
over a thousand ›li‹ ... the capital city being 8 or 9 ›li‹ square.
Hsin T'ang–shu 221A.23a does not call the capital “ West City”,
but the “ City of the Western Hills”, ›Hsi–shan ch'eng‹ .
— 48 —
HS 3881 (96A.5b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 97)
To the south it adjoins (the land of) the Ch'o
(tribes of the) Ch'iang ; to the north it ad-
joins Ku–mo .
The rivers to the west of Yü–t'ien all flow west,
running into the Western Sea . Its eastern
rivers flow east, running into the Salt Marsh
. The source of the Ho (i.e. Yellow River)
rises there.
There is an abundance of jadestone .
To the west there is communication with P'i–
shan at a distance of 380 ›li‹.
— 49 —
HS 3881–3882 (96A.5b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 97–98)
1
The state of P'i–shan .
The king's seat of government is at the town of
P'i–shan and it is distant by 10050 ›li‹ from
Ch'ang–an .
There are 500 households, 3500 individuals with
500 persons able to bear arms.
(There are the following officials:)
the leaders of the left and the right, the com-
mandants of the left and the right, the
master of cavalry , and the interpreter-in-
chief .
To the north-east it is a distance of 4292 ›li‹ to
the seat of the Protector General , and to
the south-west it is a distance of 1340 ›li‹ to the
state of Wu–ch'a . To the south it adjoins
2
T'ien–tu . To the north it is a distance of
1450 ›li‹ to Ku–mo .
1. P'i–shan ... Wei–shu 102.6a calls it P'u–shan ...
Wang Hsien–ch'ien (1842–1918) situates it west of
Khotan and south-west of Yarkand, i.e. he identifies it
with modern P'i–shan, and so does Huang Wen–pi
(1958: 56).
2. T 'ien–tu ... which the commentators identify with
Shen–tu ... mentioned in HS 61.3a, and T'ien–chu
... It is the general designation for (Northern) India.
(DE GROOT 1926: 69–70)
1
Der Regierungssitz des Königs des Reichs P'i–san (Pischana) , die Stadt P'i–san, liegt 10050 ›Li‹ von
Tš'ang–ngan. 500 Familien, 3500 Personen, 500 Krieger. Ein linker und ein rechter Heerführer. Ein linker
und ein rechter Generalkommandant. Ein Reiterfürst. Ein Hauptdolmetscher. Nordöstlich bis an den Ver-
waltungssitz des Allgemeinen Schutzherrn sind es 4292 ›Li‹. Südwestwärts bis an die Reichshauptstadt
¶–tª sind es 1340 ›Li‹. Südlich grenzt es an T'i¥n–tok (Indien). Nördlich bis Kª–bik sind
es 1450 ›Li‹.
1. Unserem Text zufolge lag P 'i–san 10050 ›Li‹ von Tš'ang–ngan und Hu–tin 9 670 ›Li‹. Somit betrug der Abstand zwischen diesen
beiden Städten 380 ›Li‹, also genau so viel wie ... von P'i–san bis Sa–ku, das dem heutigen Jarkand entsprach. Sonach müssen wir
P'i–san halbwegs zwischen Jarkand und Chot¥n setzen, und in der Tat finden wir auf den Karten etwa 30 km südwestlich von
Guma die Ortschaft Pischana verzeichnet. Das ›Ji'–t'ung–tši‹, die große Staatsgeographie der Ts'ing-Dynastie, sagt 419.III:
+ Pischnan liegt 310 ›Li‹ südlich von Yarkand ... In der Han-Zeit war hier das Gebiet des Reiches P'i–san .*
— 50 —
HS 3882 (96A.5b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 98)
To the south-west it is situated on the Chi–pin
and Wu–i–shan–li route. To the north-
west there is communication with So–chü at a
distance of 380 ›li‹.
— 51 —
HS 3882 (96A.6a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 98)
1
The state of Wu–ch'a .
The king's seat of government is at the town of Wu–ch'a and it is
2
distant by 9950 ›li‹ from Ch'ang–an .
1. ... The compilers of the ›Chia–ch'ing ch'ung–hsiu i–t'ung chih‹, vol. 193, ch. 531,
believed Wu–ch'a to have been situated in the Badakhshan area. L. Petech (1950:
18) writes: + Wu–ch'a ... corresponds to an original *Uda (note: Pelliot TP 32, 1936:
276–279). According to Herrmann, it is to be situated in Sarikol, south of Yarkand
(note: Herrmann in Sven Hedin: ›Southern Tibet‹ VIII, 1922: 19, 451).* ... Chavannes
(1903: 398, n. 3) identifies Wu–ch'a with Tashkurgan; cf. also Chavannes 1907: 175,
n. 3.
Daffinà, TP 1982: 316 —
*Uda, as a possible original of ›Wu–ch'a‹ , was first postulated by H. Lüders,
›Pali uddiyåna‹, Zeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachforschung 49, 1920: 233–236.
2. Hsü Sung remarks that the distance of 9 950 ›li‹ must be wrong ... P'i–shan
... was already 10 050 ›li‹ from Ch'ang–an. The distance between P'i–shan and
Wu–ch'a is said to be 1 340 ›li‹, so that a figure like 11 390 ›li‹ might have been ex-
pected.
(DE GROOT 1926: 72, 72–76)
1
Der Regierungssitz des Königs des Reiches ¶–tª , die Stadt ¶–tª, liegt 9950 ›Li‹ von Tš'ang–ngan.
1. Tšing [HS-Kommentator Zhèng Shì (265–317 n.Chr.), hier im Abschnitt über Pí–shån] sagt, daß wie ›j¥n–na‹ klingt
... Wir sehen also leicht ein, daß uns hier das Indische Reich ›Udjåna‹ vorgeführt wird, und daß ›¶–tª‹ oder
›U–ta‹ eine vollkommen richtige Transkription von ›Ud‹ darstellt ...
Der Text ... versichert [im vorangehenden Abschnitt über Pí–shån], daß ¶–tª oder seine Hauptstadt 1 340 ›Li‹ von P'i–san ablag, und
diese Zahl entspricht etwa der Indischen Straße bis über den Mus-tag hinaus und in das Flußgebiet des Gilgit hinein ... daß ...
die große Hauptstadt aber im Flußgebiet des Indus lag. Diese Auffassung verträgt sich mit der Mitteilung unseres [folgenden]
Textauszuges, daß ¶–tª im Norden an Tsu–hap und P'o–li grenzte ... dem jetzigen Khukjar und dem Hochgebirge nördlich und
südlich von Tasch-kurgan ... Diese Bestimmung der Lage von ¶–tª findet Bestätigung in ... Pe'–ši [B®i–sh¯] 97.7:
+ Das Reich Sik–ki–pan ist das vormalige Reich Si–ja und heißt auch Tsu–hap . Der König ... hat seinen
Regierungssitz in Hª–ki¥n , das westlich von Hu–tin (Chot¥n) liegt und 12 970 ›Li‹ von Tai entfernt ist ...
Das Reich Kuan–u–mo ist das alte Reich ¶–tª, dessen König in der Stadt ¶–tª wohnt. Es liegt südwestlich von
Sik–ki–pan, 12 970 ›Li‹ von Tai.*
Also lag ¶–tª südwestlich [nach dem HS-Text: südlich] von Tsu–hap oder Khukjar, und zwar in der gleichen Entfernung von Tai;
das weist also ganz bestimmt in die Richtung des Aghil-Gebirges und des Mus-tag. Der Name Kuan–u–mo ist wohl derselbe, den
uns die Reiseberichte von Fa'–hi¥n [F¬ Xi¬n] in der Schreibung U–hui vorführen ... Dieser Pilger erreichte das Land oder
die Stadt U–hui am vierten Tage nach seiner Abreise aus Tsu–hap in südlicher Richtung, was in der Tat der Strecke von Khukjar
bis an die südwestliche Biegung des Raskem-darja entspricht.
Die dortige Lage von ¶–tª ergibt sich auch aus dem 12. Buch des Si jü' ki [Xð–yù Jì]. Als Hü¥n–tšuang [Xuán Zàng] auf seiner
Heimreise Šang–bi oder Tschitral verlassen hatte, erreichte er das Flußgebiet von Pamir:
+ ... Nachdem er mehr als 800 ›Li‹ (vom Pamirtal gerechnet) zurückgelegt hatte, trat er aus dem Ts'ong-Gebirge heraus und
erreichte das Reich ¶–ša' ... Es liegt im Süden des Si–to-Flusses (oder Raskem-darja) ...*
Sofort erkennen wir in der Schreibung ¶–ša' den Namen Udjåna wieder und finden es mithin deutlich bestätigt, daß dieses Reich
sich bis an das Aghil- und das Raskem-Gebirge erstreckte ...
Fa'–hi¥n erwähnt Udjåna erst nachdem er Nordindien schon erreicht hatte. Wir lesen in Kap. 7 und 8:
+ ... Als er den Fluß (Sin–t'ª = Sindhu) überschritten hatte, war er im Reiche ¶–tiang (Udjåna) . Dieses Reich
¶–tiang ist der direkt im Norden gelegene Teil von T'i¥n–tok (Indien) ...*
Dieser Text ... wird bestätigt durch das Wei–šu [Wèi–shø] 102.20 und das Pe'–ši [B®i–sh¯] 97.26:
+ Das Reich ¶–tiang hat im Norden das Ts'ong-Gebirge und im Süden reicht es bis Indien .*
Dürfte vielleicht noch die Gleichheit der Namen ¶–tª und ¶–tiang in Zweifel gezogen werden, dann genügt endgültig die Ent-
schiedenheit, womit das T'ang–šu [Táng–shø] 221A.28 schreibt:
+ ¶–tª heißt auch ¶–tiang–na und auch ¶–tiang ...*
— 52 —
HS 3882 (96A.6a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 98–99)
There are 490 households, 2733 individuals with
740 persons able to bear arms.
To the north-east it is a distance of 4892 ›li‹ to
the seat of the Protector General .
It adjoins Tzu–ho and P'u–li in the
north and Nan–tou in the west.
(The inhabitants) live in the mountains and
work the land that lies between the rocks. There
is white grass, and they pile up stones on one
another to make dwellings. The inhabitants
1
drink by joining their hands together .
(The land) produces the short-pacing horse, and
there are asses but no cattle.
1. ... The real explanation may be that the inhabitants
drank out of their cupped hands. R. H. van Gulik (1967:
42 f.) provides other instances of the belief that gibbons
drank in this way.
— 53 —
HS 3882 (96A.6a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 99–100)
To the west there is the Suspended Cross-
1
ing , distant 5888 ›li‹ from the Yang barrier
2
and 5020 ›li‹ from the seat of the Protector
General .
2
It is said: + What is termed the Suspended Cross-
ing is a rocky mountain (defile); the valley is im-
penetrable, and people traverse the place by
pulling each other across with ropes.*
1. ... In addition, the commentator Shen Ch'in–han
(1775–1832) adduces the Wei–shu which places the
Suspended Crossing in the country of A–kou–ch'iang
, south-west of So–chü, where + over 400 ›li‹ there are
repeatedly “ scaffold roads”, ›chan–tao‹ , where
people pull themselves across by means of ropes* . He
also quotes Fa–hsien ... See also L. Petech (1950: 15–16)
where the author refers to Legge (1886: 26–27).
According to Chavannes (1906: 237, n. 4) the Suspended
Crossing lead from the Pamirs into the Gilgit valley.
The ›scaffold road‹ occurs repeatedly in Han literature,
the most famous instance being the one that connected
the Wei and the Han valleys ... These consisted of beams,
inserted into the rock-face, covered with planking;
wherever possible, these beams were supported by
vertical timbers. A few feet above the planking wholes
were cut into the rock through which ropes were slipped.
in order to provide a handhold. See Yü Wei–ch'ao
(1959: 3–6, 21–22) ...
2. This is the wording of the Ching–yu edition of 1035 (the
earliest surviving print of the Han–shu) which is followed
by the imperial edition of 1739. Wang Hsien–ch'ien
(1842–1918) in his ›Han–shu pu–chu‹ (HSPC)
follows the Chi–ku ko edition of 1641, which reads 5200 ›li‹
[instead of 5020 ›li‹].
— 54 —
Die Reiseberichte des Hü¥n–tšuang [Xuán Zàng] ... es wird darin den gefährlichen ›hangenden Übergängen‹ eine lebhafte
Schilderung zuteil:
+ Nordöstlich von der Stadt Mong–kat–li (Manglavor) zog er, bergan dem Sin–tª Fluß folgend, über Berg
und Tal. Gefährlich war der Weg, tief und dunkel waren die Bergtäler, bald hatte er über Kabeltaue zu schreiten, bald
an eisernen Ketten sich festzuklammern. Wege, in Bergmauern ausgehauen, lagen am leeren Luftraum; Übergänge, die
in der Luft schwebten, führten über gefährliche Wasserschluchten; auf Pflockreihen trat man wie auf Stufen. Als er mehr
als tausend ›Li‹ zurückgelegt hatte, war er im Stromgebiet von Tat–le–lo (Darel), wo die alte Hauptstadt
des Reiches ¶–tiang–na lag ... Von hier an reiste er ostwärts, überschritt ein Gebirge und ein Flußtal und zog
bergan dem Sin–tª entlang. Auf Übergängen, welche in der Luft schweben, und auf in den Bergmauern ausgehauenen
Wegen, längs gefährlichen Abhängen und durch Abgründe erreichte er, nachdem er mehr als 500 ›Li‹ zurückgelegt hatte,
das Reich Po'–lª–lo (Bolor) ...*
Aus der Tatsache, daß das HS so nachdrücklich die ›hangenden Übergänge‹ erwähnt, läßt sich wohl schließen, daß damals schon
der Verkehr zwischen Turkistan und dem Pentschab ein reger war.
Zur genauen Bestimmung der Lage dieser Hindernisse bietet das HS keine genügenden Angaben.
Wir finden sie [aber] auch erwähnt in Wei–šu [Wèi–shø] 102.xx und Pe'–ši [B®i–sh¯] 97.22:
+ Das Reich O–kao–gong liegt südwestlich von Sa–ku (Jarkand), 13 000 ›Li‹ von Tai. Im Westen dieses
Reichs liegt das Gebirge der hangenden Übergänge, das 400 ›Li‹ groß ist. Dort befinden sich vielfach Bergwandwege,
unter denen unermeßliche Abgründe liegen, wo die Reisenden dadurch hinüberkommen, daß sie einander mit Seilen
festhalten; aus diesem Grunde hat man dem Gebirge seinen Namen beigelegt.*
... Die Gewässer dieses Landes fließen in das Pentschab und bestimmen die Richtung der Indischen Straße nach Darel und dem
Gilgit, und daß die ›hangenden Übergänge‹ in dieser Richtung zu suchen sind, wird durch die chinesischen Texte überaus wahr-
scheinlich gemacht. Wir haben gesehen, daß Fa'–hi¥n sie erwähnt. Er sagt aber, daß er erst in ein kleines Reich T'o–lik
kam, sobald er die Grenzen des nördlichen Indien überschritten hatte. Daß dieser Name eine Wiedergabe von Darel ist, scheint
wohl sicher, denn das Chinesische besitzt weder ›d‹, noch ›r‹, noch auslautendes ›l‹ und ersetzt diese Silben in vollkommen
natürlicher Weise durch ›t'‹, ›l‹ und ›k‹. Auch haben wir gesehen, daß nach demselben Pilger bei diesen gefahrvollen Stellen der
Sindhu strömte, womit gewiß der Indus gemeint ist, und daß Hü¥n–tšuang sie an den Indus zwischen Mong–kat–li, d.h.
Manglavor am Swat-Gebirge, und Darel legt, denn daß wir aus dem Namen Tat–le–lo Darel zu lesen haben, läßt sich nicht in
Zweifel ziehen.
Eine [selten zitierte] drastische Schilderung der ›hangenden Übergänge‹ finden wir in Kap. 3 der Kao–s¥ng–tš'uan ,
“Berichte über hervorragende buddhistische Geistliche”, in den Notizen über T'an–wu–kat (Dharma-Ýura) oder Fa'–jung
, der um das Jahr 420 mit einer Schar von Glaubensgenossen nach dem heiligen Lande reiste:
+ Sie durchreisten die Reiche Ku–tsu (Kutscha) und Sa–lik (Kaschgar), bestiegen das Ts'ong-Gebirge und zogen
über Schneeberge, wo (Aussicht) sperrende Nebel in tausend Schichten aufeinanderlagen, und aufgestapeltes Eis (Glet-
scher) sich zehntausend ›Li‹ weit erstreckte. Sie hatten auch unter sich einen großen Fluß, der pfeilschnell dahinströmte;
an die Flanken der Berge an der Ost- und Westseite waren (da) Taue gebunden, die als Brücken dienten; zehn Personen
zugleich gingen darauf hinüber und zündeten, sobald sie jenseits angelangt waren, ein rauchendes, qualmendes Feuer
an als Signal; und wenn die Zurückgebliebenen das erblickten, wußten sie, daß die Vorangegangenen hinüber-
gekommen waren. Bemerkten sie aber nach langem Warten keinen Rauch, dann wußten sie, daß ein Sturmwind über
die Seile gegangen war und die Menschen in den Fluß hinabgestürzt hatte ... Am dritten Tag waren sie über dem
Gebirge und erreichten eine Ebene, wo sie aufeinander warteten. Sie musterten dann ihre Gefährten, und zwölf von
ihnen wurden vermißt. Weiterreisend erreichten sie das Reich Ke–pin (Peschawur) ...*
— 55 —
HS 3882–3883 (96A.6a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 100–101)
1
The state of Hsi–yeh .
2
The king is entitled King of Tzu–ho ; the
seat of his government is at the valley of Hu–
chien , and it is distant by 10250 ›li‹ from
Ch'ang–an.
There are 350 households, 4000 individuals with
1000 persons able to bear arms.
3
To the north-east one reaches the seat of the
Protector General after a distance of
5046 ›li‹.
It adjoins P'i–shan in the east, Wu–ch'a
in the south-west, So–chü in the
north and P'u–li in the west.
1. Hsi–yeh ... also being called P'iao–sha [in HHS
2917/118.6b], “Floating Sands” ... Chavannes (1903: 397, n. 4;
1905: 554, n. 5; 1907: 174, n. 3) identifies Hsi–yeh with
Yularik, south of Yarkand.
2. Tzu–ho ... The author of the corresponding paragraph in
the ›History of the Later Han Dynasty‹ (HHS Mem. 78.8b),
Pan Yung [Bån Yng] in the first decades of the second
century A.D. (see Chavannes 1907: 149–150), remarked that
[his uncle Bån Gù] Pan Ku had wrongly combined the two
states of Hsi–yeh and Tzu–ho into one, but that in his, Pan
Yung's days, there were two, each with their own king ...
Chavannes (1907: 175, n. 1) tentatively situates Tzu–ho at
Karghalik ... and so does Huang Wen–pi (1958: 56), adding
that nowadays it is also called Yeh–ch'eng ...
3. The text here reads ›tao‹ instead of ›chih‹ , used
elsewhere in similar phrases; this does not affect the
meaning.
(DE GROOT 1926: 79)
1
Der König des Reiches Si–ja , der König von Tsu–hap genannt wird, regiert im Hª–ki¥n-Tal
, das von Tš'ang–ngan 10250 ›Li‹ entfernt ist. 350 Familien, 4000 Bewohner, 1000 Krieger.
Nordostwärts bis an den Verwaltungssitz des Allgemeinen Schutzherrn sind es 5046 ›Li‹. Es grenzt östlich
an P'i–san, südwestlich an ¶–tª, nördlich an Sa–ku und westlich an Pª–li .
1. Nach HHS 118.8 hieß das Reich Si–ja auch Piao–sa , und das Hª–ki¥n-Tal lag 1 000 ›Li‹ von Sª–lik (Kaschgar) entfernt
... Nach dem Pe'–ši [B®i–sh¯] 97.7 hieß es auch Sik–ki–pan . Die im ›Ji'–t'ung–tši‹ 419.III ausgedrückte Meinung, daß Si–ja
dem heutigen Ju–le'–a–li–ko' (Jularik), und Tsu–hap dem heutigen K'u–ki'–ja–¥l (Khukjar) entsprach,
verträgt sich vollkommen mit den Angaben des HS, daß P'i–san 10 050 und Si–ja 10 250 ›Li‹ von Tš'ang–ngan lag und ihre
gegenseitige Entfernung somit 200 ›Li‹ betrug.
— 56 —
HS 3883 (96A.6a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 101)
1
1 P'u–li as well as the states of I–nai and
Wu–lei are all of the same type as Hsi–yeh.
The people of Hsi–yeh are different from the [Hu] nomads
; their race is of the same type as the Ch'iang and
2
the Ti .
It is a land of nomads; in company with their stock
animals (the inhabitants) move around in search of water
and pasture.
3
And the soil of Tzu–ho produces jade-stone .
1. The translation follows the reading ›chi‹ , which appears in all
editions, except ›Han–shu pu–chu‹ (HSPC) which reads ›fan‹ , as
usual following the Chi–ku ko edition of 1641.
2. ›Ti‹ is a general term for the non-Chinese peoples of the mountainous
regions of the West, e.g. in HS 91.1b. The combination Ch'iang–Ti or
Ch'iang and Ti occurs already in the Book of Odes ... we have taken
the word ›chung‹ , “ genus, species” for “ race”.
3. The occurrence of the connective particle ›erh‹ is surprising, for
here it has no grammatical function; it may be an indication that what
follows is the remains of a broken strip. The statement that the soil or
land, ›t'u–ti‹ , produces jade-stone is also curious.
— 57 —
HS 3883 (96A.6b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 101)
1
The state of P'u–li .
The king's seat of government is at the val-
ley of P'u–li and it is distant by 9550 ›li‹
from Ch'ang–an .
There are 650 households, 5000 individuals
with 2000 persons able to bear arms.
To the north-east it is a distance of 5396 ›li‹
to the seat of the Protector General .
To the east it is a distance of 540 ›li‹ to So–
chü and to the north 550 ›li‹ to Shu–
lo . To the south it adjoins Hsi–yeh
and Tzu–ho . And to the west it
is a distance of 540 ›li‹ to Wu–lei .
1. P'u–li ... Wang Hsien–ch'ien (1842–1918)
refers to the ›Shui–ching chu‹ 2.12a which
says that the Southern River, after having flowed
eastward through P'u–li, descends northward to
the country of P'i–shan ...
Chavannes (1905: 555, n. 1) believes that P'u–li as
well as I–nai were situated in the area of Tashkur-
gan.
(DE GROOT 1926: 80)
1
Der Regierungssitz des Königs des Reiches Pª–li ist das Tal von Pª–li, das 9550 ›Li‹ von Tš'ang–
ngan abliegt. 650 Familien, 5000 Personen, 2000 Krieger. Nordöstlich bis zum Regierungssitz des Allge-
meinen Schutzherrn sind es 5396 ›Li‹, ostwärts bis Sa–ku 540 ›Li‹, nördlich bis Sª–lik 550 ›Li‹. Südlich
grenzt es an Si–ja und Tsu–hap. Westlich bis Bu–lui sind es 540 ›Li‹.
1. ... Das ›Ji'–t'ung–tši‹ 419.III identifiziert ... Pª–li ... mit dem jetzigen Si'–¥l–li'–ko' ... und schreibt:
+ Si'–¥l–li'–ko' liegt im Zentrum des Ts'ong-Gebirges ; es gibt da kleine Städte, und die nördlichen
Quellen des Jarkand-Flusses durchschneiden dieses Land ... Es war in der Han-Zeit das Reich Pª–li.*
... Si'–¥l–li–ko' ist natürlich eine irrtümliche Schreibung für Si'–¥l–ko'–li (Serikol), wie die große chinesische Karte, auf
der der Name als Si'–¥l–ko'–¥l eingetragen ist, bestätigt.
Das ›Ji'–t'ung–tši‹ sagt auch ... daß Pª–li und Tik–d{ok auch dem Reiche K'at–pan–t'o (Garband) der Wei-Dynastie ent-
sprach ... In Wei–šu 102.20 wie auch Pe'–ši 97.25 lesen wir:
+ Das Reich K'at–p'an–t'o liegt auf der östlichen Seite des Ts'ong-Gebirges, westlich von Tsu–k'u–p'o .
Der Ho (Tarim, Jarkand-darja) durchschneidet das Reich und fließt dann nach Nordosten ...*
Tsu–k'u–p'o ist also offenbar das bereits erwähnte Sik–ki–pan oder Si–ja ... Weiteres bei Chavannes (1903: 399).
— 58 —
HS 3883 (96A.6b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 101–102)
(There are the following officials:)
1
a noble and a commandant .
The state hopes to obtain (the produce of) cultivated fields
from So–chü . Its race and way of life are similar to
those of Tzu–ho .
1. For “ noble” and “ commandant” see above, notes on p. 83.
— 59 —
HS 3883 (96A.6b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 102)
1
The state of I–nai .
The king's seat of government is at (the
2 2
town of ... ) and it is distant by 10150 ›li‹
from Ch'ang–an .
There are 125 households, 670 individuals
with 350 persons able to bear arms.
To the north-east it is a distance of 2730 ›li‹
to the seat of the Protector General .
It is a distance of 540 ›li‹ to So–chü
and 540 ›li‹ to Wu–lei ; to the north it is
a distance of 650 ›li‹ to Shu–lo . To the
south it adjoins Tzu–ho and the way
of life of the two places is similar.
There are few cereals and the state hopes
to obtain (the produce of) cultivated fields
from Shu–lo or So–chü.
1. I–nai ... is supposed to have been situated in the
same area as P'u–li ...
2. The text here is evidently defective; in view of the
structure of other descriptions, the name of the
king's seat of government is missing.
— 60 —
HS 3884 (96A.6b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 102–103)
1
The state of Wu–lei .
The king's seat of government is at the town of
2
Lu and it is distant by 9950 ›li‹ from Ch'ang–an
.
There are 1000 households, 7000 individuals with
3000 persons able to bear arms.
To the north-east it is a distance of 2465 ›li‹ to the
seat of the Protector General .
To the south it is a distance of 540 ›li‹ to P'u–li .
It adjoins Wu–ch'a in the south, Chüan–tu
in the north and the Ta Yüeh–chih in
the west. Clothing is of the same type as that of Wu–
sun and the way of life is similar to that of
Tzu–ho .
1. Wu–lei ... Apart from the History of the Later Han, HHS Mem.
78.19a (Chavannes 1907: 196) which says that, by gong to the
West from So–chü and passing through P'u–li and Wu–lei, one
arrives among the Yüeh–chih, the only other ancient source
which mentions Wu–lei is the ›Shui–ching chu‹ by Li
Tao–yüan (?–527) 1.71b ff. which quotes the ›Shih–shih
hsi–yü chi‹ (for which see Petech 1966: 173 f.). This text says:
+ There is the country called Chieh–she–lo–shih ...
This country is narrow and small, but it controls the important
roads of all the states, which all pass through it. To the south of
the town there is a stream which flows to the north-east,
coming from the Western mountains of Lo–shih, i.e. the Ts'ung–
ling or Pamir. Having passed through the Ch'i–sha
valley, it divides into two rivers, one flowing east, passing
through the northern (part of) Wu–lei.*
Tung Yu–ch'eng (1791–1823) ... believed this to be the
Yarkand river. The country of Wu–lei he believed to be on the
western edge of the Kizil Kar, between the Western Pu–lu–t'e
or Burit, and the Po–lo–erh , i.e. Bolor. ...
The anonymous commentator of the draft translation of
HS 96A/B ... refers to Chavannes (1903: 393, 401) and to Shiratori
(I, 1941: 194) who assume that Chieh–she–lo–shih is Tashkurgan,
and that P'u–li might have been situated on the lower course of
the Raskam Darya, I–nai on the Vacha River and Wu–lei
around Tashkurgan (Shiratori Kurakichi , Sai-iki
shi kenkyø I, Tokyo 1941: 152–206).
2. ... Wang Nien–sun (1744–1832) shows convincingly that
the character ›lu‹ is a corruption for Wu–lei ...
(DE GROOT 1926: 81, 81–84)
1
Der Regierungssitz des Königs des Reiches Bu–lui (Bolor) ist die Stadt Lª , die 9950 ›Li‹ von
Tš'ang–ngan liegt. 1000 Familien, 7000 Personen, 3000 Krieger. Nordöstlich bis an den Verwaltungssitz des
Allgemeinen Schutzherrn sind es 2465 ›Li‹, südlich bis Pª–li 540 ›Li‹. Südlich grenzt es an ¶–tª, nördlich an
Kuan–tok , westlich an Groß-Goat–si . Die Kleidertracht ist der von ¶–sun ähnlich, die Volks-
art der von Tsu–hap gleich.
1. [Im Abschnitt über Pú–lí] haben wir aus dem Text ersehen, daß Bu–lui 540 ›Li‹ westlich von Pª–li lag; hier aber heißt es, es läge
540 ›Li‹ südlich von diesem Reiche. Lesen wir aber in der vorliegenden Textstelle nicht “ bis” Pª–li, sondern “ von” Pª–li, dann läge
Bu–lui 540 ›Li‹ sowohl westlich wie südlich von Pª–li. Dieses nun scheint den Tatsachen zu entsprechen, denn die große Straße
— 61 —
von Kashgar, welche Pª–li oder Sarikol durchquert, läuft ganz entschieden in südwestlicher Richtung durch Klein-Pamir und
Wachan. Messen wir auf dieser Straße eine Strecke von 540 ›Li‹ ab, also von derselben Länge wie, dem Text zufolge, die Entfer-
nung von Pª–li bis Sa–ku oder Jarkand betrug, dann reicht sie bis in die Mitte des Wachantals, wo Kala-i-Pandja liegt. Dort muß
also das alte Bu–lui gelegen haben, südlich, gemäß vorliegendem Textauszug, an ¶–tª, Udyåna grenzend ...
Der alte Name Bu–lui, Bo–lui oder Bo–lei scheint wie eine Transkription von Bulur, Bolor oder Boler ...
Endlich begegnet uns in Wei–šu 102.20 der Name Bolor in der Transkription Po'–lª–li':
+ Das Reich P 'o–ti liegt südwestlich von Pot–ho ... Das Reich Ša–bi liegt südlich von P'o–ti ... und
östlich von Ša–bi liegt das Reich Po'–lª–li .*
Unverkennbar muß dieses P'o–ti etwa an der Wasserscheide zwischen dem Pandsch und dem Jarkhum gelegen haben, und zwar
weil, wie wir bei der Behandlung des Reiches Groß-Goat–si sehen werden, Ša–bi Tschitral entsprach. Die Mitteilung, daß Bolor
östlich von diesem Ša–bi lag, weist auf seine damalige weite Ausdehnung nach Südosten hin ...
Das Si–ju'–ki [›Xð–yù–jì‹ des Xuán Zàng] führt Bolor auf als Po'–lª–lo und beseitigt hinsichtlich seiner Lage in
Wachan alle Zweifel. Im 3. Kapitel lesen wir:
+ Sein Umkreis beträgt mehr als 4 000 ›Li‹; es liegt zwischen großen Schneegebirgen und ist von Ost nach West lang,
jedoch schmal von Süd nach Nord ... *
Und Kap. 12 besagt im Abschnitt über Šang–bi (Tschitral) :
+ Südlich vom Flußtal des Pamir, über das Gebirge hinaus, liegt das Reich Po'–lª–lo ... Hü¥n–tšuang reiste aus der Mitte
des Stromtals in südöstlicher Richtung bergan ... Nachdem er mehr als 500 ›Li‹ zurückgelegt hatte, erreichte er das Reich
Garband.*
Diesen Zeugnissen schließt sich noch folgendes aus T 'ang–šu 121B.7 an:
+ Nach einer Reise von mehr als 500 ›Li‹ nordöstlich durch das Gebirge kommt man nach Sik–nok (Schignan) , das
nördlich von Hª–bit liegt. Südlich liegt das Land Šang–bi (gleich Ša–bi , Tschitral), dessen
Ausdehnung über 2 000 ›Li‹ beträgt ... Von dort 700 ›Li‹ nordöstlich über das Gebirge erreicht man das Flußtal des
P'o–mi–lo (Pamir) , das von Ost nach West 1 000, von Süd nach Nord 100 ›Li‹ mißt ... Im südlichen Teil wohnen die
Volksstämme der Po'–lo (Bolor) ...*
— 62 —
HS 3884 (96A.7a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 103)
1
The state of Nan–tou .
The king's seat of government is at (the town of
2 2
... ) and it is distant by 10150 ›li‹ from Ch'ang–
an .
There are 5000 households, 31000 individuals
with 8000 persons able to bear arms.
To the north-east it is a distance of 2850 ›li‹ to
the seat of the Protector General .
1. Nan–tou ... Wang Hsien–ch'ien can only refer to
the ›Shui–ching chu‹ 2.3b which merely says
that in the Pamir the Western River, coming from Hsiu–
hsün , passes westwards through the northern part
of Nan–tou and then enters into Chi–pin.
The ›Hsi–yü t'u–kao‹ suggests that it lay in the western
part of Badakhshan.
Enoki (1942) follows Shiratori (I, 1941: 387–394) in placing
Nan–tou on the lower course of the Gilgit river.
This name disappears from the Chinese sources after the
Han period, the region being incorporated in the
5th century in the larger area of Bolor. However, Enoki
believes that the original appellation persisted in the
name Na„-go„ or Na„-kod in the Tibetan chronicles,
suggesting that the term Nan–tou is an ancient
corruption of Nan–ku ...
2. The text here is evidently defective ... the name of the
king's seat of government is missing.
— 63 —
HS 3884 (96A.7a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 103)
To the west it is a distance of 340 ›li‹ to Wu–lei
, and, to the south-west, 330 ›li‹ to Chi–pin
. It adjoins (the land of) the Ch'o [=Erh]
(tribes of the) Ch'iang in the south, Hsiu–
hsün in the north and the Ta Yüeh–chih
in the west.
(The inhabitants) grow the five field-crops,
grapes and various fruits. There is silver, copper
and iron, and (the inhabitants) make weapons
in the same way as the various other states.
It is subject to Chi–pin .
— 64 —
HS 3884 (96A.7a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 104)
1
The state of Chi–pin .
2
The king's seat of government is at the town of Hsün–hsien
, and it is distant by 12200 ›li‹ from Ch’ang–an .
1. Chi–pin ... Petech (1950: 63–79) has devoted an exhaustive study to the sub-
ject ... + the name Chi–pin ... in the dynastic histories from the 1st cen-
tury B.C. to the end of the 5th century A.D. ... indicates the Indian
territories of the great political power of the North-West, whatever it was at
the time of writing (Saka, Kushan, Hephthalites).* (p. 79).
Pulleyblank (1962: 218) ... believes Petech's ›alleged‹ geographical and his-
torical grounds to be invalid and finds further support for the traditional
identification with Kashmir ...
Daffinà, TP 1982: 316–318 —
The authors have accepted Pulleyblank's identification of Chi–pin with
KåÝmðr ... overlooking the plain fact that throughout the period to which the
›Han shu‹ account of Chi–pin refers, and even beyond, KåÝmðr was a
historical nonentity ...
To my humble opinion Petech (1950: 64) is conclusive in showing that in ›Han
shu‹ Chi–pin is not so much a geographical notion as rather a political one,
denoting the ³aka realm in India and comprising + Gandhåra, KåpiÝi, parts
of Western Panjab, but probably excluding Kashmir* , ›pace‹ Pulleyblank;
see also Narain (1957: 136) ...
Anyhow, Chi–pin was unknown to Chang Ch'ien , and also to Ss°–ma
Ch'ien who probably finished his work [the Sh¯–jì ] shortly
before 90 B.C. Hence it appears that the Chinese could hardly have come to
know Chi–pin prior to that date ...
In the Chinese ›AÝokaråjåvadåna‹, translated by An Fa–ch'in between 281
and 306 A.D., Chi–pin corresponds undoubtedly to KåpiÝa-Lampåka,
modern Kåfiristån ... Up to the time of An Fa–ch'in there is not a single
instance where Chi–pin can be safely said to mean KåÝmðr.
2. Hsün–hsien (sic) ... as indicated by Hsü Sung and Wang
Hsien–ch'ien , an early quotation and references show that this
should be read Hsiu–hsien ... the confusion between ›hsün‹ and ›hsiu‹
is not uncommon.
(DE GROOT 1926: 86)
1
Der Regierungssitz des Königs des Reiches Kepin , die Stadt Sunsi¥n , liegt 12.200 ›Li‹ von
Tš'angngan ab.
1. Zwar enthalten die Geschichtsbücher späterer Kaiserhäuser Berichte über Ke–pin, jedoch keine, welche auf seine geographische
Lage in der Han-Zeit Licht werfen. Wir müssen also versuchen, mit den Angaben der [weiter unten folgenden] Textstelle auszu-
kommen. Wir erfahren [dort], daß Ke–pin nordwestlich an Groß-Goat–si und südwestlich an ¶–ik–san–li stieß; da nun kein Nach-
barstaat im Westen dazu erwähnt wird, läßt sich annehmen, daß der nordwestliche und der südwestliche dort aneinander
grenzten.
In der Tat lesen wir in der Textberichten über ¶–ik–san–li, die weiter unten wiedergegeben wird, daß dieses Land nördlich an
P 'ok–tiao , Baktria, grenzte, welches dem Gebiet von Groß-Goat–si entsprach.
Auch lernen wir aus den Textberichten über Groß-Goat–si, die ebenfalls unten übersetzt sind, daß in der Han-Zeit der Süden
dieses Reiches aus Statthalterschaften bestand, welche Tschitral, Kafiristan und Kabul umfaßten. Ke–pin muß somit damals
südlich von diesen Ländern gelegen haben, so daß Peschawur dazu gehört haben muß; indessen wird hierüber in chinesischen
Quellen überhaupt nichts Bestimmtes mitgeteilt.
Nordöstlich von Ke–pin lag ... das zu ihm gehörige Lan–tª und östlich das Reich ¶–tª oder Udyåna; hieraus scheint zu folgen, daß
Ke–pin sich über das östliche Tschitral und über Kohistan erstreckte.
Mit den geographisch-historischen Fragen über Ke–pin haben sich Sylvain Lévi und Chavannes im Anhang zu ihrem ›Itinéraire
d'Ou–k'ong‹ (JA 1895) eingehend befaßt, und sie sind dabei zu dem Ergebnis gelangt, daß das alte Reich weder Kabul noch
Kaschmir entsprochen haben kann, sondern daß Gandhåra, das moderne Peschawur, in der T 'ang-Zeit einer seiner Gebietsteile
war. Über seine Ausdehnungdehnung in der Han-Zeit ergibt aber diese Abhandlung nicht mehr, als unsere chinesischen Quellen
feststellen.
Daß Ke–pin identisch ist mit Ka–pi–ši (Kapischa), welches im ersten Kapitel des Si–ju'–ki besprochen wird, unterliegt
wohl keinem Zweifel.
— 65 —
(WYLIE 1881: 33–34)
1 2
The capital of the kingdom of Ke–pin (Kophen) is the city of Sun–seen, distant from Chang–gan
12,200 ›le‹.
1. By general consent of investigators, this has been admitted to be the ancient kingdom of Kophen, a name closely connected
with if not derived from the River Kophes, which is found in the Vedas under the form ›Kubha‹, and appears in the classical
writers also as Khoes and Koaspes. This country was identical with Kabulistan of later times ...
2. It is difficult to identify this name. Possibly it may be a corrupt transcript of ›Urddhasthana‹, the ancient name of Cabul; or it may
be a distortion of the name ›Ghazni‹.
Der Fürst von Kipin (Cophene) hat seine Residenz in Sünsün (Siunsian bei Ab. Rémusat, später Sieou-
sian) 12,200 Li (610 geographische Meilen) fern von Tschangngan (oder der Nordwestgrenze Schensis).
— 66 —
HS 3884 (96A.7a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 104)
It is not subject to the Protector General .
There are many households, individuals and persons
able to bear arms, and it is a large state.
To the north–east it is a distance of 6840 ›li‹ to the
seat of the Protector General. To the east it is a
distance of 2250 ›li‹ to Wu–ch'a , to the north-
east one reaches the state of Nan–tou after
1
nine days' journey.
It adjoins the Ta Yüeh–chih in the north-
west and Wu–i–shan–li in the south-west.
— 67 —
HS 3884 (96A.7a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 104–105)
When, formerly, the Hsiung–nu conquered the Ta Yüeh–chih
, the latter moved west and established themselves as
master of Ta Hsia . It was in these circumstances that the
1
king of the Sai moved south and established himself as
master of Chi–pin.
The Sai tribes split and separated and repeatedly formed several
states.
To the north-west of Shu–lo , states such as Hsiu–hsün
and Chüan–tu are all of the former Sai race.
1. ›Sai‹ ...It is to be noted that the text writes ›Sai wang‹ , literally meaning
“ the king of the Sai”, which we have adopted in our translation. However, the
mention of the title ›king‹ is odd in this context, for in other cases of a comparable
nature, it is the tribe or people that is mentioned, not the ruler. The ›Wei–lüeh‹
mentions alternative names for two small states which contain ›wang‹, viz.
›Kiu-li‹ , also called ›P'ei-li-wang‹ , and ›P'an-yue‹ , also
called ›Han-yue-wang‹ (see Chavannes, TP 1905: 551-552 and Chavannes,
TP 1907: 193-195). Later, our text mentions ›Sai chung‹ , “ the Sai race”,
without adding the word “ king” ...
(DE GROOT 1926: 87, 25)
Vorher, als Hungnö Groß-Goatsi geschlagen hatte, zog Groß-Goatsi westwärts und sicherte sich die
1
Herrschaft über Taha (Tochara), während Sakong (Sakke) südwärts zog und sich zum Herrn über
Kepin machte. Das Volk der Sak bestand aus Teilen, die zerstreut lebten und in der Regel verschiedene
Reiche bildeten; und somit sind von Sª–lik (Kaschgar) an nach Nordwesten hin die Gebiete von
Hiu–sun und Kuan–tok alle ehemalige Sak'sche Völkerschaften.
1. Was haben wir uns nun bei dem Zeichen ›ong‹ zu denken? Zunächst befremdet es, daß für die Transkription eines auslän-
dischen Volksnamens gerade so ein alltägliches Zeichen, das einfach “ König” bedeutet, gewählt und dadurch die Tür für Mißver-
ständnisse weit geöffnet wurde, denn ein jeder mußte aus ›Sak–ong‹ ohne Bedenken “ König der Sak” lesen, was der Textschrei-
ber gewiß nicht gewollt haben kann. Man ahnt somit, daß hier ein Schreibfehler vorliegt und ursprünglich das ähnliche ›ke‹
gestanden haben kann ... Der chinesischen Transkription zufolge kann also das in Frage stehende Volk ›Sak–ke‹ oder ›Sik–ke‹,
›Sak–ka‹ oder ›Sik–ka‹, ›Sak–koa‹ oder ›Sik–koa‹ geheißen haben ...
2
(F. W. K. MÜLLER 1918: 577 )
Daß Sak–wang ein Name sein müsse, hat FRANKE (1904: 54–55) mit Recht hervorgehoben. Seine Darlegung wäre noch schlagender
gewesen, wenn er den Originaltext hinzugefügt hätte:
— 68 —
HS 3885 (96A.7a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 105–106)
The land of Chi–pin is flat and the climate is tem-
1
perate. There is lucerne , with a variety of
2 3
vegetation and rare trees, sandalwood , ›oaks‹
, catalpa , bamboo and the lac tree .
(The inhabitants) grow the five field crops, grapes
and various sorts of fruit, and they manure their
orchards and arable land.
4
The land is low and damp, producing rice, and fresh
vegetables are eaten in winter.
1. ›Mu–su‹ ( or ), variously called medicago, lucerne or
alfalfa ...
2. ›T 'an‹. In our translation we have rendered this term pro-
visionally as ›sandalwood‹, which according to all authorities is
a tree which grows only in tropical regions ...
3. “ Oaks”, ›huai‹, is by some said to be identical with , the so-
called ›Japanese pagoda tree‹.
4. ›Sheng‹ , is here used in the sense of “ fresh”, not as “ raw”.
(DE GROOT 1926: 87)
In Ke–pin ist das Land flach, das Klima warm und milde. Es gibt da ›Bok–šok‹ und allerlei Gewächse,
seltsame Bäume, wie Sandel , Sophora , Rottlera , Bambus und Lackbäume . Man baut da
die fünf Getreidearten, Trauben und Obst, düngt und bestellt bewässerte und unbewässerte Felder. Wo
der Boden niedrig ist und naß, erzeugt man Reis, und sogar im Winter ißt man frische Gemüse.
— 69 —
HS 3885 (96A.7a–7b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 106)
The inhabitants are skillful at decorative work, en-
graving and the art of inlay, at building [palaces and]
6 residences , at weaving woollens
1
and at
2
patterned embroidery. They are fond (of wine) and
7
food. There is gold, silver, copper and tin with which
3
they make utensils . And they have markets with
stalls .
1. ›Chi‹ (or rather ) are woollen blankets and carpets; they
were a luxury much sought after ...
2. As Wang Nien–sun (1744–1832) indicates, the Han–chi
reading is correct, whereas the reading
in all of the HS editions is meaningless.
3. The text should include the character ›yu‹ (sic in Han–chi
).
(DE GROOT 1926: 87)
Das Volk ist begabt; es schnitzt Figuren (in Holz), graviert Metalle, baut Paläste und Häuser, webt wollene
Stoffe, macht (bunte) Stickereien, ißt gern gut zubereitete Speisen, hat Gold, Silber, Kupfer und Zinn und
verfertigt sich daraus Gefäße und Geräte. Es gibt dort Basare.
— 70 —
HS 3885 (96A.7b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 106)
They use gold and silver to make coins ,
with (the image of) a mounted rider on the
obverse and a human face on the reverse
.
— 71 —
HS 3885 (96A.7b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 106–107)
(The state) produces humped cattle , water-buffalo
1
, elephant , large dogs , monkeys ,
2 3 4
peacocks , pearls of different kinds , coral
5 6
, amber and beryl .
The other stock animals are the same as those of the va-
rious other states.
1. Already the oldest commentators Chang Yen (3rd or
4th century) in HS 31.17b, and P'ei Yin (fl. 465–472) quoting
Chang Yen in SC 7.36 identify ›mu–hou‹ with ›hsien–hou‹
or ›mi–hou‹ ... all meaning “ monkey, ape” ...
2. ›k'ung–chüeh‹ ... is the peacock. The earliest reference to this bird is
probably in HS 95.11a ...
3. ›chu–chi‹; ›chu‹ is the normal word for pearls, ›chi‹ occurs in the
›Book of Documents‹, ch. Yü–kung § 13 ...
4. ›shan–hu‹. Karlgren (1923: 85) ... believes that + the etymology deriv-
ing the Chinese word ›shan–hu‹ from an early Iranian *(å) ›sanga‹ is
highly probable, if not certain* ; this word designated “ stone” or
“ stone ›par excellence‹”
5. ›hu–po‹ ... Pulleyblank (1962: 124) ... thinks ... that this may represent
Greek ¤rpax, “ amber”.
6. ›pi–liu–li‹ ... According to Pelliot in TP 13 (1912: 443), this is Sanskrit
›vaiŸørya‹, which is Greek bh/rulloj ...
Daffinà, TP 1982: 317–318 —
›Shan–hu‹ “ coral”, ›hu–po‹ “ amber”, and ›pi–liu–li‹
“beryl”, which certainly were not indigenous to Chi–pin but
imported into it, prove that the area had been for a long time under
the sway of Greek civilization; as it was actually the case of KåpiÝa,
Gandhåra and Pañjåb, but not of KåÝmðr ...
Chinese ›pi–liu–li‹ ... The Indian term ›vaiŸøryam‹ had a north-
western origin and derived from Greek bh/rulloj, bhrÚllion, and not
vice versa, as it is generally believed ...
(DE GROOT 1926: 87)
1
Das Land erzeugt Rinder, die einen Höcker im Genick haben, Büffel, Elefanten, große Hunde, ›Bok‹-Affen
2
und Pfauen; weiter noch Perlen und Korallen , ›Hu–po'‹ , runde Jaspisscheiben
und ›Liu–li‹ (Lapislazuli ?). Die Haustiere sind übrigens denen der anderen Reiche gleich.
1. Das Zeichen steht nach K'ang–his Wörterbuch für ›mi‹ und bedeutet eine große Affenart. (FRANKE)
2. ›Hu-po‹ ist die chinesische Bezeichnung für Amber ... (FRANKE)
— 72 —
HS 3885 (96A.7b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 107)
Communications started from (the time of) Emperor
Wu .
Chi–pin believed that it lay cut off by the long dis-
tance and that Han troops would not be able to reach
1
it; and Wu–t'ou–lao , the king, frequently
menaced or killed Han envoys.
When Wu–t'ou–lao died, his son acceded in his place,
and despatched envoys bearing gifts.
1. Wu–t'ou–lao ... Tarn (1951: 340 sq.) equates Wu–t'ou–loa witht
the Greek term ¢delfoà, “ of (the king's) brother”.
— 73 —
HS 3885–3886 (96A.7b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 107–108)
1
Han ordered Wen Chung , Commandant of the
2
barrier , to escort them (back to Chi–pin), but the
king reverted to earlier practices and tried to injure (Wen)
Chung.
When he realised what was happening, (Wen) Chung
entered into a plot with Yin–mo–fu , son of the
3
Jung–ch’ü king, to attack Chi–pin and kill the
king.
Yin–mo–fu was established as king of Chi–pin and
invested with a seal and ribbon .
1. This man is further unknown.
2. Commandant of the barrier ... The office is mentioned in HS 19A.29b
as having been established under the Ch'in, but without further
details; passages in the Han–shu make it clear these functionaries
were placed at different ›kuan‹ or passes, both at the border and in
the interior, e.g. the Hsien–ku Pass. These posts were abolished by
the first emperor of the Later Han in A.D. 33, see HHS 1B.6a ...
3. Jung–ch'ü ... Hsü Sung suggests that this must have been a
›lesser king‹, i.e. a subordinate ruler, in Chi–pin; in view of the
construction, Jung–ch'ü is either part of the royal title, or it is the
name of an area or a tribe.
(DE GROOT 1926: 88)
Han ließ darauf den Generalkommandanten der Sperrtore W¥n Tšung diese Gesandt-
schaft heimführen, und der König wollte auch ihn umbringen. Jedoch W¥n Tšung entdeckte sein Vor-
haben und schmiedete mit Im–boat–hu , dem Sohne des Königs von Jong–k'ut , ein Kom-
plott; sie überfielen Ke–pin töteten den König und setzten Im–boat–hu als König von Ke–pin auf den
Thron. Ihm wurde (von Han) ein Siegel verliehen.
— 74 —
HS 3886 (96A.7b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 108)
1
Later Chao Te , an army captain , was sent as
an envoy to Chi–pin and fell out with Yin–mo–fu.
Yin–mo–fu had (Chao) Te bound in chains, and put to
death [more than] seventy members (of his mission)
including his deputy. And he then [sent envoys
who] submitted a written account of the incident (to the
Han emperor) begging to be forgiven .
In view of the distance (at which the state lay) Emperor
Hsiao Yüan (48-33 v.Chr.) did not order the matter
to be considered (for further action), and he had the envoy
(from Chi–pin) set free at the Suspended Crossing
.
Relations were severed and there was now no communi-
cation (between Han and Chi–pin).
1. Chao Te is further unknown.
(DE GROOT 1926: 88)
Später wurde der Heeresinspizient Tšao Te' nach Ke–pin entsandt. Dieser verstimmte den
Im–boat–hu so sehr, daß er ihn an eine Kette legte und den Adjunkt-Gesandten mit mehr als 100 [sic]
Unterstellten umbrachte. Dann schickte er eine Gesandtschaft, um dem Kaiser ein Entschuldigungs-
schreiben anzubieten. Kaiser Hiao–juan (48–33 v.Chr.) schrieb das so äußerst weit entlegene Land nicht
(als Reichsgebiet) ein und entließ die Gesandten, aber bei den hangenden Übergängen verabschiedete
man sich von ihr und drang nicht weiter vor.
— 75 —
HS 3886 (96A.7b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 108)
In the time of Emperor Ch'eng (32–7 v.Chr.), (Chi–pin)
again sent an envoy with gifts and a message of apology. Han
intended to send an envoy in return, to escort the mission back
1 2
(to Chi–pin), but Tu Ch'in addressed Wang Feng ,
the supreme general, in the following terms:
1. Tu Ch'in ... has a biography in HS 60. He was the trusted counsellor of
Wang Feng. He not only advised the government to sever all relations with
Chi–pin, but also (in 28 B.C.) not to endanger the relations with the
Hsiung–nu (HS 94B.9b–10a, de Groot 1921: 247–249) ... The present incident
is not dated, but Ssu–ma Kuang (1019–1086), Tzu–chih t'ung–chien
(TCTC) , Peking 1956, 20: 978 ff., places it in 25 B.C. ...
2. Wang Feng was the all-powerful uncle of emperor Ch'eng (reigned
32–7 B.C.) ... he was the leading statesman from 32 until his death in
22 B.C.
(DE GROOT 1926: 88)
Zur Zeit des Kaisers Tš'ing (33–7 v.Chr.) schickte es [Ke–pin] nochmals eine Gesandtschaft mit Tribut
zur Entschuldigung. Han wollte das mit einer Gesandtschaft erwidern, welche die andere zurückbegleiten
1 2
solle; allein Tu K'in unterbreitete dem Generalissimus Wang Fung die nachfolgende Aus-
einandersetzung:
1. Ein einflußreicher Minister, von dem sich eine ausführliche Biographie in HS 60 findet.
2. Halbbruder der Mutter des Kaisers Tš'ing. Biographische Notizen über diesen mächtigen Staatsmann sind hauptsächlich in
HS 98 enthalten.
— 76 —
HS 3886 (96A.7b–8a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 109)
+ At first, Yin–mo–fu, king of Chi–pin, had originally been
established by Han, but later he turned after all in rebel-
lion. Now there is no greater (proof of) prestige than the
possession of a state and treatment of its inhabitants as
one's children and there is no greater (example of) criminal
behaviour than the apprehension and murder of envoys.
The reason why (Chi-pin) has not required imperial grace
and favour and does not fear punishment is that it knows
itself to be cut off (from Han) by a long distance beyond the
range of (Han) troops. If there is something which it
requires, its language is servile; if there is nothing which it
desires, its behaviour is arrogant; and in the end the state
will not be fit for acceptance as our subject.
— 77 —
HS 3886 (96A.8a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 109)
+ All the instances in which China enters into gener-
ous relations with barbarians and gratifies their re-
quests occur because, their territories being close, they
make incursions (into China).
In the present case, the bar formed by the Suspended
Crossing is such that it cannot be traversed by (the
inhabitants [or: the king] of) Chi-pin. Their show of respect
is not sufficient to bring peace to the Western Regions
, and although they do not adhere (to Han) they are
incapable of endangering the walled cities (of the
Western Regions).
Formerly (the king) personally defied the emblems (of Han
authority), and his iniquity lay exposed to the Western
Regions. For this reason relations were severed and there
was no communication (between Chi–pin and Han).
— 78 —
HS 3886 (96A.8a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 109–110)
1 + Now they regret their earlier misdemeanours and come (with
1
a show of submission ), but there are no members of the
[king's] family or noblemen among those who
bring the gifts; the latter are all [travelling] merchants
and men of low origins . They wish to exchange their
goods and conduct trade, under the pretext of presenting gifts.
Thus we have been put to the trouble of providing envoys to
escort (the men of Chi–pin) to the Suspended Crossing ;
we have forfeited any real (gains to be made from their visit)
and have been subject to deceit. All cases in which we have
sent envoys to escort visitors back have been due to our wish
to provide them with defensive protection against the danger
of robbery.
But starting in the area south of P'i–shan , one passes
2
through some four or five states which are not subject to Han.
1. The translation includes the word ›shun‹ , as given in the citation of the
passage by Li Hsien in his commentary to HHSCC, Mem. 78.27a.
2. As Yen Shih–ku correctly explains, ›keng‹ here means “ to pass
through”, as in SC 123.3 “ (their) road necessarily passes
through Hsiung–nu (territory)”.
(DE GROOT 1926: 89)
+ Jetzt ist die Reue über ihn gekommen, und er kommt zu uns; jedoch keine seiner Bluts- oder Anverwand-
ten sind dabei, sogar keine Edelleute, sondern die Tributträger sind lauter reisende Kaufleute, also gemei-
ne Leute, die Handelsverkehr suchen und den Tribut nur als Vorwand benutzen. Darum dringe ich darauf,
daß unsere Gesandtschaft diese Leute nur bis zu den hangenden Übergängen zurückbegleiten soll, denn
ich befürchte, daß wir hier auf unehrliche Weise betrogen werden. Entsenden wir Gesandtschaften zur
Zurückbegleitung solcher fremden Gäste, dann ist es erforderlich, daß wir sie auch vor feindlichen An-
griffen schützen. Nachdem sie von P'i–san abgereist sind, kommen südlich davon vier oder fünf Reiche,
die nicht zu Han gehören,
— 79 —
HS 3886–3887 (96A.8a–8b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 110)
+ A patrol 1 of some hundred officers and men may
divide the night into five watches and, striking the cook-
ing pots (to mark the hours) so keep guard, but there are
still occasions when they will be subject to attack and
robbery.
For asses, stock animals and transported provisions, they
depend on supplies from the various states to maintain
themselves. But some of the states may be poor or small
and unable to provide supplies, and some may be
refractory and unwilling to do so.
So our envoys clasp the emblems of mighty Han and
starve to death in the hills and valleys. They may beg, but
there is nothing for them to get, and after ten or twenty
days man and beast lie abandoned in the wastes never to
return.
1. ›Ch'ih–hou shih‹ . One of the meanings of ›ch'ih‹ is “ to look
out, to spy”, that of ›hou‹ is “ to watch, to look out”; the binome is used
both as a verb “ to watch, to guard”, and as a noun “ watcher, guard”
...
— 80 —
HS 3887 (96A.8b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 110–111)
+ In addition, they pass over the ranges (known as the
hills) of the Greater and the Lesser Headache
, and the slopes of the Red Earth and
1
the Fever of the Body . These cause a man to suffer
fever; he has no colour, his head aches and he vomits; as-
ses and stock animals all suffer in this way.
Furthermore there are the Three Pools and the
2
Great Rock Slopes , with a path that is a foot
and six inches wide, but leads forward for a length of
3
thirty ›li‹.
Overlooking a precipice whose depth is unfathomed, tra-
vellers passing on horse or foot hold on to one another
and pull each other along with ropes.
1. The encyclopedia ›T'ung–tien‹ and the New History of the T'ang dy-
nasty both say that these mountains are situated south-west of the
country of Ho–p'an–t'o ... which Petech (1950: 78) identifies
with Tashkurgan ...
2. Hsü Sung refers to the Pei–shih 97.25b which says that in the
country of Po–chih [Chavannes 1903: 405: + ... entre le Zébak et le
Tchitrâl.*] ... there were three ponds, inhabited by the dragon (or
›naga‹) king, his wife and his daughter, and that travellers, when
passing these, made sacrifice, to avoid meeting with snowstorms ...
3. With the Han inch at 2.31cm. this implies a path less than 40 cm wide.
(DE GROOT 1926: 90)
+ Dann sind auch noch die großen und die kleinen Kopfweh-Berge zu überschreiten, wo die hei-
ßes Fieber erregenden Abhänge aus roter Erde bei den Menschen Fieber, Blässe, Kopfschmerzen und
Erbrechen hervorrufen, und wo sogar die Esel und das Vieh bis zum letzten Stück umkommen. Dann
kommen auch noch die Becken der drei Seen mit ihren Felswänden, wo der Weg an den engsten
Stellen nur einen Fuß und sechs Zoll breit, aber dreißig ›Li‹ lang ist und an jähen Abgründen von un-
ergründlicher Tiefe entlang führt; dort müssen reisende Reiter und Fußgänger sich an Seilen festklam-
mern und einander vorwärtsziehen.
— 81 —
HS 3887 (96A.8b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 111)
1
+ And only after a journey of more than two thousand ›li‹
2
do they reach the Suspended Crossing .
When animals fall, before they have dropped half-way down
the chasm, they are shattered in pieces, and when men fall, the
situation is such that they are unable to rescue one another.
The danger of these precipices beggars description.
When the Holy King divided the world into nine provin-
3
ces and made the regulations for the five zones
their efforts were directed to making the inner regions pros-
perous without seeking anything beyond.
1. As indicated by Wang Hsien–ch'ien , the ›Shui–ching chu‹
1.13a correctly reads + twenty ›li‹* in stead of the impossible + two thousand
›li‹* of the Han–shu; the characters for 10 and 1 000, viz. and , are very
often confused.
2. ... the Wei–shu ... places the Suspended Crossing in the country of A–
kou–ch'iang , south-west of So–chü ... According to Chavannes
(1906: 237, n. 4) the Suspended Crossing led from the Pamirs into the Gilgit
valley ...
Fa–hsien writes: + When crossing the Pamirs one has already entered
Northern India ... At the bottom is the Hsin–t'ou River ( ... identified
with the Indus) ...*
3. For these divisions of the realms of the legendary rulers of antiquity, see
Bernhard Karlgren, Glosses to the Book of Documents, in: BMFEA 20,
1948: 135, gloss 1335; 159 f., gloss 1384.
(DE GROOT 1926: 90)
+ Erreicht man dann, nachdem man mehr als 2000 ›Li‹ zurückgelegt hat, die hangenden Übergänge, dann
ist von der Viehherde kaum noch die Hälfte übrig, aber auf dem Boden der Abgründe liegt alles gänzlich
vernichtet und zerschmettert umher. Sogar diejenigen, die sich beim Absturz noch festzuhalten vermoch-
ten, sind nicht zu retten, noch kann man sich nach ihnen umsehen. Die Lebensgefahren dieser steilen
Wände sind unbeschreiblich. Die heiligen Fürsten, die das Reich in neun Provinzen teilten und daselbst
die fünf Grade der Trauer für die Toten einsetzten, erstrebten damit lediglich die Vervollkommnung des
Inlandes und suchten im Ausland nichts.
— 82 —
HS 3887 (96A.8b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 111–112)
+ But now the envoys who are sent out on missions carry
1
the commands of the Most Honourable to escort
2
merchants of the barbarians. Large numbers of officers
and soldiers are made to toil, being sent out on journeys
over dangerous and arduous roads; and the resources on
which we rely are dissipated and exhausted for a cause
which brings no (material) advantage. This is no long-
term plan.
Those of our envoys who have already received their em-
blems of authority should be permitted to proceed as far
as P'i–shan and then to return.*
(Wang) Feng then proposed to the emperor that (Tu)
Ch'in's advice should be accepted.
It is said: + In fact Chi–pin was seeking to profit
from the imperial gifts (that were presented to the state)
3
and from trade and its envoys came (to Han) once
every several years.*
1. ›Chih-tsun‹ , “the Most Honourable”, a current designation of the
emperor.
2. ›Man-I chih ku‹ , “ merchants of the barbarians”, where the
latter are indicatied by a general term, the members of which usually
refer to the tribes of the south.
3. ›ku–shih‹ , “ trade” ... in Han texts it also occasionally means
“ market”.
(DE GROOT 1926: 90–91)
+ Jetzt aber bekommt eine Gesandtschaft vom Allerhöchsten den Befehl, sogar Kaufleute eines Barba-
renvolkes heimzuführen und dafür Beamten und Kriegern Last und Mühe zu bereiten und sich selbst auf
gefahrvollen und schwierigen Wegen durchzuschlagen. In dieser Weise erschöpft er (sein Volk), das seine
Stütze ist, und obendrein für Sachen, die ihm nichts frommen; solches ist keineswegs das Mittel, (seinem
Hause) ein langdauerndes Dasein zu sichern. Sollte die Gesandtschaft ihr Diplom bereits in Empfang
genommen haben, so lasse man sie nur bis P'i–shan mitreisen und dann den Rückweg antreten.* Hierauf
gab Wang Fung dem Kaiser zu verstehen, er solle den Rat des Tu K'in befolgen. Der eigentliche Gewinn,
den diese Gesandtschaft Ke–pin einbrachte, war, daß ihm zur Belohnung ein Handelsbasar gewährt
wurde, wo seine Gesandten einmal im Laufe mehrerer Jahre eintreffen durften.
— 83 —
HS 3888 (96A.8b) : (Hulsewé/Loewe 1979: 112)
1
The state of Wu–i–shan–li .
The king's (seat of government is at the town of
2 2
... ) and it is distant by 12 200 ›li‹ from
Ch'ang–an .
It is not subject to the Protector General .
3
(There are many) households, individuals and
persons able to bear arms, and it is a large
state.
To the north-east it is a distance of sixty day's
journey to the seat of the Protector General.
1. ... Chavannes identifies Wu–i–shan–li with ›Alexandria ¹
™n Ar…oij‹, i.e. Herat, and (1905: 514) he opposes the
identification with ›Alexandria in Arachosia‹, i.e.
Kandahar, suggested by Marquart (›Untersuchungen zur
Geschichte von Eran‹, zweites Heft, Leipzig 1905: 175–176)
...
2. In view of the identical structure of all these notices, the
text here is evidently defective, the statement about the
king's seat of government at a named capital being
missing.
3. The text is evidently defective; we have supplied the word
›to‹ , “ many”, as at the beginning of the paragraph on
Chi–pin, HSPC 96A.23a.
(DE GROOT 1926: 91)
1
Der König vom Reiche ¶iksanli (Alexandria) wohnt 12.200 ›Li‹ von Tš'angngan entfernt.
Es gehört nicht zum Gebiet des Allgemeinen Schutzherrn. Die Zahl der Familien, Personen und Krieger ist
die eines großen Reiches. Nordöstlich bis zum Verwaltungssitz des Allgemeinen Schutzherrn sind es
60 Tagereisen.
1. Es ist wohl kaum ein Zweifel möglich, daß ›¶–ik–san–li‹ den Namen Alexandria wiedergibt. Die Transkription ist in der Tat eine
besonders genaue, denn der Transkribent hat den Namen offenbar wie Ol–ek–san–di–ria verstanden und in seiner Sprache, die
kein auslautendes ›l‹ und kein ›d‹ besitzt, die vier ersten Silben als ›¶–ik–san–li‹ nachgesprochen und geschrieben ...
— 84 —
HS 3888 (96A.8b–9a) : (Hulsewé/Loewe 1979: 112–114)
1
It adjoins Chi–pin in the east, P'u–t'ao
2
in the north, and Li–kan and T'iao–chih
in the west. After travelling for some hundred days
one then reaches T'iao–chih.
3
(This) state is situated on the Western Sea ; it
is warm and damp, and the fields are sown with
rice; there are bird's eggs as large as (water) jars.
The population is very numerous and in many pla-
ces there are minor overlords or chiefs.
1. P'u–t'ao ... one text read ›p'u‹ ... Hsü Sung remarks
that the country of P'u–ta ... is mentioned in HHSCC
Mem. 78.14b ... however ... the ›Tung–tien‹ reads P'u–t'ao
... Chavannes (1905; 1907) personally is inclined to identify
P'u–t'ao with Bactra (Balkh).
2. T 'iao–chih ... Here it is said that T'iao–chih lies to the west of
Wu–i–shan–li, and slightly later, on p. 29b, that it likewise lies
to the west of An–hsi. Han–chi 12.9a adds that it was
12900 ›li‹ distant from Ch'ang–an. This passage, devoted to far-
away T'iao–chih, is evidently an insertion, concluded by ›yün‹
, “it is said ...”, as in SC 123.13. Speculation on the location of
T'iao–chih have been legion ...
3. The ›Hsi–Hai‹ or Western Sea ... the sea ... on which the
state of Wu–i–shan–li was said to be situated, but the Chinese
never went there ...
[Hier kann noch eine Passage angeführt werden, die Hulse-
wé/Loewe nicht erwähnen, HHS 2921 / 118.9b:
. + Quand on part du
royaume de Kao–fou (Kaboul) qui appartient aux Yue–tche et
qu'on se dirige vers le Sud–Ouest on arrive à la mer occiden-
tale ...* Chavannes 1907: 193. cmd]
(DE GROOT 1926: 91)
1 2
Östlich grenzt es an Kepin, nördlich an P'okt'iao (Baktria) , westlich an Li–kan (Hyrkania)
und Tiao–ki . Nach einer Reise von etwas über hundert Tagen erreicht man das Reich Tiao–ki.
3
Dieses liegt am Westmeer . Es ist dort warm und naß, und man baut da Reis auf bewässerten
Feldern . Es gibt da große Vögel mit Eiern wie Töpfe. Die Bevölkerung ist sehr zahlreich. Überall gibt
es kleine Fürsten und Häuptlinge.
1. Wir lesen also in dem obigen Textauszug, daß ›¶–ik–san–li‹ nördlich [im Norden] an Baktria angrenzte, nämlich an das zu Groß-
Goat–si gehörende Ko–hu oder Kabul, und daß es sich an die Westseite von Ke–pin anschloß ...
2. Für Li–kan ist hier An–sik , das Reich der Arsakiden, zu lesen, und zwar weil dieses dem heutigen Transkaspien, Cho-
rassan und Kohistan entsprach, Hyrkania dagegen sich längs den südlichen Küsten des Kaspischen Meeres erstreckte.
3. Unter dem Westmeer, an dem Tiao–ki lag, ist gewiß der Persische Golf zu verstehen. Das stellt HHS 118. 8–9 über allen Zweifel,
denn wir lesen daselbst: + Tiao–ki liegt am Westmeer ...*
— 85 —
HS 3888 (96A.9a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 114)
An–hsi subjugated it and treated it as an
outer state .
The people are expert at conjuring.
It is said: + The elders of An–hsi have learnt by
hearsay that in T'iao–chih there is the
Weak Water and the Queen Mother of the
1
West , but they have all the same never
seen them.
If you travel by water westward from T'iao–chih
for some hundred days you draw near the place
where the sun sets .*
1. The “ Weak Water”, ›Jo–shui‹ , and the “ Queen
Mother of the West”, ›Hsi Wang mu‹ , are situated
in the extreme West of the world by a number of ancient
Chinese texts. Both were specifically Chinese concepts
and so they cannot have been known to the “ elders of
An–hsi” ...
(DE GROOT 1926: 91)
An–sik (Arsak) hat es geknechtet und zu seinem Gebiet geschlagen, betrachtet es aber dennoch als ein
ausländisches Reich. Es besitzt gewandte Gaukler. In An–sik erzählen die Häuptlinge und Alten, daß sich
in Tiao–ki der D{ok-Fluß und ›Si–wang–mu‹ befinden, daß man sie aber noch nie gesehen habe. Reist
man von Tiao–ki zu Wasser westwärts, dann kommt man nach mehr als hundert Tagen zu der Stelle, wo
die Sonne untergeht.
— 86 —
HS 3889 (96A.9a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 114–115)
The land of Wu–i (-shan-li) is very hot; it is covered in
vegetation and flat. For matters such as grass, trees,
stock-animals, the five field-crops, fruit, vegetables,
food and drink, housing, market-stalls, coinage,
weapons, gold and pearls, (conditions) are identical
1
with those of Chi–pin , but there are antelope
, lion and rhinoceros .
The way of life is such that a serious view is taken of
2
arbitrary murder.
The obverse of the coins is exclusively that of
a human being's head with a mounted rider
on the reverse ; and their staves are em-
bellished with gold and silver.
1. ›T'ao–pa‹ ... Meng K'ang ( 180–260) comments:
+ Another name for it is ›fu–pa‹ ; it resembles a deer with
a long tail and one horn, or a ›t'ien lu‹ (“ heavenly deer”)
with two horns, or a ›pi–hsieh‹ (“ who wards off evil
influences”) *, in other words a mythical animal, or a set of these,
stone statues of which were placed in front of buildings or
tombs (cf. HHSCC Ann. 8.13a ... ) ...
Chavannes (in: TP 7, 1906: 210–269, here 232) accepts the identi-
fication with the boÚbalij proposed by von Gutschmid in his
›Geschichte Irans‹ (1888).
2. Hsü Sung believed that these scruples were due to the ef-
fects of Buddhist doctrine from nearby Northern India.
(DE GROOT 1926: 91–92)
Das Land von ¶ik(sanli) ist warm und heiß, üppig bewachsen und flach. Es besitzt dieselben Gewäch-
se und Haustiere wie Ke–pin, dieselben fünf Getreidesorten, Früchte, Gemüse, Speisen und Getränke,
1
Häuser und Basare, Münzen, Handelswaren, Waffen, Goldsachen und Perlen. Es gibt da ›T'o–poat‹ ,
Löwen und Nashörner. Den Sitten gemäß betrachtet man das rücksichtslose Töten als eine gewichtige
Sache. Die Münzen tragen auf der einen Seite einen Menschenkopf, auf der anderen einen
Reiter. Mit Gold und Silber verziert man die Stäbe.
1. Was für ein Tier das in Alexandria lebende ›T'o–poat‹ war, ist unsicher. Der Kommentator M¥ng K'ang des 3.(?) Jahrhun-
derts schreibt: + Das T'o–poat heißt auch Hu–poah (Fu–pa') und ist dem Hirsch ähnlich, hat aber einen langen Schweif ...*
›Fu–pat‹ sieht wie eine Transkription von ›bubal‹ aus, und wir können es also hier mit dem Bubalos zu tun haben.
— 87 —
HS 3889 (96A.9a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 115)
(The state) is cut off and remote and Han envoys reach it
only rarely.
Proceeding by the Southern Route from the Yü–men
and Yang barriers, and travelling south through
Shan–shan one reaches Wu–i–shan–li ,
which is the extreme point of the Southern Route; and
turning north and then proceeding eastwards [recte: west-
wards] one arrives at An–hsi .
— 88 —
HS 3889 (96A.9a–9b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 115–116)
1
The state of An–hsi .
The king's seat of government is at the town of
2 3
Fan–tou , and it is distant by 11600 ›li‹ from
Ch'ang–an . It is not subject to the Protector
General .
It adjoins K'ang–chü in the north, Wu–i–shan–li
in the east and T'iao–chih in the
west. The land, climate, type of goods and popular
way of life are identical with those of Wu–i and Chi–
pin .
Likewise they use silver to make coins , the
obverse being decorated exclusively with (the
image of) the king's face and the reverse
with that of his consort . Whenever a king
dies, a change of coinage is cast.
1. An–hsi ... long since identified with the country of the Arsak, the
Arsacides, i.e. Persia: see Chavannes (1907: 177, note 1).
2. Fan–tou, or rather Po–tou ... This would evidently seem to be a
rendering for a local form of the name of Parthia, as already
noted by Hirth (1885: 139) ...
3. Hsü Sung remarks that although An–hsi was a forty-nine
days' journey from Ta Yüeh–chih, the text indicates the
distance from both An–hsi and from Ta Yüeh–chih to Ch'ang–an
by the identical figure of 11600 ›li‹, and so he supposes that the
An–hsi figure is wrong.
(DE GROOT 1926: 93)
Der Regierungssitz des Königs des Reiches An–sik (Arsak) ist die Stadt Pan–tª , welche
11600 ›Li‹ von Tš'ang–ngan abliegt. Es gehört nicht zum Gebiet des Allgemeinen Schutzherrn. Im Norden
grenzt es an K'ang–ki , östlich an ¶–ik–san–li , westlich an Tiao–ki . Boden, Klima,
Erzeugnisse und herrschende Volksbräuche sind wie in ¶–ik(–san–li) und Ke–pin. Auch hier macht man
Münzen aus Silber, welche auf der einen Seite das Antlitz des Königs und auf der anderen Seite
das einer Frau tragen. Wenn der König stirbt, gießt man sogleich andere Münzen.
— 89 —
HS 3889–3890 (96A.9b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 116–117)
1
There are large horses and large birds .
Several hundred towns, large and small, belong (to
An–hsi). The territory extends for several thousand
›li‹ and it is the largest of the states.
2
It is situated on the Kuei River . Its merchants
travel by vehicle or ship to the neighbouring states.
3
They rule (pieces of) leather, with lines running hori-
zontally, to form written records .
Emperor Wu was the first to send envoys to An–
hsi. The king ordered a general to take a force of
20000 cavalry to greet them at the eastern border.
1. ... ›big horse-birds‹ , but parallel passages ... read ›ta
ma ta chüeh‹ , the reading we have followed in our
translation. The ›large birds‹ have been identified as
ostriches ...
2. Kuei River (lit. Kuei “ Water” ) ... It has customarily been
identified with the Oxus, i.e. the Amu-Darya; Chavannes (1907:
200, n. 1) asserts that represents Wéh, the pehlevi form of
the name for the Oxus ...
3. As indicated by Wang Nien–sun (1744–1832), both
SC 123.2a and ›T'ai–p'ing yü–lan‹ 793.2a, quoting the Han–shu,
write , not ... not to be pronounced ›hua‹, “ to paint”, but
›huo‹, meaning “to delineate, to mark off”, here rendered as “ to
rule”.
(DE GROOT 1926: 93)
1
Es gibt da große ›Pferdevögel‹. Es gehören zu diesem Reiche einige hundert kleinere und größere Städte.
Da sein Gebiet sich über mehrere tausend ›Li‹ erstreckt, ist es das allergrößte Reich. Es liegt am Ui (dem
Oxus) . Die Kaufleute machen mit Wagen und Schiffen Reisen nach den anliegenden Reichen. Man
schreibt auf Häute (Pergament?) ; aus seitwärts laufenden (horizontalen?) Zeilen macht man Schrift-
stücke. Als Kaiser Wu zum ersten Male eine Gesandtschaft nach An–sik geschickt hatte, befahl der
dortige König einem Heerführer, sie mit 20000 Reitern an der Ostgrenze zu empfangen.
1. Der Ausdruck bedeutet den Vogel Strauß, der auch ›Kamelvogel‹ genannt wird. (FR.)
— 90 —
HS 3890 (96A.9b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 117–118)
The eastern border is several thousand ›li‹ distant
from the king's capital.
When in the course of a journey one is about to
approach (the capital) one passes through towns
which can be numbered by the ten, and where set-
tlements are uninterrupted.
(The king) took the occasion to send out (his own) en-
voys to come to Han in company with the Han envoys
so as to observe Han territory.
They took large bird's eggs and conjurors from Li–
1
kan as a present for the Han (emperor),
and the Son of Heaven was delighted.
East of An–hsi are the Ta Yüeh–chih .
1. The identifications of Li–kan have been legion; they are enum-
erated in Dubs (1957: 26, n. 8) ... Hirth (1885: 77): Rekem, the
Roman Petra, denoting Syria and the Roman Orient in general
... Brosset (1828: 425) and de Groot (1926: 18, 91): Hyrcania ...
accepted by Herrman (1935: maps 17 and 26–27) ... Tarn (1951)
locates it in Media. Pelliot (1915: 690–691) identifies it as
Alexandria in Egypt ... Haloun (1937: 274, n. 3) calls it ... the
Chinese designation for the Seleucid empire ... HS 96A.13a
(Ching–yu ed.), however, when speaking about Wu–i–shan–li,
leaves no room for doubt when writing , “ it
adjoins Li–kan and T'iao–chih in the West” ... We shall not enter
further into that matter ...
(DE GROOT 1926: 93)
Diese Grenze lag einige tausend ›Li‹ von der königlichen Hauptstadt. Als man diese beinahe erreicht
hatte, kam man an mehrmals zehn Städten vorbei; die Bevölkerung wohnte da zusammenhängend. Man
schickte bei dieser Gelegenheit der Gesandtschaft von Han eine Gesandtschaft nach, um sich das Land
von Han anzusehen. Sie überbrachte Han große Vogeleier und Gaukler von Li–kan, und der Sohn des
Himmels hatte daran seine helle Freude. Östlich von An–sik liegt Groß-Goat–si.
— 91 —
HS 3890 (96A.9b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 119–120)
1
The state of the Ta Yüeh–chih .
2
The seat of (the king’s) government is at the town of
( )2
3 4
Chien–chih , and it is distant by 11 600 ›li‹ from
Ch’ang–an . It is not subject to the Protector
General .
There are 100 000 households, 400 000 individuals with
100 000 persons able to bear arms.
1. ... it seems likely that the word ›ta‹, meaning “ great”, does not
belong to the name, as in the case of Ta Yüan ...
For the Yüeh–chih see Haloun (1937) and Pulleyblank (1962; 1966;
1970) and cf. Pelliot (1929: 150–151) ... Marquart (1901) ... Daffiná
(1967) ... Maenchen-Helfen (1945) ...
2. ... the word “ king” has been omitted in this passage ...
3. Chavannes (1907: 187, n. 2) suggests Badakhshan. Tarn (1951: 115)
... Alexandria kat¦ B£ktra ... Pulleyblank (1962: 122) believes that
+ the first syllable of this transcription must represent the name
later known as Khulm ... in the heart of Tokharestan ... strategi-
cally situated on the cross-roads between the east-west road
and the north-south route between Transoxiania and the Hindu-
kush.* ...
4. Hsü Sung calculated the distance to Ch'ang–an at
12 212 ›li‹, and to the seat of the Protector General at 4 974 ›li‹
instead of the 4 740 ›li‹ ...(Siehe Tabelle S. 101)
(DE GROOT 1926: 95, 96)
1
Der Regierungssitz des Königs des Reiches Groß-Goat–si , die Stadt Kam–si , liegt 11600 ›Li‹
von Tšang–ngan. Es gehört nicht zum Gebiet des Allgemeinen Schutzherrn. 100000 Familien, 400000 Per-
sonen, 100000 Krieger.
1. Der Name der Hauptstadt ... zeigt aber, daß sie bald nach dem Süden des Oxus verlegt wurde. Der obige Textauszug nennt sie
Kam–si (oder Kam–ši) , T'šang K'ien aber Lam–si ... dem Ischkamischt der jetzigen Karten ... Kam–si wäre davon
eine Abkürzung, die sich erklärt aus dem ... Bestreben der Verfasser der Ši–ki und des Ts'i¥n Han–šu, die Fremdnamen möglichst
mit nur zwei Zeichen zu schreiben (Marquart 1901: 204). T'ang–šu 43B.13 und 40.71 des Alten T'ang–šu berichten, daß das
Kaiserhaus von T'ang im Jahre 661 die Anerkennung seiner Oberherrschaft ... sich gefallen ließ ... mit Wiederherstellung der alten
Namen, die sich in den chinesischen Schriften auffinden ließen. T'ª–hª–lo , Tochara, wurde zum Generalgouvernement
von Goat–si erhoben, mit der Hauptstadt At–wan oder A–wan ... das jetzige Kunduz ...
— 92 —
HS 3890 (96A.9b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 120)
To the east it is a distance of 4740 ›li‹ to the
seat of the Protector General , and to
the west one reaches An–hsi after
49 days’ journey; to the south it adjoins
Chi–pin .
The land, climate, types of goods, popular
way of life and coinage are identical
with those of An–hsi .
The land produces the single-humped
camel .
— 93 —
HS 3890–3891 (96A.9b–10a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 120)
Ta Yüeh–chih was originally a land of nomads . The
people moved around in company with their stock-
animals and followed the same way of life as the
Hsiung–nu .
There were more than 100000 trained bowmen , and
for this reason they relied on their strength and thought
lightly of the Hsiung–nu.
Originally (the people) dwelt between Tun–huang
1
and Ch’i–lien . Then the time came when the ›Shan–
yü‹ Mao Tun [Moduk, 209–174] attacked and
2
defeated the Yüeh–chih, and the ›Shan–yü‹ Lao–shang
3 3
[Kiyuk, 174–161] killed (the king of) the Yüeh–chih
, making his skull into a drinking vessel .
1. ... ›ch'i–lien‹ was a Hsiung–nu word, meaning “ heaven” ... The Ch'i–
lien Mountains are usually identified with the T'ien–shan, but Fujita
Toyohachi (Enshi to Kiren in: Naitõ hakase
kanreki shukuga shinagaku ronsõ
, Kyoto 1926: 757–776) insists that this range is to be located in
Kansu province [was ich nach einem kurzen Abstecher in dieses
Gebirge, im Herbst 1987 von Zhangye aus, aus eigener Anschauung be-
stätigen kann. cmd].
2. Lao–shang, “ old and elevated”, was either the Hsiung–nu appellation
or a translation into Chinese of a Hsiung–nu epithet.
3. The word “ king”, ›wang‹ , omitted in this passage, occurs in the
parallels in HSPC 61.1a and SC 123.10.
(DE GROOT 1926: 95)
Anfänglich war Groß-Goat–si ein Nomadenvolk, wo man mit dem Vieh umherwanderte. Es hatte die-
selben Sitten und Bräuche wie Hung–nª. Seine Bogenschützen waren mehr als zehnmal zehntausend an
Zahl, und es war deswegen so stark, daß es sogar Hung–nª geringschätzte. Erst wohnte es zwischen
Tun–hong und Ki–li¥n. Als der Tan–hu Mª–tun regierte, griff er Goat–si an und schlug es; dann tötete der
Tan–hu Lo–šang (den König von) Goat–si und machte aus dessen Kopf ein Trinkgefäß,
(SPECHT 1883: 321–322)
Originairement les Ta–Yué–tchi étaient nomades. Ils suivaient leurs troupeaux et changeaient de place
avec eux, ressemblant sous ce rapport aux Hioung–nou . Ils comptaient au moins 100,000 archers; si
bien que se fiant à leurs forces, ils méprisaient les Hioung-nou. Ils habitaient primitivement entre le pays
de Thung–Hoang et le mont Ki–lian . Après que le tchen–yu Mao–thun eut attaqué les
Yué–tchi et que le tchen–yu Lao–chang , ayant tué leur roi, eut fait de son crâne une coupe à boire,
— 94 —
HS 3891 (96A.10a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 120–121)
The Yüeh–chih thereupon went far away, passing Ta
Yüan and proceeding west to attack and subjugate
1
Ta Hsia . The principal city was established north of
2
the Kuei River to form the king’s court . The
remaining small group (of the Yüeh-chih) who were
3
unable to leave sought protection among the Ch'iang
tribes of the Southern Mountains and were termed
the Hsiao Yüeh-chih .
Originally Ta Hsia had no major overlord or chief, and
minor chiefs were frequently established in the towns. The
inhabitants are weak and afraid of fighting, with the
result that when the Yüeh–chih migrated there, they made
them all into their subjects.
1. Hsü Sung remarks that SC 123.2b says that Ta Hsia lay more
than 2 000 ›li‹ (800 to 900 km) south-west of Ta Yüan and south of the
Kuei river; he suggests that under the Ta Hsia the capital lay south of
the river and that the Yüeh-chih moved it north ...
2. [Da die Yüeh–dsche noch immer Nomaden waren, dürfte es sich hier um
eine große Zeltstadt gehandelt haben. cmd]
3. ... Chang Ch'un-shu (in: Bulletin of the Institute of History
and Philology of the Academia Sinica 37, vol.II, 1967: 681–749, here: 712,
n. 1) rightly points out that the Hsiao or Lesser Yüeh-chih fled
westward as a result of the attack under the Hsiung-nu ruler Mao-tun,
and not under his successor Lao-shang, as is clearly stated in the
Memoir on the Western Ch'iang in the history of the Later Han, HHSCC
Mem. 77.23b.
(DE GROOT 1926: 95–96)
und nunmehr zogen die Goat–si weit weg über Ta–wan hinaus westwärts, griffen Ta–ha (Tochara) an
und unterwarfen es. Sie gründeten nördlich vom Ui (Oxus) eine Hauptstadt und bauten da ihren Königs-
hof. Die übriggebliebene Minderheit, die nicht abwandern konnte, behauptete sich in K'iong in Nan-
šan und heißt Klein-Goat-si . In Ta-ha gab es anfänglich keinen Hauptfürsten, sondern die Städte
setzten vielfach kleine Obmänner ein. Das Volk war schwach und scheute den Krieg, und als die Goat-si
zu ihnen herüberwanderten, unterwarf es sich ihnen und unterstützte sie.
(SPECHT 1883: 322–323)
les Yué–tchi s’en allèrent au loin, passèrent au delà de Ta–Ouan , battirent les Ta–hia dans
l’ouest, et les soumirent. Leur chef établit alors sa résidence au nord de la rivière Oueï (Oxus). Une
petite partie de ceux qui n'avaient pu s'éloigner avec eux se mirent sous la protection des Khiang des
montagnes du midi, et prirent le nom de Petits Yué-tchi. Primitivement les Ta–hia n’avaient pas un souve-
rain ou un magistrat principal; chaque ville, chaque bourgade était gouvernée par son magistrat. La
population était faible et craignait la guerre. Lorsque les Yué–tchi arrivèrent, ils les soumirent.
(WYLIE 1881: 41)
The tribe then removed to a distance, passed Ta-wan, and attacked the Ta-hea on the west, reduced them
to vassalage, and established their metropolis on the north of the Wei (Oxus) river, where the king held his
Court. A small section, who were unable to leave, fortified themselves at the southern mountains, and
were named by the Keang the Seaou Yu¥-she. The Ta-hea were originally without a Chief Paramount;
and were accustomed to set up petty chiefs over their cities, But the people were weak and afraid to
engage in war. Hence when the Yu¥-she removed into their country they all became their vassals.
— 95 —
HS 3891 (96A.10a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 121–122)
1
There are five ›Hsi–hou‹ .
The first is entitled the ›Hsi–hou‹ of Hsiu–
2
mi ,
and the seat of government is at the town of
Ho–mo ; it is distant by 2841 li from (the
seat of) the Protector General and 7802 li
from the Yang barrier .
1. Yabghu, the generally accepted rendering of this non-
Chinese term for a prominent leader ... Pul-leyblank
(1968: 250 ff.) finds good reasons to assume that the
following passage was added + after the chapter on the
Western Regions ... was already complete* . He rightly
believes that + there is strong circumstancial evidence for
thinking that it is based on information received in a
report from Pan Ku's brother, Pan Ch'ao, dating from
around A.D. 74–75 ...*
2. Hsiu–mi = 6th century Ch'ieh–pei which Marquart
(1901: 242–248) locates in the Wakhan.
(DE GROOT 1926: 97, 98)
1
Es sind dort fünf Hi¥p–hª.
2
Der erste heißt der Hi¥p–hª (Jabgu) von Hiu–bit . Er regiert in der Stadt Ho–bik , die
2841 ›Li‹ vom Allgemeinen Schutzherrn und 7802 ›Li‹ vom Jang-Sperrtor liegt.
1. Das ›Ts'i¥n Han–šu‹ führt uns nunmehr die Verteilung des Gebietes von Groß-Goat–si unter fünf Fürsten vor, die wir gewiß als
Lehnsmänner oder Statthalter, Satrapen, zu bezeichnen berechtigt sind. Es nennt sie Hi¥p–hª. Dieses Wort haben wir
schon ... als einen hohen Titel der Hung–nª kennen gelernt, der wohl Jebgu oder Jabgu lautete und also von den auswandernden
Goat–si weiter nach Zentralasien hineingetragen worden ist.
2. Zur Bestimmung der Lage der Satrapien können die hier gegebenen Abstandszahlen, sollten sie auch zuverlässig sein, nicht füh-
ren, da von den Wegen, auf denen sie gemessen sind, nichts gesagt wird. Es wäre somit ein hoffnungsloses Unternehmen, ihre
Lokalisierung zu versuchen, wären nicht in Wei–šu 102.15 und Pe'–ši 97.20 nähere Angaben vorhanden ... :
+ Das Reich Ka–po¥ ist das ehemalige Jabgu(land) Hiu–bit, mit der Festung Ho–bik als Hauptstadt; sie liegt
westlich von Sa–ku (Jarkand), 13 000 ›Li‹ von Tai. Man wohnt da in Tälern.*
... Diese Satrapie lag also westlich von Sa–ku oder Jarkand. Nun haben unsere Texte bereits gezeigt, daß das Land westlich von
Jarkand, bis zur Höhe der Wasserscheide im Ts'ong-Gebirge, von Si–ja, Tsu–hap und Pª–li eingenommen wurde, und daß westlich
dieser Reiche in Pamir und Alitschur-Pamir sich Bolor erstreckte, welches im Süden an Udyåna stieß. Folglich muß Hiu–bit noch
weiter westlich, also in Schignan, Gharan oder West-Wachan gelegen haben; und in der Tat sagten uns die Texte (s. S. 81), daß
Bu–lui (Bolor) im Westen an Groß-Goat–si grenzte ...
— 96 —
HS 3891 (96A.10a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 122)
The second is entitled the ›Hsi–hou‹ of Shuang–
1
mi ,
and the seat of government is at the town of
Shuang–mi; it is distant by 3741 li from (the seat of)
the Protector General and 7782 li from the
Yang barrier .
1. Shuang–mi = 6th century Che–hsieh–mo–sun ,
located in the Chitral [Marquart 1901: 242–248].
— 97 —
HS 3891 (96A.10a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 122)
The third is entitled the ›Hsi–hou‹ of Kuei–
1
shuang ,
and the seat of government is at the town of Hu–
tsao ; it is distant by 5940 li from (the seat
of) the Protector General and 7982 li from
the Yang barrier .
1. HHSCC Mem. 78.14b says:
+ ... more than one hundred years later, the yabghu of
Kuei–shuang (named) Ch'iu–chiu–ch'üeh (identi-
fied by Chavannes with Kozulokadphises) attacked and
destroyed the four (other) yabghu and established
himself as king of Kuei–shuang; he invaded An–hsi (i.e.
the land of the Arsacids) and took the area of Kao–fu
. He destroyed P'u–ta, Chi–pin and T'ien–chu (i.e.
(Northern) India), and called himself king of Kuei–shuang.
The Han, following the the former apellation, call them
the Ta (or Greater) Yüeh–chih.*
Kuei–shuang = 6th century Ch'ien–tun , located
north of Gandhara.
(DE GROOT 1926: 97, 98, 100–101)
1
Der dritte ist der Hi¥p–hª (Jabgu) von Kui–song . Er regiert in der Stadt Hª–tsao , 5940 ›Li‹
vom Allgemeinen Schutzherrn und 7982 ›Li‹ vom Jang-Sperrtor.
1. Wei–šu 102.15 und Pe'–ši 97.20:
+ Das Reich Gim–tun ist das ehemalige Jabgu(land) von Kui–song, mit der Festung Hª–tsao als Hauptstadt,
westlich von Tsi¥t–si¥t–bok–sun, 13 560 ›Li‹ von Tai. Man wohnt dort in Tälern.*
Westlich von Šang–bi oder Tschitral, nur 60 ›Li‹ davon entfernt, soll, nach dem Wei–šu, die Jabgu-Satrapie Kui–song (Kusana)
gelegen haben. Wir sind also gezwungen, sie in Kafiristan zu lokalisieren.
Aus Kap. 118 des Hou Han–šu (Bl. 11) entnehmen wir, daß sie später einen gewaltigen Aufschwung nahm und in Indien und
nördlich des Hindukusch die Oberherrschaft an sich riß:
+ Als Goat–si von Hung–nª vernichtet war, wanderte es nach Ta–ha (Tochara) aus und teilte dort sein Reich in fünf
Jabgu, nämlich Hiu–bit, Šang–bi, Kui–song, It–tok und Tª–bit . Mehr als ein Jahrhundert später bekriegte und
vernichtete K'u–tsiu–k'iok (Kud{øla Kadphises), der Jabgu von Kui–song, die vier anderen Jabgu, und erhob
sich selbst zum König. Sein Reich nannte ihn König von Kui–song. Er griff An–sik an, nahm vom Lande Ko–hu Besitz,
vernichtete P'ak–tat (Baktar, Baktra, Baktria) und Ke–pin und setzte sich in den vollständigen Besitz aller dieser
Reiche. Als K'u–tsiu–k'iok über achtzig Jahre alt war und starb, trat sein Sohn J¥m–ko–tin (Wima Kadphises)
an seiner Stelle als König auf; dieser vernichtete auch noch T'i¥n–tok (Indien) und setzte dort als Verwalter und
Befehlshaber einen Heerführer ein. Seither befand sich Groß-Goat–si im allerhöchsten Stadium von Reichtum und Blüte.
Die Reiche nannten es allgemein das Königreich Kui–song, aber Han nannte es bei seinem ursprünglichen alten Namen
Groß-Goat–si.*
— 98 —
HS 3891 (96A.10b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 122)
1
The fourth is entitled the ›Hsi–hou‹ of Hsi–tun
,
and the seat of government is at the town of Po–
mao ; it is distant by 5962 li from (the seat
of) the Protector General and 8202 li from
the Yang barrier .
1. Hsi-tun = 6th century Fu-ti-sha , located at
Parwân, on the Panjshir River.
— 99 —
HS 3891 (96A.10b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 122–123)
1
The fifth is entitled the ›Hsi–hou‹ of Kao–fu
,
and the seat of government is at the town of
Kao–fu; it is distant by 6041 li from (the seat of)
the Protector General and 9283 li from
2 the Yang barrier .
All the five ›Hsi–hou‹ are subject to the Ta
2
Yüeh–chih [king] .
1. Kao-fu = 6th century Yen-fou-yeh , located near
Kabul.
2. [Was bisher nicht deutlich genug erkannt worden ist:
Um mißverständliche Übersetzungen auszuschließen, ist
auch hier ein ›wang‹ , “ König”, zu ergänzen. cmd]
(DE GROOT 1926: 97, 98, 101–102)
1
Der fünfte ist der Hi¥p–hª (Jabgu) von Ko–hu . Dieser regiert in der Stadt Ko–hu, 6041 ›Li‹ vom
Allgemeinen Schutzherrn und 9283 ›Li‹ vom Jang-Sperrtor.
2
Diese fünf Jabgu gehören alle zu Groß-Goat–si.
1. Wei–šu 102.15 und Pe'–ši 97.20:
Das Reich J¥m–p'u–at ist das alte Yabgu(land) von Ko–hu, mit der Festung Ko–hu als Hauptstadt. Es liegt
südlich von Hut–tik–sa, 13 760 ›Li‹ von Tai. Man wohnt da in Tälern.
Über die fünfte Satrapie schreibt Kap. 118 des Hou Han–šu (Bl. 12–13):
+ Das Reich Ko–hu liegt im Südwesten von Groß-Goat–si. Auch dieses ist ein großes Reich. Sein Volk ist dem von
T'i¥n–tok (Indien) ähnlich, schwach und leicht zu unterwerfen. Es besitzt Handelsgeist und ist zu Hause wohlhabend.
Es war in wechselnder Zugehörigkeit zu anderen Reichen; die drei Reiche T'i¥n–tok, Ke–pin und An–sik haben es in
Besitz genommen, als sie mächtig waren, jedoch wieder verloren, als sie schwach wurden; allein Goat–si gehörte es nie.
Die Bücher der (ersten) Han-Dynastie rechnen es zu den fünf Jabgu-Staaten; jedoch das entspricht nicht der Wahrheit,
denn erst als Goat–si An–sik geschlagen hatte, gelangte es in den Besitz von Ko–hu.*
Auch in dem weiter oben wiedergegebenen Textbericht des Hou Han-šu lesen wir, daß Kazulokadphises erst Ko-hu eroberte,
nachdem er die anderen Jabgu-Staaten unterworfen und An-sik angegriffen hatte. Ob wir aber auf diesen Grund hin mit dem
Verfasser des Hou Han–šu annehmen dürfen, daß das Ts'i¥n Han-šu [HS] Ko-hu irrtümlich zu den Satrapien rechnet, steht in Fra-
ge. Hat es, wie er behauptet, wirklich An-sik zugehört, dann wird es wohl den südöstlichsten Teil dieses großen Reiches gebildet
haben, weil es dem jetzigen Kabul entsprach. An seine Stelle setzt, wie wir sahen, das Hou Han–šu ein Reich Tª-bit als Jabgu-
Staat, von dem wir aber in den Texten nie mehr etwas vernehmen.
Über die Lage von Ko-hu kann kein Zweifel sein, wo doch sein Name, der auch Ko-fu ausgesprochen wird, klar auf Kofès, den
klassischen Namen des Kabul-Flusses hinweist. Das Wort Kabul liegt sicherlich ebensowenig wie dessen alt-vedische Form
Kubha dem chinesischen Ko-fu zugrunde, denn lautet ausschließlich ›ko‹ oder ›kao‹, nie ›ka‹ oder ›ku‹ ...
2. Wei–šu 102.15 und Pe'–ši 97.20:
+ Das Reich Groß-Goat–si hat als Hauptstadt die Festung Lª(Hi)–kam–si, westlich von Hut–tik–sa, 14 500 ›Li‹ von Tai.
Im Norden grenzt es an Dsu–dsu , und manchmal wurde es von diesem Volke angegriffen, worauf das Volk nach
Westen wanderte und die Festung Pok–lo zu seiner Hauptstadt machte, die 2 100 ›Li‹ von Hut–tik–sa lag.*
— 100 —
(HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 123, n. 297)
Hsü Sung [Xú Sõng 1781–1848, in: (Anmerkungen und Berichtigungen zum West-
länder-Kapitel des Han–Schu, chinesisch), 2 Heftchen, o.O. 1893 / Taipei 1966] complains that the distances
in the ›Han shu‹ are all wrong; basing himself on the ›Wei shu‹, he provides the distances indicated there,
plus his own additional corrections, arriving at the following figures:
— 101 —
HS 3891 (96A.10b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 123–125)
1
The state of K'ang–chü .
The king's seat of government in winter is in Lo–
[ ]2 yüeh–ni–ti
t'ien
2
.
[... to] the town of Pei–
— 102 —
HS 3891–3892 (96A.10b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 125–126)
One reaches (Lo–)yüeh–ni–ti after a journey of
seven days on horseback, and it is a distance of
1
9 104 ›li‹, within the realm , to the king's
summer residence .
There are 120000 households, 600000 individuals
120000 men able to bear arms.
To the east it is a distance of 5550 ›li‹ to the seat
2
of the Protector General .
The way of life is identical with that of the Ta
Yüeh–chih . In the east (the inhabit-
ants) were constrained to serve the Hsiung–nu
.
1. We have rendered the words ›fan nei‹ as “ within
the realm”, but they could also be rendered as a place
name, viz. Fan–nei ...
2. The distance to Ch'ang-an is given as 12300 ›li‹. However,
the distance to the seat of the Protector General is given
as being 5550 ›li‹, which would lead to a distance from
Ch'ang-an of 12788 ›li‹, i.e. 5550 ›li‹ plus the distance from
the Chinese capital to the seat of the Protector General of
7 238 ›li‹ (easily calculated; see HSPC 96.8a and 9b), or
about 500 ›li‹ more.
That the figure of 5550 ›li‹ is not wrong is shown by its
practical agreement with the sum of the distances from
Pei-t'ien to Kuei-shan, i.e. 1510 ›li‹ (HSPC 96A.36b) and
from the latter place to the Protector General, i.e. 4031 ›li‹
(ibid.), or 5541 ›li‹ ...
(DE GROOT 1926: 103)
Bis zum Lande Wat–nik(nok) ( ) sind es sieben Tagereisen zu Pferde. Bis in die Umhegung
1
(Fan), den Sommeraufenthalt des Königs, sind es 9104 ›Li‹. 120000 Familien; 600000 Personen;
120000 Krieger. Ostwärts sind es von Pi–ti¥n bis zum Verwaltungssitz des Allgemeinen Schutzherrn
5 550 ›Li‹. Die Volksart ist dieselbe wie in Groß-Goat–si. Der östliche Teil steht unter der Gewalt von
Hung–nª.
1. Aus diesen Entfernungsangaben lassen sich keine Ortsbestimmungen herleiten, weil nicht mitgeteilt wird, von wo aus sie gerech-
net sind. Es scheinen Zeichen ausgefallen oder verstellt zu sein. Es ist hier also von einer Winterresidenz Lok–wat–nik ,
von einer Gegend Wat–nik und schließlich von einer ›Fan‹ oder , einer Sommerresidenz, die Rede. Folglich
scheint Wat–nik (oder Wat–lik) mit ›Fan‹ gleichbedeutend zu sein und also eine Hecke oder ein Gehege zu bezeichnen und ›lok‹
eine nähere Bestimmung zu sein; ob das Zeichen in seiner chinesischen Bedeutung von “ Vergnügen, Freude” oder als Tran-
skription eines Fremdwortes zu nehmen ist, läßt sich nicht entscheiden.
— 103 —
HS 3892 (96A.10b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 126)
In the time of Emperor Hsüan , the Hsiung–nu
became ill-disciplined and disordered, with five
›Shan–yü‹ contending for power simultaneous-
ly.
Han supported the Shan–yü Hu–han–yeh ,
and had him established; so the Shan–yü Chih–chih
felt offended and put the Han envoys to death
and blocked the way west to K'ang–chü.
1
Later the Protector General Kan Yen–shou
2
and the deputy colonel Ch'en T'ang brought
out troops of the Wu and Chi colonel and
of the various states of the Western Regions. On
reaching K'ang–chü he punished the Shan–yü Chih–
chih and exterminated (his line), as is described in
the biography of Kan Yen–shou and Ch'en T'ang.
1. Kan Yen–shou has a biography in HS 70 ...
2. Ch'en T'ang has a biography in HS 70 ...
(DE GROOT 1926: 103–104)
Zur Zeit des Kaiser Sü¥n herrschten in Hung–nª große Wirren. Fünf ›Tan–hu‹ zugleich stritten um das
Reich, und Han verhalf dem Tan–hu Hª–han–ša zum Thron; jedoch der Tan–hu Tsit–ki verschmerzte das
nicht. Er brachte die Gesandtschaft von Han um, zog dann westwärts und setzte sich in K'ang–ki fest.
Darauf brachten der Allgemeine Schutzherr Kan J¥n–šou und sein Adjunkt, der Oberhauptmann Tš'¥n
T'ang, die Kriegsmacht des Oberhauptmanns des Zentrums und der Reiche des Westens ins Feld, rückten
nach K'ang–ki vor, töteten den Tsit–ki und vernichteten seine Macht. In den Berichten über Kan J¥n–šou
und Tš'¥n T'ang (Kap. 70 des Ts'i¥n Han–šu) ist das besprochen.
(WYLIE 1881: 42)
In the time of the Emperor Seun–te (B.C. 73–49), when the Heung–noo were in a state of anarchy, and five
Shen–yu were all fighting against each other, China interposed its influence to set up Hoo–han–seay
Shen–yu; and Che–che Shen–yu being incensed against the Chinese, put their envoy to death; and then
1
moving westward (B.C. 49) settled in K'ang–keu. After this the Governor General Kan Yen–show and the
Assistant Deputy Protector Ch'in Tang brought the Woo–ke Deputy Protector with the troops of the various
kingdoms of the Western regions to K'ang–keu and exterminated the power of Che–che Shen–yu; the
details regarding which may be found in the Memoirs of Kan Yen–shou, and Ch'in Tang.
1. The biographical notice of this officer is summed up briefly as follows:
+ Kan Yen–shou, who bore the cognomen Keung–hwang, was a native of the district of Yuh–che (now Gan–hwa) in the prefecture
of P©h–t'e (now K'ing–yangin the province of Kan–suh). Being the scrion of a good family he excelled horsemanship and archery
in his youth, and was made a member of the Imperial body-guard ... In time Kan Yen–show was made Secretary and Grand
Adviser, and was appointed Governor General of the Western Regions and Cavalry Protector General; when, in concert with the
Assistant Deputy Protector, he killed and beheaded Che–che Shen–yu, and was promoted Marquis of E–ching. After his death he
was designated the Robust Marquis. The viceregal dignity descended to his great-grandson, till the defeat of Wang Mang, when
the line was cut short.* (HS 70.3+4)
— 104 —
HS 3892 (96A.10b–11a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 126–127)
These events occurred in the third year of (the reign-period)
1
›chien–chao‹ of Emperor Yüan (36 B.C.).
In the time of Emperor Ch'eng , (the king of) K'ang–chü
2
sent a son to attend at the Han (court) with a present of gifts
.
However, K'ang–chü felt that it was separated (from Han) by
a long distance, and alone in its arrogance it was not willing
to be considered on the same terms as the various other
states.
1. For a description of these events of the year 36 B.C. see Dubs, HFHD II,
1944: 279 f. and 331; Daffinà, in: Rivista degli studi orientali 44, Roma
1969: 199–232 and 325; Loewe, Crisis and Conflict in Han China, 104 B.C. to
A.D. 9, London 1974: 211–251.
2. Ssu–ma Kuang (1019–1086), Tzu–chih t'ung–chien (TCTC)
, Peking 1956: 1031, places this event in 11 B.C., adding the word ›fu‹
“ again” ... However, the dating of this earlier gesture is uncertain, for it is
mentioned, without any date being referred to, in the early days of
emperor Ch'eng (cf. HSPC 70.14a). Ssu–ma Kuang, TCTC: 966, relates it
under the year in 29 B.C. in view of the titles borne by the persons
mentioned in this connection.
(DE GROOT 1926: 104)
Das Jahr, in welchem sich das ereignete, war das dritte der Periode ›Ki¥n–tšao‹ des Kaiser Juan
1
(36 v.Chr.). Als Kaiser Tš'ing regierte (32–6 v.Chr.), schickte K'ang–ki einen Sohn, um Han in der kaiserli-
chen Umgebung zu dienen und bot Tribut dar. Es wußte aber, daß es äußerst weit entlegen war, und war
deshalb das einzige Reich, das sich trotzig benahm und nicht samt den übrigen Staaten (zu Han) voll
Ehrfurcht emporblicken wollte.
1. Die Texte, welche sich auf diese Ereignisse beziehen, haben wir in Teil I (de Groot, Chinesische Urkunden I, 1921), in Kap. XVII
sämtlich übersetzt und besprochen.
— 105 —
HS 3892 (96A.11a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 127)
1
Kuo Shun , the Protector General , submitted a
number of reports to the following effect:
+ The prosperity which the Hsiung–nu originally en-
joyed was not due to the fact that they had achieved
united possession of Wu–sun and K'ang–chü ;
and when the time came that they declared themselves
2
(our) servants, this was not because they had lost those
two states.
Although Han has received hostages from them all,
amongst themselves these three states are sending each
other presents and communicating as they did previously.
Likewise they keep a watch on one another; and if they
see a suitable opportunity, they then send out troops
(against each other).
If they unite, they are incapable of enjoying each other's
friendship or trust; if they are split apart, they are unable
to make subjects of one another.
1. Kuo Shun is only further mentioned in HSPC 70.21, where he is listed
among the Protectors General and in HSPC 78.13a as a prefect. Hsü
Sung places Kuo Shun's term of office in the ›yung–shih‹
period, i.e. between 16 and 12 B.C.
2. This refers to the submission of [Shan–yü] Hu–han–yeh in
51 B.C.; cf. Dubs, HFHD II, 1944: 190–193 and 256–259.
(DE GROOT 1926: 104)
Der Allgemeine Schutzherr Kuo' Šun ließ darüber mehrmals dem Kaiser Darlegungen zugehen: + Die
Blütezeit, welche Hung–nª anfänglich erlebte, war keineswegs ein Erfolg davon, daß es auch ¶–sun und
K'ang–ki besaß. Ebenso ist es nicht richtig, daß es sich jetzt unser Untertan und unsere Nebenfrau nennt,
weil ihm diese beiden Reiche wiederum verlorengegangen sind. Von ihnen allein hat Han Söhne als
Geiseln empfangen; trotzdem senden sich die drei Reiche untereinander Geschenke und unterhalten
gegenseitige Beziehungen genau so wie früher; sie behalten dennoch einander strikt im Auge, um gegen-
einander loszugehen, sobald die Gelegenheit dazu günstig scheint. Auch wenn sie Bundesgenossen sind,
können sie einander nicht lieben und vertrauen; und geraten sie in Zwietracht, so können sie einander
nicht unterwerfen.
— 106 —
HS 3892–3893 (96A.11a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 127)
+ In terms of the present (situation), the conclusion of a ma-
trimonial relationship with Wu–sun has never brought any
advantage, but has, on the contrary, involved trouble for
China . Nevertheless, since Wu–sun has been so
related previously, and now together with the Hsiung–nu
declares its allegiance (to Han), it would not be right to re-
fuse (its request). However, K'ang–chü is behaving
arrogantly, even refusing to treat our envoys with the re-
1
spect that is their due.
When the officials of the protectorate general go to the
state, they are seated below the envoys of Wu–sun and the
2
various other (states).
The king and noblemen take their food and drink first, and
when they have finished they then have the officials of the
protectorate general served with theirs; hence they make
out that there is nobody to whom they need pay attention
and thereby they show off to the neighbouring states
.
1. . ›Pai‹ occasionally means “ to appoint” or “ to be
appointed”, but then the construction usually is “ pai X wei a
certain post”. As, moreover, the despatch of envoys from K'ang–chü is
not mentioned (thought they may, of course, have accompagnied the
princes sent as hostages), we have taken ›pai‹ in the normal sense of
“to make obeisance to”, which we have rendered here as “ to treat (our
envoys) with the respect that is their due”.
2. Actually, the text reads , without adding the word ›kuo‹
, “ state”, after ›chu‹ , “ various”.
(DE GROOT 1926: 104–105)
Betrachten wir nun die jetzigen Verhältnisse. Unser mit ¶–sun zustande gekommenes Ehebündnis hat
uns bisher keinerlei Vorteile eingetragen; im Gegenteil, es hat dem Reich der Mitte allerhand Mühsal
bereitet. ¶–sun hat sich aber früher nun einmal mit uns verbündet, und zusammen mit Hung–nª nennt
es sich unser Untertan; billigermaßen geht es also nicht an, es zurückzustoßen. Aber K'ang–ki, das stolze
und schlaue, hat bisher immer unseren Gesandten die Ehrenbezeugung verweigert. Den Beamten des
Allgemeinen Schutzherrn bot man in diesem Reiche niedrigere Sitzplätze an als den Gesandten von
¶–sun. Da tranken und aßen der König und die Großen erst selbst, ehe sie den Beamten des Allgemeinen
Schutzherrn zu trinken und zu essen boten. Man behandelte sie absichtlich ohne Rücksicht und war stolz
darauf den anderen Reichen gegenüber.
— 107 —
HS 3893 (96A.11a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 128)
+ If in view of these considerations we ask why (K'ang–
chü) sends its sons to attend (at the Han court), (we find)
that desiring to trade, they use a pretence couched in fine
1
verbiage.
The Hsiung–nu are the largest state of the many
barbarians. At present they serve Han scrupulously; but if
they are informed that K'ang–chü is not treating
2
(our envoys) with proper respect, it will soon come about
that the Shan–yü will believe that he is being
humiliated.
It is fitting to send back the son (of K'ang–chü) who is now
attending at court and to sever relations and send no fur-
ther envoys. Thereby we would demonstrate that the Han
Dynasty has no dealings with states that lack a
sense of proper behaviour.
1. The modern editors of Ssu–ma Kuang (1019–1086), Tzu–chih
t'ung–chien (TCTC) , Peking 1956: 1037, place a stop after
›shih‹ , evidently based on the commentary by Hu San–hsing
(1230–1287) ... However, Yang Shu–ta , Han shu k'uei
kuan , Peking 1955: 597, followed by the modern scholars
who prepared a new edition of the ›Han shu‹ (see Loewe, ›Some
recent editions of the Ch'ien Han shu‹, in: Asia Major N.S. 9, 1963:
162 ff.) as well as by Chien Po–tsan (1958: 338, n. 25) punctu-
ates differently, namely after ›hao‹ , leading to the translation:
+ Their desire for trade and friendship is a deceitful use of words* ...
2. The text merely reads which, we suggest, should be taken in the
same sense as in the earlier passage (note on p. 127).
(DE GROOT 1926: 105)
+ Aus diesen Tatsachen läßt sich ermessen, warum es einen Sohn in den kaiserlichen Dienst geschickt hat;
das war nur eine unter schönen Worten verdeckte List, weil es mit uns Handel zu treiben begehrte.
Hung–nª, das größte der hundert Barbarenreiche, dient Han gegenwärtig in höchst befriedigender Weise.
Erfährt es aber, daß K'ang–ki uns nicht huldigt, dann wird der Tan–hu die Empfindung haben, als ob er
selbst unter K'ang–ki stände. Wir sollen also den Sohn dieses Reiches, der sich im kaiserlichen Hofdienst
befindet, heimsenden und überhaupt keine Gesandtschaften mehr dorthin senden, auf daß es klar ans
Tageslicht trete, daß das Haus von Han mit Reichen, die keine Lebensregeln (›li‹) besitzen, keine Bezie-
hungen unterhält.
— 108 —
HS 3893 (96A.11a–11b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 128)
+ Tun–huang and Chiu–ch'üan , which are
small commanderies, and the eight states of the Southern
Route , have supplied our envoys in their coming and
going with men, horses, asses, camels and food, and have
all suffered thereby.
The places en-route have been emptied and their resour-
ces spent, in providing an escort or welcome for (envoys of)
an arrogant state that lies cut off at a great distance.
This is no wise policy.*
For the reasons that communications had been started on-
ly recently and that it attached importance to bringing
people from remote places to court, Han in the end main-
1
tained its ties and did not sever relations.
1. . A ›chi–mi‹ is a “ halter” or a “ rope” ...
Its meaning in the political field is that of a “ loose rein” or
“ appeasement policy”, as Prof. L. S. Yang puts it in his essay entitled
›The Chi–mi or loose rein policy; a historical survey‹, included in J. K.
Fairbank ed. (1968: 31 ff.) ...
(DE GROOT 1926: 105)
+ Tun–hong, Tsiu–ts'uan und weitere kleine Marken sowie die acht Reiche an der Südstraße haben die
Gesandtschaften auf der Hin- und Rückreise mit Menschen, Pferden, Eseln, Kamelen und Lebensmitteln
zu versehen, und werden alle dadurch ins Elend gestürzt. Ihnen Entbehrung, Erschöpfung und Mangel zu
verursachen für die Durchreise, den Empfang und das Geleit (der Gesandtschaften) eines so äußerst weit
entfernten, stolzen und listigen Reiches, das ist keine vortreffliche Politik.* Seiner neuen Ver-
kehrsbeziehungen halber legte Han jedoch Wert darauf, daß auch dieses weit entfernte Volk herange-
zogen würde. Es hat dasselbe also immer am Zügel geführt und die Beziehungen mit ihm bisher nicht
abgebrochen.
— 109 —
HS 3893 (96A.11b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 129–130)
1
Some 2000 ›li‹ to the north-west from K'ang–chü is
2
the state of Yen–ts'ai .
1. The text of this paragraph is corrupt, both in the Han shu and in
the parallel passage in SC 123.2a.
Firstly, all HS editions read ›ch'i‹ , “it, its, this ”, at the begin-
ning of the HS paragraph; similar passages, e.g. HSPC 96A.14a
and 28b, have led us to assume, in spite of the silence of the
commentators, that ›ch'i‹ is a copyist's mistake for ›tzu‹ ,
“ from”.
Secondly, SC says that Yen–ts'ai was a ›hsing kuo‹ , “a
nomad state”; it would seem that the word ›hsing‹ has been
omitted in the HS text ...
2. Yen–ts'ai ... The commentators refer to the History of the Later
Han, where HHSCC Mem. 78.16b remarks that the country was
a dependency of K'ang–chü, that the dress and the customs of
the people, who lived in towns, were identical with those of
K'ang–chü, that the climate was mild, and that there were many
fir-trees. The memoir adds, that Yen–ts'ai later adopted the
name of A–lan ... Some commentators assert that Yen–ts'ai was
also called Su–t'e or Su–i ... i.e. Soghd ...
Chavannes (1905: 558, n. 5) approves of the identification of Yen–
ts'ai with the Aorsoi mentioned by Strabo, as proposed by
Hirth (1885: 139, n. 1); he believes this identification to be streng-
thened by the later name Alan, which explains Ptolemy's ›Ala-
norsi‹ [6.14.9: oƒ koinîj kaloÚmenoi Alanoˆ SkÚqai ... kaˆ Al£norsoi
qui communi vocabulo Alani Scythae nominantur ... et
Alanorsi.].
Marquart (1905: 240–241) did not accept this identification, but
Pulleyblank (1962: 99 and 220) does, referring for additional sup-
port to HSPC 70.6b where the name Ho–su ... can be com-
pared with the Abzoae found in Pliny 6.38 (see also Pulleyblank
1968: 252). Also Humbach (1969: 39–40) accepts this identification,
though with some reserve.
(DE GROOT 1926: 105)
Nordwestlich von diesem K'ang–ki liegt etwa 2000 ›Li‹ entfernt das Reich Am–ts'at.
— 110 —
HS 3893 (96A.11b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 130)
1
1 The trained bowmen number more than 100000 (men). It
has the same way of life as K'ang–chü .
2
It is said: + It is situated on the Great Marsh , which
has no (further) shore and which is presumably the
3
Northern Sea .*
1. Wang Hsien–ch'ien rightly remarks that the word ›ta‹ ,
“ great”, in the HS text must be a mistake for ›jen‹ , “ man, men”,
the reading adopted in the 1739 edition ...
2. , “ the Great Marsh without a (further) shore”. It is to be
noted that the Lob-nor is also called a ›tse‹ , “ marsh”, like many
large lakes in China; on the other hand, lakes are sometimes called
“ seas”, ›hai‹ . There is not much use in speculating whether
“marsh” might indicate the presence of salt water. The commentators
believe it to be the Caspian, but Daffinà (1967: 62), reviewing all the
arguments, identifies it with the Aral Sea.
3. We believe the insertion, concluded by the word ›yün‹ , “ it is said”,
to start with the passage beginning from “ some 2000 ›li‹ to the north-
west K'ang–chü ...”.
(DE GROOT 1926: 105)
Dessen Bogenschützen sind mehr als zehnmal zehntausend an Zahl. Es ist von derselben Volksart wie
K'ang–ki. Es liegt an einem großen See, der keine Steilufer hat. Das ist das Meer des Nordens.
— 111 —
HS 3894 (96A.11b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 130)
In K'ang–chü there are five lesser kings:
1
The first is entitled the Su–hsieh king and his
seat of government is at the town of Su–hsieh.
It is distant by 5776 ›li‹ from (the seat of) the Pro-
tector General and 8025 ›li‹ from the Yang
barrier .
1. Su–hsieh (identical with ) ... Wang Hsien–ch'ien
points out that according to the chapter on the Barbarians
of the Four Directions of the History of the Chin Dynasty
(compiled ca. 640), i.e. Chin shu 97.13b, the king of K'ang–chü
lived in this place.
Hsü Sung remarks that according to Hsin T'ang–shu
221B.5b, the + ancient territory of the king of Su–hsieh of
K'ang–chü south of the river Tu–mo * ... was occupied in
T 'ang times by the Shih Country , also called Ch'ü–sha
... or Ch'ieh–shuang–na ... Pulleyblank (1962:
219) ... believes this to be an early form of transcribing Soghd,
to be identified with Kesh.
(DE GROOT 1926: 105, 106)
1
K'ang–ki hat fünf Unterkönige. Der erste ist der König von Sª–dsui . Er regiert in der Stadt
Sª–dsui, die 5776 ›Li‹ vom Allgemeinen Schutzherrn und 8025 ›Li‹ vom Jang-Sperrtor liegt.
1. Zur Bestimmung der Lage dieser Lehnsstaaten bieten wiederum spätere Quellen die Mittel.
In T'ang–šu 221B.5 lesen wir:
+ Ši heißt auch K'i–ša und Kat–šang–na . Es liegt südlich vom Tok–bok-Fluß , an der
Stelle, wo früher die Stadt Sª–hai des Unterkönigs von K'ang–ki lag.*
›K'i–ša‹ ist offenbar eine Wiedergabe von Kesch, dem Namen des Landes von Schâhr-i-sab südlich von Samarkand, und der ›Tok–
bok‹ muß sonach der Fluß von Karschi, der Kaschka-darja sein, an dessen südlichem Ufer die Stadt Karschi liegt. Kat–šang–na
ist eine im Si ju' ki (Kap.1) eingeführte Sanskritisierung von K'i–ša, in der auch der Name Karschi sich erkennen läßt.
Das alte Sª–hai muß also beim jetzigen Karschi, dem wichtigen Knotenpunkt mehrerer Straßen, gelegen haben. Es darf nicht un-
beachtet bleiben, daß in den Ši–ki , im T'ang–šu und in anderen Quellen der Name in der Schreibung vorkommt, im
HS aber in der Schreibung . Dieses letzte Zeichen kommt in der Literatur sonst nirgends vor ... es ist deshalb aus den hi-
storischen Texten als ein falsches Zeichen herausgeworfen und durch , das ›hai‹ ausgesprochen wird, ersetzt worden ... Das
ungebräuchliche Zeichen könnte [aber] das richtige sein. Es enthält das Zeichen , das ›dsui‹ oder ›dsoi‹ ausgesprochen wird
und ... nun leuchtet es sofort ein ... daß dieser [Städtename] also etwa ›Sª–dsui‹ lautete. Sicherlich gibt das den Namen Sod{,
Sochd oder Sogd wieder.
— 112 —
HS 3894 (96A.11b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 130–131)
1
The second is entitled the Fu–mo king
and his seat of government is at the town of Fu–
mo. It is distant by 5767 ›li‹ from (the seat of) the
Protector General and 8025 ›li‹ from the
Yang barrier .
1. Fu–mo ... Hsü Sung points out that Hsin T'ang–
shu 221B.5a, when discussing the country Ho , also
called Ch'ü–shuang–ni–chia , ... identifies this
with the + ancient territory of the King of Fu–mo* ...
(DE GROOT 1926: 105, 106)
1
Der zweite ist der König von Hu–bik . Dieser hat seinen Regierungssitz in der Stadt Hu–bik, 5767 ›Li‹
vom Allgemeinen Schutzherrn und 8025 ›Li‹ vom Jang-Sperrtor.
1. Was nun das zweite Fürstentum Hu–bik anbelangt, so sagt T'ang–šu 221B.5 folgendes:
+ Ho wird auch wohl K'ut–šang–ni–ka oder Kui–šang–nik genannt. Es ist das alte Land der Stadt
Hu–bik des Unterkönigs von K'ang–ki.*
Das im Si ju' ki, Kap. 1 erwähnte K'ut–šang–ni–ka oder Kui–šang–nik ist offenbar das mitteliranische Kušånik, Arab. Koschåmjah,
zwischen Samarkand und Bochara.
— 113 —
HS 3894 (96A.11b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 131)
1
The third is entitled the Yü–ni king
and his seat of government is at the town of
Yü–ni. It is distant by 5266 ›li‹ from (the seat of)
the Protector General and 7525 ›li‹ from
the Yang barrier .
1. Yü–ni ... Hsü Sung points out that the Hsin T'ang–
shu identifies the seat of the king of Che–chih ... or
Che–che ... or Che–shih ... viz. the town of
Che–che, i.e. ... with the area where Yü–ni was situated.
(DE GROOT 1926: 105, 106–107)
1
Der dritte ist der König von U–nik(nok) . Er waltet in der Stadt U–nik, 5266 ›Li‹ vom Allgemeinen
Schutzherrn und 7525 ›Li‹ vom Jang-Sperrtor.
1. Zur Feststellung der Lage von U–nik stehen folgende drei Textauszüge zur Verfügung:
Wei–šu 102.15:
+ Das Reich Tša–š¥ ist das ehemalige Reich K'ang–ki. Es liegt nordwestlich von P'o–lok–na (Fa–rag–a–na, Fargana)
.*
Sui–šu 83.9–10, ›Die Geschichtsbücher der Sui-Dynastie‹:
+ Das Reich Sik liegt am Jok–sat-Fluß (Jaxartes) .*
T'ang–šu 221B.3:
+ Sik , das auch Tša–tši , Tša–si' oder Tša–ši heißt, war zur Zeit der Han-Dynastie ein nördliches
Grenzland von Ta–wan (Fargana) ... Im Nordosten stößt es an die westlichen Tut–koat . Der König trägt den
Stammnamen Sik und hat seinen Regierungssitz in der Stadt Tša–si' , dem Lande der Stadt U–nik des Unter-
königs des alten K'ang–ki. Südwestlich davon fließt der Jok–sat (Jaxartes).*
Die hier aufgeführten Benennungen sind offensichtlich Transkriptionen von Tschâsch, wovon Taschkent die spätere Turkisierung
ist. Daß die Angaben über die Lage von Tschâsch der von Taschkent genau entsprechen, stellen die Karten sofort klar.
— 114 —
HS 3894 (96A.11b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 131)
1
The fourth is entitled the Chi king
and his seat of government is at the town of Chi.
It is distant by 6296 ›li‹ from (the seat of) the Pro-
tector General and 8555 ›li‹ from the Yang
barrier .
1. Chi ... Hsü Sung points out that the Hsin T'ang–
shu 221B.2a identifies this place with the later A–lan–mi
... capital of the country of Pu–ho ... also
called Pu–ho ... situated on the Southern bank of
the river Wu–hu ... i.e. the Oxus.
Pulleyblank (1962: 219) suggests that Chi + probably stands
for Kåth, the ancient capital of Khwarezmia*.
(DE GROOT 1926: 106, 107)
1
Der vierte ist der König von Ke . Er regiert in der Stadt Ke, 6296 ›Li‹ vom Allgemeinen Schutzherrn und
8555 ›Li‹ vom Jang-Sperrtor.
1. Auf Ke , die vierte Satrapie von K'ang–ki, beziehen sich die zwei folgenden Auszüge:
Wei–šu 102.11:
+ Liu–bit (Lok–bit) mit der Hauptstadt Liu–bit liegt westlich von Si'–man–kin (Samarkand).*
T'ang–šu 221B.2:
+ An heißt wohl Pª–hat oder Pª–hat . Zur Zeit der Wei-Dynastie von Juan nannte man es Liu–bit ... Im
Westen liegt es am ¶–hu–Fluß (Ochu, Oxus). Der Regierungssitz ist die Stadt O–lam–bit , wo das alte Land
des Unterkönigs von Ki von K'ang–ki ist.*
Da Pª–hat natürlich eine Wiedergabe von Bo–char oder Bochara ist, das sich östlich des Oxus ausbreitet, so ist die Lage von Ke
bestimmt.
— 115 —
HS 3894 (96A.11b–12a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 131)
1
The fifth is entitled the Yü–chien king
and his seat of government is at the town of
Yü–chien. It is distant by 6906 ›li‹ from (the seat of)
the Protector General and 8355 ›li‹ from the
Yang barrier .
2
All the five kings are subject to the K'ang–chü [king]
.
2 1. Yü (or Ao)–chien ... Hsü Sung points out that the Hsin
T 'ang–shu 221B.5a identifies this place with part of the later
Huo–hsün ... or Huo–li–hsi–mi–chia ... or
Kuo–li ... on the North bank of the river Wu–hu
(Oxus), in other words, with Khwarezmia.
2. [Analog zum gleichlautenden Satz am Ende des Abschnittes über
die fünf Militär-Gouverneure (›yabgu‹) der Dà-Yuè-zhð
ist auch hier ein ›wang‹ , “ König”, zu ergänzen. cmd]
(DE GROOT 1926: 106, 107–108)
Der fünfte ist der König von O–ki¥n . Er regiert in der Stadt O–ki¥n, 6906 ›Li‹ vom Allgemeinen
Schutzherrn und 8355 ›Li‹ vom Jang-Sperrtor.
Alle diese fünf Könige sind K'ang–ki angehörig.
1. Die Lage des fünften Fürstentums, O–ki¥n , bestimmt T'ang–šu 221B durch den folgenden Satz:
+ Hª–sim heißt auch wohl Ho–li–si'–mi oder Ko–li . Es liegt nördlich vom ¶–hu-Fluß (Oxus)
... Es ist das alte Land der Stadt O–ki¥n des Unterkönigs von K'ang–ki.*
Hª–sim und Ho–li(ri)–si'–mi sind genaue Wiedergaben von Chorism oder Charism, wenn wir in Betracht ziehen, daß ›hª‹
(Feuer) scharf nasaliert ausgesprochen wird und sich somit für eine Wiedergabe von ›hor‹ von selbst darbot. Ko–li oder Ko–ri ist
natürlich eine abgekürzte Transkription. Chrorism erstreckte sich südlich des Aralsees und nördlich vom Amu-darja (Oxus). Es
war also der westlichste Teil von K'ang–ki, und dieses Reich stieß hier an An–sik , wahrscheinlich durch den Oxus davon
getrennt, zumal das südlich dieses Flusses weiter ostwärts sich erstreckende Land von Margiana zu An–sik gehörte. Wahr-
scheinlich gibt O–ki¥n oder U–k¥n den Namen Urgend{ wieder.
Die Richtigkeit dieser Erörterungen der Lage der fünf Satrapien von K'ang–ki bestätigen zum Teil ihre im Textauszug der HS
verzeichneten Entfernungen vom Allgemeinen Schutzherrn und vom Jang-Sperrtor:
Diese waren für Sª–dsui und Hu–bik gleich groß. Das kann natürlich nur bedeuten, daß diese Länder oder Städte in verschiede-
ner Richtung, aber in gleicher Entfernung von einem gewissen Punkte der Straße vom Osten her lagen. Dieser Punkt war aller
Wahrscheinlichkeit nach Samarkand, wo noch heutzutage der Weg nach Karschi von der großen Straße, die nach Buchara führt,
abzweigt.
Tragen wir nun auf der Karte die Strecke Samarkand–Karschi auf der Straße Samarkand–Bochara ab, dann reicht sie ziemlich
genau bis halbwegs Bochara, so daß hier vermutlich das alte Hu–bik zu lokalisieren ist. Weiter lasen wir (S. 103), daß
Pi–ti¥n 5550 ›Li‹ und Sª–dsui (S.105) 5776 ›Li‹ vom Allgemeinen Schutzherrn entfernt lagen, sodaß ihre gegenseitige
Entfernung 226 ›Li‹ betrug. Diese nun scheint der Länge der Straße Samarkand–Karschi zu entsprechen, sodaß hierdurch die
hohe Wahrscheinlichkeit gegeben ist, daß die Hauptstadt von K'ang–ki beim jetzigen Samarkand lag. Da die Distanzzahlen
sagen, daß O–ki¥n 6 906 – 6 296, also 610 ›Li‹ weiter als Bochara lag, ist es im östlichen Charism zu lokalisieren, denn eine
Strecke von 600 ›Li‹ von Bochara reicht gewiß nicht über Petro-Alexandrovsk hinaus.
U–nik oder Taschkent lag dem Allgemeinen Schutzherrn 5 550 – 5 266 oder 284 ›Li‹ näher als Pi–ti¥n. Das trifft vollkommen
zu, denn die Straße lief wohl über das jetzige Khodzjend, und die Strecke Khodzjend–Taschkent ist in der Tat etwa 284 ›Li‹ kürzer
als die Strecke Khodzjend–Samarkand.
— 116 —
HS 3894 (96A.12a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 131–132)
1
The state of Ta Yüan .
The king's seat of government is at the town of
2 3
Kuei–shan and it is distant by 12250 ›li‹ from
Ch'ang–an .
3
1. Ta Yüan ... presumably “ Greater Yüan” in contrast to “ Lesser
Yüan” ... It is usually identified with the region around
Ferghana, but Pulleyblank (1966: 25) believes it to have been
situated in Sogdiana; he fully accepts the identification of Ta
Yüan and *Tacwar, the land of the Tokharians, made by
Henning (1938); see also Tarn (1951: 474, Appendix 10).
2. Kuei–shan ... Pulleyblank (1966: 22) remarks:
+ It was the Kushan [Guì–shuång] Jaghu of the Yüeh–
chih who was responsible for the founding of the Kushanian
empire. It can hardly be sheer coincidence that the capital of
Ta Yüan is also called Kushan [Guì–shån] in the ›Han–
shu‹.*
He would like (ibid.: 26) + to identify this with Kushaniya, a city
a little west of Samarkand which was known as [Qø–
shuång–n¯–jiå] , or (with a distinct correspondence
to the Han Dynasty name of the Kushan Dynasty) [Guì–
shuång–nì] in the time of Hsüan–tsang (7th centu-
ry A.D.) and which retained its name into Moslem times (see
W. Barthold, ›Turkestan Down to the Mongol Invasion‹: 95–96).
The only real obstacle to this identification is the fact that it is
said in the ›Han–shu‹ to be north-east of the capital of the
Great Yüeh–chih. Kushaniya is in fact somewhat west of
north from Khulm, which I wish to identify with Chien–shih
or Lan–shih , the Yüeh–chih capital.* ...
Pulleyblank then offers the suggestion: + I suspect that the
›Han–shu‹ editor has made the direction north-east rather
than north in order not to contradict too blatantly the state-
ment in the ›Shih–chi‹ that the Yüeh–chih were west of the
Ta–yüan.*
This suggestion is inacceptable in our view, because we be-
lieve we have demonstrated that the ›Shih–chi‹ version of the
Ta Yüan chapter is secondary ...
3. The ›Ching–yu‹ edition of 1035, followed by the Palace edition
of 1739 and others, reads 12550 ›li‹.
(DE GROOT 1926: 109)
Der Regierungssitz des Königs des Reiches Ta–wan (Fargana), die Stadt Kui–san , liegt
12250 ›Li‹ von Tš'ang–ngan.
— 117 —
HS 3894 (96A.12a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 131–132)
There are 60000 households, 300000 individuals
with 60000 persons able to bear arms.
(There are the following officials:)
1
the king's deputy and the king of Fu–kuo
(support of the state).
To the east it is distant by 4031 ›li‹ to the seat of
the Protector General ; to the north by
1510 ›li‹ to the town of Pei–t'ien in
K'ang–chü ; and to the south-west by
690 ›li‹ to the Ta Yüeh–chih .
It adjoins K'ang–chü in the north and the Ta
Yüeh–chih in the south.
The land, climate, types of goods and popular
way of life are identical with those of the Ta
Yüeh–chih and An–hsi .
1. For Fu–kuo see above, note on p. 83.
— 118 —
HS 3894 (96A.12a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 132–133)
In Ta Yüan and to its left and right (i.e. east and
west) grapes are used to make wine. Rich people store up
1
to ten thousand ›shih‹ or more and in cases when it is
kept for a long period it may last for several decades
without being spoiled.
The general custom is to enjoy wine; and the horses enjoy
lucerne .
2 3
The individual settlements of Yüan amount to
more than 70 towns.
There are many fine horses. The horses sweat blood, and
it is said that their progenitors were descended from the
4
Heavenly Horses .
1. ›Shih‹, “bushels” ... The term is used both as a measure of weight and
of capacity; see Loewe 1961: 64–95.
2. ›I‹ is used here, neither technically, as “ an apanage of empresses
and princes” (HSPC 19A.30a–b), nor as “ unwalled settlement”, in
contrast to ›ch'eng‹ , “ walled town”, but as a general term.
3. Yüan is written here without the prefix ›ta‹ , “ great”; so does HSPC
61.11a passim, considering Yüan to be the chief town of the country of
Ta Yüan. SC writes ›ch'i‹ , “ its”, instead of Yüan.
4. The term ›t'ien ma‹ , “ heavenly horse(s)”, seems to have origi-
nated during the Former Han period, at the time when contacts with
the West began ... Pulleyblank (1966: 25) rightly concludes that the
term could only apply to horses from Wu–sun, about which the
Chinese only learned after Chang Ch'ien's visit there. This visit he
dates + around 119 B.C.*, but a date as late as 115 B.C. is not
impossible, in view of other information;
Ssu–ma Kuang (1019–1086), Tzu–chih t'ung–chien (TCTC)
, Peking 1956: 20.656, dates Chang Ch'ien's visit and his return
in 115 B.C.
›T 'ien ma‹ is occasionally replaced in later times by the term ›shen
ma‹ , “ supernatural horse(s)” ...
(DE GROOT 1926: 109–110)
Links und rechts (d.h. in der Umgebung) von Ta–wan stellt man Wein aus Trauben her. Die Wohlhaben-
den halten sich davon wohl bis über 10000 Stein auf Lager, und er kann sogar Jahrzehnte alt werden,
ohne daß er verdirbt. Das Volk ist ganz närrisch nach diesem Wein und die Pferde nach ›Bok–šok‹ .
In den verschiedenen Städten von Wan, die über siebzig an Zahl sind, gibt es viele vortreffliche Pferde.
Schwitzt ein Pferd Blut, dann wird behauptet, daß sein Vorahn das Junge eines Himmelsrosses war.
— 119 —
HS 3895 (96A.12a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 132–135)
When Chang Ch'ien first told Emperor Wu about
this, the emperor sent envoys bearing a thousand (pieces
1 2
of) gold and a golden horse with which to make a
request for the fine horses of Yüan.
The king took the view that Han lay cut off and the dis-
tance was long; and that (Han) troops would be unable to
reach (Yüan). He grudged his precious horses and was
unwilling to give them away.
The Han envoys spoke in unrestrained terms, and Yüan
then had them attacked and killed and their goods taken
away.
1. Gold was usually counted in units of one ›chin‹ or “ catty” of
approx. 224 grams (cf. Dubs, HFHD I, 1938: 280) ... See also ›Wen–wu‹
1964/7: 35–37 for a report on the discovery of gold “ cakes” of a fineness
of 99 % and weighing approx. 250 grams ... the diameter of these
“ cakes” varied between 5.1 and 6 cm. Sekino (1971) and An Chih–min
(1973) both have collected all the available archaeological and literary
data on the subject of gold cakes.
It is to be noted that gold units were not generally used in Han as
media of trade; in the rare transactions in which they feature, their
standard equivalent was fixed at 10 000 cash; see L. S. Yang (1952:
40–43).
2. As this “ golden horse” had to be transported, and was of such a size
that it could be easily “smashed” ... we suggest that it was relatively
small. It may be observed that examples of horses cast in bronze
average some 40 to 50 cm in height ...
(DE GROOT 1926: 110)
Kaum hatte Tšang K'i¥n dem Kaiser Wu von diesen Pferden erzählt, so schickte dieser einen Gesandten
mit tausend Goldstücken und einem goldenen Pferd, um sich diese vorzüglichen Pferde von Wan auszu-
bitten. Jedoch der König von Wan, der wußte, daß Han äußerst weit entfernt lag und eine größere Kriegs-
macht ihn also nicht erreichen könnte, und dem diese köstlichen Pferde sehr lieb waren, weigerte sich, sie
abzugeben. Der Gesandte von Han erging sich darauf in Schmähungen, was zur Folge hatte, daß Wan die
Gesandtschaft angriff und umbrachte und ihre Güter und Waren fortnahm.
— 120 —
HS 3895 (96A.12a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 135)
At this the Son of Heaven sent the Erh–shih
general Li Kuang–li to take a force that
amounted altogether to over a hundred thousand
men, and the offensive against Yüan lasted for a
continuous period of four years.
The people of Yüan beheaded Wu–kua ,
their king, and offered (Han ) a present of
3000 horses.
And the Han army then withdrew as is described in
1
the biography of Chang Ch'ien .
1. viz. HSPC 61.8b ff. and SC 123.33 ff., with some differences ...
— 121 —
HS 3895 (96A.12a–12b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 135)
When the Erh–shih (general) had beheaded the
1
king of Yüan, he established in his place as king of Yüan
one of the noblemen who had previously treated the Han
(envoys) in a pleasant manner and who was called
2
Mei–ts'ai .
Over a year later the noblemen of Yüan were taking
the view that Mei–ts'ai had brought about the destruction
3
of their state by his ingratiating behaviour. And together
they killed Mei–ts'ai and established Ch'an–feng ,
3 younger brother of Wu–kua , as king.
They sent a son [of the king] to attend at the Han (court)
as a hostage , and Han took the occasion to send
out envoys with gifts so as to pacify (the area).
1. This is a contradiction with the preceding statement, that it was the
nobles who had killed Wu–kua, and with the more detailed version of
these events in HS 61.11b.
2. Mei–ts'ai ... However, in HSPC 61.12a the early commentator Fu Ch'ien
indicates that ›ts'ai‹ is to be pronounced + in the manner of the
Ch'u dialect*, whereas Yen Shih–ku says it should be
, i.e. ›ts'iât‹ ... and that ›mei‹ should be pronounced like ›mo‹
...
3. As remarked by Wang Hsien–ch'ien , the reading ›kung‹ ,
“ together”, is to be preferred to ›ping‹ .
(DE GROOT 1926: 110; 44)
Jetzt gibt der Text nahezu wörtlich dasselbe wieder, was wir auf S. 44 aus Ši–ki 123 übersetzt haben ... :
( ... Als dann das Jahr verflossen war, hatte bei den Reichsgroßen daselbst die Meinung Eingang gefun-
den, daß der Boat–ts'ai ein schlauer Intrigant sei, der das Gemetzel, welches ihr Reich betroffen, verschul-
det hatte; zusammen brachten sie ihn ums Leben und setzten den Bruder des Bu–kua, der Si¥n–hong
hieß, als König von Wan ein. Dieser schickte seinen Sohn als Bürgen nach Han. Han erwiderte das
mit der Sendung einer Gesandtschaft, um ihn unter seine Macht und seinen Einfluß zu bringen.
— 122 —
HS 3895 (96A.12b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 135–136)
1 In addition they sent out missions numbered in the
1
tens to proceed to the various states west of Yüan to
2 2
seek rare goods; and they were also to take the
opportunity to admonish (the states) and impress
3
them with the strength (shown by Han) in conquering
3
Yüan.
Ch'an–feng , king of Yüan, reached an agree-
ment with Han to present two Heavenly Horses each
year.
And the Han envoys returned, having collected seeds
of grapes and lucerne.
1. [Die neueren Ausgaben lesen hier ›sh¯‹ , “ senden, Gesandter”,
anstelle von ›sh÷‹ , “zählen, Anzahl” gemäß der Parallelstelle
in Sh¯–jì 3179 / 123.15b ...
›få sh÷ shí yú‹, “ senden mehr als einige zehn” (ohne
Objekt), macht weniger Sinn als ›få sh¯ shí yú‹, “ sen-
den mehr als zehn Gesandtschaften”.
Wylie und de Groot übersetzen so; Hulsewé/ Loewe scheinen
zu lesen, indem sie das Zeichen ›yú‹, “ über, mehr
als”, ignorieren. cmd ]
2. Our translation is based on the reading ›ch'i‹ , “ rare”, with
the 1035 Ching–yu and the 1739 Palace editions, in stead of .
3. Our translation is based on the reading ›fa‹ , “ to attack, to
cut down”, with the Ching–yu and the 1739 Palace editions, in
stead of .
(DE GROOT 1926: 44; 110–111)
Außerdem schickte Han mehr als zehn Gesandtschaften nach den ausländischen Reichen, die westlich
von Wan lagen, mit der Absicht, seltsame Waren zu bekommen; somit erstreckte sich sein Einfluß auch
auf diese Reiche, und zwar als Ergebnis seiner gebieterischen Macht, welche die Züchtigung von Wan
gezeitigt hatte.)
Si¥n–hong , der König von Ta–Wan, verpflichtete sich Han gegenüber zu einem jährlichen Tribut von
1
zwei Himmelspferden. Die Gesandten von Han sammelten auch Saat von Trauben und ›Bok–šok‹ und
kehrten damit heim.
1. Vielleicht ist hier, statt “ zwei”, “ tausend” zu lesen.
— 123 —
HS 3895–3896 (96A.12b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 136)
The Son of Heaven , considering that the Heavenly
Horses were many, and that moreover the envoys
who came from the outer states were numerous,
had grapes and lucerne planted in increasingly greater
quantities alongside the detached palaces and the
1
lodges, as far as the eye could reach.
To the west of Yüan and as far as the state of An–hsi
there are many different languages spoken, but they are
in general the same, and people understand each other
clearly.
The inhabitants of the area all have deep-set eyes, and
many wear moustaches and beards.
2
They are expert traders, haggling over fractions of a ›shu‹
.
1. The text reads ›li kung kuan‹ [lí gõng gu¬n] , whereas the
›Shih–chi‹ parallel has ›li–kung pieh–kuan‹ [lí–gõng bié–guån/guàn]
, “ detached palaces and separate pavilions” (SC 123.31) [=
123.11b]; the two characters ›kuan‹ had an identical pronunciation ...
in the rising tone ...
It is to be noted that the main author of the ›Han–shu‹, Pan Ku, in his
›fu‹, “ prose poem”, on the Western Capital, talks about + thirty-six
detached palaces and separate pavilions* ...
The earliest occurrence of the expression ›li–kung pieh–kuan‹ seems
to be in the biography of Li Ssu (SC 87.14; cf. Bodde 1937: 24: + palaces
and country villas*). These terms are never explained, but it is clear
that they refer to imperial residences outside the walled palace area
in the capital ...
2. The ›shu‹ was the smallest Han unit of weight at 0.64 grams; the
denomination occurring on the cast bronze coins is expressed in ›shu‹,
as on many specimens of the ›5-shu‹ (cf. Dubs, HFHD I, 1938: 196 and II,
1944: 66, note 16.7).
(DE GROOT 1926: 111; 35)
Da die Himmelsrosse an Zahl sich vermehrten, und die Gesandtschaften des Auslandes zahlreicher wur-
den, pflanzte der Sohn des Himmels mehr und mehr Trauben und ›Bok–šok‹ an, sodaß sie außerhalb des
Palastes und an den Logierhäusern wuchsen, bis hin zum fernsten Horizont.
Nunmehr enthält der Text wörtlich dasselbe, was wir auf S. 35 aus Ši–ki 123 übersetzt haben ... :
(In Ta–wan und weiter westlich bis zum Reiche An–sik werden etwas voneinander verschiedene Sprachen
gesprochen, jedoch herrscht da im allgemeinen dieselbe Volksart, und man versteht einander. Die Men-
schen haben da tiefliegende Augen und viel Bartwuchs; sie sind geschickte Kaufleute und feilschen um ein
Zoll und ein Lot.)
— 124 —
HS 3896 (96A.12b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 136–137)
They hold the women in honour, and what the wo-
1 2
men say the men act upon. Their land has (no) silk
2 or lac trees , and (the people) do not know how
3
to cast iron utensils .
When conscripts who had deserted from the Han mis-
sions surrendered, they taught (the inhabitants) how
to cast and manufacture weapons and utensils other
4
than (those which they had).
1. The meaning of the binome ›nü–tzu‹ , is “ woman, women”
and as such belonged to current usage, as is shown e.g. by
HSPC 76.28a: + this is not a thing women
know about.*
›Chang–fu‹ is a current word for “ man, men”, in the sense
of “adult”; the meaning “ husband” seems to be a later develop-
ment.
2. HSPC 96A.38a here reads , as does HS 96A.18b in
the Ching–yu edition (Po–na pen), but the latter inserts after
. SC 123.6a ... as well, of course, as the Takigawa edition
123.32 ... reads in stead of . Wang Nien–sun
(1744–1832) rightly remarks that in this passage, which
underlines the differences between China and Ta Yüan, the
inclusion of is correct. We suggest that is a corruption of
...
3. The text reads ›t'ieh ch'i‹ , “ iron utensils”, whereas
SC 123.32 reads ›ch'ien ch'i‹ , “ coins and utensils”. We have
retained the ›Han–shu‹ reading, because the manufacture of
cast iron was a Chinese invention which only gradually spread
to the outside world because of the technique involved, as
demonstrated by Needham (1958: 7–9).
4. The insertion of the word ›t'o‹ (SC 123.32 has the variant ),
“ other”, before ›ping ch'i‹ , “ arms (or weapons) and
utensils” is inexplicable, as in this section devoted to Ta Yüan,
arms in use there have not been discussed ... In our translation
we have therefore followed the suggestion of Wu Jen–chieh in
his comment to the preceding line (HSPC 96A.38b).
(DE GROOT 1926: 35)
Das Volk achtet die jungen Frauen hoch und die Ehemänner treffen ihre Entscheidungen nach dem, was
ihre Frauen sagen. Nirgends gibt es in diesen Landen Seide oder Lackwerk. Das Gießen von eisernen
Gefäßen war da unbekannt, aber den Han'schen Gesandtschaften entlaufene Diener haben sich den
Bewohnern angeschlossen und sie das Gießen und die Herstellung anderer Waffen (als sie bisher hatten)
gelehrt.
(WYLIE 1881: 46)
Women are honourably treated among them, and their husbands are guided by them in their decisions.
Silk and varnish are used all over the country. They did not understand casting iron implements till the
Chinese envoy, having lost his troops. submitted to them, and taught them the art of casting, when they
made new military weapons.
— 125 —
HS 3896 (96A.12b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 137)
Whenever they acquire Han gold or silver they make
utensils with (the metal) and do not use it as curren-
1
cy .
(The area) west of Wu–sun as far as An–hsi
is close to the Hsiung–nu .
The Hsiung–nu had once harassed the Yüeh–chih
; consequently when a Hsiung–nu envoy carry-
2
ing tokens of credence from the ›Shan–yü‹
reaches one of the states, the states en route provide
a relay service of escorts and food, and do not dare to
detain or harm the envoy.
1. The text reads ›pi‹ , which is curious, because “ coins” are nor-
mally referred to as ›ch'ien‹ , “ cash”. ›Pi‹ is used in a
rhetorical passage in SC 106.25 (= HSPC 35.12b), where the
commentator Ju Shun (fl. 221–265) has to explain it as
›ch'ien‹. The normal meaning of ›pi‹ is “ presents, valuables”.
2. [Hulsewé/ Loewe lesen hier ›ji±/ jié‹ , “ Knoten am Bambus;
Vollmacht”, anstelle von ›sh±n/xìn‹ , “ Vertrauen; Brief” und
kommentieren:]
“Token of credence”, ›chieh‹ . This seems to be a case where
Han usage is attributed to the Hsiung–nu, although it remains
possible that also this non-Chinese community had a similar
custom. The Han ›chieh‹ seem to have been a stafflike object,
decorated with cow or yak tail hair, dyed red ...
(DE GROOT 1926: 35)
Bekommen sie von Han Gold oder Silber, dann machen sie sich häufig davon Gefäße (Geräte?), aber
verwenden es nicht als Geld. ¶–sun und der weitere Westen bis An–sik lagen Hung–nª nahe, das damals
(sogar) Goat–si erledigt hatte; deshalb wurden dort die Gesandten von Hung–nª, die einen schriftlichen
Ausweis vom ›Tan–hu‹ mit sich führten, von einem Reiche ins andere befördert und mit Nahrungsmitteln
versehen, ohne daß man sich je unterfing, sie anzuhalten oder zu belästigen.
(WYLIE 1881: 46)
They applied the Chinese gold and silver to make vessels, instead of using them for state presents. From
Woo–sun westward to Gan–se©h, the several kingdoms are all near the country of the Heung–noo. The
Heung–noo having oppressed the Yu¥–she, when the Heung–noo envoy came to Ta–wan with a letter from
the Shen–yu, he was entertained and forwarded, as they dared not detain and punish him.
— 126 —
HS 3896 (96A.12b–13a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 137–138)
When the case of Han envoys arises, if they do not
bring out valuables they do not get any food, and if
they do not buy horses they have no means of travel-
ling on horseback. The reason for this state of affairs
is that Han has been regarded as being distant.
However, Han possesses many valuable goods, and
consequently purchasing has been necessary to ac-
quire what is required.
By the time that the ›Shan–yü‹ Hu–han–yeh
1
came in homage to the Han court, and thereafter, all
have held Han in high esteem.
1. This event occurred in 51 B.C.; cf. Dubs, HFHD II, 1944: 256–259.
— 127 —
HS 3896 (96A.13a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 138)
1
The state of T'ao–huai .
2
The king's (seat of government is at ... )
2 It is distant by 11080 ›li‹ from Ch'ang–an .
There are 700 households, 5000 individuals with 1000 per-
sons able to bear arms.
1. T 'ao–huai ... Wang Hsien–ch'ien points out that in T'ang
times there existed a T'ao–huai prefecture in the area of the
Yüeh–chih governor-general, with its seat of administration at the
town of A–la ...
[Yán Shð–G÷ merkt an dieser Stelle an:
+ ›Huái‹ ist hier wie ›huí‹ auszusprechen*, .
De Groot scheint diese Anmerkung in seiner Lesung ›T'o–hui‹ be-
rücksichtigt zu haben. cmd]
2. The text is evidently defective; the information about The king's seat
of government ... occurring in all comparable cases, is missing.
(DE GROOT 1926: 111)
1
Der König des Reiches T'o–hui wohnt 1800 ›Li‹ von Tš'ang–ngan. 700 Familien, 5000 Personen,
1000 Krieger.
1. Über diesen Kleinstaat liegen, meines Wissens, keine anderen Textberichte vor; er taucht hier auf und verschwindet, ohne eine
Spur zurückzulassen. Lag er wirklich, wie der Text angibt [?], nur 1800 ›Li‹ von Tš'ang–ngan, dann wäre er im östlichen Turkestan
zu lokalisieren und stände hier im Text an falscher Stelle.
Die T'ang-Dynastie rief den Namen T'o–hui wiederum ins Dasein und legte ihn einem der 25 Bezirke des General-Gouverne-
ments von Goat–si bei, das die Stadt O–lap zur Hauptstadt hatte; s. T 'ang–šu 43B.13. Natürlich ist damit keineswegs
gesagt, daß die Lage dieses Bezirks der des alten T 'o–hui entsprach.
— 128 —
HS 3896 (96A.13a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 138)
1
The state of Hsiu–hsün .
2
The king's seat of government is the Niao–fei valley
.
It is west of the Ts'ung–ling , and is distant by
10210 ›li‹ from Ch'ang–an .
1. Hsiu–hsün ... in the ›Hou Han chi‹ the second character is writ-
ten ... Hsü Sung points out that this country is also
mentioned in the ›Shui–ching chu‹ 2.3b f., where it is
said that the ›West River‹ coming from the country of Chüan–tu
(see below) flows westward through Hsiu–hsün and
then + descends to the south into the country of Nan–tou
.*
Chavannes (1905: 555, note 4) locates this state in the Irkeštam
area, on the road between Kashgar and Osh. This is where
Matsuda Toshio (Kodai Ten–san no rekishi chiri
2
kenkyø , Tokyo 1956, 1970:
152 ff.) locates Chüan–tu, placing Hsiu–hsün + in the Alai*
(p. 156 f.).
It is in this area that Western authors locate the Stone Tower,
PÚrgoj liqikÒj, mentioned by Ptolemy's basic informant, Maes
Titianus; see Stein (1933: 47 and 292–295), followed by Herr-
mann (1938: 103 ff.) and bay Innes Miller (1969: 126–132). Both
Herrmann and Innes Miller give a survey of the earlier litera-
ture on this subject. Stein believed the Stone Tower to have
been situated in the Alai valley, near the village of Chat, from
where the route led to Irkeštam on the Sino-Russian border.
The Chinese expression ›shih ch'eng‹ , “ stone-walled
city” or “ stone fortress” occurs occasionally, but it is not ap-
plied to the Stone Tower ...
2. Niao–fei ku ... “ the valley where the birds fly” ... Wang Hsien–
ch'ien remarks that, according to the ›Hsin T'ang–
shu‹, during the ›hsien–ch'ing‹ period (656–660) a Niao–
fei prefecture was founded in the area called Hu–mi ...
and earlier, under the Toba-Wei, probable Po–ho ... This
T'ang nomenclature may have been based simply on the
knowledge of the old name, without any firsthand acquain-
tance with the place itself.
(DE GROOT 1926: 111, 112)
1 2
Der Regierungssitz des Königs des Reiches Hiu–sun liegt im Flußtal von Niao–hui (des Vogelflugs?)
im Westen des Ts'ong-Gebirges, 10210 ›Li‹ von Tš'ang–ngan entfernt.
1. Auf S. 99 haben wir gesehen, daß der Name Hiu–bit auch in der Schreibung Hª–bit vorkommt. Hieraus folgt, daß das
Zeichen vielleicht ehemals ›hª‹ oder ›hu‹ ausgesprochen wurde und sonach das hier besprochene Reich eigentlich ›Hª–sun‹
oder ›Hu–sun‹ hieße. Im Wei–lio' finden wir aber seinen Namen als Hiu–siu erwähnt. Natürlich könnte es sich hier, genau
so wie im Falle des Namens I–sun oder I–siu (s. S. 59), um eine Verwirrung zwischen zwei Zeichen handeln, oder es
könnten beide Schreibungen richtig sein und also das Reich Hiuschur, Hiusur, Husur, Hªschur oder Hªsur geheißen haben.
2. Zu diesem Namen vgl. Hirth, ›Fremde Einflüsse in der chinesischen Kunst‹: 18 ff. Hirth bringt den Namen mit dem des Flusses
Murghab von Murgh = ›Vogel‹ zusammen, gerät aber dabei zu weit nach Süden. (FR.)
— 129 —
HS 3896–3897 (96A.13a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 138–139)
There are 358 households , 1030 individuals
with 480 persons able to bear arms .
To the east it is a distance of 3121 ›li‹ to the seat
of the Protector General , and 260 ›li‹ to
Yen–tun valley, in (the state of)
Chüan–tu ; to the north-west it is a
distance of 920 ›li‹ to the state of Ta Yüan
; and 1610 ›li‹ to the west, to the Ta
Yüeh–chih .
The popular way of life and clothing are of the
same type as in Wu–sun , and in com-
pany with their stock animals they go after
water and pasture. Originally they were of the
Sai race.
— 130 —
HS 3897 (96A.13a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 139)
1
The state of Chüan–tu .
The king's seat of government is at Yen–tun
valley.
And it is distant by 9860 ›li‹ from Ch'ang–an
.
There are 380 households, 1100 individuals and
500 persons able to bear arms.
1. Chüan–tu ... Wang Hsien–ch'ien tries to provide
modern identifications;
Chavannes (1905: 555, note 3) locates this state west of
Kashgar, on the northern slopes of the Pamirs, in the
Karategin area.
Matsuda Toshio (Kodai Ten–san no rekishi
chiri kenkyø , Tokyo 1956,
2
1970: 152 ff.) places it near Irkeshtam.
(DE GROOT 1926: 112, 113)
1
Der Regierungssitz des Königs des Reiches Kuan–tok liegt im J¥n–tun- Tal, 9860 ›Li‹ von
Tš'ang–ngan. 380 Familien, 1100 Personen, 500 Krieger.
1. Kuan–tok und Hiu–sun auf der Karte zu lokalisieren, ist nicht schwer. Wir lasen, daß Kuan–tok westlich von Sª–lik lag, das dem
heutigen Kaschgar entspricht (s. unten), und daß die Straßen welche von Kuan–tok zum Sitz des Allgemeinen Schutzherrn führte,
über Sª–lik lief. Kuan–tok lag 9860 ›Li‹ von Tš'ang–ngan und 2861 ›Li‹ vom Schutzherrn entfernt; für Sª–lik betragen diese Zahlen
9 350 und 2 210 ›Li‹ (s. unten), und somit lagen diese beiden Reiche 510 oder 651 ›Li‹ voneinander entfernt. Warum diese Zahlen
verschieden sind, läßt sich nicht erklären. Nehmen wir ihren Durchschnitt, also 560 ›Li‹, und tragen wir sie von Kaschgar aus ab,
dann ergibt sich, daß Kuan–tok bei der Wasserscheide vom Musdagh zu lokalisieren ist und daß somit die vom Texte gebotene
Mitteilung, daß Bu–lui, welches Alitschur entsprach, im Norden an Kuan–tok grenzte (s. S. 81), sich bestätigt.
Vollkommen leuchtet nun auch der Text ein, wo er sagt, daß
+ das südliche Kuan–tok gegen das Ts'ong-Gebirge lag, wo dieses unbevölkert war, und daß die Gewässer, an denen man
die Herden weidete, sich an diese Kette anlehnten.*
Die Karten stellen es somit sicher, daß das Alai-Tal , das der Kizil-su, die Hauptquelle des Surchab, durchströmt, der Hauptteil des
Reiches Kuan–tok war, denn zahlreiche Quellen fließen dort fast ausschließlich von der gletscherreichen transalaischen Riesen-
kette zum Fluß hinab, während der Nordseite nur wenige entströmen; auch scheint noch jetzt das gewaltige Alpenland südlich
des Tales recht spärlich bewohnt, wenn nicht sogar unbewohnt zu sein.
Ist also die Lage des alten Kuan–tok bestimmt, so ergibt sich von selbst die von Hiu–sun. Dessen Regierungssitz lag 260 ›Li‹
westlich von dem von Kuan–tok, und zwar + das Ts'ong-Gebirge hinauf* ; das weist also etwas südlich ...
Die alten Texte legen auch mit Bestimmtheit dar, daß das Volk von Kuan–tok und Hiu–sun ein Teil des nach Indien gewanderten
Volks der ›Sak‹ oder ›Sakke‹ war ...
(Hiu–sün entsprach dem heutigen Karategin, Yen–tu (Kuan–tok) der Gegend des heutigen Irkeschtam. Vgl. auch Chavannes in
T 'oung Pao Ser. II Bd. VI, S. 555 Anm. 4, wo beide Länder miteinander verwechselt sind. FRANKE)
— 131 —
HS 3897 (96A.13a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 139)
To the east it is distant 2861 ›li‹ to the seat of the Pro-
1
tector General , and ( ... ›li‹) to Shu–lo .
1 To the south it adjoins the Ts'ung–ling ; there
are no human inhabitants.
By ascending the Ts'ung–ling on the west, one is at
Hsiu–hsün .
To the north-west it is a distance of 1030 ›li‹ to
Ta Yüan , and to the north (the state) adjoins
Wu–sun .
Clothing is of the same type as that of the Wu–sun.
(The people) go after water and pasture, keeping
close to the Ts'ung–ling. Originally they were of the
Sai race.
1. In view of the well established pattern, the text must be defec-
tive, the number of ›li‹ to Shu–lo being missing; the connection
with the previous sentence suggested by Hsü Sung is
fallacious.
(DE GROOT 1926: 112)
Ostwärts bis zum Verwaltungssitz des Allgemeinen Schutzherrn sind es 2861 ›Li‹ und geht es auch nach
Sª–lik (Kaschgar) . Im Süden liegt es am Ts'ong-Gebirge, das dort unbevölkert ist. Westwärts das
Ts'ong-Gebirge hinauf liegt (Gebiet von) Hiu–sun. Nordwestlich bis Ta–wan sind es 1030 ›Li‹. Im Norden
stößt es an ¶–sun. Die Kleidertracht ist der von ¶–sun ähnlich. Die Wasserläufe mit Pflanzenwuchs,
denen man folgt, lehnen sich an das Ts'ong-Gebirge. Es hat seinen Ursprung in dem Sak-Volksstamm.
— 132 —
HS 3897 (96A.13b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 139)
1
The state of So–chü .
The king's seat of government is the town of
So–chü,
and it is distant 9950 ›li‹ from Ch'ang–an .
There are 2339 households, 16373 individuals
with 3049 persons able to bear arms.
(There are the following officials:)
the noble of Fu–ku (support of the
state), the leaders of the left and the right,
the masters of cavalry of the left and the
2
right, the master of Pei Hsi–yeh
3
(defence against Hsi–yeh), two commandants
and four interpreters-in-chief .
1. So–chü ... It is identified with present-day So–chü.
2. For this type of title see above, note on p. 84 and note on
p. 96.
3. For Hsi–yeh see above, note on p. 100.
(DE GROOT 1926: 114, 115)
1
Der Regierungssitz des Königs des Reichs ist in der Stadt Sa–ku . Sie liegt 9950 ›Li‹ von Tšang–
ngan. 2339 Familien, 16373 Personen, 3049 Krieger. Ein Lehnsfürst, ›Stütze des Reiches‹. Ein linker und ein
rechter Heerführer. Ein linker und ein rechter Reiterfürst. Ein Fürst ›für die Vorsichtsmaßregeln gegen
Si–ja‹. Zwei Generalkommandanten. Vier Hauptdolmetscher.
1. Auch für das letzte Kaiserhaus stand die Identität des alten Sa–ku mit Jarkand unumstößlich fest, und somit war während seiner
Herrschaft dem Berzirk , dessen Hauptstadt Jarkand ist, amtlich der Name Sa–ku beigelegt.
Die Richtigkeit dieser Gleichstellung wird durch alle Angaben unserer Textauszüge bestätigt. In der Tat liegt 560 ›Li‹ westlich
oder vielmehr nordwestlich von Jarkand die Stadt Kaschgar, die dem alten Sª–lik entspricht. Auch trifft die Angabe, daß Sa–ku
380 ›Li‹ nordwestlich von P'i–san lag (s. S. 70) und südlich an Si–ja (Jularik) stieß (s. S. 79), genau für Jarkand zu. Südwestlich
führten 740 ›Li‹ und westlich (s. S. 80) 540 ›Li‹ nach Pª–li (Sarikol-Karatsch), und wirklich führen jetzt zwei Wege nördlich und
südlich vom Jarkand-daria nach Sarikol-Karatsch, die den gegebenen Meilenzahlen entsprechen.
Diese beiden Wege bildeten Teile der großen Straße, die das Wei–lio' (s. S. 48) beschreibt als die Mittelstraße, welche südlich des
Nordgebirges (›Pe'–šan‹) über Kutscha, ›Kasch‹ oder Kaschgar, ›Kuan–tok‹ und ›Hiu–sun‹ nach Fergana lief, und andererseits via
›Sa–ku‹ und ›Pª–li‹ durch Klein-Pamir und Wachau nach Alexandria und Arsak führte. Die Südstraße Turkistans führte dagegen
(s. S. 73) über ›P'i–san‹ nach Udyåna und Indien. Es erklärt sich also vollkommen, weshalb das HS für ›P'i–san‹ 10 050 ›Li‹ und für
›Sa–ku‹ 9 950 ›Li‹ als Entfernung von Tš'ang–ngan angibt: die Zahl ist auf der Südstraße, die andere auf der Mittelstraße ge-
rechnet ...
— 133 —
HS 3897 (96A.13b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 139–140)
It is a distance of 4746 ›li‹ in the north-east to
the seat of the Protector General , 560 ›li‹
in the west to Shu–lo and 740 ›li‹ in the
south-west to P'u–li .
There are iron(-mines) and (the land) produces
1
blue-green jade .
1. The text reads . There are several
possible ways of translating this passage:
1. + They have iron; the mountains produce blue-green
jade.*
2. + There is an Iron Mountain (which) produces blue-
green jade.*
3. + There are ›iron mountains‹, i.e. iron mines; (the
country) produces blue-green jade.*
›T'ieh shan‹ meaning “iron mines” is common, like
›t 'ung shan‹ for “ copper mines”; see, e.g.,
HSPC 28AII.54b, and HHS Tr.21.5b and 23.5b. We have
therefore followed this common usage in our translation.
[Die modernen interpungierten Ausgaben setzen nach
›shån‹ ein Komma: auch das spricht für die von
Hulsewé/Loewe gewählte Übersetzung 3.
Übersetzung 1 würde ein Komma nach ›ti®‹ , “ Eisen”,
erfordern;
Übersetzung 2 würde überhaupt kein Komma erfordern.
cmd]
(DE GROOT 1926: 114)
4 746 ›Li‹ nordwärts führen zum Regierungssitz des Allgemeinen Schutzherrn, 560 ›Li‹ westwärts nach
Sª–lik, 740 ›Li‹ südwestwärts nach Pª–li. Es gibt dort Eisenberge, aus denen man blauen Jaspis gewinnt.
— 134 —
HS 3897 (96A.13b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 140)
In the time of Emperor Hsüan (73–48 B.C.), the
princess of Wu–sun had a younger son
1
called Wan–nien whom the king of So–chü
2
loved.
The king of So–chü died without a son, and at his
death Wan–nien was in Han .
The people of the state of So–chü made plans with
the intention of attaching themselves to Han, and in
addition wished to secure the good-will of Wu–sun.
So they promptly sent a letter asking that Wan–nien
should be made king of So–chü.
1. Wan–nien is a typical Han time personal name, meaning “ ten
thousand years”. For this kind of name see Yü (1965: 121 f.).
Wan–nien's mother was the Chinese princess Chieh–yu .
[Im Japanischen ist “ Zehntausend Jahre”, geschrieben ,
gesprochen ›ban–zai‹, das berühmte “ Hurra!” auf den Kaiser
oder Tenno. cmd]
2. In view of this passage, the history of So–chü started for the
author of the ›Han shu‹ in the days of emperor Hsüan, i.e. after
72 B.C. However, there are indications that relations between
China and So–chü had begun twenty years earlier.
Chavannes (1913) contains a strip, no. 310, which reports the
issue of grain to members of the suite of + the legate to So–chü,
Hsü Hsiang–ju* . This person occurs in the
History of the Han Dynasty, viz. in the Tables of Nobles
(HSPC 17.23a), which report that in the 3rd year of the ›t'ai–shih‹
period, 94 B.C., Hsü Hsiang–ju was nominated Noble of
Ch'eng–fu ... for + when on a mission to the Western
Regions having mobilized the relatives of the Outer king (wai
wang , further unknown) and executed the Fu–lo king
taking prisoner 2 500 persons*. The texts are silent
about this event; about Hsü Hsiang–ju we still know
that in 89 B.C. he was executed ... (HSPC 17.23a).
Strip and text together prove that the Chinese sent at least one
mission to So–chü, probably before 94 B.C. and certainly
earlier than 89 B.C.
(DE GROOT 1926: 115)
Zur Zeit des Kaisers Sü¥n (73–48 v.Chr.) hatte die in ¶–sun lebende kaiserliche Prinzessin ein Söhnchen
namens Wan–ni¥n , das der König von Sa–ku liebgewonnen hatte. Dieser starb, ohne selbst Söhne
zu haben, als Wan–ni¥n sich in Han befand. Die Bevölkerung von Sa–ku wollte sich Han enger anschlie-
ßen und zugleich das Wohlwollen von ¶–sun erwerben, und richtete an den Kaiser das Gesuch, den Wan–
ni¥n zum König von Sa–ku zu machen.
— 135 —
HS 3897–3898 (96A.13b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 140–141)
Han allowed the request, and sent the envoy Hsi
1
Ch'ung–kuo to escort Wan–nien.
As soon as he was established, Wan–nien behaved
oppressively and wickedly, and the people of the
state took no pleasure (in his rule). Hu–t'u–cheng
, younger brother of the (former) king of So–chü
put Wan–nien to death.
He also killed the Han envoy, and setting himself up
as king entered into an agreement with various
2
other states to turn against Han.
1. Hsi Ch'ung–kuo is only mentioned here and in the parallel pas-
sage in HSPC 79.2a.
2. These events are described in the biography of Feng Feng–shih
, HS 79. There (HSPC 79.2a) it is said that after the
murder of the king and the Chinese legate, the new king
Hu–t'u–cheng sent messengers to pretend that all the states
along the Northern Route had made their submission to the
Hsiung–nu, whereupon he started to threaten the states along
the Southern Route and entered into a sworn alliance with
them.
As the Protector General was hemmed in by the northern
states, Feng Feng–shih, who happened to be on a mission to Ta
Yüan, levied troops, attacked and took So–chü and sent the
king's head to Ch'ang–an. As a result, the Western Regions
were pacified and Chinese prestige restored.
Wang Hsien–ch'ien (1842–1918) suggests (HSPC
96A.41a) that this happened in the 3rd or 4th year of the period
›ti–chieh‹ , i.e. in 67 or 66 B.C.
Ssu–ma Kuang (1019–1086), Tzu–chih t'ung–chien
(TCTC) , Peking 1956: 825, places it in 65 B.C.
See also Loewe (1974: 252 f.).
(DE GROOT 1926: 115)
Han willigte ein und schickte Hi Tš'ung–kuo' als Gesandten, um Wan–ni¥n dorthin zu begleiten.
Kaum hatte Wan–ni¥n den Thron bestiegen, da zeigte er sich grausam und schlecht. Die Bevölkerung
wurde unzufrieden, und Ho–t'ª–ting , ein jüngerer Bruder des (verstorbenen) Königs von Sa–ku,
brachte Wan–ni¥n samt dem Gesandten von Han ums Leben; dann setzte er sich selbst als König auf den
Thron, verbündete sich mit den anderen Reichen und wandte sich von Han ab.
— 136 —
HS 3898 (96A.13b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 141)
1
It happened at this time that Feng Feng–shih ,
2
guards' captain , was being sent on a mission to
escort back visitors from Ta Yüan .
He seized the opportunity to call out troops from various
states to attack and kill (Hu–t'u–cheng); and in his place
he established as king of So–chü the son of another of the
(late king's) brothers. On his return, (Feng) Feng–shih was
3
appointed Counsellor of the Palace .
This year was the first in (the reign-period) ›yüan–
k'ang‹ (65 B.C.).
1. Feng, Feng–shih, born of a family of officials, was made a ›lang‹
or Courtier and eventually appointed Chief of a prefecture. Having
been dismissed, he studied both the Spring and Autumn Annals
(attributed to Confucius) and military authors. Eventually he
received a subordinate army post and in this capacity took part in an
expedition against the Hsiung–nu about 70 B.C.
Thereupon he was selected to go to the Western Regions + to accom-
pany the guests from Ta Yüan and the other countries*. It was during
this mission that the events related in HS 96A took place.
He then held metropolitan posts, occasionally being sent on cam-
paigns on the borders ... He died in 40 B.C. (cf. HSPC 19B.37a–38b).
2. Guards' captain ... a function in the ›t'un‹ or garrisons around the
capital, subordinate to the Superintendent of the Guards, ›wei wei‹
; see HSPC 19A.11b ...
3. Counsellor of the Palace ... the highest rank among the counsellors,
›ta fu‹ , with a salary + comparable to two thousand bushels*;
see HSPC 19A.8b. These counsellors of different rank did not form a
permanent body with a fixed number of incumbents; + at most there
were several tens* (8b).
(DE GROOT 1926: 115, 117)
Es traf sich, daß Fung Fung–ši , Inspizient der Garde , entsandt war zur Rückbegleitung von
Besuchern aus Ta–wan. Er fand Gelegenheit, um eine Kriegsmacht aus den Reichen ins Feld zu bringen,
griff ihn an und tötete ihn und setzte den Sohn eines seiner Brüder als König von Sa–ku ein. Dann zog er
heimwärts und wurde zum Großwesir-Intendanten der Palastpforten ernannt. Dieses Jahr
1
war das erste der Periode Juan–k'ang (65 v.Chr.).
1. Diese allerältesten dokumentarischen Berichte über Jarkand kommen in ausführlicherer Form vor in der Biographie von Fung
Fung–li, die sich in Kap. 79 des HS befinden ... Die Geschichtsbücher der ersten Han-Dynastie [das HS] bieten über Sa–ku nichts
weiter, jedoch Kap.118 der Bücher der zweiten Han-Dynastie [das HHS] enthalten auf Bl. 13 folgende Notizen, welche sich auf den
Verlust der Oberherrschaft von Han über die Westländer beim Untergang der ersten Han-Dynastie und ihrer Wiederherstellung
unter der zweiten beziehen [HHS 118.10b-11a] ...
— 137 —
HS 3898 (96A.13b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 141)
1
The state of Shu–lo .
The king's seat of government is the town of Shu–lo,
and it is distant 9350 ›li‹ from Ch'ang–an .
1. Shu–lo ... The country is identified with the modern prefecture
of that name, i.e. Kashgar.
— 138 —
HS 3898 (96A.13b–14a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 141–142)
1
2 There are 1510 households, 18647 [8647] individuals
[ ] with 2000 persons able to bear arms.
(There are the following officials:)
the noble of Shu–lo , the noble of Chi–hu
(assault on the nomads), the noble of Fu–kuo
(support of the state), the commandant
, the leaders of the left and the right, the mas-
ters of cavalry of the left and the right and the
interpreters-in-chief of the left and the right.
To the east it is a distance of 2210 ›li‹ to the seat of
the Protector General , and to the south a
distance of 560 ›li‹ to So–chü . There are
markets with stalls .
To the west it is situated on the route to the Ta
Yüeh–chih , Ta Yüan and K'ang–chü
.
1. [Tausendfünfhundert Familien sollen eine Gesamtbevölkerung
von mehr als achtzehntausend Personen ergeben: das
wären — im Durchschnitt — mehr als 12 Personen pro Familie.
Bei den übrigen Ländern liegt dieser Durchschnitt bei 4–7 Per-
sonen. Da scheint es berechtigt, mit Wylie das Zeichen ›wàn‹ ,
“ Zehntausend”, in der Bevölkerungszahl als einen Abschreib-
fehler zu streichen und 18 647 in 8 647 zu korrigieren. cmd]
(DE GROOT 1926: 118)
1510 Familien, 18647 Personen, 2000 Krieger. Ein Lehnsfürst für Sª–lik. Ein Lehnsfürst für die Kriege gegen
die Hu. Ein Lehnsfürst, ›Stütze des Reichs‹. Ein Generalkommandant. Ein linker und ein rechter Heer-
führer. Ein linker und ein rechter Reiterfürst. Ein linker und ein rechter Hauptdolmetscher. Gegen Osten
bis zum Verwaltungssitz des Allgemeinen Schutzherrn sind es 2210 ›Li‹, südlich bis nach Sa–ku 560 ›Li‹.
Es gibt hier einen Basar mit Ladenreihen . Der Westen (des Reiches) liegt an der Straße nach Groß-
Goat–si, Ta–wan und K'ang–ki.
— 139 —
HS 3898 (96A.14a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 142)
1
The state of Wei–t'ou .
The king's seat of government is at the valley of
Wei–t'ou,
and it is distant by 8650 ›li‹ from Ch'ang–an
.
There are 300 households, 2300 individuals with
800 persons able to bear arms.
(There are the following officials:)
the commandants of the left and the
right, and the masters of cavalry of the
left and the right.
1. Wei–t'ou ... Wang Hsien–ch'ien identifies it with
Wu–shih County, at approx. 41 º N, 79 º E.
Chavannes (1905: 554, note 1) refers to Grenard, ›Mission
scientifique en Haute Asie‹ II: 61, who localizes Wei–t'ou
at Safyr bay, south-west of Uch Turfan.
(DE GROOT 1926: 119, 120–121)
1
Der Regierungssitz des Königs des Reiches Ut–t'ª , das Ut–t'ª-Tal, liegt 8650 ›Li‹ von Tš'ang–ngan
entfernt. 300 Familien, 2300 Personen, 800 Krieger. Ein linker und ein rechter Generalkommandant. Ein
linker und ein rechter Reiterfürst.
1. Die ›K'in–ting Sin–kiang ši'–lio'‹ , “ vom Kaiser festgesetzte wissenschaftliche Schriften über ›Sin–kiang‹ (Turki-
stan)”, das Werk eines Ausschusses von 47 Staatsdienern und Gelehrten, mit einer Vorrede, die 1821 eigenhändig vom Kaiser ge-
schrieben wurde, spricht ohne Vorbehalt die Meinung aus, daß Un–šok dem jetzigen Aksu , und Ut–t'ª dem jetzigen Usch
entsprachen (Kap.I: 1) und daß das Reich Kª–bik das gegenwärtige Land von Karajulgun war (Kap. I: 1 und
2) ...
Das zweite Itinerar für die Westlande in Kap.43B des T'ang–šu stellt die Richtigkeit dieser Ergebnisse hinsichtlich der Lage von
Ut–t'ª über allen Zweifel. Da lesen wir auf S. 26:
+ 60 ›Li‹ führen nach der Stadt Ku–si–tik , dem Grenzlande von Ku–tsi, das auch der Bezirk Ut–t'ª heißt und
auf dem nördlichen Ufer des Tš'ik- Flusses im Kª–sik- Gebirge liegt. Den Tš'ik-Fluß befahrend und dem K'i-
Gebirge entlang erreicht man nach 340 ›Li‹ den (Schilf-?) Gasthof , und wenn man dann an der Stadt Tat–ban
vorbei ist, kommt man nach 140 ›Li‹ an die Burg Sª–lik (Kaschgar). Diese hat Berge auf der Süd-, Nord- und Westseite; die
Stadt liegt mitten im Fluß, und im Osten von ihr liegt noch eine Chinesenstadt auch oberhalb der Stromschnelle. Der Tš'ik-
Fluß fließt aus dem K'at–lo- Gebirge, das westlich von Sª–lik liegt; westlich von der Stadt verzweigt er sich, und auf
ihrer Ostseite fließt das Wasser wieder zusammen, um dann in nördlicherer Richtung nach dem Grenzland Ku–si–tik zu
strömen.*
Klipp und klar ist hier also zum Ausdruck gebracht, daß der Bezirk Ut–t'ª der T'ang-Zeit sich bis zum Tš'ik oder Tarim erstreckte,
und daß von dort 340 + 140, d.h. 480 ›Li‹ zu Wasser bis nach der Stadt Kaschgar führten. Heutzutage liegt auf etwa 480 ›Li‹ von
Kaschgar die Bezirkshauptstadt Maralbaschi ; vielleicht hat etwa hier die königliche Residenz des Ut–t'ª der Han-Zeit
gelegen, denn unser Textausdruck sagt ausdrücklich, daß keine Landstraße den Verkehr zwischen Ut–t'ª und Sª–lik vermittelte
...
Kap.419I des›Ji'–t'ung–tši‹ identifiziert das alte Ut–t'ª mit U–ši' , dem Bezirk Utsch, der das ganze Flußgebiet des Kizil-
changkai bis etwas zum 80. Grad umfaßt. Das ›Sin–kiang ši'–lio'‹ sagt (Kap. 1, Bl. 9–10), daß Ut–t'ª dem jetzigen
Utsch und Un–šok dem heutigen Aksu entsprach, und daß das Reich Kª–bik sich dort erstreckte, wo jetzt Karajulgun
liegt.
— 140 —
HS 3898 (96A.14a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 142)
To the east it is a distance of 1411 ›li‹ to the seat of the
Protector General .
To the south it adjoins Shu–lo , but the moun-
tain roads do not permit communication. To the west
it is a distance of 1314 ›li‹ to Chüan–tu ; there is
a direct road, and it is a journey of two days by
1
horse .
(The people work) the fields and keep stock-animals,
and they go after water and pasture. Their clothing
is of the same type as that of the Wu–sun .
1. Hsü Sung remarks that the “ direct road” was a moun-
tain path. He adds that the post road from Uch to Kashgar was
2 220 ›li‹ (in the 19th century ›li‹ of slightly over 0.6 km., equi-
valent to ca. 1 350 km.). He suggests that the latter might have
been the “ direct road”.
It is to be noted, however, that the “ direct road” of the HS text
had a length of 1 314 ›li‹ or ca. 550 km., and so it seems highly
doubtful that it could have been covered by a two-days' ride.
(DE GROOT 1926: 119, 119–120)
Ostwärts bis zum Verwaltungssitz des Allgemeine Schutzherrn sind es 1411 ›Li‹. Im Süden grenzt es an
Sª–lik; eine Landstraße vermittelt nicht den Verkehr. Westwärts bis Kuan–tok sind es 1314 ›Li‹, aber
1
auf einem kürzeren Wege zu Pferd dauert die Reise zwei Tage. Es wird hier Ackerbau und Viehzucht
getrieben, und man folgt den Wasserläufen und dem Pflanzenwuchs. Die Kleidertracht ist hier von dersel-
ben Art wie in ¶–sun.
1. Die Mitteilung, daß Kuan–tok 1 314 ›Li‹ von Ut–t'ª entfernt lag und auf einem anderen Wege von dort aus zu Pferd in zwei Tagen
zu erreichen war, ist gewiß nicht miteinander vereinbar. Sicher ist die Zahl zwei durch eine erheblich größere zu ersetzen. Tra-
gen wir auf der Karte 1 314 ›Li‹ vom Alai-Tal ab, wo Kuan–tok lag, dann reichen diese etwas bis zum Längengrad Utsch–Turfan.
Daß hier das alte Ut–t'ª gelegen haben muß, bestätigen noch andere Distanzangaben der Texte. In Kap. XVI werden wir unter Nr. 32
(Un–šok) lesen, daß 300 ›Li‹ östlich von Ut–t'ª das Reich Un–šok lag, und 270 ›Li‹ weiter ostwärts das Reich Kª–bik ;
ferner sagt der Text daselbst unter Nr.31 (Kª–bik), daß dann wieder 670 ›Li‹ ostwärts Ku–tsi folgte. Wenn wir vom jetzigen
Schajar aus, von dem die alte Stadt Ku–tsi (Kutscha) nördlich lag, diese Meilenzahlen auf der Straße über Bai, Aksu und Utsch–
Turfan abmessen, so finden wir, daß Un–šok in der Gegend von Aksu, Kª–bik unweit von Bai und Ut–t'ª bei Usch zu lokalisieren
sind. Grenard (›Mission scientifique‹ II: 61) legt Ut–t'ª in die Gegend von Safir-bai, westlich von Utsch–Turfan.
— 141 —
HS 96A : to P.Gen. West North South East Yang G. Chg–an
(in Wu–lei)
Wø–søn E: 1 721 W: Ta Yuan NW: Kang–ju S: Ku–mo, (Yan–qi) E: Xiong–nu (4 400) 8 900
W: to Kang–ju Fan–nei 5 000 (E: Wu–tan–zi–li)
Gø–mò E: 2 021 (W to Wen-su 270) N: Wu–sun S to Yu–tien 15D (E: Qiu–ci) (3 650) 8 150
W±n–sù E: 2 380 W to Wei–tou 300 N to Qi–gu (Wu–sun) 610 E to Gu–mo 270 (3 850) 8 350
Qiø–cí E: 350 SW: Wu–mi W: Gu–mo N: Wu–sun S: Jing–jue SE: Qie–mo (2 980) 7 480
Wø–l®i 0 (W?) close to Qu–li S to Qu–li 330 2 738 (7 238)
Qú–lí ? W: a river; Lun–tai NE: Wei–li S: Jing–jue SE: Qie–mo E to Wei–li 650 ?
Wèi–lí W: 300 (W to Qu–li 650) S: Shan–shan, Qie–mo (E to Mo–shan 240) (2 250) 6 750
W±i–xø W: 500 (W?) to Yan–qi 100 (N to Yan–qi 100) (2 790) 7 290
Yån–qí SW: 400 (W?) close to Bostang Lake N: Wu–sun S to Wei–li 100 (2 800) 7 300
Wø–tån–zð–lí
? W: Wu–sun S: Ju–mi E: Dan–huan, Ju–shi hou (5 830) 10 330
B±i–lù SW: 1 287 W: Tian–shan (E: Yu–li–shi) (4 180) 8 680
B±i–lù hòu ? W: Jie N: Xiong–nu S: Ju–shi E: Yu–li–shi (4 210) 8 710
Yù–lì–shð ? W: Bei–lu N: Xiong–nu E: Ju–shi hou cheng–chang (4 330) 8 830
Dån–huán ? (W: Wu–tan–zi–li) (4 370) 8 870
Pú–lèi SW: 1 387 E: Tian–shan (3 860) 8 360
Pú–lèi hòu ? (4 130) 8 630
Xð Jø–mí SW: 1 487 W: Tian–shan (4 170) 8 670
Dõng Jø–mí SW: 1 587 W: Tian–shan (3 750) 8 250
Jié SW: 1 487 W: Tian–shan (4 070) 8 570
Hú–hú SW: 1 147 (N?) to Yan–qi 770 (3 700) 8 200
Mò–shån ? W to Wei–li 240, Wei–xu 260 NW to Yan–qi 160 SE: Shan–shan (1365), Qie–mo (2 670) 7 170
Jø–shð qián SW: 1 807 (N?) to Yan–qi 835 (3 650) 8 150
Jø–shð hòu SW: 1 237 (W: Wu–tan–zi–li) (4 450) 8 950
Jø–shð [qián] dø–wèi
— 145 —
(DE GROOT 1926: 122)
1
Der Verwaltungssitz des Großen Kun–bi des Reiches ¶–sun , die Stadt Tš'ik–kok
(des Tš'ik-Tals?) liegt 8900 ›Li‹ von Tš'ang–ngan.
1. Zur Bestimmung der Lage von Tš'ik–kok, der Fürstenresidenz von ¶–sun, legen die Texte uns Angaben in hinreichender
Anzahl vor. Sie teilten uns mit (S. 59), daß im Jahre 77 vor unserer Zeitrechnung eine Gesandtschaft der Hung–nª durch
Lª–lan und Ku–tsu nach ¶–sun zog und auch die Rückreise über Ku–tsu machte. Somit liegt die Folgerung auf der Hand, daß
die übliche Verkehrsstraße zwischen China und ¶–sun über Kutscha lief. Sie führte über das jetzige Aksu und den Bedalpaß.
Das erste Itinerar für die Westlande in Kap. 43B des T'ang–šu (Bl. 26) enthält über sie folgende Notizen:
+ Nach 60 ›Li‹ kommt man dann an die Stadt Ta–sik , die auch U–tšok oder Bezirk Un–šok heißt
(Aksu). Nordwestlich führen dann 30 ›Li‹ zu dem Feuersignal von Ts'ik–lª (vom ›Reisgebäude‹?). Dann noch
40 ›Li‹. Dann über den Pat–tat- (Bedal-) Bergrücken. Dann sind es noch 50 ›Li‹ bis an die Stadt Tun–to ,
welche die Stadt des Tš'ik- Gebirges, der Regierungssitz von ¶–sun war. Dann 30 ›Li‹. Dann eine Fahrt auf dem
Perlfluß . Weiter nordwestlich über den Hoat–ik- Bergrücken. Dann 50 ›Li‹, und danach eine Fahrt auf
dem Sot-See . Dann sind es noch 30 ›Li‹ bis an die Garnison von Sui–pok . Darauf den Sui–pok-Fluß
entlang und dann wird nach 50 ›Li‹ der D{¥t-See erreicht.*
Dieses Itinerar läßt sich mühelos auf der Karte verfolgen. Wohl etwa 70 ›Li‹ nordwestlich von Aksu begann das Gelände er-
heblich anzusteigen, und dann waren nördlich längs Utsch-Turfan wohl 400 bis 500 ›Li‹ zurückzulegen, ehe das über 4 000 m
hohe Pat–tat-Gebirge überstiegen war. Dieser Name wird heute gewöhnlich Put–tat geschrieben und auf unseren
Karten in der entsprechenden Form Bedal wiedergegeben. Bald erreicht der Reisende nun die Quellen des Perlflusses, an
denen Tun–to, das alte Tš'ik–kok lag. Nur 30 ›Li‹ trennte diese Stadt von einer schiffbaren Strecke dieses Flusses, des Narin,
Sir-Darja oder Jaxartes; Jaxartes bedeutet in der Tat in Pehlavi “ Perle”, wie Marquart nachgewiesen hat. Wie lange die
stromabwärts zurückzulegende Fahrtstrecke war, meldet das Itinerar nicht; sie reichte vielleicht bis Narinsk. An der
Landungsstelle wurde der Übergang in nordwestlicher Richtung über den Haot–ik-Rücken angetreten, der am Sot-See
endete. Gewiß ist dieser See der Song–kul unserer Karten; beide chinesischen Schreibungen verraten die
Grundform ›Sor‹. Von dort ist es nur noch eine kurze Strecke bis zu den Quellen des Ts'ui-Flusses, längs dem die Straße nach
der Westseite des Issik-kul führt. Daß der Sui–po' des Itinerars der Ts'ui ist, liegt auf der Hand. Wie im heutigen Namen
Lo–po'- oder Lobsee (s. S. 14), ersetzt auch in Sui–po' die letzte Silbe ein auslautendes ›b‹, und diese Schreibung
gibt somit offensichtlich den Namen Søj-âb wieder, den Tabari dem Ts'ui beilegt ... Der D{¥t-See des Itinerars kann nur der
Issik-kul sein. ›Issik‹ soll ein kirgisisches Wort sein, das “ warm” bedeutet. Falls das wahr ist, so wäre der chinesische Name
›D{¥t‹, der “ heiß” bedeutet, wohl eine Übersetzung von ›Issik‹ ...
Das Itinerarium des T'ang–šu nennt die Hauptstadt des alten ¶–sun ›Stadt des Tš'ik-Gebirges‹ . Das scheint uns zu
berechtigen, ihren Namen , den das Ts'i¥n Han–šu [HS] uns bekannt gibt, zu übersetzen mit Tš'ik-Tal-Stadt. Ob wir
dazu auch noch das Wort ›Tš'ik‹, das “ rot” bedeutet, übersetzen dürfen, anstatt es phonetisch zu nehmen, ist zweifelhaft.
— 146 —
HS 3901 (96B.1a) : (DE GROOT 1926: 123)
Notiz von (J¥n) Ši–ku :
+ Unter den ›D{ong‹ der Westlande hatten die
¶–sun das eigentümlichste Aussehen. Diejenigen der
heutigen Hu, welche blaue Augen und einen roten
Bart haben und an Gestalt den Mi-Affen ähneln,
sind ihrem Stamm entsprossen.*
— 147 —
HS 3901 (96B.1a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 143–144)
There are 120000 households, 630000 individuals
with 188800 persons able to bear arms.
(There are the following officials:)
1
The chancellor , the ›Ta–lu‹ , the two su-
preme leaders of the left and the right, three
2
nobles , a commandant for each of the
supreme leaders (of the left and the right), two su-
3
preme inspectors , the supreme official
, two supreme officials of the household
and the master of cavalry .
1. ›Hsiang ta lu‹ ... The ›hsiang‹ was the highest admini-
strative officer in the kingdoms in the Chinese empire, usual-
ly rendered as “ chancellor”. As the text does not explicitly
say + one man each*, as it does in cases where several offi-
cials are enumerated, ›ta lu‹ might be a title. The
words ›ta–lu‹ recur on p. 3a as the name or again as the
title of one of the sons of the ruler.
2. “ Three nobles”, ›hou san jen‹ . It is striking that in
this survey of Wu–sun officials no mention is made of the
›yabghu‹ , although these funcionaries existed among
them, as is shown by the occurrence of the title on pp. 5a, 5b,
7b and 8b. We therefore suggest that this reference to “ three
nobles” might be a mutilated reference to “three yabghu”. An
additional support for this suggestion is that elsewhere the
title of the “ nobles” are specified.
3. Supreme official, ›ta–li‹ ... it does not seem very likely, how-
ever, that this very general, but apt term would hide a non-
Chinese word.
(DE GROOT 1926: 122)
120000 Familien; 630000 Personen; 188800 Krieger. Ein ›Reichsverweser, der Ta–lok‹ (s. S. 27).
Ein linker und ein rechter Generalissimus . Drei Lehnsfürsten . Für jeden Generalissimus ein
Generalkommandant . Zwei Hauptverwalter . Ein Hauptbeamter . Zwei ›Hauptbeam-
te für das Zentrum‹ (die Residenz?) . Ein Reiterfürst.
(WYLIE 1882: 83)
The kingdom contains 120,000 families, comprising a population of 630,000 persons. They have an army
of 188,800, a Minister of Emoluments, a Left Generalissimo, a Right Generalissimo, three Marquises,
a Commander-in-chief, a Protector General, two Inspectors General, a grand official, two household of-
ficials, and a Knight.
— 148 —
HS 3901 (96B.1a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 144)
It is a distance of 1721 ›li‹, to the east, to the seat of
the Protector General, and 5000 ›li‹, to the west, to
1
land within the realm of K'ang–chü .
The land is covered in vegetation and is flat. There
is heavy rainfall, and it is cold.
And [in the mountains] there are many pine and
2
(elm) trees.
(The people) do not work at cultivating the fields or
planting trees, but in company with their stock of
animals they go in search of water and pasture.
Their way of life is the same as that of the Hsiung–
nu.
1. We have rendered the words ›fan nei‹ as “ within the
realm”, but they could also be rendered as a place name, viz.
Fan–nei ...
[Die modernen interpungierten Ausgaben des HS unterstrei-
chen die vier Zeichen und fassen damit Fån–nèi
als den Eigennamen eines Landstrichs in Kång–jø auf;
siehe die Übersetzung von Wylie.]
2. Karlgren (GSR 183e) calls this tree a kind of elm, modern
›men‹ or ›wan‹; the character also means “ resin” or “ gum”.
No references to this tree could be found in botanical dictio-
naries.
(DE GROOT 1926: 122)
Östlich bis an den Regierungssitz des Allgemeinen Schutzherrn sind es 1721 ›Li‹. Westlich bis an das
Land innerhalb der Umhegung von K'ang–ki (s. S. 103) sind es 5000 ›Li‹. Das Land hat mit Gestrüpp
bewachsene Ebenen; es fällt dort viel Regen, und es ist daselbst kalt. Die Berge tragen zumeist Tan-
1
nen und ›Man‹ . Man treibt keinen Landbau, sät und pflanzt nicht, sondern sucht, dem Vieh
folgend, die Gewässer und Pflanzenwuchs. Die Volksart ist der der Hung–nª ähnlich.
1. Der Baum ist meines Wissens noch nicht botanisch bestimmt. Nach den Beschreibungen scheint es sich um eine Fichtenart
zu handeln. (FR.)
(BITSCHURIN/SCHOTT: 614)
Gegen Osten sind es 86 geogr. Meilen (1721 Li) bis zum Sitz des chinesischen General-Inspectors (da-
mals in U lei im Lande Kiu su, d.i. Uigur) und gegen West 250 geogr. Meilen (5000 Li) bis zu dem Orte
Fan mi, in Khang kiu (dies letztere ist Sogdiana, Samarkand). Das Land ist eben und grasreich. Das
Clima rauh und regnerisch. Die Berge sind mit Nadelholz und dem Baume Man bewachsen (nach
Klaproth, Tannen und Lärchen, Larix). Die Bewohner, Nomaden, die den Landbau nicht verstehen,
glichen nach Sitten und Gewohnheiten den Hiong nu.
— 149 —
HS 3901 (96B.1a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 144)
The state has numerous horses, and rich persons may
own as many as four to five thousand animals. The
2 people are hard-hearted and greedy; they are unre-
liable and much given to robbery.
(Wu–sun) is an exceedingly strong state. Formerly (the
state) had been in submission to the Hsiung–nu. Later,
with the growth of prosperity, the state accepted (the
need to maintain) ties, but was unwilling to proceed to
1
their court meetings .
1. For the “court meetings” of the Hsiung–nu a purely Chinese term is
used. In Han China, the kings were expected to attend court-
meetings in spring and autumn.
HSPC 94A.7a–b mentions that in the fifth month the Hsiung–nu
kings and army leaders customarily met at Lung–ch'eng or
... de Groot, (1921: 59, 103 and esp. 167) believed that + the
walled town of Lung* was situated on the Ongin River in Mongolia.
2. [Diese Korrektur in der interpungierten chinesischen Ausgabe bleibt
bei den Übersetzern unerwähnt. cmd]
(DE GROOT 1926: 122–123)
Es gibt im Reiche viele Pferde, und Wohlhabende besitzen wohl bis vier- und fünftausend Stück. Das
Volk ist hartherzig und schlecht, habgierig und unzuverlässig. Räuber und Diebe sind zahlreich.
Es ist ein höchst mächtiges Reich. Ehemals war es von Hung–nª unterworfen worden, danach aber
entwickelte es sich zu voller Größe, spielte selbst eine führende Rolle und wollte nicht mehr zu den
Versammlungen am Hofe (von Hung–nª) hingehen (vgl. S. 15).
(WYLIE 1882: 84)
Horses are very numerous, some wealthy people having as many as four or five thousand. The people
are pigheaded, covetous as wolves, and utterly unreliable. They are much given to plundering raids,
and are characteristically violent as a nation. Formerly they were subject to the Heung–noo, subse-
quently, on attaining to greater prosperity, they cast off their allegiance.
(BITSCHURIN/SCHOTT: 614)
In diesem Lande gibt es wilde Pferde; die Reichen besitzen Heerden wol von 4000 bis 5000 Stück, das
Volk der Usun ist roh, habgierig, treulos und der Räuberei sehr ergeben. Vormals waren sie von den
Hiong nu abhängig; in der Folge aber erstarkten sie, und wollten sich deren Oberherrschaft entziehen.
— 150 —
HS 3901 (96B.1a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 144)
(Wu–sun) adjoins the Hsiung–nu in the east,
K'ang–chü in the north-west, Ta Yüan
in the west
and the various states of the walled towns in
the south.
— 151 —
HS 3901 (96B.1a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 144)
Originally it was the land of the Sai .
When the Ta Yüeh–chih turned west, de-
feated and expelled the king of the Sai , the
latter moved south and crossed over the Suspend-
ed Crossing and the Ta Yüeh–chih took up
residence in his lands.
— 152 —
HS 3901 (96B.1a–1b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 145)
Later, when the ›K'un–mo‹ [or king] of Wu–sun
attacked and defeated the Ta Yüeh–chih, the Ta
Yüeh–chih migrated to the west and subjugated the Ta
1
Hsia , and the ›K'un–mo‹ of Wu–sun took up his re-
sidence here.
It is said: + For this reason, among the people of the Wu–
sun there are (elements of) the Sai race and the Ta
Yüeh–chih race.*
1. Ta Hsia ... Haloun (1926: 136, 201–202) has made it clear that the term
Ta Hsia originally referred to a mythical or fabulous people,
vaguely located in the north (but eventually shifted to the west and
even to the south). He states that it was Chang Ch'ien personally
who identified the Bactrians with the Ta Hsia, the westernmost
people he knew, but that he did not use the words ›ta‹ and ›hsia‹ to
reproduce their actual name. Haloun rightly stresses this last point
, viz. that the pronunciation of this old-established, mythological
term need not have been anything like an approximation of the
name of the actual country.
Henri Maspero completely endorses Haloun's views in his review of
the latter's work in JA 1927: 144–152.
(ZÜRCHER 1968, 366)
Later, when the ›Kun–mo‹ (title of the Wu–sun king) of the Wu–sun attacked and defeated the Great
Yüeh–chih, the Great Yüeh–chih migrated to the West and subdued Ta–hsia, and the ›Kun–mo‹ of the
Wu–sun people occupied it (i.e. the ancient Sai territory). Therefore among the Wu–sun people there
are (elements belonging to) the Sai and the Great Yüeh–Chih race.
(DE GROOT 1926: 125)
Dann aber schlug der Kun–bok von ¶–sun die Groß-Goat–si; die Groß-Goat–si zogen nach Westen und
unterwarfen Ta–ha, und der Kun–bok von ¶–sun besetzte ihr Land. Daher kommt es, daß das Volk der
¶–sun auch Stämme der Sik und der Groß-Goat–si enthält.
— 153 —
HS 3902 (96B.1b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 145)
Formerly Chang Ch'ien had said:
+ Originally the Wu–sun (people) dwelt together
with the Ta Yüeh–chih in the area of
1
Tun–huang .
Although they are now strong and great, it would
be suitable to offer them generous present so as to
induce them to turn east and take up residence in
their former lands, and to give them a princess in
marriage, so as to establish brotherly relations and
in order to restrain the Hsiung–nu.*
These events are described in the biography of
2
Chang Ch'ien.
1. Tun–huang in this context refers to the area, or to the ancient
“ state”, and not, of course, to the commandery of the same
name established there nearly a century later.
2. HSPC 61.4a–5b. The long account given there is summarised
here, in HS 96B, in not quite three lines.
(DE GROOT 1926: 125)
Nunmehr wiederholt hier der Text in abgekürzter Gestalt die auf ¶–sun sich beziehenden Mitteilungen, welche sich in Kap. 123
der Ši–ki [SJ 123] befinden und auf S. 26 ff. übersetzt sind. Sie können also hier mit Stillschweigen übergangen werden.
— 154 —
HS 3902 (96B.1b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 145–146)
1
1 Emperor Wu forthwith ordered (Chang) Ch'ien to go
(to Wu–sun) with presents of gold and valuables. The
K'un–mo received (Chang) Ch'ien with cere-
monials such as that (used for receiving) a Shan–yü
. Greatly mortified, (Chang) Ch'ien said:
+ The Son of Heaven has sent some gifts, and un-
less the king makes obeisance, I shall return with them
(to Han). *
The K'un–mo stood up and made obeisance, and the
other (parts of the ceremonial were continued) as
formerly.
1. ›Chi‹ , “ forthwith”, omitting ›wei‹ , which is obviously a
›lapsus calami‹ [“ Versehen der Feder”], for emperor Wu had ›chi
wei‹, “ ascended the throne” more than twenty years before the
events described here. It is practically impossible to determine the
exact date of this journey for lack of indications.
HSPC 61.4a places Chang Ch'ien's interviews with emperor Wu
after the campaign of Huo Ch'ü–ping in 119 B.C. ... The
next fixed date is that of Chang Ch'ien's appointment as Super-
intendent of State Visits, ›ta hsing‹ , which HSPC 19B.19b
places in 115 B.C. ... This means that the journey to the Wu–sun
must have taken place between 119 B.C., or, more likely, the spring
of 118 B.C., and 115 B.C. ...
Ssu–ma Kuang (1019–1086), Tzu–chih t'ung–chien (TCTC)
, Peking 1956: 656, places the whole story ... in the year
115 B.C.
(DE GROOT 1926: 125)
–––
— 155 —
HS 3902 (96B.1b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 146)
Initially, the K'un–mo had over ten sons. The
1
›Ta–lu‹ , whose place was in the middle of this
group, was a man of valour and a skilful leader, and he
had led over ten thousand horsemen away to take up
his abode separately.
The elder brother of the Ta–lu was heir apparent
(to the K'un–mo) and he had a son who bore the
2
title ›Ts'en–tsou‹ .
The heir apparent, who had died while still young, had
said to the K'un–mo:
+ You must without fail appoint the Ts'en–tsou as heir*
and in his sorrow the K'un–mo had promised to do this.
— 156 —
HS 3902 (96B.1b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 146)
Enraged, the Ta–lu thereupon collected his bro-
thers and led a large group of the people in revolt,
planning to attack the Ts'en–tsou.
The K 'un–mo [giving Ts'en–tsou over ten thousand
1
horsemen] ordered him to take up residence sepa-
rately; the K'un–mo himself retained over ten thou-
sand horsemen as a means of self-defence.
The state was [thus] divided into three [equal]
parts, being on the whole tied and subjected to the
K'un–mo.
1. [Die Übersetzung dieses Halbsatzes fehlt bei Hulsewé/Loewe;
auch Prof. Daffinà, TP 1982, hat diese Auslassung übersehen.
cmd]
(DE GROOT 1926: 125)
–––
— 157 —
HS 3902 (96B.1b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 146)
Having delivered the (imperial) presents, (Chang)
Ch'ien gave (the K'un–mo) a message of guidance from
the Han emperor, saying:
+ If the (people of) Wu–sun are able to move east and
dwell in their former lands, then Han will send a prin-
cess to be (the K'un–mo's) wife, and a fraternal alliance
will be formed.
We will together stand against the Hsiung–nu who will
1
not be hard to defeat.*
Wu–sun thought that Han was remote, and had no
informed idea of its size. Moreover (Wu–sun) was close
to the Hsiung–nu, to whom it had been subject for a
long period.
1. Our translation of the final passage has been in-
spired by two similar passages which contain the same rather un-
expected terminology.
The first occurs in Ssu–ma Kuang , TCTC 21: 3125 ...
The second occurs in ›Jung–chai hsü–pi‹ 6.14a ...
The more usual formula is or , “ not worth fearing or
worrying about”.
(DE GROOT 1926: 125)
–––
— 158 —
HS 3902 (96B.1b–2a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 146–147)
None of the senior officials (of Wu–sun) wished to
move. The K'un–mo was old; and, the state being
divided, he was unable to exercise complete and single
control.
So he sent out envoys to escort (Chang) Ch'ien
(back), and to take the opportunity to present the em-
peror with horses, numbered by the tens, and to reply
(to his message) with apologies.
The (K'un–mo's) envoys returned to their state after ob-
serving the large number of the Han people and the
abundance of Han's wealth. And thereafter the state's
appreciation of Han was considerably enhanced.
(DE GROOT 1926: 125)
–––
— 159 —
HS 3903 (96B.2a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 147)
Hearing that Wu–sun was in contact with Han
, the Hsiung–nu grew angry and wished to
attack.
Moreover, when the Han envoys to Wu–sun came to
leave thence by the south, they made their way to Ta
Yüan and the Yüeh–chih continuously
1
without interruption.
Wu–sun now grew apprehensive, and sent envoys with
presents of horses (to the emperor), in the hope of ob-
taining a [Han] princess in marriage and of form-
ing a fraternal alliance .
1. This refers to Chang Ch'ien sending out many deputy envoys to Ta
Yüan, K'ang–chü, Yüeh–chih and Ta Hsia, as reported in greater
detail in HSPC 61.5b-6a.
Tarn (1951: 342) says that some time after 114 B.C. + China succeed-
ed in securing ... a perpetual alliance with the Yueh–chi*, based on
a mistranslation by Wylie (1882: 85) of ...
[siehe weiter unten auf dieser Seite].
Daffinà, TP 1982: 330 —
+ The K'un–mo was old ...* The ›K'un–mo‹ in question is
the raven-fed Lieh–chiao–mi who as we have seen above
(p. 328) must have been born sometime before 176 B.C. The one
who reports on his being ›nien lao‹ , “ old”, is Chang Ch'ien,
when he visited the Wu–sun between 118 and 115 B.C. In his com-
ment on the passage Hsü Sung writes that at the time of
Ch'ien's visit Lieh–chiao–mi must have been either sixty or above
sixty. Between 111 and 105 B.C. Lieh–chiao–mi received in
marriage a Chinese princess, but it is very doubtful whether the
marriage was ever consummated ...
(DE GROOT 1926: 125)
–––
— 160 —
HS 3903 (96B.2a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 147)
The Son of Heaven asked his attendant officials for
their views. They advised that (the request of Wu–sun)
should be granted, with the stipulation that only when the
marriage gifts had been delivered to the court should the
girl be sent. Wu–sun provided a marriage gift of
1000 horses.
And during (the reign period) ›yüan–feng‹ (110–105
1
B.C.) Han sent Hsi–chün , daughter of (Liu) Chien
2
, king of Chiang–tu , as a princess to wed
(the K'un–mo).
1. Liu Hsi–chün was the daughter of Liu Chien , king of
Chiang–tu between 127 and 121 B.C. The latter, whom Martin C. Wilbur
(Slavery in China under the Former Han Dynasty 206 B.C.– A.D. 25, Chi-
cago 1943: 316) rightly calls + incestuous, unspeakably cruel and per-
verted*, committed suicide in 121 B.C. when his rebellious plots, quite
apart from his cruelties, were discovered. His queen, who had indulged
in witchcraft directed against the emperor (cf. M. Loewe, ›The Case of
Witchcraft in 91 B.C.‹, in: Asia Major N.S. 15, 1969), was executed, as were
an unknown number of other persons (HSPC 53.5a ff.; cf. A. F. P. Hulse-
wé, Remnants of Han Law, Leiden 1955: I, 162, sub 3) ...
2. ›Wang‹ or “king” was the ancient Chinese title of the supreme ruler of
the community. Abolished after the unification of China in 221 B.C. and
the adoption of the title ›huang–ti‹ , “ emperor”, the title of king was
reintroduced in 202 or 201 B.C. for rulers of large parts of China under
the supreme ruler or emperor.
Under the Han, it became the rule that only sons of emperors (and the
heirs of kings) could become king. Initially, the kings had great powers,
but after the rebellion of the Seven Kings in 154 B.C., these were practi-
cally abolished, the kingdoms being administered on their behalf by im-
perially appointed officials; see Hulsewé, ›China im Altertum‹, in: Pro-
pyläen-Weltgeschichte, Berlin 1962: II, 525–532, and, in greater detail,
Kamada Shigeo , Shin–Kan seiji seido no kenkyø
, Tokyo 1962: 152–164 (sect. II, ch. 1: The official organisation
of the kingdoms ); 188–231 (ch. 3: The Han court's repressive
policy against the kingdoms ); and 244–272 (ch. 4:
The kingdoms during the Later Han ).
(DE GROOT 1926: 125)
Nur die Verheiratung der chinesischen Prinzessin (s. S. 32) ist ausführlicher beschrieben [als in SJ 123], und zwar wie folgt:
... Mit tausend Pferden bezahlte ¶–sun die Braut, und in der Periode Juan–fung (110–104 v.Chr.)
wurde Si–kiün , die Tochter des Königs Ki¥n von Kiang–tu , als kaiserliche Prinzessin
hingeschickt, um dort als Hauptfrau die Ehe einzugehen.
— 161 —
HS 3903 (96B.2a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 148)
The presents included imperial carriages, wearing ap-
parel and equipment for imperial use. There was es-
tablished for her an official staff, and a complement of
1
several hundred eunuchs and serving attendants
, and she was sent off with a very rich store of
gifts.
The K'un–mo of Wu–sun appointed her to be a Lady of
2
the Right . The Hsiung–nu similarly
sent a girl to be a wife for the K'un–mo, who appointed
3
her to be a Lady of the Left .
1. Serving attendant, ›shih–yü‹ ; cf. Wilbur 1943: 70–71 and 377.
2. ›Yu fu–jen‹ . ›Fu–jen‹ is a general term for mem-
bers of the imperial harem (HSPC 97A.2a) and for wives of nobles
(HSPC 4.13a, = Dubs,. HFHD I, 1938: 250).
3. The Hsiung–nu seem to have esteemed the left higher than the
right (the heir apparent was , “ ›t'u–ch'i‹ king of the
left”, HSPC 94A.7a; for ›t'u–ch'i‹ , perhaps + the ancestral form
of Turkish ›tegin‹, “prince”*, see Pulleyblank 1962: 123 and 257), and
the Wu–sun seem to have done the same; being under the control
of the Hsiung–nu, the woman they had given him in marriage
necessarily became the First (Left) Lady, whereas the Chinese
“ princess” had to be content with the second place, viz. on the
right.
(DE GROOT 1926: 125)
Der Kaiser schenkte ihr Wagen, Kleider, Diener und einen Vorrat von Ausrüstungsgegenständen und
einige hundert Beamte, Eunuchen und Aufwärter (Aufwärterinnen?); er rüstete sie also mit Geschen-
ken in Hülle und Fülle aus. Der Kun–bok von ¶–sun machte sie zu seiner rechten Gemahlin, und als
dann Hung–nª ebenfalls eine Tochter schickte als Gemahlin des Kun–bok, machte der Kun–bok diese
zur linken Gemahlin.
— 162 —
HS 3903 (96B.2a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 148)
When the princess reached the state (of Wu–sun), she
had buildings constructed for her residence. Once or
twice a year she had a meeting with the K'un–mo,
when a banquet was set out, and she presented the
noblemen who attended the king with valuables and
silk.
The K'un–mo was old, and (he and the princess) had no
verbal communication. In her deep sorrow the princess
1
composed a song for herself which ran:
1. For this type of verse see J. P. Diény, Aux sources de la poésie
chinoise, Leiden 1968: 45–46. This poem has been translated by
Burton Watson, Early Chinese Literature, New York 1962: 288.
— 163 —
HS 3903 (96B.2a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 148–149)
My parents they have wed me, My dwelling's vast and dreary, My mind with thoughts is burden'd,
All helpless and undone, Deck'd with felt in place of silk; My heart with grief oppress'd;
In a distant alien kingdom, My daily food is flesh meat, Would that I was a yellow stork,
To the Monarch of Woo–sun. Accompanied with milk. I'd fly back to my nest.
— 164 —
HS 3903–3904 (96B.2a–2b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 149)
When the Son of Heaven heard this, he felt
pity for her, and every other year sent envoys
carrying drapes, brocades and embroideries to
supply her needs.
The K'un–mo was old and wished to have
his grandson the Ts'en–tsou married to the
princess . However, she would not consent,
and sent a written message (to the emperor) de-
scribing the state of affaires.
The Son of Heaven replied: + You should follow the
customs of the state. I wish to make common
cause with Wu–sun to destroy the Hu
(Hsiung–nu).*
The Ts'en–tsou then took the princess as a wife.
And when the K'un–mo died, the Ts'en–tsou was
established in his place.
— 165 —
HS 3904 (96B.2b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 149)
It is said:
+ (The term) ›Ts'en–tsou‹ is the title of an office,
1
and the man's name was Chün–hsü–mi . (The
term) ›K'un–mo‹ is the title of the king, whose
name was Lieh–chiao–mi .
Hereafter (the term) will be written ›K'un–mi‹ .*
The Ts'en–tsou was married to the princess of
Chiang–tu , and she bore one daughter named
2
Shao–fu .
1. Chün–hsü–mi ... The names of all Wu–sun rulers end in ›–mi‹.
Pulleyblank (1962: 227 and 1966: 29) ... suggests that this + may be
Tocharian A ›wäl‹, B ›walo‹, “ king”.*
2. Shao–fu would seem to be a normal Chinese name ...
(DE GROOT 1926: 126)
K'im–tsª war sein Amtstitel; sein Name lautete Kun–su–bi . Kun–bok war der Titel des Königs,
1
und sein Name war Lap–kiao–bi ; später wird Kun–bi geschrieben. Als der K'im–tsª die
kaiserliche Prinzessin von Kiang–tu geheiratet hatte, gebar sie ihm eine Tochter, Šao–hu .
1. Unten werden wir noch acht Benennungen von ¶–sun'schen Fürsten mit ›–bi‹ am Ende antreffen. Es scheint also dieses
Wort ein Titel zu sein, der auch einen Teil vom Titel Kun–bi ausmacht. Da nun dieses Kun–bi auch als Kun–bok transkribiert
ist, scheint die Grundform auf ›ch‹ ausgelautet zu haben, welches das Chinesische nicht besitzt, und somit bei der Wieder-
gabe entweder wegfallen oder durch ›k‹ ersetzt werden mußte. Das führt zur Annahme, daß es sich hier um ein Wort handelt,
das dem türkischen ›b¥ch‹ oder ›b¥g‹, vielleicht sogar dessen Form ›bej‹ entspricht. ›Kun‹ wird dann wohl ein Adjektivum
sein. Vgl. Marquart, ›Über das Volkstum der Komanen‹, S. 69.
— 166 —
HS 3904 (96B.2b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 149–150)
At the death of the princess, Han for a second time ap-
pointed a princess to be wife of the Ts'en–tsou, in the
person of Chieh–yu , granddaughter of Wu ,
1
king of Ch'u .
Ni–mi , son of the Ts'en–tsou's nomad [wört-
lich: Hu = Hsiung–nu] wife, was still young.
And when the Ts'en–tsou was about to die, he made
over his state to Weng–kuei–mi , son of his
father's younger brother, the ›Ta–lu‹ , saying
that the state was to be given to Ni–mi as soon as he
reached majority.
After his accession Weng–kuei–mi was called ›Fei‹ (the
2
fat) king .
In his turn he was wedded to Chieh–yu , princess
of Ch'u , who bore three sons and two daughters.
1. Liu Wu , king of Ch'u between 174 and 154 B.C., when he
committed suicide due to the failure of the rebellion of the kings in
which he had participated; cf. HSPC 36.3b and HSPC 5.4a–b,
HFHD I: 314.
2. ›Fei wang‹ ... as Yang Shu–ta (1955: 599) remarks, the
“Fat King” and the “ Mad King” were names used by the Chinese.
(DE GROOT 1926: 126–127)
Die Prinzessin starb, und Han erhob darauf Kiai–ju , eine Enkelin von Mou , dem König von
Tš'u , zur kaiserlichen Prinzessin und gab sie dem K'im–tsª als Hauptfrau. Der Le(Ni)–bi ,
Sohn des K'im–tsª von der Hu'schen Gemahlin, war noch jung. Als der K'im–tsª dem Tode nahe war,
gab er das Reich dem Ong–kui–bi , dem Sohne des Ta–lok, der ein jüngerer Bruder seines
Vaters war (s. S. 27), jedoch unter der Bedingung, er solle es dem Le–bi abgeben, wenn dieser groß
sein würde. Als Ong–kui–bi die Regierung angetreten hatte, nannte man ihn den ›fettleibigen König‹
. Er heiratete Kiai–ju, die Prinzessin von Tš'u, und sie gebar ihm drei Söhne und zwei Töchter.
— 167 —
HS 3904–3905 (96B.2b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 150)
The eldest son was called Yüan–kuei–mi ;
the second, by name Wan–nien , became king of
So–chü ;
1
and the third, by name Ta–lo , was Supreme
Leader of the Left .
Ti–shih , the elder daughter, became the wife of
Chiang–pin , king of Ch'iu–tz'u , and Su–
2
kuang , the younger daughter, became the wife
of the Hsi–hou Jo–hu .
In the time of Emperor Chao , the princess sent a
written message (to the emperor) saying:
+ The Hsiung–nu have called out cavalry to work the
land at Chü–shih .
1. Ta–lo ... “ Great Joy”. In spite of its being meaningful, this name
does not appear to be Chinese, similar constructions being un-
known.
2. Su–kuang ... might perhaps be a Chinese name: “ plain-silk bril-
liance”.
(DE GROOT 1926: 127)
Der älteste Sohn hieß Goan–kui–bi ; der zweite war Wan–ni¥n , der König von Sa–ku
wurde (s. S. 115); der dritte, Ta–lo' , wurde linker Generalissimus. Die älteste Tochter, Te–si ,
wurde die Gemahlin von Kang–pin , dem König von Ku–ts°; die jüngste, Sª–kong , wurde
die Gemahlin des Jabgu (von?) D{ok–hª ...
— 168 —
HS 3905 (96B.2b–3a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 150–151)
Chü–shih and the Hsiung–nu are forming
a single unit to attack Wu–sun in concert. Only
the Son of Heaven is in a position to save Wu–
sun.*
Han was rearing horses for military (use); and after
taking counsel (the government) decided to attack the
Hsiung–nu, but at that juncture Emperor Chao died.
1
As soon as Emperor Hsüan had acceded the
throne, the princess and the K'un–mi both
sent envoys with letters saying:
+ The Hsiung–nu have time and again sent out large
forces to penetrate and attack Wu–sun and have taken
2
the lands of Chü–yen and Wu–shih , re-
moving the inhabitants. They have sent envoys order-
ing Wu–sun to bring the princess with all speed, and
3
they wish (Wu–sun) to sever relations with Han.
1. HSPC 70.2a dates the next event more precisely at 72 B.C. and
includes the further detail that Ch'ang Hui was sent in that year
as an envoy to Wu–sun.
2. The same information occurs in HSPC 70.2a and 94A.29a = ›Urkun-
den‹ I: 192 ff., where de Groot identifies this place with Kucha.
3. A practically identical version of this passage occurs in the biogra-
phy of Ch'ang Hui, HS 70.2b–3a.
(DE GROOT 1926: 127)
Hierauf erzählt der Text den Anlaß und Hergang des großen Krieges, der im Jahre 71 [v.Chr.] von Han und ¶–sun gemeinschaft-
lich gegen Hung–nª geführt wurde, und zwar in genau demselben Wortlaut wie die Biographie des Šang Hui, bloß mit einigen
unbedeutenden Auslassungen. Da der bezügliche Teil dieser Biographie bereits auf S. 198 f. des ersten Teiles übersetzt ist,
braucht er hier nicht nochmals wiedergegeben zu werden.
— 169 —
HS 3905 (96B.3a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 151)
The K'un–mi is willing to put half the state's best troops
in the field; he will himself produce 50000 cavalry, men
and horses, and will exert his strength to the utmost to
1
attack the Hsiung–nu. It rests only with the Son of
Heaven to send out a force so as to save the princess
and the K'un–mi.*
Han called out a large force which amounted to
150000 cavalry, with five generals setting out by sepa-
rate routes at the same time. A description is given in
2 3
the chapter on the Hsiung–nu [HS 94A]. Ch'ang Hui
, a colonel, was sent with emblems of authority to act
as protector of the forces of Wu–sun.
The ›K'un–mi‹ took personal command of 50000 cavalry
(led by) the Hsi–hou , and lesser (officers), and
made his way from the western side into the court of
4
the Lu–li king of the right .
1. Cf. HSPC 8.6a HFHD II: 211–212; cf. also HSPC 94A.29a ff. (de Groot,
Chinesische Urkunden I, 1921: 192 ff.) which contains a detailed
description of the campaign.
2. Cf. HSPC 94A.29a ff. (de Groot, Chinesische Urkunden I, 1921: 192)
and HSPC 8.5b–6a (Dubs, HFHD II, 1944: 211 ff.).
3. For Ch'ang Hui see HSPC 70.2b–3b, and 17.28b, and cf. de Groot,
Chinesische Urkunden I: 197–199. He was ennobled on a day cor-
responding with 23 May 70 B.C. and died aged about 80 in 47 B.C.
He held the post of Superintendent of the Dependent States (Tien
shu–kuo) for periods which are unidentified.
4. Fu Ch'ien [125–195 n.Chr.] in commenting HSPC 8.20b says
that , normally ›ku‹, is to be pronounced like , i.e. ›lu‹ (adopt-
ed by Dubs, HFHD II, 1944: 253 and note 20.7) ...
(DE GROOT 1926: 127)
–––
— 170 —
HS 3905 (96B.3a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 151–152)
1
He took prisoner a paternal relative of the
Shan–yü and his sister-in-law , noble wo-
2 3
men , famous kings and 40000 men includ-
ing the commandant of Li–wu , chiefs of the thou-
sands and leaders of cavalry, in addition to over
700000 head of horse, cattle, sheep, asses and camels.
The (men of) Wu–sun themselves took all their booty
away.
On his return (Ch'ang) Hui was invested with the
title of noble of Ch'ang–lo ;
(these events occurred) in the third year of (the reign-
period) ›pen–shih‹ (71 B.C.).
Han sent (Ch'ang) Hui with gold and valuables as pre-
sents for the Wu–sun noblemen who had served
with merit.
1. ›Fu–hang‹ has been translated as “ paternal relative”, i.e. a
member of the generation of the father of the shan–yü, in view of
SC 120.15 (HSPC 50.15a).
2. ›Chü–tz'u‹ ... is the title for wives of kings and nobles, acc. to
HSPC 94B.9b, hence our translation “ noble women”.
3. “Famous” is not, as might be believed at first sight, a mistake
for “ Right” ... Yen Shih–ku explains, that the term
means kings who had a great reputation , to distinguish
them from the lesser kings (Dubs, HFHD II, 1944: 243, note 17.10).
(DE GROOT 1926: 127)
–––
(WYLIE 1882: 88)
where he captured the paternal relatives of the Shen–yu, the sister-in-law and her companions,
famous princes, Le–han, Protector General, colonels, cavalry generals and subordinates, in all
40,000 prisoners, and over 700,000 horses, oxen, sheep, mules, and sumpter camels. The Woo–sun party
returned with their captives and booty. And Chang Hwuy was promoted to be Marquis of Chang–lo.
These events took place in the year B.C. 71. Chang Hwuy was sent with presents of gold and silks to
those of the Woo–sun nobles and others, who had distinguished themselves by their military prowess.
— 171 —
HS 3905 (96B.3a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 152)
In the second year of (the reign-period) ›yüan–k'ang‹
(64 B.C.) the K'un–mi of Wu–sun availed himself
(of the service of Ch'ang) Hui to send a letter (to the
emperor).
He wished to have Yüan–kuei–mi , whose
grandmother had been of Han, appointed as his heir,
and to be able to bring about a further marriage with a
Han princess so as to strengthen family ties
.
He would turn his back (on former loyalties) and make
a complete break with the Hsiung–nu, and would be
willing to provide marriage gifts of a thousand horses
and mules each.
It was commanded that the senior minister of state
should consider the matter.
— 172 —
HS 3905 (96B.3a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 152)
1
Hsiao Wang–chih , the Superintendent of State
2
visits , took the view that Wu–sun was
situated in a remote, isolated region; it would therefore
be difficult to guard against untoward events, and (the
request) should not be granted.
The emperor thought highly of the great service re-
cently rendered by the Wu–sun, and, moreover, took a
3
serious view of relinquishing the work of his forebears.
So he sent an envoy to go to Wu–sun, to take prior de-
livery of the marriage gifts .
1. For the place of Hsiao Wang–chih (c.110–46 B.C.) in Han politics ...
see Loewe 1974: 147–149 and 158 f. He was appointed ›ta–hung–lu‹
in 61 B.C.; his advice ... is given in extenso in HSPC 78.6a–b.
2. Among the leading ministers was the ›Superintendent of State
Visits‹, whose title was originally ›Tien–k'o‹ ; in 144 B.C. this
was changed to ›Ta–hsing ling‹ , which was again altered
to ›Ta–hung–lu‹ in 104 B.C., cf. HFHD I: 233 ... for the tra-
ditional explanation of the latter term see Maspero and Balázs
1967: 61, note 2 ...
3. is “ the ancient heritage”, “ the legacy of one's forebears”, in
other words: the work of the former emperors. The latter, i.e. in
particular emperor Wu, had established and consolidated rela-
tions with Wu–sun; hence emperor Hsüan “ took a serious view of
relinquishing the ancient heritage”.
(DE GROOT 1926: 127)
Siao Wang–tši (s. S. 117), der Minister für die Bewirtung und Behandlung der unterworfenen Barbaren
, vertrat die Meinung, daß ¶–sun ein weitentlegenes Land und deshalb schwer gegen Verän-
derungen der bestehenden Verhältnisse zu schützen sei; es könne ihm also keine Prinzessin verspro-
chen werden. Jedoch der Kaiser war sehr für ¶–sun eingenommen wegen der großen Verdienste, die
es sich vor kurzem (im Feldzug gegen Hung–nª) erworben hatte, und es fiel ihm schwer, das früher
(durch Verehelichung) gestiftete Verhältnis wieder zu lösen. Er schickte somit eine Gesandtschaft
nach ¶–sun, um den Kaufpreis in Empfang zu nehmen.
— 173 —
HS 3905 (96B.3a–3b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 152–153)
The K'un–mi and the heir apparent , toge-
ther with the supreme leaders of the Left and Right
and the commandant all sent an em-
bassy, consisting of altogether more than 300 persons,
1
to come to Han to fetch the princess (for her
marriage).
2
The emperor thereupon appointed Hsiang–fu ,
(daughter of) the younger brother of Chieh–yu ,
princess of Wu–sun , to be the princess .
1. Here, as well as in HS 78.6a–b, the text does not contain the nor-
mal word for “ princess”, viz. ›kung–chu‹ , but the term
›shao–chu‹ , which Su Lin (fl. 196–227) explains as
, “a woman (girl) of the imperial house”, in other words, a
girl of the Liu clan, and not necessarily the daughter of an
emperor.
2. ›Hsiang–fu‹ ... looks like a Chinese name ... In view of the context
she was the granddaughter of the king of Ch'u, Liu Wu ...
(DE GROOT 1926: 127)
Und der Kun–bi, der Kronprinz, der linke und der rechte Generalissimus und der Generalkommandant
schickten über dreihundert Boten nach Han, um die junge Prinzessin zu holen. Nun erhob der Kaiser
die Šang–hu, ein Kind des jüngeren Bruders der ¶–sun'schen Prinzessin Kiai–ju (s. S. 126) zur kaiser-
lichen Prinzessin,
— 174 —
HS 3905 (96B.3b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 153)
He established an official staff and a complement of
over 100 serving attendants, who were lodged in the
1
Shang–lin (Park) to study the language of the
Wu–sun.
The Emperor attended in person at the P'ing–lo
2
Lodge . He called a meeting of the Hsiung–nu
envoys and the leading chiefs of the outer states, and
3
after a display of wrestling and a musical enter-
tainment sent the party on their way.
1. Shang–lin Park , an extensive area, originally established
as the emperor's hunting ground by emperor Wu, with palaces and
lodges; see Yves Hervouet, Un poète de cour sous les Han, Sseu–ma
Siang–jou, Paris 1964: 222–231 ... cf. also HSPC 19A.19b for its
organisation.
2. P'ing–lo kuan, the ›Lodge of Peace and Joy‹, was one of the estab-
lishments in the Shang–lin Park.
3. ›Chiao–ti‹, usually rendered by “wrestling” or “competitive games”.
The annals report the holding of ›chiao–ti‹ games at court, as well
as their abolition in 44 B.C. (see e.g. HSPC 6.27b and 9.6a; Dubs,
HFHD II, 1944: 92 and 314) ...
(DE GROOT 1926: 127–128)
stellte für sie eine Beamten- und Dienerschaft von mehr als hundert Personen an und ließ sie in Šang–
1
lin wohnen, um da die ¶–sun'sche Sprache zu erlernen. Der Sohn des Himmels in höchsteige-
ner Person begab sich nach dem Aussichtsgebäude des Friedensgenusses , ließ daselbst die
Gesandten von Hung–nª und die Fürsten und Großen des Auslandes zusammenkommen und große
Kampfspiele und Konzerte aufführen.
1. ›Šang–lin‹, der “Oberwald” (?), war nach Kap. 4 des San fu huang–t'u , “ Schriften über die kaiserlichen Besitzun-
gen in den drei anliegenden Marken der Reichshauptstadt” (vgl. S. 29 f.), ein ehemaliger Park der Ts'in-Dynastie. Er enthielt
aus allen Reichsteilen zusammengebrachte Baumarten und fremde Tiergattungen, auf welche die Kaiser im Herbst und im
Winter Jagd machten.
— 175 —
HS 3905–3906 (96B.3b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 153–154)
1
1 (Ch'ang Hui , ) the noble of Ch'ang–lo and
2
counsellor of the Palace, was appointed deputy
3
(envoy) and altogether four men bearing credentials
escorted the princess as far as Tun–huang
.
But before they had passed beyond the defence lines it
was reported that Weng–kuei–mi , the K'un–mi
of the Wu–sun, had died, and that the noblemen of
Wu–sun had together complied with the original
agreement, establishing Ni–mi , son of the
Ts'en–tsou , to be K'un–mi in his place; he was en-
4
titled ›K'uang Wang‹ (the Mad King).
1. As Ch'ien Ta–chao (1744–1813) rightly points out, of the
text should be corrected to in view of HSPC 17.28b, 70.3a and
94A.29a.
2. ›Ta–fu‹ , lit. “ great men”; Dubs, HFHD passim, renders this
term as “ Grandee”. In the Han institutions there were various
types of ›ta–fu‹, which we have rendered as “ counsellor” ... For
further details see HSPC 19A.8b–9a, and cf. Wang Yü–ch'üan in
›Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies‹ 12, 1949: 153 ...
3. No reason is given in the text to explain why Ch'ang Hui was
appointed deputy and not chief envoy.
4. The “Mad King”: this, like the “ Fat King”, was undoubtedly a Chi-
nese appellation.
(DE GROOT 1926: 128)
Als er die Prinzessin fortschickte, wies er ihr Šang Hui, den Lehnsfürsten von Tš'ang–lo und Großwesir-
Intendanten der Palastpforten, als Adjutant zu. Im ganzen bildeten vier diplomführende Männer das
1
Geleit der Prinzessin. So reiste man nach Tun–hong. Aber ehe man dort die befestigte Grenze über-
schritten hatte, kam die Nachricht, daß Ong–kui–bi, der Kun–bi von ¶–sun, gestorben war, und die
Großen von ¶–sun, gemäß der zur Zeit gemachten Vereinbarung (s. S. 127), den Le–bi, Sohn des K'im–
tsª, zum Kun–bi erhoben hatten. Dieser wurde der tolle König genannt.
1. Nach der Biographie von Siao Wang–tši in Kap. 78 des Ts'i¥n Han–šu [HS 78] fand die Ausreise im 2. Jahre der Periode
›Š¥n–tsio'‹ statt, d.h. 60 v.Chr.
— 176 —
HS 3906 (96B.3b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 154)
(Ch'ang) Hui reported in writing (to the emperor)
suggesting that the princess should be detained at
Tun–huang and that he himself should proceed
on horseback with all speed to Wu–sun where he would
reproach (the noblemen) for not establishing Yüan–
kuei–mi as the K'un–mi.
He would then return and fetch the princess .
The matter was referred to the senior ministers of state
, and (Hsiao) Wang–chih again took the
view that Wu–sun's attitude was equivocal, and that it
was impossible to enter into an agreement with (that
state).
Previously a princess had been in Wu–sun for over forty
years; (in spite of) the favour and kindness (shown to
Wu–sun), an intimate friendship had not been created
and the border lands had not attained a state of peace.
This was the evidence of the events of the past.
— 177 —
HS 3906 (96B.3b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 154)
The return of the princess at the present juncture, when
Yüan–kuei–mi had not been established (as
K'un–mi), would involve no breach of faith towards the
barbarians and would be a fortunate matter for China.
But if the princess were not kept back, conscripts would
1
be called up for service (...) such action starting from
this incident.
The Son of Heaven followed this advice, and
summoned the princess for recall.
1. The text seems to be incomplete in view of the ›non-sequitur‹; it is
to be noted, however, that the Chinese commentators have no re-
marks to make and that the identical passage — again uncom-
mented — occurs in Hsiao Wang–chih's biography, HSPC 78.6b.
(DE GROOT 1926: 128–129)
Kehrt die Prinzessin jetzt zurück, weil Goan–kui–bi nicht zur Regierung kommt, so ist es dem Barba-
rentum gegenüber wirklich kein Vertragsbruch, dagegen wohl ein Segen für das Reich der Mitte. Denn,
gibt sie ihre Reise dorthin nicht auf, dann wird ihr nur die Lage der Dienstbarkeit beschieden sein,
welche hieraus entstehen muß.* Der Sohn des Himmels folgte seinem Rat und entschied, man sollte
die Prinzessin wieder zurückbringen.
— 178 —
HS 3906 (96B.3b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 154)
The Mad King was in his turn married to Chieh–
yu , princess of Ch'u , who bore one son
Ch'ih–mi . (The Mad King) did not live in a state
of amity with the princess; in addition he was
oppressive and wicked and lost the goodwill of the
people.
1
When the Han envoy, the guard's major Wei Ho–i
2
and the deputy , the captain Jen Ch'ang
, escorted (back to Wu–sun) the son who had
3
served as an attendant (in Han), the princess said that
the Mad King was a source of distress and suffering to
Wu–sun and could easily be punished.
1. Nothing further is known about Wei Ho–i.
2. He was ›fu‹, “ Assistant” to the main person in charge, viz. Wei
Ho–i. Nothing further is known about Jen Ch'ang.
4. Although there is no previous mention of the Wu–sun sending a son
of the ruler to the capital, this passage shows that they, like the
other kingdoms, sent sons of the ruler to the Chinese court as
hostages ...
(DE GROOT 1926: 129)
Der tolle König heiratete Kiai–ju, die Prinzessin von Tš'u, und sie gebar ihm einen Sohn, Ts'i–bi .
Er konnte aber mit der Prinzessin nicht harmonieren und entfremdete sich auch das Volk durch Grau-
samkeit und Bösartigkeit. Da brachten der Gesandte von Han, Wei Huo–i , Marshall der Gar-
de, und sein Adjunkt, der Inspizient D{en Tš'ang , den Sohn, der im kaiserlichen persönlichen
Dienst gewesen war, zurück. Die Prinzessin sprach zu ihnen: + Der tolle König ist den ¶–sun ein Ekel
und Ärgernis; ihr könnt ihn also leicht ums Leben bringen.*
— 179 —
HS 3906 (96B.3b–4a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 154–155)
A plot was then laid out for a banquet to be set out;
at the conclusion of the gathering a soldier was to
be sent in to draw his sword and strike the king.
The sword (struck him) on his side, and the Mad
King , though wounded, mounted his horse
and galloped off.
His son Hsi–shen–sou assembled troops
and surrounded (Wei) Ho–i, (Jen) Ch'ang and the
princess in the town of Ch'ih–ku .
Several months later Cheng Chi , the pro-
tector general , called out forces of the va-
rious states to relieve them, and they were then set
free.
— 180 —
HS 3906 (96B.4a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 155)
Han sent Chang Tsun , leader of the gentlemen of
1
the palace , to take medicines to cure the Mad
King and give him a present of 20 ›chin‹ of gold
and coloured silks .
Using the opportunity to take (Wei) Ho–i and
(Jen) Ch'ang in custody, he had them bound in
2
chains and sent in a criminals' van from Wei–li
to Ch'ang–an , where they were beheaded.
1. ›Chung–lang chiang‹ , “ leader or general” , “ of the Pa-
lace” , “ Gentlemen-in-waiting” ; these ›lang‹ were men —
mostly, but not necessarily young men — who served in the office
of the palace, hence their name; see HSPC 19A.9b, and Yen
Keng–wang , Bulletin of the Institute of History and
Philology of the Academia Sinica 23, 1951, p. 89–143.
Chang Tsun is further unknown.
2. For this type of vehicle see Ch. S. Goodrich, TP 61, 1975: 215–231.
(DE GROOT 1926: 129)
Han schickte den Hofindendanten und General Tšang Tsun mit Arzneien zum tollen
König, um ihn zu heilen und zwanzig Pfund Gold und mehrfarbige Seide zu schenken, und durch seine
Vermittlung wurden Wei Huo–i and D{¥n Tš'ang in Haft genommen und in Fesseln geschlagen. Von
Ut–li (Kurla) aus führte man sie auf Karren in Käfigen nach Tš'ang–ngan, wo sie enthauptet
wurden.
— 181 —
HS 3906 (96B.4a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 155)
Chang Weng , aide-in-chief of the general of char-
1
iots and cavalry , was left to investi-
gate the case of the plot of the princess and the
envoys to kill the Mad King .
2
The princess did not admit to the charge and,
striking her head on the ground, denied complicity.
Chang Weng seized her head (by the hair) and roundly
reviled her.
The princess sent in a written report, and on his return
(Chang) Weng was brought up on a charge and put to
death.
1. Some of the “army leaders” or generals , were posts created
for a special campaign, others were established permanently. The
one in question, viz. the General of the Chariots and Cavalry,
ranked third in the hierarchy. All generals had a ›ch'ang–shih‹
, “ senor sribe”, in their staff; see HSPC 19A.6b. For the de-
velopment of the command structure during the Former Han see
Õba Osamu , Zen–Kan no shõgun , in:
Tõyõshi kenkyø 26, 1968: 452–496. The war-chariot was no longer
used since early Han times (see Yang Hung , Wen–wu
1977/5: 89), but the ancient title remained unchanged. — Chang
Weng is further unknown.
2. For ›fu‹ , “ to admit (to the charge)”, in other words: to confess,
see A. F. P. Hulsewé, Remnants of Han Law, 1955: I, 77.
(DE GROOT 1926: 129)
Der Untergouverneur Tšang W¥ng , General der Wagen und Reiter, blieb noch zurück, um
hinsichtlich des von der Prinzessin und den Gesandten auf den tollen König verübten Mordanschlags
Untersuchungen anzustellen. Die Prinzessin bekannte nichts; als sie sich dann auf die Knie warf und,
mit der Stirn auf dem Boden, sich entschuldigte, faßte Tšang W¥ng sie unter Schimpf- und Schelt-
worten am Kopf. Die Prinzessin schrieb das dem Kaiser, und Tšang W¥ng wurde nach seiner Heim-
kehr zum Tode verurteilt.
— 182 —
HS 3906–3907 (96B.4a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 155–156)
Chi Tu , a deputy envoy, separately brought a
physician to attend the Mad King , who, accom-
panied by over ten horsemen, escorted him back.
On his return (Chi) Tu was charged with knowing that
1
the Mad King merited punishment by death and fail-
ing to take any action, despite seeing an opportunity to
do so. He was sent down to the silkworm house
2
(for castration).
At the time when the Mad King had been wounded,
3
Wu–chiu–t'u son of Weng–kuei–mi ,
the Fat King , and his nomad [Hsiung–nu]
wife, had been frightened, and had made off with the
various Hsi–hou to live in the northern hills.
1. For this translation of ›tang‹ , see Hulsewé, Remnants of Han
Law (RHL), Leiden 1955: I, 80–81.
2. For this punishment see Hulsewé 1955: I, 127.
3. For a reference to Wu–chiu–t'u in Han archive material, see M. Loe-
we, Records of the Han administration, 1967: II, 245 f.
(DE GROOT 1926: 129–130)
Auch der Adjunktgesandte Ki Tu versorgte und behandelte den tollen König mit Arzneien, und
dieser ließ ihn auf seiner Heimreise von mehr als zehn Reitern begleiten. Bei der Heimkehr wurde ihm
zur Last gelegt, er habe davon gewußt, daß der tolle König ermordet werden würde, dennoch die Sa-
che nicht enthüllt, obwohl sich die Gelegenheit dazu geboten hätte. Er wurde deshalb zu den Seiden-
1
raupenkammern erniedrigt. ¶–tsiu–t'ª , ein Sohn des fettleibigen Königs Ong–kui–bi von der
Hu'schen Gemahlin, hatte sich bei der Verwundung des tollen Königs mit den Jabgus erschreckt aus
dem Staube gemacht und hielt sich in Pe'–šan auf.
1. D.h. er wurde entmannt und Eunuch im Harem.
— 183 —
HS 3907 (96B.4a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 156)
He gave out that Hsiung–nu troops of his mother's
family were coming, and as a result large numbers
attached themselves to his cause. In a surprise attack
he later killed the Mad King and set himself up
as K'un–mi .
1
Han sent Hsin Wu–hsien , general of the
P 'o–ch'iang (conquest of the Ch'iang), to lead a
force of 15000 men to Tun–huang .
1. For Hsin Wu–hsien, a military officer during the first half of the
first century B.C., especially active in fighting the Ch'iang, see
HS 69. As indicated by Shih Chih–mien (
, Hongkong 1961: 350), these events occurred in 55 B.C.
(DE GROOT 1926: 130)
Von dort aus verbreitete er die Nachricht, daß die Kriegsmacht der Hung–nª, von denen er durch seine
Mutter herstammte, kommen würde, und er erreichte damit, daß das Volk sich ihm anschloß. Dann
griff er den tollen König an, brachte ihn ums Leben und setzte sich selbst als Kun–bi auf den Thron.
Nun schickte Han den Sin Wu–hi¥n , den General, der die K'iong geschlagen hatte ,
mit einer Armee von 15000 Mann nach Tun–hong
(WYLIE 1882: 90)
There giving out the report that the Heung–noo troops of his mother's tribe were coming to his support,
multitudes were induced to rally round his standard. After this, when he had gathered strength, he
made a sudden incursion on the old country, killed the Mad King, and set himself up as Kw£n–me.
China then sent the Po–keang General Sin Woo–heen, in command of 15,000 troops, to Tun–hwang.
(BITSCHURIN/SCHOTT in RITTER 1837: 620)
Er verbreitete nun das Gerücht, es sey ein Hiongnu-Heer im Anmarsch; worauf das Volk sich um ihn
versammelte. Nun überfiel er den Kuang Wang unvermuthet, tödtete ihn und schwang sich selbst auf
den Thron. Nun wurde der chinesische General Sin wu sian gegen ihn mit 15,000 Mann nach Tün hoang
zu Felde geschickt.
— 184 —
HS 3907 (96B.4a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 156)
And messengers were sent to reconnoitre, mark out the
courses and dig (for water) to the west of the
1
Pei–ti–hou Wells .
2
They wished to construct water-channels for the
transport of grain, so that this could be accumulated
3
and stored in the Chü–lu Granary in order to
defeat (Wu–chiu–t'u).
1. Pei–ti–hou Wells. A ›hou‹ is a defence post, either a small fort
or a watchtower. Pei–ti is evidently a non-Chinese word ...
2. Usage in HSPC 29.3a–4b shows that or is the techni-
cal term for “ to dig (or construct) canals”.
Meng K'ang [one of the ancient commentators in HS 96]
believed that the words + west of the Pei–ti–hou Wells* referred to
+ the Six Communicating Canals of Ta–ching* ; and
Hsü Sung believed he could identify these with remains
visible in the Hala-nor area where, early in the 19th century, six ca-
nals ran from the Tang River to the Su–lo. But this is conjec-
tural ...
However, it would seem that in the present instance actual canals
for the transport of grain are meant.
3. The Chü–lu Granary, ›Chü–lu ts'ang‹ ...
Kazuo Enoki, Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo
Bunko 22, 1963: 146 f., referring to Chavannes 1905: 529–531, has de-
monstrated that this granary was located to the east of the White
Dragon Mounds , between these dunes and the San–lung
sha (Three Dragon Desert) ...
[HS-Kommentator Meng K'ang schreibt in seiner Anmerkung
an dieser Stelle bereits:
+ ... befanden sich im Osten der Weiß-Drachen-Hügel ...* cmd]
(DE GROOT 1926: 130)
und den Gesandten Ngan Hing–piao nach dem Lande westlich des Brunnens des Lehns-
fürsten von Pi–te , um einen Kanal zu graben, Getreide zu versenden und in Scheunen bei den
Wohnhäusern aufzuspeichern, alles für den Krieg gegen ¶–tsiu–t'ª.
— 185 —
HS 3907 (96B.4a–4b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 157)
Feng Liao , an attendant serving the princess of
Ch'u , had been competent at the official style of
1
writing and was well-versed in (official) busi-
ness.
Once, carrying emblems of Han (authority), she had
been sent on behalf of the princess to present gifts to
the various towns, and all the states held her in esteem
and trust. She was entitled ›Lady Feng‹ and
was the wife of the supreme leader of the right
of Wu–sun .
The supreme leader of the right was an intimate friend
of Wu–chiu–t'u .
1. ›Shih shu‹, “the official style of writing”; we prefer this rendering to
Dubs' term “clerkly writing”, because it is evidently not the style or
formation of the characters that are meant, but the style of the
language (cf. Dubs, HFHD II, 1944: 339 ff.). “ Competent at the
official style of writing” may not have implied much more than the
ability to read — and perhaps to write — the documentary style.
Daffinà, TP 1982: 331 —
+ ... to the various towns, and all the states ...*
Why so? is a stock expression ... it occurs also in
96B.2a (p. 144) where it has been correctly translated: + ... the vari-
ous states of the walled towns ...*
(DE GROOT 1926: 130)
Eine Dienerin der kaiserlichen Prinzessin von Tš'u (d.h. der Kiai–ju), namens Fung Liao , ver-
stand sich auf die Schreibkunst und war in allerhand Dingen bewandert. Sie hatte, Diplome von Han
führend, als Gesandte der Prinzessin, Belohnungen und Geschenke nach den ummauerten Städten
(Turkistans) gebracht, und die Reiche daselbst kamen ihr mit Achtung und Vertrauen entgegen. Man
nannte sie die Dame Fung . Sie war die Gemahlin des rechten Generalissimus von ¶–sun.
Dieser war mit ¶–tsiu–t'ª innig befreundet.
— 186 —
HS 3907 (96B.4b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 157)
And Cheng Chi , the Protector General , sent
Lady Feng to urge Wu–chiu–t'u , as
Han troops were about to set out, and that as (the
state) would undoubtedly be destroyed, the best thing
to do would be to surrender.
Wu–chiu–t'u was afraid and said that he would like to
have a lesser title.
Emperor Hsüan summoned Lady Feng and asked
her personally about the situation.
— 187 —
HS 3907 (96B.4b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 157)
1
And he sent Chu Ts'u , the messenger ,
with Kan Yen–shou , the guardian of the
2
gate , as the deputy, to escort Lady Feng.
Lady Feng (rode in) a carriage decked in brocade
and carried emblems of authority , and it
was commanded that Wu–chiu–t'u should
proceed to the Noble of Ch'ang–lo at the
town of Ch'ih–ku .
Yüan–kuei–mi was established as the
Greater K'un–mi and Wu–chiu–t'u as the
Lesser K'un–mi , each one being presented
with seals and ribbons.
1. The ›yeh–che‹ were medium rank (“ comparable to
600 bushels”) court officials, whose functions were partly that
of a receptionist, partly that of a messenger (cf. HSPC
19A.10a).
Chu Tz'u is further unknown.
2. Gentleman-Guardsman of the Gate-Watchers, one of the mili-
tary formations of the ›lang‹ or Gentlemen, see HSPC
19A.10a–b. — Kan Yen–shou, whose brief biography occurs in
HS 70.4b–5a, was Protector General during the period
36–34 B.C. During this tenure of office he and Ch'en T'ang
defeated the Hsiung–nu leader Chih Chih in 36 B.C. (cf. Dubs,
HFHD II, 1944: 331; Daffinà, Rivista degli studi orientali 44,
Roma 1969: 199–232 and 325; and Loewe, Crisis and Conflict in
Han China, London 1974: 211–251), for which Kan Yen–shou
was ennobled as Noble of I–ch'eng on 14 June 33 B.C. (HSPC
17.31a). He died in 24 B.C.
(DE GROOT 1926: 130–131)
Danach gab er ihr den Gastempfänger Tšu' Ts'¥ und den Pfortenverwalter Kan
J¥n–šou (s. Teil I, S. 225 f.) als Adjutanten mit, und so brachte die Dame Fung in einem mit
Brokat verzierten Wagen und mit einem kaiserlichen Diplom versehen dem ¶–tsiu–t'ª den Befehl des
Kaisers, sich dem Lehnsfürsten von Tš'ang–lo (Šang Hui), zu begeben. In der Stadt Tš'ik–kok wurde
nunmehr Goan–kui–bi als Großer Kun–bi eingesetzt, und ¶–tsiu–t'ª als Kleiner Kun–bi. Beiden wurde
von Han ein Reichssiegel mit Siegeltuch verliehen.
— 188 —
HS 3907 (96B.4b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 157)
The general of P'o–Ch'iang (conquest of the
Ch'iang) returned without having passed outside the
defence lines.
Later Wu–chiu–t'u had not made a complete
restoration to the Hsi–hou of their people, and
Han again sent (Ch'ang) Hui , noble of Ch'ang–lo
, to lead three colonelcies to garrison Ch'ih–ku
.
— 189 —
HS 3907–3908 (96B.4b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 157–158)
He took the opportunity to divide the inhabitants
and lands for the Greater K'un–mi with
over 60000 households and for the Lesser
K 'un–mi with over 40000. However, the
affections of the majority lay with the Lesser
K'un–mi.
Yüan–kuei–mi and Ch'ih–mi both
fell ill and died and the princess sent a
written report to the effect that she was old and
her thoughts were with her homeland, and that
she would like to be able to bring her bones back
for burial in Han territory.
— 190 —
HS 3908 (96B.4b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 158)
1 The Son of Heaven felt pity for her and had
her fetched, and she arrived at the capital city
1
in company with her three grandchildren .
These events occurred in the third year of (the
reign-period) ›kan–lu‹ (51 B.C.).
At this time she was seventy years of age, and she
was presented with the lands, residences and
slaves usually given to a princess, and treated
very generously; and during court audiences the
2
ceremonial position which she occupied was
that of a princess .
It is said: + Two years later she died, and her three
grandchildren thereupon remained to keep watch
over her grave.*
1. Extant editions of HS read ›Wu–sun‹ , but it is clear
from the subsequent passage, the corresponding passage in
Han–chi (by Hsün Yüeh , 148–209) and the cita-
tion in TPYL that ›wu‹ is an interpolation. For the same
phenomenon see p. 189.
2. The word ›i‹ here implies the whole sphere of ceremonial
and material distinctions, including i.a. dress and its appur-
tenances, the type of conveyance, the number and kind of
accompanying articles and personnel, conduct when appear-
ing before the emperor etc.; ›pi kung–chu‹ , lit.
“comparable to a princess”, because she was in fact not the
daughter of an emperor.
(DE GROOT 1926: 131)
Der Sohn des Himmels bemitleidete sie und nahm sie wieder auf. So kam die Prinzessin mit drei
¶–sun'schen Söhnen und Töchtern in die Reichshauptstadt zurück. Dieses Jahr war das dritte der
Periode ›Kan–lu‹ (51 v.Chr.); sie hatte damals nahezu ihr siebzigstes Lebensjahr erreicht. Der
Kaiser schenkte ihr soviel Felder, Sklaven und Sklavinnen, wie einer kaiserlichen Prinzessin gebüh-
ren; für ihren Lebensunterhalt wurde mit freigebiger Hand gesorgt, und bei den Audienzen beobach-
tete man ihr gegenüber das für kaiserliche Prinzessinnen festgesetzte Zeremoniell. Zwei Jahre später
starb sie, und ihre drei Enkel blieben zur Versorgung ihres Grabes da.
— 191 —
HS 3908 (96B.4b–5a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 158)
Hsing–mi , son of Yüan–kuei–mi ,
became the Greater K'un–mi in his place;
but he was weak, and Lady Feng sent a
letter suggesting that she should be sent to Wu–sun
1 1
to support Hsing–mi. Han sent her there
2
2 with an escort of a hundred conscripts.
3
Han Hsüan , the Protector General ,
submitted a statement suggesting that the Su-
preme Official , the Ta–lu , and the Su-
preme Inspector should all be presented
4
with golden seals and purple ribbons
so as to provide honour and support for the Greater
K'un–mi.
And Han (the emperor) gave permission for
this.
1. The 1035 Ching–yu and the 1739 Palace editions read in-
stead of .
2. The word ›Wu–sun‹ is omitted in the translation, as in
the Ching–yu and other editions.
3. Han Hsüan held the post of Protector General between 48
and 46 B.C.
4. A number of the highest officials as well as the kings and no-
bles in the Chinese empire had gold seals and purple seal
ribbons; sometimes gold seals were given to rulers of foreign
kingdoms, like the kings of T'ien in present Yünnan province
and of ancient Japan.
This case appears exceptional in that gold seals are being
bestowed on officials below the king.
(DE GROOT 1926: 131–132)
Sing–bi , Sohn des Goan–kui–bi, trat an dessen Stelle als Groß-Kun–bi auf, Da er noch kraftlos
(jung) war, schrieb die Dame Fung dem Kaiser, er möchte einen ¶–sun mit der Vormundschaft über
Sing–bi beauftragen. Han sandte einen solchen mit hundert Kriegern als Begleitung bis ¶–sun. Der
Allgemeine Schutzherr Han Sü¥n schrieb dann dem Kaiser, er möchte dem ›Hauptbeamten‹,
dem Ta–lok und dem ›Hauptverwalter‹ von ¶–sun (vgl. S. 122) je ein goldenes Siegel mit rotem Siegel-
tuch verleihen und so die Würde dieser Stützen des Großen Kun–bi heben; Han bewilligte das.
(WYLIE 1882: 91–92)
Yuen–kwei–me's son, Sing–me, who succeeded his father as Great Kw£n–me, being of a feeble charac-
ter, the Lady Feng addressed a letter to the Court, expressing a desire that a protecting force for Sing–
me might be sent to Woo–sun. The Chinese, in reply, sent off a corps of a hundred troops as a present
to Woo–sun. The Governor General Han–seuen memorialised with a recommendation that the Ta–le,
Ta–luh, and Ta–keen of Woo–sun should each be invested with the golden seal and purple ribbon, as
a mark of honour to the assistants of the Great Kw£n–me. This request was acceded to.
(BITSCHURIN/SCHOTT in RITTER 1837: 621–622)
Siu mi, der Sohn des Yuan kui mi, wurde sein Nachfolger als Großer Kun mi. Die Dame Fung liao erbat
sich vom Hofe die Erlaubniß, nach Usun abgehen zu dürfen (sie hatte also wol ihre Gebieterin bis zu
ihrem Grabe als Gefährtin begleitet), um den jungen Prinzen auf seinem Throne zu befestigen. Man
gab ihr 100 chinesische Soldaten als Escorte mit. Der Generalinspector Chan siuan trug bei Hofe dar-
auf an, daß man den Groß-Würdenträgern von Usun goldne Spiegel an Purpurschnüren geben möchte,
um die Würde des Großen Kun mi zu erhöhen. Der Hof bewilligte dies.
— 192 —
HS 3908 (96B.5a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 158–159)
Later the Protector General Han Hsüan sub-
mitted a further statement to the effect that
Hsing–mi was cowardly and weak, and that
he should be dismissed; he should be replaced as
1
K'un–mi by his uncle Ta–lo , the supreme
leader of the left .
But Han did not give permission for this.
2
Later Tuan Hui–tsung was Protector
General and recalled those who had fled or
rebelled in order to have them settled.
At Hsing–mi's death, his son Tz'u–li–mi
took his place.
1. As shown by the commentators, especially by Yang Shu–ta
( , Peking 1955: 600), the word ›Ta‹
has been inadvertently omitted before ›lo‹ ...
2. For the biography of Tuan Hui–tsung see HSPC 70.19a–21b.
He was Protector General twice, the first time as the succes-
sor of Kan Yen–shou between 33 and 31 B.C., and again be-
tween 21 and 19 B.C.; he was also sent out especially to
settle Wu–sun affairs, i.a. in 15 B.C. and 11 B.C.; he died at
75 years of age among the Wu–sun, sometime during the last
decade of the 1st century B.C.
(DE GROOT 1926: 132)
Als aber der Schutzherr Han Sü¥n dem Kaiser auch vorschlug, er solle Sing–bi, der ein Feigling und
Schwächling war, absetzen und durch den jüngsten Bruder des Vaters, den linken Generalissimus Lok
, ersetzen, verweigerte Han dies. Danach wurde Tuan Hui–tsung Allgemeiner Schutzherr
(33 v.Chr.); er rief die Flüchtlinge und Rebellen zurück und gab somit dem Lande Frieden und Ruhe
wieder. Dann starb Sing–bi, und sein Sohn Ts'u–lik–bi trat die Regierung an.
— 193 —
HS 3908 (96B.5a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 159)
And at the death of Wu–chiu–t'u , the
Lesser K'un–mi , his son Fu–li took
his place. He was killed by his younger brother
Jih–erh .
And envoys sent by Han established Fu–li's son
An–jih as Lesser K'un–mi.
Jih–erh fled and entrusted himself to K'ang–chü
1
, and Han moved the Chi colonelcy to
2
garrison Ku–mo , so as to look for a favoura-
ble opportunity for attack.
An–jih sent Ku–mo–ni and two other no-
blemen who were to make a pretence of deserting
to Jih–erh in order to stab him to death.
1. For this post [the Chi of the Wu–Chi hsiao–wei
] see above, note on p. 79.
2. For Ku–mo see below, note on p. 162.
— 194 —
HS 3908–3909 (96B.5a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 159–160)
1
And Lien Pao , the Protector General ,
presented Ku–mo–ni and the others each
with twenty ›chin‹ of gold and 300 rolls of
silk .
Later An–jih was killed by some of the peo-
ple who had surrendered, and Han established his
younger brother Mo–chen–chiang in his
place.
At this time Tz'u–li–mi , the Greater K'un–
mi , was strong and the Hsi–hou all
submitted to him in fear. He gave notice that
people who herded horses or stock animals should
2
not be ordered to pay herding (dues).
1. Lien Pao was Protector General between 30 and 28 B.C. HS
carries no biography for Lin Pao, but he is probably to be
identified with the Lien Pao who held office as Governor of
Chin–ch'eng commandery, chief of the Palace Police (14 B.C.)
and General of the right (13 B.C.) (HSPC 19B.46a). Possibly a
second man of this name was involved in politics a few years
later (mentioned in HSPC 77.7a, 81.17a; cf. 99A.16b; Dubs,
HFHD III, 1955: 182).
2. This is a tentative translation, as other interpretations are
possible, viz.:
(1) he warned (the ›yabghu‹) that people who herded horses
and stock animals must not be made to pay herding (dues);
(2) that people when herding horses and stock animals
should not let (these animals) enter into (the K'un–mi's)
pastures.
(DE GROOT 1926: 132)
Der Allgemeine Schutzherr Ki¥n Pao belohnte jeden von ihnen dafür mit zwanzig Pfund Gold
und 300 Stück Seide. Später wurde An–d{it von Leuten, die sich ihm unterworfen hatten, getötet, und
Han setzte dann seinen jüngeren Bruder Boat–tsin–tsiang auf den Thron. Zu dieser Zeit re-
gierte der Große Kun–bi Ts'u–lik–bi mit fester Hand. Alle Jabgu hegten Ehrfurcht vor ihm und waren
ihm unterwürfig. Er befahl dem Volke, Pferde und Vieh zu hüten und zu verhindern, daß jemand die
Weidegründe betrat.
— 195 —
HS 3909 (96B.5a–5b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 159–160)
And within the states there was greater peace than
1
there had been in the days of Weng–kuei–mi .
Mo–chen–chiang , the Lesser K'un–mi ,
was afraid that he would be taken over and sent Wu–
jih–ling , a nobleman, to make a pretence of
surrendering, so as to stab Tz'u–li–mi to
death.
Han wished to attack him with troops, but was un-
able to do so. So Tuan Hui–tsung , leader of
the gentlemen of the palace , was sent to take
gold and valuables, and to plan tactics with the Pro-
tector General .
They established I–ch'ih–mi , grandson of the
princess and uncle of Tz'u–li–mi , as Greater
K'un–mi .
1. Yen Shih–ku (581–645) comments:
+ Better than in the days of Weng–kuei–mi* .
This leads Wang Hsien–ch'ien (1842–1918) to suggest that
is probably an error for . Li Tz'u–ming (1813–1894)
believes to be an error for , but this is unlikely ...
We have followed the oldest explanation, accepting Wang Hsien–
ch'ien's suggested emendation.
(DE GROOT 1926: 132)
Im Reiche herrschte noch größere Ruhe und Eintracht als zur Zeit des Ong–kui–bi. Der Kleine Kun–bi
Boat–tsin–tsiang fürchtete, von ihm annektiert zu werden, ließ deshalb den Reichsgroßen ¶–d{it–ling
ihm Unterwerfung heucheln und ihn von diesem erstechen. Für diese Tat wollte Han ihn mit
bewaffneter Hand strafen, war jedoch dazu noch nicht imstande und entsandte daher den Hofinten-
danten und General Tuan Hui–tsung mit Gold und Seide, um mit dem Allgemeinen Schutz-
herrn über die zu treffenden Maßregeln sich zu beraten. Diese Männer setzten nun I–ti¥t–bi ,
den jüngeren Bruder des Vaters des Ts'u–lik–bi und Enkel der kaiserlichen Prinzessin, als Großen
Kun–bi ein.
— 196 —
HS 3909 (96B.5b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 160)
1
And Han took into custody the son of the
Lesser K 'un–mi who was in attendance
at the capital city (i.e. Ch'ang–an).
After a long period, Nan–hsi , Hsi–hou
of the Greater K'un–mi , killed Mo–
chen–chiang , and An–li–mi , son
of Mo–chen–chiang's older brother An–jih ,
became Lesser K'un–mi in his place.
1. ›Mo–ju‹ is normally used for “ to confiscate”; it is also
sometimes used for persons, as a rule family-members, re-
tainers or servants of a person guilty of a major crime and
as such condemned to death, whereas those who were
“confiscated” were reduced to slavery; see Martin C. Wilbur,
Slavery in China ... , 1943: 72, and note 2.
(DE GROOT 1926: 132–133)
1
Und Han beschlagnahmte (tötete?) den Sohn des Kleinen Kun–bi, der sich in der Reichshauptstadt im
kaiserlichen Hofdienst befand. Nun verfloß eine längere Zeit, bis Lan–ts'e , ein Jabgu des Großen
Kun–bi, den Boat–tsin–tsiang umbrachte, und An–li–bi , ein Sohn des An–d{it, des älteren Bru-
ders des Boat–tsin–tsiang, an seiner Stelle als Kleiner Kun–bi auftrat.
1. war zur Han-Zeit eine technische Bezeichnung für die amtliche Konfiskation von Gütern oder auch die Einreihung
einer Person unter die Staatssklaven für begangene Verbrechen. FR.
— 197 —
HS 3909 (96B.5b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 160–161)
Han was angry that he had not personally pun-
[ ] ished Mo–chen–chiang , and again sent Tuan
Hui–tsung on a mission.
He promptly killed the heir apparent , Fan–ch'iu
1
, and on his return the rank of ›kuan–nei–hou‹
was conferred upon him.
This was in the second year of (the reign-period)
›yüan–yen‹ (11 B.C.).
1. ›Kuan–nei hou‹ , “ nobles within the passes”, the one but
highest of the twenty aristocratic ranks. The meaning of this term
remains obscure ... these titles seem to have been inherited only
exceptionally; see on this point Makino Tatsumi in: Tõhõ-
gakuhõ 3, Tokyo 1932: 261, note 2, and M. A. N. Loewe in: TP 48,
1960: 152 ff.
(DE GROOT 1926: 133)
Han konnte also zu seinem Leidwesen nicht selbst dem Boat–tsin–tsiang die Todesstrafe auferlegen,
aber es entsandte nochmals Tuan Hui–tsung, der dessen ältesten Sohn Pan–k'u unverzüglich
enthauptete. Bei seiner Heimkehr schenkte ihm der Kaiser den Ehrentitel ›Lehnsfürst innerhalb des
Sperrtorkreises der Reichshauptstadt‹ . Es war damals das zweite Jahr der Periode Juan–j¥n
(11 v.Chr.).
— 198 —
HS 3909 (96B.5b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 161)
(Tuan) Hui–Tsung took the view that although
the murder of Mo–chen–chiang by the Hsi–hou
Nan–hsi had not been directed for the Han cause,
the action was tantamount to punishing a criminal.
He recommended in a written report that he should be
1
appointed Commandant of Chien–shou .
The ›Ta–lu‹ , Supreme Official and Supreme
Inspector were asked to explain the circum-
stances in which Tz'u–li–mi had been killed;
their golden seals and purple ribbons were removed and
2
replaced by bronze and black (ones).
1. Commandant of ›Chien–shou‹ (Stout defence). As Hsü Sung
rightly remarks, this title was created for the occasion.
2. All editions read , but this makes no sense. Our trans-
lation + bronze and black ones* is based on our emendation of
to . The commentators, ancient and modern, keep silent on
this point ...
The kings and a few of the highest ministers had gold seals and
purple seal cords, the other ministers and the governors, i.e.
incumbents of posts with a salary of 2000 bushels, silver seals and
blue-green cords, whereas officials ranked at a salary of 600 bushels
and more, including heads of prefectures, had bronze seals with
black cords; see HSPC 19A.30b–31a ...
(DE GROOT 1926: 133, 133–136)
1
Tuan Hui–tsung war der Meinung, daß der Jabgu Lan–ts'e, der, zwar ohne dazu angewiesen zu sein,
Boat–tsin–tsiang getötet hatte, nichtsdestoweniger zusammen mit Han bei der Bestrafung dieses Re-
bellen mitgewirkt hatte, und er schlug ihn also beim Kaiser für die Würde eines ›Generalkommandan-
ten, der die Hauptstadt standhaft verteidigt‹ vor. Der Ta–lok, der Hauptbeamte und der
Hauptverwalter, wurden auf Grund der Ermordung von Ts'u–lik–bi mit der Entnahme ihrer goldenen
Siegel und roten Siegeltücher bestraft (vgl. S. 131), und kupferne Tuschesiegel wurden ihnen als Ersatz
gegeben.
1. Somit hatte das anfänglich so mächtige blonde (?) Volk der ¶–sun, stets auf allen Seiten von Hung–nª, Han und K'ang–ki be-
drängt und bedroht, unter den politischen und militärischen Eingriffen von Han seine Selbständigkeit gänzlich verloren und
durch inneren Zwiespalt seine Kräfte eingebüßt. Mehrere Einzelheiten über die letzten Jahre dieses Zeitraums des Verfalls
bietet die kurze Biographie des mehrfach erwähnten Tuan Hui–tsung in HS 70 (Bl. 21 ff.), und zwar in folgendem Wortlaut:
+ In der Periode King–ning (33 v.Chr.) wurde er auf Empfehlung von Wu Fu , des Intendanten des Tu-
Mausoleums (des Kaisers Sü¥n), Allgemeiner Schutzherr des Westens und dazu Generalkommandant der
Reiterei und Großwesir-Intendant der Palastpforten. Vor seiner Macht und Zuverlässigkeit hegte der Westen eine
große Ehrfurcht. Nach drei Jahren war dort seine Dienstzeit abgelaufen, und er kehrte heim. Er wurde nun zum
Gouverneur der Mark P'ei ernannt, dann aber, weil der Tan–hu (Hª–han–ša) sich nach dem kaiserlichen Hof
begeben wollte (27 v.Chr.; vgl. Teil I, S. 239), als Gouverneur nach (der Mark) J¥n–m¥n versetzt, jedoch einige Jahre
später wegen Gesetzübertretung entlassen. Als nunmehr die Reiche des Westens an den Kaiser ein Schreiben
richteten, worin sie der Hoffnung Ausdruck gaben, Tuan Hui–tsung wieder zurückzubekommen, wurde er in der
Periode Jang–so' (24–20 v.Chr.) zum zweiten Male Allgemeiner Schutzherr ... Als er die Grenzsperren hinter
sich hatte, ließen ihn die (Fürsten der) Reiche in den Vorstädten durch ihre Söhne und jüngeren Brüder einholen,
An–d{it, der Kleine Kun–bi, der durch Tuan Hui–tsung auf den Thron gekommen (s. S. 132) und dafür dankbar war,
wollte zu ihm gehen und seine Aufwartung machen, jedoch die Jabgu hielten ihn zurück und gestatteten es nicht.
Tuan Hui–tsung reiste nun nach Ku–tsu, besuchte die verschiedenen Festungen, und alle schlossen sich so eng wie
möglich an ihn an.
Der Thronfolger von K'ang–ki, Po–sª–nik , wünschte, sich mit mehr als 10 000 Mann zu unterwerfen. Tuan
Hui–tsung erstattete dem Kaiser darüber Bericht, und Han schickte diesem Kronprinzen den Marschall der Garde
entgegen, um ihn einzuholen, während Tuan Hui–tsung die Kriegsmacht der Oberhauptleute des Zentrums
aufbot, um zusammen mit dem Marschall die Unterwerfung entgegenzunehmen. Weil der Marschall dieser großen
Volksmenge mißtrauisch gegenüberstand, wollte er, daß alle, die sich unterwerfen wollten, sich Fesseln anlegen
sollten; jedoch diese Forderung empörte den Po–sª–nik so sehr, daß er das Volk wieder abrücken ließ. Als dann die
Dienstzeit von Tuan Hui–tsung abgelaufen war und er heimkehrte, wurde er, da er die Kriegsmacht der Oberhaupt-
— 199 —
leute des Zentrums ohne kaiserliche Ermächtigung ins Feld geführt und aus mangelhaften Gründen in die
Waffen hatte treten lassen, durch kaiserliche Verfügung zum Loskauf von seiner Strafe verurteilt. Dann wurde
er zum Gouverneur der Mark Kin–tš'ing ernannt, aber wegen Krankheit entlassen.
Über ein Jahr später wurde der Kleine Kun–bi (An–d{it) von dem Volke seines Reiches umgebracht (vgl. S. 132), und
die Jabgu stifteten eine große Verwirrung. Der Kaiser beschied nun Tuan Hui–tsung zu sich, erhob ihn zum linken
Minister , zum Hofintendanten und General und zum Großwesir-Intendanten der Palastpforten ,
und erteilte ihm den Auftrag, ¶–sun wieder zu einigen. Er setzte Boat–tsin–tsiang, den älteren Bruder des
(umgebrachten) Kleinen Kun–bi, auf den Thron, stellte den Frieden in dessen Reich wieder her und kehrte dann
heim.
Im darauffolgenden Jahre aber brachte Boat–tsin–tsiang den Großen Kun–bi (Ts'u–lik–bi) um (s. S. 132). Er
erkrankte dann und starb, und Han konnte somit zu seinem Bedauern ihm nicht die Todesstrafe auferlegen. Aber
in der Periode Juan–j¥n (12–8 v.Chr.) entsandte es wiederum Tuan Hui–tsung, der die Kriegsmacht der
Oberhauptleute des Zentrums und der Reiche ins Feld brachte und Pan–k'u, den ältesten Sohn von
Boat–tsin–tsiang, mit dem Tode strafte. Da der Einmarsch einer großen Kriegsmacht in ¶–sun den Pan–k'u hätte
erschrecken und somit in die Flucht treiben können und man seiner also nicht hätte habhaft werden können, hatte
Tuan Hui–tsung die von ihm aufgebrachte Macht im Lande Ti¥m–lª zurückgelassen und war mit dreißig
auserlesenen Kreuzbogenschützen geradewegs nach dem Wohnsitz des Kun–bi gezogen. Da beschied er Pan–k'u
zu sich, warf ihm vor, daß (sein Vater) Boat–tsin–tsiang Knochen von seinem Knochen und Fleisch von seinem
Fleisch ermordet und somit auch einen Nachkommen der kaiserlichen Prinzessin von Han umgebracht habe, und
daß er dann gestorben sein, ohne das alles durch Todesstrafe gesühnt zu haben; nun sei er, der Gesandte, da mit
dem kaiserlichen Auftrag, an Pan–k'u die Todesstrafe zu vollziehen. Ohne Verzug schlug er ihn dann eigenhändig
mit dem Schwerte tot. Die Beamten und das Gefolge, von Schrecken ergriffen, ritten heimwärts.
Der kleine Kun–bi ¶–li–bi Ãû (oder An–li–bi , s. S. 133), ein Sohn des älteren Bruders (An–d{it) des
Boat–tsin–tsiang, führte jetzt einige tausend Reiter herbei und umzingelte Tuan Hui–tsung. Dieser setzte ihm
auseinander, weshalb er gekommen sei und die Todesstrafe vollzogen habe: “ Und jetzt belagerst du mich, um mir
das Leben zu nehmen; solltest du aber einem Stück Rindvieh von Han auch nur ein Haar nehmen — die Köpfe des
Königs von Ta–wan und des Tsit–ki hängen schon in der Kao-Straße (Teil I, S. 236), das wissen die ¶–sun wohl!”
Darauf unterwarf sich der Kun–bi mit seinem Gefolge, und er sprach: “ Boat–tsin–tsiang war Han gegenüber
schuldbehaftet, und daß seinem Sohn dafür die Todesstrafe auferlegt wurde, war angängig, allein du hättest mir
nicht sagen sollen, daß du ihm Trinken und Essen (Lebensunterhalt) verbürgen würdest.” Hierauf erwiderte Tuan
Hui–tsung: “Hätte ich meine Absichten von vornherein verraten, dann hättest du, Kun–bi, ihn entfliehen lassen oder
versteckt und somit selbst ein schweres Verbrechen begangen; das Trinken und Essen sollte also dazu dienen, daß
du ihn in meine Hände liefertest. Auch habe ich dir meine wahre Absicht nicht im voraus mitgeteilt, um deine
Gefühle für den Blutsverwandten nicht zu verletzen.” Der Kun–bi und sein Gefolge jammerten und weinten und
entfernten sich dann.
Als Tuan Hui–tsung wieder heimgereist war, rapportierte er dem Kaiser über diese Sache. Die hohen Minister
beratschlagten über sein Verfahren und fanden, daß er richtig gehandelt hatte; mit leichten Truppen war er tief in
¶–sun eingedrungen und hatte ohne Verzug Pan–k'u mit dem Tode bestraft; dadurch hatte er das Prestige der
Dynastie nach allen Richtungen leuchtend erstrahlen lassen, und er war also einer doppelten Belohnung würdig.
Der Kaiser schenkte ihm darauf den Adelstitel eines ›Lehnsfürsten innerhalb der Sperrtore‹ und außerdem noch
100 Pfund Gold.
In dieser Zeit führte Pi–wan–ti, ein jüngerer Bruder des Vaters (An–d{it) des Kleinen Kun–bi (An–li–bi), eine
Streitmacht heran, um die beiden Kun–bi zu Fall zu bringen. Han entsandte nun wiederum den Tuan Hui–tsung als
Friedensstifter, damit er mit dem Allgemeinen Schutzherrn Sun Ki¥n zusammenwirke; aber im dar-
auffolgenden Jahre wurde er krank und starb. Er war damals 75 Jahre alt. Die Reiche mit Festungen bauten ihm
Opfertempel als Ausdruck ihrer Trauer.*
— 200 —
HS 3909 (96B.5b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 161)
1
Pei–yüan–chih , younger brother of Mo–
chen–chiang , had originally plotted to kill
the Greater K'un–mi , and leading a group
of over 80000 persons north he attached himself to
K'ang–chü .
He made plans in the hope of borrowing troops so
as to annex (the land of) the two K'un–mi, who were
afraid and put their friendship and trust in the Pro-
tector General .
1. As indicated by Hsü Sung , in 5 B.C. Pei–yüan–chih suc-
cessfully raided the western borderlands of the Hsiung–nu,
but eventually sent his son there as a hostage (HSPC 94B.11b);
this is confirmed by HSPC 45.15b–16a, which adds that Pei–
yüan–chih was in possession of a horde of 100000 persons. Cf.
de Groot, Chinesische Urkunden I, 1921: 253 ff.
(DE GROOT 1926: 133, 138)
1
Pi–wan–ti , ein jüngerer Bruder von Boat–tsin–tsiang, hatte sich an dem Mordplan gegen den
Großen Kun–bi beteiligt. Mit mehr als 80000 Mann zog er nordwärts und schloß sich K'ang–ki an, mit
der Absicht, mittels der Kriegsmacht dieses Reiches die beiden Kun–bi mit einem Male zu unterwer-
fen. Die Kun–bi waren deshalb in großer Besorgnis und suchten engeren Anschluß beim Allgemeinen
Schutzherrn.
1. Pi–wan–ti, der Bruder des Kleinen Kun–bi Boat–tsin–tsiang, hatte sich an dem von diesem entworfenen und von ¶–d{it–ling
verübten Mord des Großen Kun–bi Ts'u–lik–bi beteiligt, machte dann mit 80 000 Mann ¶–sun unsicher und bereitete Han
große Sorgen, wie es die Entsendung von Tuan Hui–tsung (S. 136) beweist. Im Jahre 5 v.Chr. griff er das mit Han befreundete
Hung–nª an (s. Teil I, S. 253); dieses fiel dann in ¶–sun, und als Pi–wan–ti sich darauf mit dem Tan–hu zu verständigen
suchte durch Übersendung seines Sohnes, wurde er von Han daran gehindert. Wie der Text uns jetzt mitteilt, wurde er,
nachdem er zur Versöhnung mit Han einen großen Schritt getan, durch den Allgemeinen Schutzherrn endgültig unschädlich
gemacht.
— 201 —
HS 3910 (96B.5b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 161–162)
In the second year of (the reign-period) ›yüan–shou‹
of the Emperor Ai (1 B.C.), I–ch'ih–mi ,
the Greater K'un–mi , paid a visit to the court to-
gether with the Shan–yü , and Han felt that
1
this was a magnificent (achievement).
In the middle of (the reign-period) ›yüan–shih‹
(A.D. 1–5), Pei–yüan–chih killed Wu–jih–ling as
a means of self-assertion, and Han invested him with
2
the title of Noble of Kuei–i .
The two K'un–mi were both weak, and Pei–yüan–chih
3
harassed them; Sun Chien , the Protector General
, killed him in a surprise attack.
1. For this event see also HSPC 11.81 (Dubs, HFHD III, 1955: 37) and
94B.14b f. (de Groot, Chinesische Urkunden I, 1921: 261).
2. ›Kuei–i‹ , “ Allegiance to the Right ”: A number of non-Chinese
were given this honorific title, as shown by HS 17 (for the seal of a
Ch'iang chief who had demonstrated his “ allegiance to the Right”
see Hsiao Chih–hsing in: Wenwu, 1976/7: 86), but this
chapter does not mention Pei–yüan–chih. — Hsü Sung points
out that HSPC 99B.22a (Dubs, HFHD III, 1955: 332) speaks of the
Greater K'un–mi as a “ grandson of the Han”, which shows that at
this time, i.e. A.D. 16, I–ch'ih–mi was still alive.
3. Sun Chien is further unknown; he was Protector General between
A.D. 1 and 3.
(DE GROOT 1926: 138)
Im zweiten Jahre der Periode Juan–šou des Kaisers Ngai (1 v.Chr.) besuchte der Große
Kun–bi I–ti¥t–bi sowie der Tan–hu den kaiserlichen Hof. Han betrachtete das als ein glorrei-
ches Ereignis. In der Periode Juan–ši (1–6 n.Chr.) brachte Pi–wan–ti den ¶–d{it–ling (s. S. 132)
ums Leben, um sich (Han gegenüber) verdienstlich zu machen. Han verlieh ihm die Würde eines
›Lehnsfürsten, der seine Zuflucht nimmt zur Pflichterfüllung‹ . Die Kun–bi waren beide
schwach, und Pi–wan–ti benahm sich ihnen gegenüber so anmaßend und despotisch, daß der All-
gemeine Schutzherr Sun Ki¥n ihn angriff und tötete.
(WYLIE 1882: 93)
In B.C. 1, the Great Kw£n–me E–shih–me attended the Court audience in person, together with the
Shen–yu; on which occasion the Chinese made a great display. In the period ›Yuen–che‹ (A.D. 1–5), Pe–
yuen–che killed Woo–jih–ling, to advance his own interest with China, for which he was made Marquis
of Kwei–e. The two Kw£n–me now both being weak, were invaded by Pe–yuen–che; and he in turn
was killed by the Governor General Sun–keen.
(BITSCHURIN/SCHOTT in RITTER 1837: 622–623)
Unter Kaiser Ngai ti (im J. 1 vor Chr.Geb.) reiste der Große Kuen mi, I tschi mi, zugleich mit dem Khan
der Hiong nu, an den chinesischen Hof, wo man sie ehrenvoll empfing. Vier Jahre später (im J. 3 nach
Chr.Geb.) tödtete jener Pi chuan dschi, um sich bei dem chinesischen Hofe in Gunst zu setzen, den
Magnaten U schi lian, welcher auf Mo dschen kiän's Befehl den Zü li mi ermordet hatte. Der chinesische
Hof ertheilte ihm zum Lohn den Rang eines Fürsten. Beide Kun mis waren schwach, Pi chuan dschi
unterdrückte sie; deshalb ward er von dem Generalinspector Sun kian durch plötzlichen Ueberfall
getödtet.
— 202 —
HS 3910 (96B.5b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 162)
From the time when Wu–sun was split be-
tween the two K'un–mi , Han suffered sor-
rows and troubles and had no years of tranquillity.
— 203 —
HS 3910 (96B.5b–6a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 162)
The state of Ku–mo .
The king's seat of government is at the town
1
of Nan , and is distant by 8150 ›li‹ from
Ch'ang–an .
There are 3500 households, 24500 individuals
with 4500 persons able to bear arms.
(There are the following officials:)
the noble of Ku-mo , the noble of Fu-kuo
(support of the state), the commandant
, the leaders of the left and the right,
the masters of cavalry of the left and
the right and two interpreters-in-chief .
2
It is a distance of 1021 [2021] ›li‹ to the seat of
2
the Protector General in the east and
fifteen days' journey on horseback to Yü–t'ien
in the south. It adjoins Wu–sun in
the north.
(The land) produces copper, iron, and orpi-
3
ment .
1. ›Nan‹ means “ south”, so the name of this place might
also be rendered as “ The Southern City”. This is fur-
ther unknown.
2. The Ching–yu edition of 1035 A.D. reads 2 021 ›li‹.
3. For orpiment see Edw. H. Schafer in: JAOS 75, 1954:
73–89.
(DE GROOT 1926: 140)
Der Regierungssitz des Königs des Reiches Kª–bik , die Stadt Lam (die südliche Stadt?), liegt
8150 ›Li‹ von Tš'ang–ngan. 3500 Familien, 24500 Personen, 4500 Krieger. Ein Lehnsfürst von Kª-bik. Ein
Lehnsfürst, ›Stütze des Reiches‹. Ein Generalkommandant. Ein linker und ein rechter Heerführer. Ein
linker und ein rechter Reiterfürst. Zwei Hauptdolmetscher. Ostwärts bis an den Verwaltungssitz des
Allgemeinen Schutzherrn sind es 1021 ›Li‹. Südwärts bis Hu–tin (Chot¥n) sind es zu Pferde fünfzehn
1
Tagereisen. Im Norden grenzt es an ¶–sun. Es erzeugt Kupfer, Eisen und .
1. “ Weibliches Gelb”, ein als Arznei sehr geschätztes Mineral. ( ›Ts'¥–huang‹ ist Ocker. FANKE )
— 204 —
HS 3910 (96B.6a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 162)
To the east there is communication with
Ch'iu–tz'u at a distance of 670 ›li‹.
1
In the time of Wang Mang , Ch'eng ,
king of Ku–mo, killed the king of Wen–su
and annexed his state.
1. The meaning of this word is “ to assist ” and it is with
this sense that it occurs in Chinese titles as “ Assistant
...” or “ Deputy ...”. Here, however, it must represent
the king's name, although it is contrary to the normal
procedure of using uncommon characters for
transcribing names; see E. Zürcher, The Buddhist con-
1 2
quest of China ..., 2 vols., 1959, 1972.
(DE GROOT 1926: 140)
Ostwärts bis nach Ku–tsu (Ku–tša) sind es 670 ›Li‹. Zur Zeit des Wang Mang tötete der König
Sing von Kª–bik den König von Un–šok und unterwarf dessen Reich.
— 205 —
HS 3910 (96B.6a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 162–163)
1
The state of Wen–su .
The king's seat of government is at the town of
Wen–su, and it is distant by 8350 ›li‹ from
Ch'ang–an .
1. Wen–su ... is located at Uch in the area of present-day
Aqsu. Chavannes (TP 1905: 553, note 1, and 554) writes
Uch-Turfan.
(DE GROOT 1926: 140, 141–142)
1
Der Regierungssitz des Königs des Reiches Un–šok , die Stadt Un–šok, liegt 8350 ›Li‹ von Tš'ang–
ngan.
1. Auf S. 120 sind wir schon zu dem Ergebnis gelangt, daß das Reich Kª–bik dem jetzigen Bai, also dem Flußgebiet des Musart-
darja, und das Reich Un–šok dem heutigen Aksu, dem Flußgebiet des Aksu-darja entsprochen haben muß. Die Straße,
welche von Bai nach Aksu läuft und sich dann südlich nach dem Chot¥n-darja wendet, ist bis Chot¥n etwa 1 800 bis 2 000 ›Li‹
lang, und die Reise von Kª–bik nach Chot¥n mag also in der Tat, wie es der vorliegende Textauszug angibt, fünfzehn
Tagereisen zu Pferde in Anspruch genommen haben.
Die Identität des alten Kª–bik mit dem Lande von Bai bestätigt noch das Si–ju'–ki [Xð–Yù–Jì ]. Da lesen wir in Kap. I:
+ Von diesem Reiche (Ku–tsu) aus zog Hü¥n–tšuang [Xuán Zàng ] westwärts, und als er mehr als 600 ›Li‹
zurückgelegt hatte, durchschritt er eine kleine Sand- und Felsenwüste und erreichte dann das Reich Pat–lok–ka
. Das Reich Pat–lok–ka ist von Ost nach West über 600 ›Li‹, von Nord nach Süd über 300 ›Li‹. Die Wälle der
großen Hauptstadt haben fünf bis sechs ›Li‹ im Umkreis ... Als er in diesem Reiche in nordwestlicher Richtung
300 ›Li‹ zurückgelegt und dabei eine Felsenwüste durchzogen hatte, erreichte er das Eisgebirge, das an dieser Stelle
der nördliche Anfang der Ts'ong-Kette ist, deren Gewässer großenteils ostwärts strömen.* (Den letzten Satz hat
JULIEN, ›Mémoires‹ I, S. 11, ungenau übersetzt.)
In der Hauptsache sind diese Mitteilungen des Pilgers in Kap. 221A des T'ang–šu (Bl. 21) wiederholt und zwar mit dem Zu-
satz, daß Pat–lok–ka
+ auch noch Kik–bik hieß und also das alte Kª–bik war.*
Die russische Stabskarte macht es klar, daß diese Zeilen genau für das Land von Bai und Aksu zutreffen. Die kleine Sand-
und Felsenwüste, 600 ›Li‹ von Kutscha, ist offenbar derjenige Teil der Ebene von Bai, der bei Jakka-arik endet; daselbst muß
also das alte Kª–bik, später Pat–lok–ka, gelegen haben. Von dort führten 300 ›Li‹ den Pilger nach Stadt und Fluß Aksu, denn
wirklich reichen bis dahin die von ihm erwähnten äußersten Ausläufer des gletscherreichen Ts'ong-Gebirges. Daß hier das
alte Un–šok lag, bestätigt der vorliegende Auszug aus dem HS, der besagt, daß Un–šok 270 ›Li‹ westlich von Kª–bik lag. Daß
Hü¥n–tšuang den Namen Un–šok nicht nennt, ist sehr begreiflich, denn derselbe Textauszug lehrt uns, daß Un–šok schon in
der Han-Zeit durch Eroberung zu Kª–bik geschlagen wurde: seitdem findet es dann auch in den Texten keine Erwähnung
mehr. Die von Hü¥n–tšuang angegebene Länge des Reiches Kª–bik, 600 ›Li‹ von Ost nach West, reicht in der Tat über Aksu
hinaus.
Die Mitteilung des T'ang–šu, daß Kª–bik auch Kik–bik hieß, weist darauf hin, daß die Originalform des Namens wahrschein-
lich Kochbik, Korbik, Kichbik oder Kirbik war, und daß in den zwei chinesischen Transcriptionen in der gebräuchlichen Weise
das unchinesische ›ch‹ oder ›r‹ von selbst fortgeblieben oder durch ›k‹ ersetzt ist. Was den Namen Un–šok anbetrifft, so haben
wir auf S. 123 gesehen, daß er in der T'ang-Zeit auch U–tšok geschrieben wurde. Das rechtfertigt die Annahme, daß
seine Grundform Uršok lautete. (Die Lage von Un–šok und Kª–bik hat CHAVANNES im TP 1905: 553 behandelt. Seiner Schluß-
folgerung, daß Kª–bik gleich Aksu und Un–šok gleich Utsch-Turfan sei, kann ich also nicht beistimmen.)
Die Mandschudynastie hat der Stadt Aksu und dem Bezirk , dessen Verwaltungssitz sie ist, offiziell den alten Namen Un–
šok beigelegt. Dieser Bezirk umfaßt auch Bai und grenzt im Westen an den Bezirk Usch . Auch in der großen
Staatsgeographie Ji'–t'ung–tši (Kap. 418 IV) steht Aksu als identisch mit Un–šok und Kª–bik verzeichnet (vgl. S. 120).
— 206 —
HS 3910–3911 (96B.6a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 163)
There are 2200 households, 8400 individuals with
1500 persons able to bear arms.
There are the following officials:)
the [two] noble[s] of Fu-kuo (support of the
state), the [two] leaders [each] of the left and
the right, the [two] commandants [each] of
the left and the right, the [two] masters of cavalry
[each] of the left and the right, and two
1
interpreters-in-chief .
It is a distance of 2380 ›li‹ to the seat of the Pro-
tector General in the east, 300 ›li‹ to Wei–t'ou
in the west and 610 ›li‹ to Ch'ih–ku , [the
capital city] of Wu–sun, in the north.
The land and kind of goods are the same as those
found in Shan–Shan and the other various
states.
To the east there is communication with Ku–mo
at a distance of 270 ›li‹.
1. [Wie dies de Groot ganz richtig erkannt hat, bezieht sich das
›... g® èr rén‹ , “ je zwei Personen”, am Ende des
zweiten Satzes auf die gesamte vorangehende Auflistung von
Amtsinhabern — es ist da also nicht von neun, sondern von
insgesamt 16 Personen die Rede. cmd]
(DE GROOT 1926: 140–141)
2 200 Familien, 8400 Personen, 1500 Krieger. Zwei Lehnsfürsten, ›Stütze des Reiches‹. Zwei linke und
zwei rechte Heerführer. Zwei linke und zwei rechte Generalkommandanten. Zwei linke und zwei
rechte Reiterfürsten. Zwei Hauptdolmetscher. Ostwärts bis zum Verwaltungssitz des Allgemeinen
Schutzherrn sind es 2380 (1380 ?) ›Li‹. Westlich bis Ut–t'ª sind es 300 ›Li‹ und nordwärts bis nach Tš'ik–
kok in ¶–sun 610 ›Li‹. Der Boden, die Erzeugnisse und was weiter dort vorkommt, sind ebenso wie in
Si¥–si¥n und den übrigen Reichen. Ostwärts bis nach Kª–bik sind es 270 ›Li‹.
— 207 —
HS 3911 (96B.6a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 163)
1
The state of Ch'iu–tz'u .
The king's seat of government is at the town of
2
Yen ,
and it is distant by 7480 ›li‹ from Ch'ang–an
.
1. Ch'iu–tz'u ... is usually identified with present-day
Kucha; see Liu Mau–tsai in: ›Asiatische Forschungen‹
(Göttingen) 27, 1969.
2. However, in the 7th century commentary to the History
of the Later Han (HHSCC, Mem. 37.3a), this passage is
quoted with the name of the town as Chü–yen .
Exactly the same name is born by the lakes and the
settlement at the northern extremity of the Edsin-gol;
Pulleyblank (JRAS 1966: 21) considers this to be addi-
tional support for his view, that + the Yüeh–chih were
an eastward extension of the same linguistic (i.e.
Tokharian) stock that was found on the north side of
the Tarim basin and around Lop Nor.*
(DE GROOT 1926: 142, 143–144)
1
Der Regierungssitz des Königs des Reiches Ku–tsi (Kutscha) , die Stadt J¥n , liegt 7480 ›Li‹
von Tš'ang–ngan.
1. Den Namen dieses Reiches haben wir in den alten Texten auch in den Schreibungen K'ut–ša (Teil I: 61) und Ku–tša
( ) (Teil I: 192 f.) angetroffen. Immer sind die großen Kaiserhäuser Chinas bestrebt gewesen, geographische Namen
ihres Gebietes in den ältesten Schreibungen zu bewahren; dennoch ist die Mandschu-Dynastie in diesem Fall von der Regel
abgewichen, denn sie hat für den betreffenden Kreis und seinen Verwaltungssitz die Schreibung K'u–tš'a fest-
gesetzt ...
Die Lage der jetzigen Stadt Kutscha scheint nicht der der Han-Zeit zu entsprechen. Auf der großen chinesischen Karte steht
die alte Stadt Ku–tsi nordöstlich von der Stadt Schajar verzeichnet, in einem Deltaland, das gewiß im
Lauf der Zeit zahlreichen Umbildungen ausgesetzt gewesen ist.
Kap. 2 des Šui–king–tšu enthält auf Bl. 7 eine Hydrographie von Kutscha, nach welcher der östliche Flußzweig in südöstlicher
Richtung an der Ostseite der Stadt Ku–tsi strömte und dann auf seiner Westseite Lun–tai (s. S. 39) hatte, während nördlich
von diesem Zweig das Reich ¶–lui (s. S. 51), das Gebiet des Allgemeinen Schutzherrn, lag.
In der Han-Zeit war Ku–tša gewiß ein Reich von Bedeutung, sonst wäre es in den Geschichtsurkunden wohl nicht unter den
fünf Teilen aufgeführt, aus denen der Tan–hu Mª–tun durch gewaltige Eroberungskriege sein Weltreich zusammensetzte
(vgl. Teil I: 61). Vielleicht führte es bereits die Oberherrschaft über die Reiche Kª–bik, Un–šok und Ut–t'ª, von welcher (s. S. 48)
im Wei–lio' die Rede ist.
— 208 —
HS 3911 (96B.6a–6b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 163)
There are 6970 households, 81317 individuals with
21076 persons able to bear arms.
(There are the following officials:)
The supreme commandant
and his assistant .
The noble of
Fu–kuo (support of the state),
An–kuo (peace of the state),
Chi–hu (assault on the nomads).
The commandant of
Ch'üeh–hu (resistance to the nomads),
Chi Chü–shih (assault on Chü–shih).
The left and the right
leaders ,
commandants ,
masters of cavalry ,
masters of Li–fu (strong support).
[All of these one person each ].
Two chiefs of thousands
respectively for the divisions of the east, west, south
and north.
Three masters of Ch'üeh–hu (resistance to
the nomads).
And four interpreters-in-chief .
— 209 —
HS 3911 (96B.6b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 163–164)
It adjoins Ching–chüeh in the south, Ch'ieh–
mo in the south-east, Wu–mi in the
south-west, Wu–sun in the north and Ku–mo
in the west.
(The people) are capable of casting iron ,
and there is lead .
To the east it is a distance of 350 ›li‹ to the seat of
1
the Protector General at the town of Wu–lei
.
1. ... not to be confused with the homophonous Wu–lei
on the Southern Route ...
— 210 —
HS 3911 (96B.6b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 164)
1
Wu–lei .
There are 110 households, 1200 individuals with
300 persons able to bear arms.
There is a commandant of the town and
an interpreter-in-chief .
1. It is to be noted that Wu–lei is not qualified as a ›kuo‹ or
“ state”. Wang Hsien–ch'ien (1842–1918) rightly
points out that apparently this site was chosen as the seat
of the Protector General.
He also remarks that the History of the Later Han (HHSCC,
Mem. 78.20b) states that king Hsien , “ the Wise”, of So–
chü [Yarkand] in c.A.D. 47 + detached a part of Kucha
and made it the state of Wu–lei.* He transferred his own
creature, + the king of the Saka on the Oxus (? Kuei Sai
1
wang ; Chavannes 1907: 200 says that this might
have been a principality on the Upper Oxus, governed by a
Saka prince, subject to the king of Yarkand, adding that this
is a hypothesis of doubtful value), named Ssu–chien ,
to be king of Wu–lei.* It was situated West of Karashar.
Huang Wen–pi ( ,
, , Peking,
1958: 9) indicates possible Han remains near the village of
Yeh–yün–kou , formerly called I–shih–ma ,
located at c. 86º E and 42º N on his map 4 ...
Huang also notes that the villagers + long ago* had found
tombs and Han time pottery some 20 ›li‹ (c. 8 km) south, at
Akdong .
(DE GROOT 1926: 144, 144–145)
1
¶–lui . 110 Familien, 1200 Personen, 300 Krieger. Ein Generalkommandant der Stadt. Ein Haupt-
dolmetscher.
1. Die Textberichte über die Stiftung des Allgemeinen Protektorats, dem die schwere Aufgabe oblag, die Oberherrschaft der
Han-Dynastie über den Westen aufrechtzuerhalten, sind schon in Teil I: 206 f. und in Teil II: 50 f. wiedergegeben. Zur Bestim-
mung von dessen Verwaltungssitz in ¶–lui bietet die Mitteilung des Šui–king–tšu, welche soeben wiedergegeben wurde,
einen Anhalt. Wir lernen auch aus den Texten, daß es 350 ›Li‹ von Ku–tša und 400 ›Li‹ von J¥n–ki lag, dessen Hauptstadt bei
den Ruinen von Šortšuk, westlich vom Bagrasch-See zu suchen ist. Somit lag ¶–lui an der Straße etwa halbwegs zwischen
Kurli (Kurlia) und Ku–tša. Die Verfasser des Ji'–t'ung–tši lokalisieren es daselbst bei Tsch'ikdir ,
+ das 490 ›Li‹ südwestlich von Karaschar liegt. Vom Kaschbik- Fluß an bis in dieses Gelände hinein ist
der Boden fett und fruchtbar; dort lag die Stadt ¶–lui der Han-Dynastie, der Verwaltungssitz des Allgemeinen
Schutzherrn. Längs der südlichen Grenze von Tsch'ikdir erstreckte sich am Hauptfluß (Tarim) das Gebiet des
Reiches Ku–li .* (Kap. 418 I)
+ Der Tsch'ikdir-Fluß ist die westliche Quelle des Kaschbik; er entfließt den südlichen Abhängen des T'i¥n–šan.*
(Kap. 418)
Das Land Lun–tai, gleichfalls eine frühe militärische Ackerbaukolonie von Han, lokalisiert dieselbe große Staatsgeographie
190 ›Li‹ weiter nach Westen:
+ Pukur liegt 680 ›Li‹ südwestlich von der Stadt Karashar; es hat Mauern und liegt an einem hohlen Weg.
Dort ist die Gegend des Lun–tai der Han-Dynastie. Westlich von dort überschreitet man die Grenze von Ku–tša*
(Kap. 418 I)
Pukur ist das an der Straße liegende Bugur unserer Karten.
— 211 —
HS 3911 (96B.6b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 164)
The seat of the government is the same as that of
the Protector General .
To the south one reaches Ch'ü–li at a dis-
tance of 330 ›li‹.
— 212 —
HS 3911 (96B.6b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 164–165)
1
Ch'ü–li .
There is one commandant of the town.
There are 130 households, 1480 individuals
with 150 persons able to bear arms.
It adjoins Wei–li in the north-east, Ch'ie–
mo in the south-east and Ching–chüeh
2
in the south. In the west there is a river.
It is a distance of 580 ›li‹ to Ch'iu–tz'u .
1. Ch'ü-li ... It lay southeast of Kucha; the ›Shui-ching chu‹
2.29a, mentions a place in the fork of the confluence of
the Kucha “ East River” and the “ Western Branch
River” as being the residence of + the former colonel of
the garrison*, ›t'un hsiao‹ .
Huang Wen-pi (1958: 9) believes that this
might be near present-day Kurchu of Charchi
, at c. 85º 22' E, 41º 53' N.
2. The later commentators believe that this river is iden-
tical with the Tun-hung River ... The ›Shui-ching
chu‹ (2.30a f.) mentions the Tun-hung River as a
lefthand tributary of the Tarim, probably near modern
Korla.
(DE GROOT 1926: 145)
1
Ku-li . Ein Generalkommandant der Stadt. 130 Familien, 1480 Personen, 150 Krieger. Nordöstlich
2
grenzt es an Ut-li , südöstlich an Ts'ia-boat, südlich an Tsing-tsoat. Im Westen läuft ein Fluß. Bis
Ku-tsu sind es 580 ›Li‹.
1. Aus dem vorliegenden Textauszug könnte man lesen, daß ›die Stadt‹ Ku-li östlich vom Kerja-darja lag, in einer Entfernung
von 580 ›Li‹ von Ku-tša. Demnach wäre sie mitten in der Wüste zu lokalisieren, und das Reich Ku-li bildete mithin eine Oasen-
brücke zwischen Ku-tša und dem an der Südstrße beim Kerja-darja liegenden U-bi (s. S. 66 f.). Wenn nun weiter unten unse-
re Textübersetzung sagt, daß etwa um die Wende des ersten Jahrhunderts v.Chr. Ku-tša die Oberherrschaft über U-bi bean-
spruchte, dann kann man sich der Folgerung nicht verschließen, daß auch Ku-li im Gebietskreis von Ku-tša lag. Auch gewinnt
hier die schon von anderer Seite ausgesprochene Vermutung Boden, daß der Kerja-darja früher einmal weiter als heutzutage
nordwärts floß und vielleicht in den Tarim ausmündete (vgl. ELLSWORTH HUNTINGTON, ›The Pulse of Asia‹, S. 193; u.a.), sonst
hätte Ku-tša wohl kaum mehrere hundert ›Li‹ über die wasserlose Wüste hinaus seine Herrschaft gründen und halten
können.
2. Außerdem teilte der Text mit (s. S. 144), daß Ku-li 330 ›Li‹ südlich von ¶-lui lag. Es muß sich sonach am Tarim erstreckt haben,
und folglich kann der Fluß, den es auf der Westseite hatte, nur der Kerja-darja sein.
— 213 —
HS 3912 (96B.6b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 165)
From the time when Emperor Wu first opened up
communications with the Western Regions , a
colonelcy was established to found military colo-
1
nies at Ch'ü–li.
At this time military expeditions were setting out one
after another and armies were on the move for 32 years.
(The resources) within the (four) seas were spent and
wasted.
And in the ›cheng–ho‹ period (92-89 B.C.) the
Erh–shih general Li Kuang–li surrendered to
2
the Hsiung–nu with his army.
1. Hsü Sung points out that HSPC 70.4a says that this took
place after the campaign by Li Kuang-li, i.e. after 101 B.C.; the next
sentence also leads to 101 B.C. if the + thirty-two years* mentioned
there are taken to begin with the first concerted action against the
Hsiung-nu, viz. the (unsuccessful) ambush of Ma-i of 133 B.C.
2. Li Kuang–li surrendered in the early summer of 90 B.C. ... cf. also
de Groot, Chinesische Urkunden I, 1921: 177 sq. and Dubs, HFHD II,
1944: 115–116.
(DE GROOT 1926: 145)
Als unter Kaiser Wu der Verkehr mit dem Westen zustande kam, wurden in Ku-li Oberhauptleute
eingesetzt und militärische Landbaukolonien gegründet. Unaufhörlich rückten damals Hee-
reskräfte aus, und die Feldzüge hielten 32 Jahre an, bis zwischen den (vier) Ozeanen das Land
verödet und verwüstet war. Dann kam die Periode Tšing–ho (92–88 v.Chr.), in der Li Kuang–li,
der General von Dsi–su, mit seinen Armeen Hung–nª unterwarf (Teil I, S. 177 ff.).
— 214 —
HS 3912 (96B.6b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 165)
The emperor had already come to regret the policy
of fighting punitive campaigns at remote distances,
1
when Sang Hung–yang , commandant for the
2
collection of grain , together with the chan-
3 4
cellor and the imperial counsellor made a
written recommendation in the following terms:
1. Sang Hung–yang served as commandant for the collection of grain
from 100 B.C. and as imperial counsellor from 87 B.C.; he was ex-
ecuted in 80 B.C., after involvement in a plot against the emperor
and Huo Kuang; see HSPC 7.6a–7a; Dubs, HFHD II, 1944: 146–147;
A. Jonchell, ›Huo Kuang och hans tid‹, Göteborg 1930: 47 and 70; and
M. Loewe, ›Crisis and conflict in Han China‹, 1974: 73–75 ...
2. ›Sou–su tu–wei‹ , “ Commandant for the collection of
grain”. This is described (HSPC 19A.15a) as a military post of the
time of Emperor Wu which was not permanently established. The
›Han–shu‹ names four officials who held the post, during the period
ending in 102 B.C., and again from 96–87 or possibly 81 B.C.
At these times, the office of ›Ta ssu–nung‹ was not filled, and the
›Sou–su tu–wei‹ probably had supreme responsibility for his de-
partment which was one of the two financial organs of state.
3. Ssu–ma Kuang (1019–1086), Tzu–chih t'ung–chien
, Peking 1956: 738, relates this event for the year 89 B.C.; at
that time the Chancellor was T'ien Ch'ien–ch'iu .
4. This was Shang–ch'iu Ch'eng .
(DE GROOT 1926: 145)
Reue über diese in der Ferne geführten Feldzüge hatten den Kaiser ergriffen; da richteten Song Hung–
jang , der Erheber von Getreidesteuern und Generalkommandant, zusammen mit dem Reichs-
verweser und dem Reichsverweser-Assistent eine Eingabe folgenden Inhalts an ihn:
— 215 —
HS 3912 (96B.6b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 166)
+ To the east of old Lun–tai 1 there are Chieh–
2
chih and Ch'ü–li which are both an-
cient states.
The land is extensive and rich in water and pasture,
3
and there are over 5000 ›ch'ing‹ of irrigated ara-
ble land. The place enjoys a warm and temperate
climate; the land is fine and it is possible to dig
more ditches and canals and to sow the five field
crops, which will ripen at the same time as they do
in China .
1. Lun–t'ai ... Hsü Sung , basing himself on ›Shui–ching–
chu‹ 2.28b, places it southeast of present-day Kucha.
Huang Wen–pi (1958: 10–11) believes that the ruins and
the traces of an ancient irrigation system near ›Che–kuo–t'e–
ch'in‹ at c. 84º 25' E and 41º 38' N could be the ruins
of Han time Lun–t'ai, whereas those near ›K'o–yu–k'o–ch'in‹
at 84º 20' E and 41º 37' N would be those of the original
autochthonous settlement which — he thinks — was called
Lun–t'ou . Shimazaki Akira, in: ›Memoirs of the Research
Department of the Toyo Bunko‹ (Tokyo) 27, 1969: 44, locates
Lun–t'ai near Bügür.
The prefix ›ku‹ , “ old ancient, former”, is used, according to
Hsü Sung , because Li Kuang–li had butchered its inhab-
itants in 102 B.C., during his march on Ta Yüan (HSPC 61.11a).
The resulting absence of an autochthonous population may
have been an inducement for planting colonies at Lun–t'ai ...
2. Chieh–chih ... Hsü Sung concludes from the ›Shui–
ching–chu‹ that, whereas Ch'ü–li lay southeast of
present-day Kucha, Chieh–chih lay to the northeast ...
3. 1 ›ch'ing‹ = 100 ›mu‹ of 0.0461 hectare or 0.114 acre = 4.61 hectare
or 11.4 acres; see Dubs, HFHD II, 1944: 160, note 9.7.
(DE GROOT 1926: 145–146)
+ Die östlich vom ehemaligen Lun–tai liegenden früheren Reiche Tsi¥t–ki und Ku–li bilden ein
Land von großer Ausdehnung, reich an Wasser und Pflanzen. Mehr als 5000 ›K'ing‹ bewässerte Äcker
liegen dort; das Klima ist da milde und gleichmäßig, die Felder sind von vortrefflicher Beschaffenheit.
Es ist also ratsam, dort die Anlage von Kanälen und dadurch den Anbau der fünf Getreidearten zu för-
dern, damit diese dort in den gleichen Jahreszeiten wie im Reich der Mitte zur Reife gelangen.
(WYLIE 1882: 96)
+ From ancient Lun–t'ae (Yugur) 1 eastward, Tsi¥h–che and Keu–le are both ancient states. The land is
broad and fertile, and water and herbage are everywhere plentiful. There are about 800 acres of
arable land. The climate is genial; the soil is excellent, and might be improved by drains and water-
courses. The different kinds of grain grow there, and ripen about the same time as in China.
1. This identification is given on the authority of the ›Se y©h t'ung w£n che‹, book II, fol. 16, which says, + the modern town of
Yugur represents Lun–t'ae of the Han.* On the Russian map we find a place marked ›Jusur‹, on the high road between
Kuchay and Czatyr, about 60 miles from the former and 40 from the latter, which answers well to the position indicated in the
text. The town is also called Poo–koo–urh.
— 216 —
HS 3912 (96B.6b–7a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 166–167)
+ The neighbouring states rarely use coined money 1
2
and value gold and colored silks .
If it were possible to exchange these goods for corn,
food supplies would be adequate for our needs and
there should be no deficiency.
We humbly suggest that conscripts detailed for work
in agricultural colonies should be sent to old Lun–t'ai
3
and the area east [of old Lun–t'ai] and that a com-
4
plement of three colonels should be established
with divided responsibilities for the supervision of
the area.
1. The text reads ›chui–tao‹ , lit. ›awls and knives‹. The
binome occurs in the ›Tso chuan‹, duke Chao, 6th year, where
it means ›trifles, unimportant things‹, but this is out of place in
the present context. For this reason Wu Jen–chieh suggests
that ›chui‹ is a copyist's mistake for ›ch'ien‹ , pointing
out that the binome ›ch'ien–tao‹, lit. ›hoes and knives‹, is an old
term for ›coined money‹; this meaning has evolved from the
ancient use of these objects as means of exchange; see Wang
Yü–chüan, Early Chinese Coinage, New York 1951: 90.
2. For the ›huang chin‹ of the text, the parallel passage in
the Han–chi (by Hsün Yüeh , 148–209) writes
›huang t'ieh‹ . Now ›huang chin‹, lit. “ yellow metal”, usu-
ally means “gold”, but, as indicated by Wu Jen–chieh
(fl.1137–1199), it occasionally means “ copper”, which is likewise
the meaning of the term ›huang t'ieh‹ used in the Han–chi. Wu
therefore believes that the metal referred to here is copper and
not gold. However, the occurrence of the term in combination
with coloured silk makes it far more probable that it means
“ gold” and not “ copper”.
3. Chang Ch'un–shu , in ›Ta–lu tsa–chih‹ 46/4, 1974:
145–148, comparing the relevant texts, suggests that only these
›areas east‹ are intended, and that Lun–t'ai had already been
colonized since approx. 102 B.C.
4. Hsü Sung notes that Han–chi writes “ two”.
(DE GROOT 1926: 146)
+ Den danebenanliegenden Reichen mangelt es an Bohr- und Schneidewerkzeugen, und Gold und
bunte Seidenwaren sind dort sehr geschätzt; wir müssen also solche Sachen gegen ihren Getreide-
proviant eintauschen, und zwar so, daß sie uns davon genug liefern, und somit kein Mangel daran
eintreten kann. Wir Minister sind so dumm, der Meinung zu sein, daß nach diesem östlich des ehe-
maligen Lun–tai gelegenen Lande Ackerbausoldaten geschickt werden sollen, und daselbst drei
militärische Oberhauptleute einzusetzen sind, damit jeder einen Teil des Landes wahre und
verwalte.
— 217 —
HS 3912 (96B.7a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 167)
+ Each one should survey the topography 1 and
build and exploit water-courses, with their efforts bent on in-
creasing the yield of the five field crops according to
season.
Chang–i and Chiu–ch'üan (commanderies)
2
should dispatch temporary majors of cavalry to
form patrols and to be placed under the orders of the colonels;
3
and when the situation permits, mounted couriers may
be used as a means of conveying information.
When the fields have been worked for a year there will be an
accumulation of corn. A call may then be made to able-bodied
and fit members of the (Han) population who have family re-
4
sponsibilities and who are ready to emigrate, suggest-
ing that they should proceed to the sites of the farms and
make the collection of the harvest their main occupation.
1. The term ›chü–t'u ti–hsing‹ is unknown elsewhere, but cf. the
expression ›chü chi‹ used for “ surveying” in HSPC 65.7a ... For clear
reproductions of the excellent Han maps of the 2nd century B.C.,
discovered at Ma–wang tui, see ›Wenwu‹ 1976/1: 18–32.
2. Our translation is based on the indication provided by Wang Hsien-shen
, HHSCC , Tr. 24.8a: .
3. For the mounted couriers see Õba Osamu in:
16, 1949: 1–30; see also Michael Loewe, Records of Han Administra-
tion (RHA), Cambridge 1967: I, 39–45.
4. The text reads ›lei chung‹ ; the later commentators accept the inter-
pretation given by Yen Shih–ku that this term, which literally
means “ties and heavy (burdens)”, has the meaning of “ wife and children,
family relations”.
(DE GROOT 1926: 146)
+ Jeder von ihnen muß dann von den Bodengestaltungen seines Gebietes vollständige Karten anfer-
tigen und überall den Bau von Wasserleitungen fördern, jedoch bei der Auferlegung von (dazu erfor-
derlichen) Frondiensten den Jahreszeiten Rechnung tragen, damit diese dem Anbau der fünf Getrei-
dearten zugute kommen. Man schicke also aus Tšang–ji' und Tsiu–ts'uan den stellvertretenden Mar-
shall der Reiterei als Kundschafter dorthin, und falls dieser finden sollte, daß unser Vorschlag bezüg-
lich der Oberhauptmänner zweckmäßig ist, so soll darüber mittels der Reiterpost dem Throne Bericht
erstattet werden. Wird daselbst den ganzen Jahreskreis hindurch von den Feldern Getreide aufge-
speichert, so wird das Volk, wenn es für den Krieg einberufen wird, stark und tüchtig dastehen; dann
1
auch werden Menschen, die Weiber, Kinder und Anverwandte besitzen und den Mut haben auszu-
wandern, nach den Gegenden, wo die Felder liegen, hinziehen und sich da dem Aufspeichern von
Ernten berufsmäßig zuwenden.
1. Das soll, nach J¥n Ši–ku, die Bedeutung der Zeichen sein.
— 218 —
HS 3912 (96B.7a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 167–168)
+ More and more land may be reclaimed and irrigated,
and gradually a line of posts may be constructed, lead-
ing to the west and connected by a wall; these may be
used to advantage as a means of overawing the states
of the west and supporting Wu–sun .
1
We are respectfully sending your servant the consultant
Ch'ang on a tour to the various divisions of the
borders. He is to issue a stern order to the governors and
commandants to maintain a clear system of flags and
2 3
fire signals, to select soldiers' horses, to pay careful at-
4
tention to patrols and to collect stores of fodder.
1. ›Cheng–shih‹ , rendered as “consultant” in H. H. Dubs, History
of the Former Han Dynasty (HFHD) I, Baltimore 1938: 165. There was
no fixed complement of consultants, and the title is used occasion-
ally in the ›Han shu‹, usually to denote senior officials resident in
the capital city.
Hsü Sung suggests that “ the consultant Ch'ang” might be
identified with Kuo Ch'ang (mentioned in Wang Hsien–ch'ien
, Han-shu pu-chu (HSPC) 6.27b, 28b, 31a; Dubs,
HFHD II, 1944: 92, 94, 98; HSPC 55.19a, 94A.22b; J. J. M. de Groot,
Chinesische Urkunden zur Geschichte Asiens I: 149; HSPC 95.4b).
2. For the system and practice of signalling, see M. Loewe, Records of
Han Administration (RHA) I: 102–104 and II: 216 f., 221 f.; for patrols
see RHA I: 118 f., II: 139 f.
3. ›Shih ma‹ : not “soldiers and horses”, but “soldiers' horses”; cf.
HSPC 24B.12b: + The soldiers' horses of the Han troops that died
were over 100 000 head* , where the
last word “ head” is conclusive (cf. Nancy Lee Swann, Food and
Money in Ancient China, Princeton 1950: 274).
4. Cf. M. Loewe in: TP 1964: 344 f.; for comparable orders, issued at the
operational level, see RHA I: 94, 105 f., 125.
(DE GROOT 1926: 146–147)
+ Dann wird man da mehr und mehr den wasserreichen Boden urbar machen. Errichten wir dann
auch noch allmählich westlich der Großen Mauer eine Reihe von Wachthäusern, welche den Reichen
des Westens Ehrfurcht vor unserer Macht einflößen und es ¶–sun somit leicht machen, unser dienst-
fertiger Diener zu bleiben und sorgfältig uns seine Beauftragten zu schicken, dann wird eine glänzen-
de Schar untertäniger Fürsten gruppenweise an unseren Grenzen aufziehen. Es werde also den Gou-
verneuren der Marken und den Generalkommandanten der strikte Befehl erteilt, (bei diesen Wacht-
häusern) helle Feuer zu brennen und Mannschaften und Pferde zu stellen, die fleißige Wache halten
und Vorräte von Gras und Heu aufspeichern.
(WYLIE 1882: 96)
+ And following their original vocation of rearing cattle, they would also clear the irrigated land. It
would be expedient gradually to erect guard-stations at intervals from the Great Wall westward, to
keep the Western kingdoms in awe. Let Woo–sun be encouraged as a vassal to transmit the regular
tribute. Let ministers of business make a lucid division of the several tribes; and proceeding to the
borders, give strict injunctions to the Governors and Protectors General to be very clear in regard to
lighting the beacon fires. Let troops and horses be selected, to keep a careful watch, and let provender
be stored up for use.
— 219 —
HS 3912–3913 (96B.7a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 168)
+ We suggest that Your Majesty should send envoys to
the states of the west in order to set their minds at rest.
1
In all humility we make this request.*
The emperor thereupon issued a command express-
ing his deep regret for past actions in the following
terms:
+ On earlier occasions officials have recommended an in-
2
crease of thirty (coins) in the rate of the poll tax , to
help meet the expenses incurred on the borders. Such
measures would serve to bring grievous suffering to the
old and the weak, the orphans and those who are soli-
tary.
And now there is a further request to send conscript ser-
vicemen to set up farms at Lun–t'ai . Lun–t'ai lies
more than a thousand ›li‹ to the west of Chü–shih .
1. Ssu–ma Kuang (1019–1086), Tzu–chih t'ung–chien (TCTC)
, Peking 1956: 738–739, dates this memorial and the sub-
sequent order in 89 B.C.
2. The text reads ›fu‹ , which is identical with the ›suan–fu‹ ,
a tax per head of the population and per 10 000 cash of capital ...
The fixed tax of 120 cash per unit per year was occasionally lowered
or increased ...
(DE GROOT 1926: 147)
+ Möge es dabei Deiner Majestät gefallen, nach den Reichen des Westens eine Gesandtschaft zu ent-
senden, um die Gemüter daselbst zu beruhigen. Obzwar Deine Diener sich dadurch der Todesstrafe
aussetzen, bitten sie dennoch, dieses Gesuch überreichen zu dürfen.* Darauf erließ der Kaiser eine
Verfügung, in der er sein Leidwesen über das Vergangene gründlich auseinandersetzte: + Erst haben
die Minister mir vorgeschlagen, ich möchte die Kopfsteuer um dreißig Münzen erhöhen und damit die
Auslagen für die Grenzlande bestreiten. Das hätte aber den Armen, Alten, Schwachen, Verwaisten und
Alleinstehenden allzu schwere Lasten aufgebürdet. Und jetzt machen sie mir den Vorschlag, Krieger
auszusenden, um Lun–tai und das westlich von Lun–tai liegende, mehr als tausend ›Li‹ von Ku–su
(Turfan) entfernte Land zu beackern!
— 220 —
HS 3913 (96B.7a–7b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 168–169)
+ Previously, when the Noble of K'ai–ling 1 attacked
Chü–shih , the sons or younger brothers of (the
king of) the six states of Wei–hsü , Wei–li ,
2
Lou–lan and others who were present at the
capital city all returned to their home lands before (the
expedition), to arrange for supplies of food to be brought
out to meet the Han forces.
In addition they themselves put a force in the field which
was several myriads strong, with the king taking per-
sonal command in each case. Working together (these
forces) laid siege to Chü–shih and forced the king to sur-
render.
The forces of the various states were then disbanded,
and the strength (of the six states) was insufficient to
reach the route again and bring up supplies for the Han
armies.
1. The Noble of K'ai–ling ... he was a Hsiung–nu ›Chieh–ho‹ king
who had surrendered to Han and who was ennobled for the siege
he had laid around Chü–shih and for his capture of the king and the
whole population, shortly before the surrender of Li Kuang–li in
90 B.C. HS 17 gives his name as Ch'eng–wan ...
2. Hsü Sung suggests that the other three might have been
Ch'ieh–mo , (Mo–)shan and Yen–ch'i ...
(DE GROOT 1926: 147)
+ Als damals der Lehnsfürst von K'ai–ling den Krieg gegen Ku–su führte (90 v.Chr., s. Teil I, S. 179),
waren die (als Geiseln) in der Reichshauptstadt befindlichen jüngeren Brüder und Söhne von Gui–su,
Ut–li, Lª–lan und noch drei anderen Staaten zuvor heimgeschickt worden, damit sie der Kriegsmacht
von Han Vieh und Mundvorrat zuführen sollten. Außerdem brachten diese Reiche selbst einige zehn-
tausend Krieger ins Feld; jeder König stellte sich persönlich als Anführer an die Spitze seiner Truppen,
und sämtlich belagerten sie Ku–su und unterwarfen dessen König. Dann war aber die Kriegsmacht
dieser Reiche am Ende ihrer Kraft und nicht einmal mehr imstande, die Straße zu erreichen und dort
der Armee von Han Nahrungsmittel zuzuführen.
(WYLIE 1882: 97)
Formerly when the Marquis of Keae–ling attacked the Keu–sze, the young princes of six kingdoms, in-
cluding Wei–sew (Chagan-tungi), Yu–le (Kalga-aman), and Low–lan, who were residing at the imperial
metropolis, all returned to their homes in advance, and sent animals to meet and provision the Chi-
nese army; while the kings in person, at the head of several tens of thousands of troops, combined to
surround the Keu–sze. On the submission of the king of the latter, it was judged expedient to suspend
military operations by these several kingdoms; and they were unable again to offer provisions to the
Chinese army on the road.
— 221 —
HS 3913 (96B.7b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 169)
+ When the Han armies had conquered the town, the
food supplies were very abundant; nevertheless the
rations which the men personally carried were not
sufficient to last until the end of the campaign.
Those who were strong consumed the stock animals
and those who were weak died on the roads to the
number of several thousands of men.
We had asses and camels sent out from Chiu–ch'üan
(commandery) to carry supplies, and they pas-
sed out of the Yü–men barrier to meet the
troops.
The officers and conscripts who left from Chang–i
(commandery) did not march for a very long
distance; none the less there were very large num-
bers of stragglers.
In earlier days in our ineptitude we took note of a
1
report submitted by Hung , captain of the army.
1. The captain of the army, Hung, is further unknown.
— 222 —
HS 3913 (96B.7b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 169–170)
+ He said that the Hsiung–nu were tethering the fore
and hind feet of their horses, setting them down beside the
walls, and galloping up to say:
1
“A present of horses for you, men of Ch'in .”
For this reason, and because there were also Han envoys who
had been long detained without returning home, we raised
forces and despatched the Erh–shih general , with
the intention that our prestige should be enhanced for the
benefit of our envoys.
1. To the outside world, China was known as Ch'in , the name of the
westernmost state of the Chinese oikumene under which the whole
country was unified in 221 B.C.; it was also the First Emperor of Ch'in who
had his armies expel the Hsiung–nu from the Ordos region in 215 B.C.
As Pulleyblank 1962: 229 writes, it has been demonstrated that q‹nai, Seres,
Sanskrit ›Cðna‹ and our “ China” must come from Ch'in-*dz±n in his recon-
struction of ›Old Chinese‹ ...
Daffinà, TP 1982: 331-332 —
The Seres are first mentioned by Apollodorus of Artemita (quoted by
Strabo 11.11.1) who, writing in the 2nd-1st century B.C., says that under
Demetrius (c. 189-c. 166 B.C.) the Bactrian Greeks + extended to the Seres
and Phauni* .
Thus, to take for good the equation of the Seres with the men of Ch'in is
tantamount to say that in the first half of the 2nd century B.C. ... the
Bactrian Greeks reached the Chinese border ...
It has been since long demonstrated that the Seres of the 2nd cen-
tury B.C. cannot be anything else but the middlemen of the gold trade
(see Tarn 1951: 109-111). The name is probably connected with Iranian
›zaray-‹ = “ gold”, Arsacid Parthian ›zar±n‹, Neo-Persian ›zärr‹; cp. also
Tibetan ›gser‹, of Iranian derivation.
(DE GROOT 1926: 148)
+ nämlich, daß die Hung–nª Pferde mit gebundenen Vorder- und Hinterbeinen an der Mauer niederge-
1
legt und dazu in wildem Ritt geschrieen hatten: “Menschen von Ts'in, gebt uns bitte euere Pferde!”
. Die Gesandtschaften von Han waren lange von Hung–nª festgehalten worden und
kehrten noch immer nicht heim, und somit wurde unsere Streitmacht mobilisiert und der General von
Dsi–su (Li Kuang–li) ins Feld geschickt, auf daß es unseren Gesandtschaften fortan eine ehrfurchts-
vollere Behandlung angedeihen lassen möge.
1. Die Hung–nª pflegten also die Bewohner des Reiches von Han ›Menschen von Ts'in‹ zu nennen. Einen zweiten doku-
mentarischen Beweis dafür brachte uns S. 188 des ersten Teiles; und da auch Kap. 123 der Ši–ki [SJ 123] ›Menschen von Ts'in‹
erwähnt, die in der von Li Kuang–li belagerten Hauptstadt von Ta–wan Brunnen zu graben verstanden (s. oben S. 40), so läßt
sich vermuten, daß dieselbe Gewohnheit auch in Fargana herrschte. Befremden kann das keineswegs; in der Tat hatte das
mächtige Ts'in wenigstens fünf Jahrhunderte lang bis tief in Mittelasien Geltung besessen, und die Herrschaft von Han war
in Wirklichkeit nur eine Fortsetzung der Vorherrschaft der Ts'in-Dynastie von Ši–huang, zumal die Reichshauptstadt, von wo
aus Han diese Herrschaft führte, an derselben Stelle lag, wo sich die Reichshauptstadt von Ts'in befand. Zieht man dazu
noch in Betracht, daß die Hung–nª schon im zweiten Jahrhundert v.Chr. ihre Herrschaft bis an das Kaspische Meer und bis
zum Ob ausgedehnt hatten, dann ist es gewiß wahrscheinlich, daß der Name Ts'in als Bezeichnung des chinesischen Reiches
schon früh im weiteren Asien Wurzel gefaßt hat und, mehr oder weniger dialektisch verstümmelt, von dort aus sich nach
Europa verpflanzt und daselbst für alle Zeiten eingebürgert hat ...
— 223 —
HS 3913 (96B.7b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 170)
+ In times gone by, when ministers and counsellors
consulted together they took the omen of the milfoil and
the tortoise (shell), and if these were unpropitious, they
did not initiate an action.
On this occasion we showed the report (that the Hsiung–nu
were) tethering their horses to the chancellor , the im-
perial counsellor , the officials of prime rank
, the counsellors , the gentlemen who were
1
learned in literature and even to (the governors
of) the commanderies and the commandants of the depen-
2
dent states , such as Ch'eng Chung and Chao
3
P'o–nu and others.
1. Hsü Sung suggests that refers to the forgoing, leading
to the translation + the counsellors, the gentlemen who were versed in lit-
erature* ... provincial authorities were sometimes ordered to recommend
such persons for service; see e.g. HFHD II: 160. They took part in “ the
discussion on salt and iron” in 81 B.C.
2. For the establishment (from 121 B.C.) of ›shu kuo‹ , “ Dependent
States”, in areas inhabited by non-Chinese that lay outside the sphere of
the commanderies, see Loewe, RHA, 1967: I, 61 ff. The commandants were
responsible for their administration, see Kamada Shigeo ,
Shin–Kan seiji seido no kenkyø , Tokyo
1962: 329–336.
3. Ch'eng Chung and Chao P'o–nu are further unknown. As Hsü Sung
rightly remarks, the famous military leader with the same name Chao
P 'o–nu had been executed in connection with the witchcraft trials of
91 B.C.; see M. Loewe in: Asia Major 15, 1969: 163.
(DE GROOT 1926: 148)
+ Jedoch in der Urzeit wurde, wenn immer die hohen Minister und Großwesire einen Entschluß gefaßt
hatten, dieser der Prüfung durch das Orakelkraut und die Schildkröte unterzogen und, wenn diese
Prüfung keinen glücklichen Ausgang verhieß, nicht ausgeführt. Aus diesem Grund zeigten wir also den
Brief über die gebundenen Pferde dem Reichsverwalter und seinen Assistenten, den mit 2000 Stein be-
soldeten Großwesiren und den Palastbeamten, die Schriftgelehrte waren, auch den Generalkomman-
danten der Marken und der angehörigen Reiche, wie Tš'ing Tšung und Tšao P'o–nu.
— 224 —
HS 3913 (96B.7b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 170–171)
+ And they all took the view that it was highly inauspicious
1
that the savages should themselves be tethering their
horses.
2
Some believed that they were wishing to make a dis-
play of strength, in so far as those who have not sufficient
make a show to others of having a surplus.
We had the (Book of) Changes consulted, and in its sym-
bols [diagrams] we obtained ›ta–kuo‹ , (with the moving
3
line) a nine being situated at (line) five.
And (this was interpreted to mean) that the Hsiung–nu
would be discomfited and defeated.
1. Savages. The text reads ›lu‹ , “ captive” (not a regular “ prisoner”, for
this is ›ch'iu‹ ), a term regularly used in an opprobrious sense to desig-
nate alien peoples, usually those at war with the Chinese ... Dubs, HFHD,
passim, has rendered this word by the archaic term “ caitiff”, which was
used in the Middle Ages for the enemies of Christendom; in spite of the
advantage of a perfect parallel — for “caitiff” is derived from ›captivus‹ —
we have preferred a more modern expression.
2. These two characters are omitted in the Ching–yu edition of 1035, but are
present in Ssu–ma Kuang , TCTC , Peking 1956: 740.
3. The point at issue concerns the evolution of the hexagram from ›ta–kuo‹
during the process of consulting the ›I–ching‹ [“ Book of Chan-
ges”]. For methods of consultation, see Wilhelm/Baynes 1967: 721–723; for
the two hexagrams in question, see the same work, pp. 126 and 545.
[HS commentator] Meng K'ang [c. 180–260] interpreted the passage
in the Book of Changes to mean that the defeat of the Hsiung–nu would
not be long delayed [ ] ...
(DE GROOT 1926: 148–149)
+ Sie alle vertraten die Meinung, daß ein Feind, der seine Pferde selbst bindet, ein höchst unheilvolles
Vorzeichen darstellt. Einige glaubten, er wolle dadurch bekunden, daß er der mächtigere sei, denn
1
(“ keine Beine” oder “ungenügend”) gäbe zu verstehen, daß ihr Volk in der Mehrzahl sei. Aus
den [64 verschiedenen] Zusammensetzungen von Orakellinien (›Kua‹ ) des ›Ji'‹ [Yì–jðng ,
“ Buch der Wandlungen”] wurde dann eine [die 28.: ] gezogen, die “großer Fehlgriff” heißt,
2
und zwar fünf gegen neun, also: “Hung–nª wird die Wagen des Fürsten bedrängen und zerbrechen”.
1. hat in der Tat diese zweifache Bedeutung.
2. Das Kua ]Hexagramm[ , fünf gegen neun, wird im Tšou–ji' tše'–tšung , der Kaiserlichen Ausgabe des ›Ji'‹,
in Kap. 4 auf Bl. 21 behandelt. Daselbst lautet die Deutung: “ Eine verdorrte Weide blüht” , und dieser Satz ist
wiederum in Kap. 11 auf Bl. 46 gedeutet durch: “Kann sie das aber auf Dauer?” . Aus dieser Äußerung des heiligen
Orakelbuches hatten die gelehrten kaiserlichen Auguren wohl hergeleitet, daß das kraftlose Hung–nª höchstens im Anbeginn,
aber nicht fortdauernd siegen würde.
[Richard Wilhelm übersetzt das 28. Hexagramm mit “ Des Großen Übergewicht”: + Das Zeichen besteht aus vier starken
Strichen im Innern und zwei schwachen Linien außen ... (es) stellt einen Balken dar, der innen dick und schwer, aber an den
Enden zu schwach ist. Das ist kein Dauerzustand. Er muß verändert werden, sonst droht Gefahr ... Neun auf fünftem Platz
bedeutet: Eine dürre Pappel treibt Blüten. Ein älteres Weib bekommt einen Mann ...* [ I Ging, 1985: 115, 117.]
— 225 —
HS 3913 (96B.7b–8a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 171)
+ The sorcerers in attendance 1 , the watchers of
2 3
the stars [and] the observers of the vapours
4
who come under the director of astrology , as well as
the experts on tortoise and milfoil who come under
5
the director of divination , all regarded this as auspi-
cious.
And they thought that an opportunity when the Hsiung–nu
would be bound to be defeated would not be found a
second time.
It was further said that if, in the campaign in the north, a
6
leader of the army were to operate at the Fu hills , he
would be certain to win.
1. ›Kung–chü fang–shih‹ [literally: “ Public Carriage Sorcerers”].
The Gate of Public Carriages was the southern palace gate,
where according to HSPC 19A.11b and HHSCC, Tr. 25.8a, all persons
summoned to the capital and conveyed there by means of such a
carriage , had to pass. These “ sorcerers” had evidently been
called and made to wait for an imperial summons at this place.
2. ›Chih–hsing‹ . The (lost) Han kuan , quoted by the
7th century commentator to the Hou Han shu , calls these men
›hou–hsing‹ , “ look-outs for the stars”. Fourteen of these men be-
longed to the staff of forty-two attached to the observatory called
›ling–t'ai‹ ; see HHSCC, Tr. 25.1b–2a.
3. ›Wang–ch'i‹ ; called ›hou–ch'i‹ in HHSCC 25.2a; see the con-
tribution by Hulsewé in: NOAG 1979/1, Festschrift for Werner Eichhorn.
4. ›T'ai–shih‹ , or rather ›t'ai–shih–ling‹ , under whose
orders stood thirty-seven men, including the personnel mentioned in the
preceding notes. He was in charge of astronomical observations (for
mantic purposes) and of the calendar, a copy of which he had to present
for the coming year; he also selected auspicious days for the state
sacrifices and marriages and gave warning of inauspicious days.
Finally he had to record all auspicious phenomena and disastrous
events; see HHSCC, Tr. 25.1b.
5. ›T'ai–pu‹ . No further information is available concerning the
details of this functionary's tasks, which were eventually amalgamated
with those of the ›t'ai–shih‹; see HSPC 19A.7a and HHSCC, Tr. 25.3a.
6. The position of these hills is unknown. As Hsü Sung remarks,
they must have been within Hsiung–nu territory, beyond Wu–yüan Com-
mandery (see M. Loewe, Records of Han Administration (RHA) I,
1967: 180–181, n. 94), from where Li Kuang–li started out.
(DE GROOT 1926: 149)
+ Jedoch die Meister der Geheimlehren , die Hauptastronomen , die Sterndeuter , die
Beobachter der Lüfte und die Hauptdeuter der Schildkröte und des Orakelkrauts
waren alle der Überzeugung, der Ausgang würde ein glücklicher sein, die Hung–nª würden sicherlich
eine Niederlage erleiden, und ein so günstiger Zeitpunkt wie der damalige ließe sich nicht zum zwei-
ten Male finden. Sie erklärten außerdem, der zur Kriegsführung im Norden auszuschickende Heer-
führer würde am Hu-Gebirge den Feind sicherlich schlagen.
— 226 —
HS 3913 (96B.8a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 171–172)
+ The oracle was consulted (so as to make a choice
1
among) the various generals, and the Erh–shih
(general was pronounced to be) the one most subject to
fortune.
We therefore personally sent out the Erh–shih (general)
on an expedition to the Fu hills, and commanded him
that he should on no account penetrate deeply.
2 And now the strategists and the prognosticators have all
been gainsaid and confounded.
2 3
Enemy patrols taken by the Noble of Chung–ho
inform us that when the Hsiung–nu hear of the ap-
proach of Han forces they have their sorcerers bury
sheep or cattle on the roads (that the Han forces) are
4
taking, and by the water, in order to bring curse
upon our armies.
1. I.e. Li Kuang–li ; see de Groot, Chinesische Urkunden I, 1921:
177 f.
2. Reading ›te‹ instead of the meaningless ›wu‹ , in accordance
with other editions.
3. The Noble of Chung–ho was Mang T'ung ; he was
ennobled due to the role he had played in quelling the rebellion of
the heir-apparent in 91 B.C.; see HSPC 17.24a and 66.3b. Three years
later he made an attempt on the emperor's life and was killed in the
ensuing affray ...
4. Curse, ›chu‹: like + the curse against Ch'u* (in Yen
K'o–chün, ›Ch'üan shang–ku ... wen‹ 14.5b); cf. also Hulsewé,
Remnants of Han law (RHL) I, 1955: 168–169, and Loewe in: Asia
Major 15, 1969: 190.
(DE GROOT 1926: 149)
+ Es wurden dann auch noch hinsichtlich der Anführer Orakellinien (›Kua‹) zusammengestellt, und die
des Dsi–su-Generals zeigten sich dabei als die glückverheißendsten. Wir selbst schickten ihn also ins
Feld, und als er vom Hu-Gebirge hinabstieg, befahlen wir ihm, nicht tiefer ins Land einzudringen. Da
aber erwiesen sich alle Berechnungen, Pläne, Orakellinien und Schildkröten als falsch. Der Lehnsfürst
von Tšung–ho' (Ma T'°ng, s. Teil I, S. 178) fing einen feindlichen Kundschafter ab, der aussagte, er habe
gehört, daß Hung–nª, sobald ihm bekannt wurde, daß die Armee von Han heranzurücken im Begriff
war, seine ›Wu‹ (Priester) an allen Straßen und Flüssen, wo die Armee erscheinen würde, Schafe
und Rinder begraben ließ, um Übel auf sie herabzubeschwören.
(WYLIE 1882: 98)
+ The lot being cast for the general, that for the Urh–sze was most felicitous. I therefore personally com-
missioned the Urh–sze general to proceed to the Foo mountains, with the command that he should cer-
tainly not proceed farther. Now to deliberate on the prognostics of the diagrams is altogether mislead-
ing. The words of the spies who were taken prisoners by the marquis are eminently confirmatory of
this, where they say, — “The Heung–noo, on hearing that the Chinese army was advancing, sent wiz-
ards to bury sheep and oxen on all the roads and watercourses by which they might come, in order to
bring a curse on the forces.”
— 227 —
HS 3913 (96B.8a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 172)
+ And when the Shan–yü sends a present of horses
or fur-garments to the Son of Heaven , he regularly
has his sorcerers lay a spell upon them; ant the tethering
of horses is a curse brought to bear upon our military
undertakings.
In addition (the Hsiung–nu) have consulted the omens
about the fortunes of the Han armies (and have learnt
that) one general would meet with an inauspicious fate.
The Hsiung–nu always said that the Han (em-
pire) was extremely great, but (that its people were) in-
capable of withstanding hunger and thirst.
1
And that once the single wolf was lost, the thou-
sand sheep would be put to flight.
Recently the Erh–shih (general) was defeated; his troops
lay dead, or they were captured or scattered; and our
heart has constantly been filled with sorrow.
Now We are asked to set up farming establishments at a
great distance away, at Lun–t'ai; and it is desired that
We should establish posts and beacon stations. Such
measures would bring anguish and toil to the world and
are no way of treating its people with generosity.
We cannot at present bring Ourselves to accept such
advice.
1. The wolf is here taken as the leader. Wolf, ›lang‹ , and sheep,
›yang‹ , rhyme ...
(DE GROOT 1926: 149–150)
+ Auch hatte es jedesmal, wenn der Tan–hu dem Sohn des Himmels Reiterpelzjacken schickte, solches
Festbinden von Pferden den Wu und Beschwörern befohlen, und zwar zur Verfluchung unserer Kriegs-
unternehmungen. Ihnen hatte das Orakel verkündet, daß der erste Heerführer von Han kein Glück ha-
ben sollte. Immer behaupteten die Hung–nª, Han sei zwar ein allergrößtes Reich, aber nicht imstande,
Hunger und Durst zu ertragen, und läßt man einen einzigen Wolf los, so treibt er tausend Schafe in die
Flucht. So ist es gekommen, daß der Dsi–su-General die Niederlage erlitt, sein Kriegsvolk umkam, ver-
schleppt, aufgelöst, zerstreut wurde. Leid und Schmerz darüber wohnen seitdem immerfort in meinem
Herzen. Jetzt wird mir der Vorschlag gemacht, weit von hier Lun–tai zu beackern und (an der dorthin
führenden Straße) Wachthäuser zu errichten. Das bedeutet also, ich solle dem ganzen Reiche aber-
mals Lasten aufbürden. Das wäre nicht das Mittel, um dem Volke Zufriedenheit zu bringen; solches
kann ich nicht über das Herz bringen.
(WYLIE 1882: 98)
+ When the Shen–yu presents horses or cloaks to the emperor, he causes the wizards to bless them.
Binding the horses implies a curse on the army. Again the lot was cast for another general for the Chi-
nese army; but the prognostic was infelicitous. The Heung–noo are accustomed to say: — “China is an
exceeding great country, and cannot be destroyed by hunger and thirst.” But one wolf can put to flight
a thousand sheep. And the numbers who were slain, taken captive, and dispersed on occasion of the
Urh–sze general's defeat have been a perpetual load of grief on my heart. Now the request is made to
form a camp at Lun–t'ae; whence it is proposed to erect a line of guard stations. That, indeed, would
embarrass the empire, and is not the way to tranquillise the people. Now I cannot bear to listen to
the talk
— 228 —
HS 3913–3914 (96B.8a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 172–173)
+ The Superintendent of State Visits and others
are in addition advising that incarcerated convicts
should be recruited to escort the envoys of the Hsiung–
nu, ... to make clear the reward attendant on investiture
1
with the rank of noble, ... in order to requite feelings of
hatred.
1. There may be reason to believe that the state of the present text is
due to corruption and a possible conflation of the accounts of more
than one incident. The logical sequence is not clear, as between the
emperor's rejection of the suggestion to colonize Lun–t'ai and the re-
commendation made by the Superintendent of State Visits for re-
cruiting incarcerated convicts to escort Hsiung–nu envoys.
There appears to be no further reference to that recommendation in
the Han shu ...
It is clear from HSPC 94A.27a that at this junction the Hsiung–nu lea-
ders included members of a peace party (i.a. the Shan–yü himself)
and their opponents, and that the issue of relations with China may
have been involved with the question of the Shan–yü's succession. It
is also to be noted that at the time in question the situation in go-
vernment and court circles in Ch'ang–an was far from stable, owing
to dynastic and political intrigues ...
It is perhaps not impossible that in the present text the decree of
emperor Wu, rejecting Sang Hung–yang's memorial, closes with the
passage + We ... cannot bring Ourselves to accept such ad-
vice*, whereas the succeeding text is an incomplete account of
(1) a proposal to enter into a plot to have one of the less favourably
inclined Hsiung–nu leaders murdered by infiltrating armed
members of an escort of convicts to the Hsiung–nu court, and
(2) a further imperial statement rejecting such a scheme, and con-
tinuing by enjoining attention to home affairs.
If this explanation can be accepted, the additional text of Ssu–ma
Kuang [quoted on the following page] is a crucial part of the
document, in so far as it gives a second cogent reason for the refusal
of the proposal.
(DE GROOT 1926: 150)
+ Mir ist berichtet worden, daß der Minister für die Bewirtung und Behandlung der unterworfenen Bar-
baren vorgeschlagen hat, Gefangene und Verbannte anzumustern, um die Gesandtschaft von
Hung–nª heimzubegleiten und diesen Leuten eine Belohnung mit Lehnstaaten vorzuspiegeln, für den
Fall, daß sie dort unseren Groll (durch verräterische Handstreiche) rächen.
(WYLIE 1882: 98)
+ of the banqueting-house magnates. Again, they are proposing to send prisoners to escort the Heung–
noo envoys back. This illustrates conferring a marquisate to allay irritation.
— 229 —
HS 3914 (96B.8a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 173)
+ Conduct of which even the Five Leaders 1
were incapable.
In addition, when the Hsiung–nu obtain Han persons
who surrender, they usually have them raise their
2
arms and search them, interrogating them for what
they have learnt. ... (How could this plan ever be
2
carried out? ) ...
At present the defence lines on the frontier are not in
order, and unauthorised journeys outwards are not
stopped.
The senior officers of the defence stations
have the conscripts hunt animals and make a profit
from their skins and carcasses.
1. The Five Leaders (sometimes called hegemons), ›wu po‹
or ›wu pa‹ , were leaders of confederations of the
Chinese states against aggression from the south in the
7th century B.C.; cf. Henri Maspero, La Chine antique, Paris
1955: 245 f. However, the Confucians of a later age considered
them as evil men and usurpers, e.g. Mencius VI B, 7. In the
scale of moral values they stand at the lowest level, far below
the saintly rulers of mythical antiquity, the full series being the
Three August Ones, the Five Emperors, the Three Royal Hou-
ses, and finally the Five Leaders.
2. It is of some importance to note that Ssu–ma Kuang
(1019–1086), Tzu–chih t'ung–chien (TCTC) , Peking
1956: 741, in his account of this incident appends
after . This addition is not carried in the Han
chi and its existence is apparently not mentioned by the
Chinese commentators.
(DE GROOT 1926: 150)
+ Jedoch zu so etwas sind sogar die fünf Gewalthaber 1 nicht imstande gewesen, und überdies ist
Hung–nª in den Besitz von unterworfenen Chinesen gelangt, die ihm fortwährend als Spione dienen
und unseren Leuten über ihnen erteilte (geheime) Aufträge schon aushorchen werden. Immer noch
befinden sich die Grenzbefestigungen nicht im richtigen Zustand, und zwar weil ihre Schranken und
Ausgänge nicht geschlossen und gesperrt werden. Die mit der Sperrung und Bewachung beauftragten
stellvertretenden Kreisverwalter schicken nämlich die Soldaten auf die Jagd, damit sie mit den
Pelzen und dem Fleisch Gewinne machen können.
1. Fünf rücksichtlose Fürsten des siebenten Jahrhundert v.Chr., erwähnt bei Mencius; s. Legge, The Chinese Classics, II,
S. 311. [Die ›fünf Pa‹ sind die Präsidialfürsten, die — zu Unrecht und nur auf gewaltsamem Wege nach Ansicht der Ortho-
doxie — eine Art Oberaufsicht über die Fürsten ausübten. FR.]
— 230 —
HS 3914 (96B.8a–8b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 173–174)
+ The conscripts suffer hardship and the system of flag and
smoke (signals) is not maintained effectively.
And even when the collected reports are presented, no infor-
1
mation is forthcoming (on these points). It is only later, when
persons come to surrender or we capture the savages that we
understand about (these matters).
At the present juncture our duty lies in nothing more than for-
bidding oppression; in preventing arbitrary exactions; in in-
creasing the effort spent in agriculture; and in implementing
the ordinance which gives exemptions from obligations in re-
2
turn for rearing horses. Our purpose being to supplement
deficiencies and to prevent any lack in military preparations.
1. The beginning of this sentence is rather cryptic, reading ;
perhaps a final word like ›wen‹ , “ to hear, to learn”, or ›chih‹ , “ to
know”, has been omitted. is the same as : “ to present the col-
lected accounts to the throne”.
For the presentation of annual accounts by the governors see Kamada
Shigeo , Shin–Kan seiji seido no kenkyø
, Tokyo 1962: 369–412.
2. This ordinance was probably instituted in 178 B.C. (see HSPC 24A.14b,
Nancy Lee Swann, Food and Money in Ancient China, Princeton 1950: 168),
but it was made unnecessary by the establishment of government pas-
tures some time before 144 B.C.; it was revived in 113 B.C. (HSPC 24B.17b,
Swann 1950: 304) and presumably abolished in 82 B.C. (HSPC 7.4a; Dubs,
HFHD II, 1944: 159).
(DE GROOT 1926: 150–151)
+ Folglich führen diese Soldaten ein hartes Dasein, und die Signalfeuer brennen demzufolge mangel-
haft und werden vernachlässigt, und selbst wenn ein für die höchste Stelle bestimmter Brief ankommt,
sind sie nicht aufzutreiben. Kommen dann Überläufer zu uns, so bekommt der Feind es zu wissen,
sobald auch nur einer von ihnen ihm lebend in die Hände fällt. Gegenwärtig geht also unser Bestre-
ben dahin, Druck und Gewaltanwendung zu verhindern und aller unberechtigten Auferlegung von
Steuern und Fronarbeit ein Ende zu bereiten, auf daß diejenigen, die sich mit Landbau beschäftigen,
sich aber jetzt (der schweren Steuern und Frondienste wegen) der Pferdezucht widmen, wiederum
veranlaßt werden, (durch Ackerbau) die Lücken (im Nahrungsbestand) auszufüllen, jedoch bloß inso-
weit, daß es der Kriegsbereitschaft an nichts mangelt.
(WYLIE 1882: 98–99)
+ The men are in a miserable condition; the beacon fires are unattended to, and it would be impossible
to assemble the forces. Subsequently, should those who have submitted to the Heung–noo bring an ag-
gressive force, when we take some captives we shall ascertain the truth. We ought now to apply our-
selves to prevent oppressive annoyances, and put a stop to arbitrary imposts. Let agriculturists sedu-
lously pursue their avocations. Let horses be provided, and fresh orders issued to repair the breaches,
and make good all deficiencies in the military defences.
— 231 —
HS 3914 (96B.8b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 174)
+ Let the officials of prime rank in the commanderies
and kingdoms each forward plans for raising a stock
of horses and for repairing (deficiencies at) the borders; and
let those who present the periodic reports be ready to answer
1 2
questions involved therein and in such plans.*
From this time armed forces were not sent out again.
Chü Ch'ien–ch'iu , the chancellor , was invested
with the title Noble of Fu–min (enrichment of the
3
people), so as to publicise the emperor's intention of resting
and his thoughts for promoting the people's prosperity.
1. For the interrogation of the regional officials who presented the annual
accounts in the capital see Kamada Shigeo , Shin–Kan seiji
seido no kenkyø , Tokyo 1962: 393 f.
2. ›Yen–t'ieh–lun‹ , ch. 16, briefly alludes to this edict; cf. E. M. Gale,
The Discourses on Salt and Iron, Leiden 1931: 101.
3. See HSPC 18.10a. This nobility of eight hundred households was situated
in Ch'i prefecture in P'ei commandery: the administrative geogra-
phy in HS 28, which describes the state of the empire in A.D. 1–2, does not
mention it, because it had been abolished in 71 B.C., when T'ien
Ch'ien–ch'iu's son had committed suicide because of a crime.
(DE GROOT 1926: 151)
+ Jeder Verwalter einer Mark oder eines Lehnstaates, der mehr als 2000 Stein Einnahmen hat, soll dem
Hofe einen Entwurf über die Pferdezucht einreichen, nebst Vorschlägen hinsichtlich der Wiederherstel-
lung der Grenzbefestigungen, mit Kostenanschlag als Beilage.* Dieser Erlaß hatte den Erfolg, daß
keine Heere mehr ins Feld geführt wurden. Dem Staatsverweser Tš'e Ts'ien–ts'iu wurde die
Würde eines ›Lehnsfürsten, der das Volk bereichert‹ verliehen und dadurch kundgetan, daß
man in ruhigen Zeiten der Bereicherung und Ernährung des Volkes eingedenk sein soll.
— 232 —
HS 3916 (96B.8b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 174)
When on an earlier occasion the Erh-shih gen-
eral Li Kuang-li had attacked Ta
Yüan , he had passed through Wu-mi on
his return. Wu-mi had sent its heir apparent, Lai-
tan , to be a hostage at Ch'iu-tz'u .
And (Li) Kuang-li had upbraided Ch'iu–tz'u, saying
:
+ The outer states are all subject to Han ;
1
by what authority has Ch'iu–tz'u accepted hos-
tages from Wu-mi ?*
He immediately sent Lai-tan to the capital city (of
Ch'ang-an). Emperor Chao thereupon adopted
the advice previously tendered by Sang Hung-yang
, and appointed Lai-tan, heir apparent of
Wu-mi, as a colonel to lead a force to work the land
at Lun-t'ai .
The lands of Lun-t'ai and Ch'ü-li are contigu-
ous.
1. The text reads , where ›te‹ has the
meaning of “ to be enabled to, to be allowed to”, hence our
translation.
— 233 —
HS 3916 (96B.8b–9a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 175)
Ku–i , a nobleman of Ch'iu–tz'u , spoke
to the king saying:
+ Lai–tan was originally subject to our state;
but now he comes here wearing a Han seal and
ribbon on his belt; and he is going to work
the land right close to our own state. This is bound
to cause harm.*
The king immediately put Lai–tan to death and for-
warded a written statement of explanation to Han,
which was unable to take corrective action.
1
In the time of Emperor Hsüan , Ch'ang Hui
, noble of Ch'ang–lo , was sent on a
mission to Wu–sun . On his way back he
found a suitable opportunity to call out forces from
the various states , amounting altogether to
50000 men, and to attack Ch'iu–tz'u.
1. See above, note on p. 151.
— 234 —
HS 3916 (96B.9a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 175)
He blamed them for having formerly killed colonel
Lai–tan , and the king excused himself
by saying that at that time his predecessor had
been deceived by Ku–i , a nobleman, and that
he himself was guiltless.
He arrested Ku–i and sent him to (Ch'ang) Hui
, who had him beheaded.
— 235 —
HS 3916 (96B.9a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 175)
At this time the princess of Wu–sun had
sent her daughter to the capital city to study lute-
1
playing. Han sent Lo Feng , a gentleman in atten-
2
dance , to escort her back [home], and they passed
through Ch'iu–tz'u .
Ch'iu–tz'u had previously sent men to Wu–sun to request
the hand of the daughter of the princess, but they had
not yet returned.
It so happened that the princess' daughter was then
passing through Ch'iu–tz'u, and the king detained her
without sending her on. He sent a further messenger to
report matters to the princess who gave her consent [to
this marriage].
Later the princess sent a written message [to the Han
court] expressing her wish that her daughter should be
treated like a member of the imperial household and ad-
mitted to court.
1. Lo Feng is further unknown.
2. ›Shih lang‹ ; on the ›lang‹ , “ Gentlemen”, see Yen Keng–
wang in: Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology
of the Academia Sinica (CYYY) 23, 1951: 89–143.
Gentlemen-in-attendance were the second lowest of the four grades
of Gentlemen; their number was not fixed. They served in the
palace in various functions.
(DE GROOT 1926: 153)
Um diese Zeit ließ Han eine Tochter der kaiserlichen Prinzessin von ¶–sun, welche diese nach der
Reichshauptstadt geschickt hatte, um das Lautenspiel zu erlernen, von dem aufwartenden Palast-
beamten Jo' Fung wieder heimwärts bringen. Der Weg führte sie über Ku–tsu. Nun hatte Ku–tsu
gerade damals einen Gesandten nach ¶–sun geschickt, um sich dort um eine Tochter zu bewerben,
und er war noch nicht zurück, als die Tochter durch Ku–tsu reiste. Deshalb hielt der König sie zurück
und ließ sie nicht abreisen; er schickte durch einen Gesandten einen Bericht darüber an die Prinzes-
sin. Diese gab dann ihre Zustimmung zur Ehe, schrieb aber darauf dem Kaiser, er möchte ihre Tochter
in das kaiserliche Haus aufnehmen und ihr Zutritt zum Hof gewähren.
— 236 —
HS 3916 (96B.9a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 175–176)
1
For his part, Chiang–pin , king of Ch'iu–tz'u
, loved his wife, and he wrote that, having obtained the
hand of a granddaughter of the Han (imperial family), he
had become a brother (of the Han house); and he would
like to pay a visit to the court in company with the prin-
cess' daughter.
In the first year of (the reign-period) ›yüan–k'ang‹
(65 B.C.) they thereupon came to court to offer their con-
2
gratulations.
The king and his consort each had seals and ribbons
bestowed upon them. His consort was granted the
style and title of princess, and given carriages and a
complement of riders, banner-carriers, drummers, sin-
3
gers and flautists numbered by the tens [of persons],
together with patterned silks, embroideries, variegated
silks and precious gems corresponding altogether (in
4
value) to tens of millions (of cash).
1. See above, p. 150.
2. The annals of emperor Hsüan (HS 8) do not mention this visit. The
congratulations were presented at the New Year's audience when, at
least according to an author to the second century A.D., the alien
tribes offered their tributes (HHSCC, Tr. 5.12a, Ts'ai Chih's
›Han–i‹ , quoted in Liu Chao's 7th century commentary).
3. The text reads , which lends itself readily into
taking each word separately, as we have done ...
4. The text reads ; we have followed the suggestion of Hsü
Sung and considered the figures as referring to the value of
these goods, in which case only the translation (thousands of myri-
ads =) + tens of millions*, scl. of cash, is applicable. However, another
view is also possible, viz. that the figure applies to the objects men-
tioned before, and then the translation should be + several thousand
up to ten thousand*.
(DE GROOT 1926: 153)
Inzwischen verliebte sich König Kang–pin von Ku–tsu (vgl. S. 127) so sehr in das Mädchen, daß er dem
Kaiser schrieb, er möchte, falls er mit der Tochter der Tochter von Han beehrt und dadurch zum Bru-
der (des Kaisers) erhoben würde, zusammen mit der Tochter der Prinzessin zur Audienz erscheinen.
Im ersten Jahre der Periode ›Juan–k'ang‹ (65 v.Chr.) waren sie zur Beglückwünschung des
Kaisers da. Sowohl dem König als seiner Gemahlin verlieh der Kaiser ein Siegel mit Siegeltuch; sie
empfing den Titel einer Kaisertochter (Kung–tšu ), und sie wurden beschenkt mit Wagen, Reitern,
Fahnen, Pauken, einigen Dutzend Sängern und Bläsern, geblümten und brodierten Seidenstoffen ge-
mischter Art und kostbaren Steinen, alles in allem wohl einige zehn Millionen wert.
— 237 —
HS 3916–3917 (96B.9a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 176–177)
After remaining for a visit of almost a year, they
were given generous presents and sent on their
way. Later they paid several visits to the court to
present their congratulations. They delighted in the
Han style of dress and institutions.
1
On return to their own state they built residences
, with an outside road running round the peri-
meter. They arranged a relay system of calls to an-
nounce their arrival or departure with the beating of
2
bells and drums. And their protocol was like
that of the house of Han .
3
The outer states and the nomads all said:
+ An ass that is no ass; a horse that is no
horse; it is like the king of Ch'iu–tz'u , what
we call a mule .*
1. For an actual example of a “ palace” purely Chinese in style,
built in Han times in present-day Southern Sibiria, see: Palaeo-
logica VI, 1, 1957: 87 ff.; Chou Lien–k'uan (in: Kaogu
tongxun, 1956/4: 55–66), basing himself on literary evidence,
suggested that this may have been the dwelling in Wang
Mang's time (early 1st century A.D.) for the eldest daughter of
a Chinese princess (cf. de Groot, Chinesische Urkunden I,
1921: 279).
2. As regards the Han protocol, Hsü Sung refers to the
opening paragraph of Wei Hung , ›Han chiu i‹
(in: Han–kuan ch'i chung, q.v.), which describes the guards and
retinue of the emperor in very general terms.
3. For the term ›hu‹ see above, note on p. 80. Here it is prob-
ably used with particular reference to the Hsiung–nu, in view
of the fact that in Kucha there existed a Noble of Chi–hu
, i.e. for attacking the Hu, i.e. the Hsiung–nu (HSPC 96B.14a,
translated p. 163).
(DE GROOT 1926: 153)
Nachdem sie mehr als ein Jahr (in der Hauptstadt) verbracht hatten, wurden sie mit reichen Geschen-
ken heimgeführt. Danach kam der Fürst noch manchmal zu Hofe. Die offiziellen Gewänder und An-
ordnungen von Han gefielen ihm so sehr, daß er, sobald er wieder in seinem Reiche zurück war, sich
dort eine Palaststadt erbaute, worin Straßen angelegt waren, und die eine Umfassungsmauer hatte;
und wenn er aus- oder einzog, hallten laute Ausrufe, und eine Glocke und eine Pauke wurden geschla-
gen, genau so wie es beim kaiserlichen Haus fon Han zu tun üblich war. Die Hu des Auslandes pfleg-
ten davon zu sagen: + Ein Esel und dennoch kein Esel, ein Pferd und doch kein Pferd; so einen wie den
König von Ku–tsu nennen wir ein Maultier.*
— 238 —
HS 3917 (96B.9a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 176–177)
1
At the death of Chiang–pin his son Ch'eng–te
styled himself grandson of the Han house in the
female line of descent .
In the time of Emperors Ch'eng and Ai , the king
undertook the journey to and from (Ch'ang–an) very fre-
quently, and Han likewise treated him with a very close
friendship.
To the east there is communication with Wei–li at
a distance of 650 ›li‹.
1. ›Ch'eng–te‹ might be a Chinese name ...
— 239 —
HS 3917 (96B.9b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 177)
1
The state of Wei–li .
The king's seat of government is at the town of
Wei–li,
and is distant by 6750 ›li‹ from Ch'ang–an .
There are 1200 households, 9600 individuals with
2000 persons able to bear arms.
(There are the following officials:)
The noble of
Wei–li ,
An–shih (peace of the age).
The left and the right
leaders ,
commandants .
The master of
Chi–hu (assault on the nomads).
[One person each.]
And two interpreters-in-chief .
1. ... The 19th and 20th century ›Han shu‹ commentators
locate it around Bugur.
Chavannes (1905: 552; 1906: 234) locates Wei–li and Wei–
hsü in the vicinity of Lake Bagrash or Bostang nor. He cri-
ticizes Wylie for ... locating Wei–li [which he transcribes as
›Yu–le‹] at Kalgan-aman, close to and NE of Korla.
Huang Wen–pi (Peking 1958: 6–7) suggests that the
extensive ruins NE of Korla ... might be the capital of Wei–li,
containing a Han settlement.
Shimazaki Akira (Ku–shih and the Anterior
and Posterior Kingdom of Kü–shih , in: ›Memoires of
the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko‹ 27, Tokyo
1969: 27–81, here 44) still places Wei–li at Kalgan-aman.
(DE GROOT 1926: 154)
1
Der Regierungssitz des Königs des Reiches Ut–li , die Stadt Ut–li, liegt 6750 ›Li‹ von Tš'ang–
ngan. 1200 Familien, 9600 Personen, 2000 Krieger. Ein Lehnsfürst von Ut–li. Ein ›Lehnsfürst von An–se‹
. Ein linker und ein rechter Heerführer. Ein linker und ein rechter Generalkommandant. Ein
›Fürst für die Kriegführung gegen die Hu‹ . Zwei Hauptdolmetscher.
1. Das erste Zeichen im Namen dieses Reiches ist wohl, wie in (s. S. 119), ›ut‹ auszusprechen, und ›Ut–li‹ mag einer Grund-
form Urli oder Hurli entsprechen, die sich im Namen des Landes und der Stadt K'u–¥l–li' (Gurli') , auf unseren Karten
als Kurla verzeichnet, erhalten zu haben scheint. Die im Text gegebenen Abstandszahlen sprechen dafür, daß dieses Gurli
auf dem Boden des alten Ut–li steht. Eine Abmessung auf der Karte ergibt nämlich, daß Gurli 650 ›Li‹ südwestlich oder west-
lich vom alten Ku–li liegt und nur 100 ›Li‹ südlich vom alten J¥n–ki (s. unten) sich befindet, das wahrscheinlich der Ruinen-
stätte von Šortšuk westlich vom Bagrasch-kul entsprach.
— 240 —
HS 3917 (96B.9b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 177)
To the west it is a distance of 300 ›li‹ to the
seat of the Protector General . To the
south it adjoins Shan–shan and Ch'ieh–
mo .
— 241 —
HS 3917 (96B.9b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 177–178)
1
The state of Wei–hsü .
The king's seat of government is at the town of
Wei–hsü,
and it is distant by 7290 ›li‹ from Ch'ang–an
.
There are 700 households, 4900 individuals
with 2000 persons able to bear arms.
(There are the following officials:)
The noble of
Chi–hu (assault on the nomads).
The commandant of
Chi–hu (assault on the nomads).
The left and the right
leaders ,
commandants ,
masters of cavalry .
The master of
Chi–hu (assault on the nomads).
And one interpreter-in-chief .
To the west it is a distance of 500 ›li‹ to the
seat of the Protector General .
It is 100 ›li‹ distant to Yen–ch'i .
1. ... Hsü Sung locates Wei–hsü to the southeast of
Bostang Lake;
Chavannes (1905: 552) seems to accept this localization,
criticizing Wylie for ... placing Wei–hsü at Chagan-
tungi, northeast of Karashahr [Yen–ch'i, Yån–qí].
(DE GROOT 1926: 154–155)
1
Der Regierungssitz des Königs des Reiches Gui–su , die Stadt Gui–su, liegt 7290 ›Li‹ von Tš'ang–
ngan. 700 Familien, 4900 Personen, 2000 Krieger. Ein Lehnsfürst für den Krieg gegen die Hu. Ein Gene-
ralkommandant für den Krieg gegen die Hu. Ein linker und ein rechter Heerführer. Ein linker und ein
rechter Generalkommandant. Ein linker und ein rechter Reiterfürst. Ein Fürst für die Kriegführung
gegen die Hu. Ein Hauptdolmetscher. Westlich bis an den Verwaltungssitz des Allgemeinen Schutz-
herrn sind es 500 ›Li‹. Bis J¥n–ki sind es 100 ›Li‹.
1. Da Gui–su 500 ›Li‹ und J¥n–ki (s. unten) 400 ›Li‹ vom Schutzherrn entfernt war, muß der Abstand zwischen Gui–su und J¥n–
ki 100 ›Li‹ betragen haben. Vorausgesetzt, daß die Ruinen von Šor¾uk die der alten Stadt J¥n–ki sind, haben wir wahrschein-
lich in denen, welche bei Tschukur liegen, die alte Stadt Gui–su zu erblicken. Das verträgt sich mit dem Textbericht des Wei–
lio', nach welchem Gui–su an der Straße lag:
+ Die Mittelstraße führt westwärts nach den Reichen Ut–li und Gui–su und zum König von San , die alle zu J¥n–ki
gehören.* (s. S. 48)
— 242 —
HS 3917–3918 (96B.9b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 178)
1
The state of Yen–ch'i .
The king's seat of government is at the town of Yüan–
ch'ü ,
and it is distant by 7300 ›li‹ from Ch'ang–an .
There are 4000 households, 32100 individuals with
6000 persons able to bear arms.
(There are the following officials:)
One noble of
Chi–hu (assault on the nomads),
Ch'üeh–hu (resistance to the nomads),
Fu–kuo (support of the state).
One left and one right
leader ,
commandant ,
master of Chi–hu (assault on the nom.).
One master of
Chi Chü–shih (assault on Chü–shih),
Kuei–i Chü–shih (master of Chü–shih
2
who maintains allegiance to the Right).
Two
commandants of Chi–hu (assault on the nomads),
masters of Chi-hu (assault on the nomads).
And three interpreters-in-chief .
1. Yen–ch'i ... traditionally identified with Karashahr. Huang
Wen–pi (1958: 7) suggests that + the old walled town of
Ha–la–mu–teng* , a few ›li‹ south of the modern settle-
ment of that name and north of the Haidu River might have been
the administrative centre of Yen–ch'i ...
2. Our translation of this title follows a suggestion of Hsü Sung
; see also note on p. 187.
(DE GROOT 1926: 155)
Der Regierungssitz des Königs des Reiches J¥n–ki , die Stadt Oan–ku , liegt 7300 ›Li‹ von
Tš'ang–ngan. 4000 Familien, 32100 Personen, 6000 Krieger. Ein Lehnsfürst zur Bekämpfung der Hu; ein
›Lehnsfürst zur Abwehr der Hu‹ ; ein Lehnsfürst, ›Stütze des Reichs‹. Ein linker und ein rechter
Heerführer; ein linker und ein rechter Generalkommandant; ein linker und ein rechter Fürst für die
Kriegführung mit den Hu. Ein Fürst für die Kriegführung gegen Ku–su; ein ›Fürst von Ku–su, der zur
Treue sich bekehrt hat‹ (?) . Zwei Generalkommandanten für die Kriegführung gegen
die Hu; zwei Fürsten für die Kriegführung gegen die Hu. Drei Hauptdolmetscher.
— 243 —
HS 3918 (96B.9b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 178)
To the south-west it is a distance of 400 ›li‹ to the
seat of the Protector General , and to the
south it is 100 ›li‹ to Wei–li . It adjoins Wu–sun
on the north.
1
It is close to the waters of the sea and there is
an abundance of fish.
1. This is ... Bostang Lake or Bagrash Kul ...
— 244 —
HS 3918 (96B.9b–10a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 179)
1
The state of Wu–t'an–tzu–li .
The king's seat of government is at Yü–lou valley
,
and it is distant by 10330 ›li‹ from Ch'ang–an .
There are 41 households, 231 individuals with
57 persons able to bear arms.
(There are the following officials:)
One noble of
Fu–kuo (support of the state).
One left and one right
commandant .
It adjoins Tan–huan on the east, Chü–mi
on the south and Wu–sun on the west.
1. Hsü Sung (1781–1848) says it is hard to identify ...
Chavannes (1905: 557) believes it was situated between
Manass and the Ebi-nor.
— 245 —
HS 3918 (96B.10a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 179)
1
The state of Pei–lu .
Th king's seat of government is at the Kan–
2
tang valley east of the T'ien–shan
,
and it is distant by 8680 ›li‹ from Ch'ang–an.
There are 227 households, 1387 individuals
with 422 persons able to bear arms.
(There are the following officials:)
One noble of
Fu–kuo (support of the state).
One left and one right
leader ,
commandant ,
interpreter-in-chief .
To the south-west it is a distance of 1287 ›li‹ to
the seat of the Protector General .
1. ... The commentators are uncertain about the location
of this country and the seat of the king.
Chavannes (1905: 557) merely notes that the ›Wei–lüeh‹
writes Pi–lu .
Matsuda Toshio (Kodai Ten–san no rekishi
chiri kenkyø , Tokyo
2
1956, 1970: 116) locates it at Tzu–ni–ch'üan or
Pai–yang–i .
2. [Hulsewé/Loewe übernehmen hier den Korrekturvor-
schlag von de Groot — siehe unten — und lesen “ valley”
anstelle von “ state” . cmd]
(DE GROOT 1926: 158–159)
1
Der Regierungssitz des Königs des Reiches Pi–liok , das Reich Kan–tong im östlichen Teil
des T'i¥n–šan, liegt 8680 ›Li‹ von Tš'ang–ngan. 227 Familien, 1387 Personen, 422 Krieger. Ein Lehnsfürst,
›Stütze des Reiches‹. Ein linker und ein rechter Heerführer. Ein linker und ein rechter Generalkom-
mandant. Ein linker und ein rechter Hauptdolmetscher. Südwestlich bis zum Sitz des Allgemeinen
Schutzherrn sind es 1287 ›Li‹.
1. Vermutlich steht hier ›kuo'‹ (›kok‹) , “ Reich”, irrtümlich für ›ku'‹ (›kok‹) , “ Tal”.
— 246 —
HS 3918–3919 (96B.10a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 179–180)
The state of Further Pei–lu .
The king's seat of government is at Fan–
ch'ü–lei valley ,
and it is distant by 8710 ›li‹ from Ch'ang–an
.
There are 462 households, 1137 individuals
with 350 persons able to bear arms.
(There are the following officials:)
One noble of
Fu–kuo (support of the state).
One commandant .
One interpreter-in-chief .
And two leaders .
It adjoins Yü–li–shih in the east, the
Hsiung–nu in the north, the state of
Chieh in the west and Chü–shih in
the south.
— 247 —
HS 3919 (96B.10a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 180)
1
The state of Yü–li–shih .
The king's seat of government is at the Nei–tu
valley ,
and it is distant from Ch'ang–an by 8830 ›li‹.
There are 190 households, 1445 individuals with
331 persons able to bear arms.
(There are the following officials:)
One noble of
Fu–kuo (support of the state).
One left and one right
commandant .
And one interpreter-in-chief .
It adjoins (the state) of the Town chief of Further
Chü–shih in the east, Pei–lu in the
west and the Hsiung–nu in the north.
1. ... The ›Hsi–yü t'u k'ao‹ asserts that it lay north-west of Ku–
cheng ... ca. 125 km NNE of Turfan and 275 km east of
Manass as the crow flies. This localization has been ac-
cepted by Matsuda Toshio (Kodai Ten–san no
rekishi chiri kenkyø , Tokyo
2
1956, 1970: 116).
(DE GROOT 1926: 159, 160)
1
Der Regierungssitz des Königs des Reiches Jok–lip–su , das Tal von Loe–tut , liegt
8830 ›Li‹ von Tš'ang–ngan. 190 Familien, 1445 Personen, 331 Krieger. Ein Lehnsfürst, ›Stütze des Rei-
ches‹. Ein linker und ein rechter Generalkommandant. Ein Hauptdolmetscher. Östlich grenzt es an
den Hauptmann der Hinterstadt von Ku–su (vgl. unten), im Westen an Pi–liok und im Norden an
Hung–nª.
1. Die Lage dieses Reiches läßt sich leicht aus der Angabe, daß es 8 830 –8 710, d.h. 120 ›Li‹ weiter als das nördliche Pi–liok von
Tš'ang–ngan entfernt lag und westlich an Pi–liok grenzte, während beide Reiche im Norden an Hung–nª stießen. Es muß also
nordöstlich vom Bor-kul und nördlich von Pª–li gelegen haben, also wahrscheinlich an den Straßen, die von Borkul einerseits
nach Uliasutai, andererseits nach Kobdo führen ... Das Hou Han–šu gibt im Kap. 118 (Bl. 1) den Namen dieses Reiches als
Jok–lip wieder und berichtet, daß es zusammen mit Tan–hoan, Kª–hu und ¶–t'am–ts'u–li von Ku–su vernichtet wurde. Wir
treffen denn auch diese vier Namen in den späteren chinesischen Geschichtsbüchern nicht mehr an.
— 248 —
HS 3919 (96B.10a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 180)
1
The state of Tan–huan .
The king's seat of government is at the town of
Tan–huan,
and is distant from Ch'ang–an by 8870 ›li‹.
There are 27 households, 194 individuals with
45 persons able to bear arms.
(There are the following officials:)
One noble of
Fu–kuo (support of the state).
One leader .
One left and one right
commandant .
And one interpreter-in-chief .
1. ... The ›Hsi–yü t'u k'ao‹ places it in the area of Urumchi.
— 249 —
HS 3919 (96B.10b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 180–181)
1
The state of P'u–lei .
The king's seat of government is at the valley of
Shu–yü , west of the T 'ien mountains ,
and it is distant from Ch'ang–an by 8360 ›li‹.
There are 325 households, 2032 individuals with
799 persons able to bear arms.
(There are the following officials:)
One noble of
Fu–kuo (support of the state).
One left and one right
leader ,
commandant .
To the south-west it is a distance of 1387 ›li‹ to the
seat of the Protector General .
1. ... The P'u–lei Sea has long since been identified as Lake
Barköl ... but Chavannes (1905: 557) indicates that although
the state of P'u–lei was originally situated near the lake, the
Hsiung–nu transferred its population to the Urumchi-Manass
area (cf. Chavannes 1907: 209-210).
Matsuda Toshio (Kodai Ten–san no rekishi chiri
2
kenkyø , Tokyo 1956, 1970:
90), however, still places the state near the lake ...
(DE GROOT 1926: 160)
Der Regierungssitz des Königs des Reiches Pª–li (Bor) , das Tal Sª–dsu , im Westen des
T 'i¥n–šan, liegt 8360 ›Li‹ von Tš'ang–ngan. 325 Familien, 2032 Personen, 799 Krieger. Ein Lehnsfürst,
›Stütze des Reiches‹. Ein linker und ein rechter Heerführer. Ein linker und ein rechter Generalkom-
mandant. Südwestlich bis zum Verwaltungssitz des Allgemeinen Schutzherrn sind es 1387 ›Li‹.
— 250 —
HS 3919 (96B.10b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 181)
The state of Further P'u–lei .
The king ... (text defective)
and it is distant from Ch'ang–an by 8630 ›li‹.
There are 100 households, 1070 individuals with
334 persons able to bear arms.
(There are the following officials:)
One noble of
Fu–kuo (support of the state).
One leader .
One left and one right
commandant .
And one interpreter-in-chief .
— 251 —
HS 3920 (96B.10b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 181)
1
The state of Western Chü–mi .
The king's seat of government is at the Yü–ta
valley , east of the T 'ien mountains
,
and it is distant from Ch'ang–an by
8670 ›li‹.
There are 332 households, 1926 individuals
with 738 persons able to bear arms.
(There are the following officials:)
One noble of
Western Chü–mi .
One left and one right
leader ,
master of cavalry .
To the south-west it is a distance of 1487 ›li‹ to
the seat of the Protector General .
1. Chü–mi (according to Yen Shih–ku
has to be pronounced ›chü‹) ... The ›Hsi–yü t'u k'ao‹
places both Eastern and Western Chü–mi in the area
of the Hu–t'u–pi River, south of Manass.
Matsuda Toshio (Kodai Ten–san no reki-
shi chiri kenkyø ,
2
Tokyo 1956, 1970: 91-95) argues in favour of a location
in the Yulduz area.
(DE GROOT 1926: 161)
1
Der Regierungssitz des Königs des westlichen Reiches von Ts'ia–bi liegt östlich vom T 'i¥n–
šan im U–ta -Tal, 8670 ›Li‹ von Tš'ang–ngan. 332 Familien, 1926 Personen, 738 Krieger. Ein Lehns-
fürst für West-Ts'ia–bi. Ein linker und ein rechter Heerführer. Ein linker und ein rechter Reiterfürst.
Südwestlich bis an den Verwaltungssitz des Allgemeinen Schutzherrn sind es 1487 ›Li‹.
— 252 —
HS 3920 (96B.10b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 181–182)
The state of Eastern Chü–mi .
The king's seat of government is at the valley
of Tui–hsü , east of the T 'ien moun-
tains ,
and it is distant from Ch'ang–an by
8250 ›li‹.
There are 191 households, 1948 individuals
with 572 persons able to bear arms.
(There are the following officials:)
One noble of
Eastern Chü–mi .
One left and one right
commandant .
To the south-west it is a distance of 1587 ›li‹ to
the seat of the Protector General .
— 253 —
HS 3920 (96B.11a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 182)
1
The state of Chieh .
The king's seat of government is at the valley
of Tan–ch'ü , east of the T 'ien moun-
tains ,
and it is distant from Ch'ang–an by
8570 ›li‹.
There are 99 households, 500 individuals, with
115 persons able to bear arms.
(There are the following officials:)
One noble of
Fu–kuo (support of the state).
One commandant .
And one interpreter-in-chief .
To the south-west it is a distance of 1487 ›li‹ to
the seat of the Protector General .
1. ... This state, which still existed in T'ang times, is
placed north of Ch'ang–chi (Changki on the
maps, ca. 100 km NW of Urumchi) by the ›Hsi–yü t'u
k'ao‹; it assumes that the people were nomads ...
(DE GROOT 1926: 162)
1
Der Regierungssitz des Königs des Reiches Ki¥p liegt östlich vom T 'i¥n–šan im Tan–ku-
Tale, 8570 ›Li‹ von Tš'ang–ngan. 99 Familien, 500 Personen, 115 Krieger. Ein Lehnsfürst, ›Stütze des
Reiches‹. Ein Generalkommandant. Ein Hauptdolmetscher. Südwestlich bis zum Verwaltungssitz des
Allgemeinen Schutzherrn sind es 1487 ›Li‹.
1. Es ist auffallend, daß der Sitz des Fürsten dieses Kleinstaates genau so weit wie der von West-Ts'ia–bi, nämlich 1 487 ›Li‹ vom
Allgemeinen Schutzherrn entfernt lag; auch daß der Name dieses Tals, Tan–ku, eine Transkription von Tar-kul ist. Die Lage
des alten Ki¥p ist somit durch die dieses Sees bestimmt ...
[Das Zeichen hatte die alte Aussprache ›kiep‹ oder ›kap‹. Was aber der Name hier bedeuten soll, ist ganz unklar. Das in
den späteren Quellen öfter genannte Land lag im Pamirgebiet (vgl. Chavannes, Documents usw. S. 159), hat also hiermit
nichts zu tun. FRANKE ]
— 254 —
HS 3920 (96B.11a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 182)
1
The state of Ku–hu [Hu–hu] .
The king's seat of government is at the valley
2
of Chü–liu ,
and it is distant from Ch'ang–an by 8200 ›li‹.
There are 55 households, 264 individuals with
45 persons able to bear arms.
(There are the following officials:)
One noble of
Fu–kuo (support of the state).
And one left and one right
commandant .
1. The ›Hsi–yü t'u k'ao‹ places it at Lu–ke–ch'in
(Lukchin or Lukchun on the maps) on the northeastern edge
of the Turfan basin.
2. Chü–liu (the parallel in ›T'ai–p'ing yü–lan‹ shows that the
word ›shih‹ is an interpolation, probably owing to the
frequent occurrence of the name Chü–shih ) ...
Ch'i Shao–nan (1703–1768) suggests that this place
may have been the seat of the Chinese administration
during the Later Han, called Liu chung , “ amids the
willows”, cf. HSPC, Mem. 78.4b and 6a, the Lukchin or
Lukchun of the modern maps.
(DE GROOT 1926: 162)
1
Der Regierungssitz des Königs des Reiches Hª–hu , das Liu- Tal (›Tal der Weiden‹?) in Ku–su
liegt 8200 ›Li‹ von Tš'ang–ngan entfernt. 55 Familien, 264 Personen, 45 Krieger. Ein Lehnsfürst, ›Stütze
des Reiches‹. Ein linker und ein rechter Generalkommandant.
1. Zur Bestimmung der Lage dieses Reiches gibt uns folgende Notiz im Kap. 40 des T'ang–šu (Bl. 18) das Mittel in die Hand:
+ Von der Kreishauptstadt Kao–ho aus, 80 ›Li‹ in nördlicher Richtung, befindet sich der ›Gasthof zur Drachen-
quelle‹ . Dann weiter nordwärts, in ein Flußtal, 130 ›Li‹. Darauf durch das Liu- Tal und über den ›Gold-
sandgrat‹ , 160 ›Li‹. An den chinesischen Militärposten von Ši'–.hui (Sik–hoe) vorbei und nach
dem Amtssitz des Allgemeinen Schutzherrn des Pe'–t'ing , des ›nördlichen Hofes‹.*
Unzweifelhaft haben wir es hier mit einem Itinerar für die Straße zu tun, welche Turfan direkt mit Urumtschi verbindet. In
der Tat, wie unten klargestellt werden wird, war Kao–ho ein etwa 20 ›Li‹ westlich von Turfan liegendes Flußpaar, wo in der
Han-Zeit die Hauptstadt des Reiches Ku–su lag; und in der T'ang-Zeit lag die Stadt des Schutzherrn des nördlichen Hofes in
der Gegend von Urumtschi. An dieser Straße lag also das Liu-Tal, 230 ›Li‹ von Turfan, diesseits eines Bergpasses, welcher der
von Dabantschin sein muß. Das verträgt sich auch durchaus mit der Entfernung von J¥n–ki, welche der eingangs stehende
Textauszug auf 770 ›Li‹ festsetzt; eine Vermessung auf der russischen Karte auf der Straße von Djensil via Toksun beweist
das. Auch stimmt es mit den 8200 ›Li‹ Entfernung von Tš'ang–ngan oder 8200–4500, d.h. 3700 ›Li‹ von Tun–hong [Døn–huáng],
die offenbar auf der Straße via Lob–nor und Kurla berechnet sind. Die Entfernung der Kao–ho von Tš'ang–ngan stellt der
Text des Ts'i¥n Han–šu auf 8 150 ›Li‹ (s. unten) fest; das will also sagen, daß die Kao–ho 50 ›Li‹ näher Toksun lagen als das
Liu-Tal. Auch dies bestätigen die Karten.
— 255 —
HS 3920 (96B.11a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 182)
To the south-west it is a distance of 1147 ›li‹ to
the seat of the Protector General .
It is a distance of 770 ›li‹ to Yen–ch'i .
— 256 —
HS 3921 (96B.11a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 182–183)
1
1 The state of (Mo)–shan .
The king's (seat of government is at the town of
2 Mo–shan)
2
— 257 —
HS 3921 (96B.11a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 183)
It is a distance of 240 ›li‹ to Wei–li in the
west, 160 ›li‹ to Yen–ch'i in the north-
west and 260 ›li‹ to Wei–hsü in the west.
It adjoins Shan–shan and Ch'ieh–mo
in the south-east.
The mountains produce iron and the people
live in the hills, relying on getting field pro-
duce and buying corn from Yen–ch'i and
Wei–hsü.
— 258 —
HS 3921 (96B.11a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 183)
1
The state of Nearer Chü–shih .
The king's seat of government is at the town
of Chiao–ho .
The river divides and flows round the walls,
2
and the town is therefore named Chiao–ho.
It is distant from Ch'ang–an by 8150 ›li‹.
There are 700 households, 6050 individuals
with 1865 persons able to bear arms.
1. The ›Hsi–yü t'u k'ao‹ locates this country around
Kuang–an, i.e. in the Turfan area, and so do all au-
thors.
2. Chiao–ho, “ connected rivers”, located 20 ›li‹ or ca.8 km
east of Kuang–an.
Hsü Sung states that the ruins of this town lie
near Yarkol, ca. 12 km NW of Turfan and so does Cha-
vannes 1907: 155, note 1. Huang Wen–pi ,
1954: 3+8, identifies it with the ancient town of Yarkhoto
or Idiqutshari.
(DE GROOT 1926: 165, 166, 167, 169–170)
1
Der Regierungssitz des Königs des vor (dem T'i¥n–šan) liegenden Reiches Ku–su ist die
2
Stadt Kao–ho , ›die nebeneinander liegenden Flüsse‹. Ein Fluß gabelt sich dort und fließt dann
rundum die Stadt herab; daher ihr Name ›Kao–ho‹. Sie liegt 8150 ›Li‹ von Tš'ang–ngan. 700 Familien,
6050 Personen, 1865 Krieger.
1. Das vor dem T 'i¥n–šan sich erstreckende Reich Ku–su entspricht angenommenermaßen dem jetzigen Bezirk Turfan
, einem Lande also, das wegen der dort veranstalteten archäologischen Untersuchungen in den letzten Jahrzehnten
das Interesse der Gelehrtenwelt auf sich gelenkt hat. Seine älteste geschriebene Geschichte dürfte auch deswegen die Auf-
merksamkeit besonders verdienen.
2. Die Stadt Kao–ho soll demnach 1807 ›Li‹ weit vom Allgemeinen Schutzherrn gelegen haben, folglich 1 407 ›Li‹ von J¥n–ki, weil
die Entfernung von J¥n–ki bis zum Schutzherrn 400 ›Li‹ betrug (s. S. 155); jedoch der Textauszug sagt auch, sie betrüge
835 ›Li‹. Wir haben es also hier mit einem groben Fehler zu tun, wie in so vielen Entfernungszahlen des Textes, welche wir
deswegen nicht benutzen konnten. Da 1407 ›Li‹ von J¥n–ki etwa bis Lotung geführt hätten, wo damals (vgl. S. 159) das vorn-
liegende Pi–liok lag, so könnte die Zahl 835 richtig sein. Sie entspricht etwa der Entfernung von J¥n–ki (Djensil) bis zur jetzi-
gen Stadt Turfan, und es dürfte also ebenda das alte Kao–ho zu lokalisieren sein.
Im Kap. 118 des Hou Han–šu (Bl. 19) steht noch geschrieben:
+ Die Residenz des Königs des vornliegenden Teils von Ku–su ist die Stadt Kao–ho, welche 80 ›Li‹ von
Liu–tšung liegt, wo der Tš'ang–ši , ›Hauptkanzler‹, wohnte.*
Über dieses Liu–tšung sagt Kap. 329 des Ming–ši (Bl. 18):
+ Liu–tš'ing , das wohl Lu–tš'¥n und auch noch die Stadt Liu–tš'¥n heißt, ist das Land Liu–tšung
der späteren Han-Zeit, wo die Hauptkanzler des Westens ihren Verwaltungssitz hatten ... *
Endgültig wird die Lage bestätigt durch das jetzt kaum auffindbare Ji'–t'ung–tši der Ming-Dynastie, im Kap. 89 unter Ho–
tšou :
+ Die ›Kao–ho‹ (oder “ beisammenliegenden Flüsse”) sind 20 ›Li‹ westlich von Turfan .
Ihre Quellen entspringen im T'i¥n–šan . Die Flüsse laufen nebeneinander rund um eine Stadt, welche
an abgeschnittenen (tief eingeschnittenen) Ufern liegt, und deren Fremdname ›Ja–¥l‹ (Jar, Jarchoto) lautet
. Hier lag in der T'ang-Zeit der Kreis Kao–ho .*
— 259 —
HS 3921 (96B.11a–11b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 183)
(There are the following officials:)
One noble of
Fu–kuo (support of the state),
An–kuo (peace of the state).
One left and one right
leader .
One commandant .
One commandant of
Kuei–Han (allegiance to Han).
One master of
Chü–shih ,
1
T'ung–shan (contact with excellence),
Hsiang–shan (directed to excellence).
And two interpreters-in-chief .
To the south-west it is a distance of 1807 ›li‹ to the seat
of the Protector General and 835 ›li‹ to Yen–ch'i
.
1. T'ung-shan ; Hsiang-shan (i.e. ).
Hsü Sung remarks that in view of the unstable relationship
with Chü-shih, these auspicious names imply submission.
(DE GROOT 1926: 165)
Ein Lehnsfürst, ›Stütze des Reiches‹; ein ›Lehnsfürst für die Beruhigung des Reiches‹ . Ein
linker und ein rechter Heerführer. Ein Generalkommandant; ein ›Generalkommandant für den An-
schluß an Han‹ . Ein ›Fürst‹ für Ku-su; ein ›Fürst zur Durchführung des Guten‹ (?)
; ein ›Fürst, der sich dem Guten zuwendet‹ . Zwei Hauptdolmetscher. Südwestlich bis
an den Verwaltungssitz des Allgemeinen Schutzherrn sind es 1807 ›Li‹ und bis J¥n–ki 835 ›Li‹.
(WYLIE 1882: 105–106)
There are a National Assistant marquis, a National Pacifying marquis, a Right general, a Left general,
a protector general, a China Reverting protector general, a Keu-sze prince, an Arbitration prince, a Ru-
ral Improvement prince, and two interpreters-in-chief. The seat of the Governor General lies south-
west, at a distance of 1,807 ›le‹. Yen–ke is distant 835 ›le‹.
— 260 —
HS 3921 (96B.11b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 183–184)
1
The state of Further Chü–shih .
The king's seat of government is at the valley
1 of Wu–t'u
2
,
and it is distant from Ch'ang–an by 8950 ›li‹.
1. The text reads , which would lead to the
translation + the Further Kingdom of Chü–shih*.
Ch'ien Ta–chao (1744–1813) remarks that the words
›wang‹ and ›kuo‹ have been inverted and that
›wang‹ should begin the next phrase, like in many similar
cases ... The Palace Edition of 1739 reads + ... ›kuo–wang‹
...*.
Chavannes (1905: 558; 1907: 169) locates this state in the
Jimsa area.
2. ... The ›Hsi–yü t'u–k'ao‹ locates the country in the Jimsa
area, 20 ›li‹ (ca. 8 km) north of Pao–hui ch'eng , i.e.
in the region of Fou–yüan subprefecture ...
Chavannes (1905: 558) suggests that the capital was called
Yü–lai ... and may have been situated in the Wu–t'u
valley ...
(DE GROOT 1926: 165–166, 167–168)
1
Der Regierungssitz des Königs des hinter (dem T'i¥n–šan) liegenden Reiches Ku–su liegt
2
im Bu–tª- Tale, 8950 ›Li‹ von Tš'ang–ngan.
1. Wir lesen im Kap. 118 des Hou Han–šu (Bl. 19):
+ Der vordere und der hintere Teil (von Ku–su) mit Ost-Ts'ia–bi, Pi–liok und I–ki sind die sechs Reiche von
Ku–su, die im Norden an Hung–nª stoßen. Aus dem vornliegenden Teil geht es westlich nach J¥n–ki und so zur
(ehemaligen) Nordstraße, und vom hintenliegenden Teil geht es westwärts nach ¶–sun.*
Nirgendwo geht aus dem Text hervor, daß die sechs Reiche, welche nach der Aussage des Wei–lio' zu Ku–su gehörten, auch
schon in der Zeit der ersten Han-Dynastie Gebietsteile dieses Reiches waren. Doch war das wohl wahrscheinlich der Fall,
denn wie wir bald erfahren werden, war Ku–su zur Zeit das bedeutendste und mächtigste Reich des nordöstlichen Turkistan.
2. Was nun die Residenz im Tale Bu–tª des hinteren Reiches betrifft, so lag sie angeblich 1 237 ›Li‹ weit vom Schutzherrn, und
folglich 837 ›Li‹ von J¥n–ki. Demnach wäre sie in der Gegend der jetzigen Stadt Ti'–hua zu suchen, der Hauptstadt des
gleichnamigen Bezirks ... Da nun aber der Textauszug die beiden Residenzen 800 ›Li‹ (8 950 – 8 150) voneinander legt, so
wäre, falls Kao–ho in der Nachbarschaft von Turfan lag, Bu–tª wohl 200 ›Li‹ jenseits Urumtschi zu lokalisieren, somit ziemlich
genau nördlich von Turfan, etwa halbwegs zwischen Urumtschi und Gotschen.
Folgendes Itinerar des 118. Kap. des Hou Han–šu (Bl. 5–6) könnte die Erörterung der Lage des alten Bu–tª erleichtern:
+ Von Tun–hong aus westwärts durch die Sperrtore von Ju'–m¥n und Jang; darauf längs des Reiches Si¥n–si¥n und
dann nordwärts bis nach I–ngª (Hami) sind es über 1000 ›Li‹. Von I–ngª aus nördlich in den vorderen Teil von
Ku–su bis zur ›Mauer von Ko–tš'ang‹ sind es 1 200 ›Li‹. Von der Mauer von Ko–tš'ang nördlich in den
hinteren Teil von Ku–su bis zur Stadt Kim–boan sind es 500 ›Li‹ ... *
In der Tat stellt sich beim Abmessen auf der Karte heraus, daß die Wege, welche die Gegend von Tun–hong mit Hami verbin-
den ... alle ungefähr eine Länge von 1 000 ›Li‹ besitzen. Weiter ergibt sich dann, daß von Hami aus 1 200 ›Li‹ auf der großen
Straße etwa bis Turfan reichen und dann noch 500 ›Li‹ weiter bis Urumtschi oder sogar noch darüber hinaus führen dürften.
Dort könnte somit das Kim–boan des Hinterreiches gelegen haben ... Das alte T'ang–šu (Kap. 40, Bl. 68) sagt:
+ Kim–boan im Protektorat des Hofs des Nordens war während der zweiten Han-Dynastie der Hof des Königs
des hinteren Ku–su und auch der alte Hof der ›Hu‹ (Hung–nª).
— 261 —
HS 3921 (96B.11b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 184)
There are 595 households, 4774 individuals
with 1890 persons able to bear arms.
(There are the following officials:)
One noble of
Chi-hu (assault on the nomads).
One left and one right
leader ,
commandant .
One master of
Tao-min (guidance of the people).
And one interpreter-in-chief .
To the south-west it is a distance of 1237 ›li‹ to
the seat of the Protector General .
— 262 —
HS 3922 (96B.11b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 184)
The state of the Commandant of Chü–
1
shih .
There are 40 households, 333 individuals with
84 persons able to bear arms.
1. The ›Hsi–yü t'u–k'ao‹ locates this at Karakhoto or
Kao–ch'ang .
— 263 —
HS 3922 (96B.11b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 184)
1
The state of the Town chief of Further
2
Chü–shih .
There are 154 households, 960 individuals with
260 persons able to bear arms.
1. The use of the title ›ch'eng–chang‹ , “ town chief”, is
curious. In the interior of Han China, small or less populous
prefectures were governed by a ›chang‹ , “ chief”, instead
of a ›ling‹ , “prefect”, so perhaps we may see in the use of
this term that it was a small, c.q. unimportant area, which is
also shown by the lack of other officials.
2. The ›Hsi–yu t'u–k'ao‹ locates this at present-day Ch'i–t'ai
sub-prefecture (the Kitai or Ku–cheng–tzu on the
maps).
(DE GROOT 1926: 166, 166–167)
1
Das Reich des Hauptmanns der Hinterstadt von Ku–su (vgl. S. 159) mit 154 Familien,
960 Personen, 260 Kriegern.
1. Wie auf S. 48 aus den Texten hervorgegangen ist, gab es anfänglich in Turkistan außer der Südstraße noch eine, die nach
Westen führte und vom vorderen Ku–su ausging. Sie hieß die Nordstraße, später aber die Mittelstraße, und führte über J¥n–
ki, Kurla, Ku–tša, Aksu und Kaschgar. Die Veränderung ihres Namens stand im Zusammenhang mit der Entstehung einer
neuen Verkehrsstraße, die vom Sperrtor von Ju'–m¥n aus über das jetzige Hami nach dem vorderen Ku–su führte, und bei
Hami einen Zweig nach dem jenseits des T'i¥n–šan liegenden Ku–su entsandte; diese nämlich übernahm die Benennung
Nordstraße. Sie verkürzte die Reise vom Sperrtor bis nach dem hinteren Ku–su, die bis dahin in der Regel auf dem Umweg
via Kurla und J¥n–ki stattfand, wohl bis auf die Hälfte und wurde in der Periode Juan–ši , also in den ersten fünf Jah-
ren der christlichen Zeitrechnung angelegt. Das Wei–lio' beschreibt sie in folgenden Worten (Kap. 19):
+ Die neue Straße ist die, welche, vom Sperrtor von Ju'–m¥n nordwestwärts ausgehend, über Hing–hang (der
querliegende Bodeneinschnitt) führt und den ›Sand der drei Hügel‹ sowie die Drachenhügel
umgeht. Darauf läuft sie von Ngª–tsoan aus nordwärts bis an die Grenze von Ku–su und dann nach
Ko–tš'ang , wo die Oberhauptleute der Mitte die Verwaltung führten; dann biegt sie nach Westen um, und (bei
Kurla) mit der Mittelstraße vereinigt, läuft sie nach Ku–tsu. (Bl. 23) ... Die nördliche neue Straße läuft westwärts; sie
führt nach Ost-Ts'ia–bi, West-Ts'ia–bi, Tan–hoan, Pit–liok , Pª–liok und ¶–t'am(–ts'u–li), die sämtlich dem
König des hintenliegenden Teils von Ku–su angehören, welcher in der Stadt U–lai regiert ... Die Straße biegt
auch nordwestlich ab nach ¶–sun und K'ang–ki, die selbstständige Reiche geblieben sind ohne Vergrößerung oder
Verkleinerung.* (Bl. 31–32)
Diese Beschreibung, welche sich von Hami aus auf der russischen Karte genau verfolgen läßt, bestätigt die Richtigkeit meiner
Lokalisierung der nördlich des T'i¥n–šan liegenden Reiche ...
— 264 —
HS 3922 (96B.11b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 184–185)
In the second year of (the reign-period) ›t'ien–han‹
(99 B.C.) Emperor Wu appointed the King
of Chieh–ho , who had surrendered from the
1
Hsiung–nu , to be Noble of K'ai–ling .
Taking command of a force from the state of Lou–
lan , he was the first to attack Chü–shih
, and the Hsiung–nu sent the Wise King of the
2
Right , with a force of cavalry several
myriads strong, to its relief. The Han forces were
unsuccessful and withdrew.
3
And in the fourth year of (the reign-period) ›cheng–
4
ho‹ (89 B.C.), (Han) sent Ma T'ung ,
Noble of Chung–ho , with a force of
40000 horse to attack the Hsiung–nu and his route
passed north of Chü–shih.
1. For the Chieh–ho king, the Noble of K'ai–ling, see above, note
on p. 168.
2. For the role of the Wise King of the Right, i.e. the ruler of the
south-western part of the Hsiung–nu domain, subordinate to
the shan–yü ...
3. Hsü Sung remarks that HSPC 6.37b (Dubs, HFHD II,
1944: 115), 17.24a, and 61.14a (see below, p. 236) all write + third
year*, i.e. 90 B.C.; the latter date should be adopted.
4. Named here Ma T'ung and identified as the Noble of Chung–
ho, who is elsewhere named as Mang T'ung (HSPC 6.38,
Dubs, HFHD II, 1944: 118; HSPC 17.24a, 66.3b, 94A.25a,
de Groot, Chinesische Urkunden I, 1921: 178); cf. above, note
on p. 172.
(DE GROOT 1926: 173)
Im zweiten Jahre der Periode T'i¥n–han (99 v.Chr.) machte Kaiser Wu den Hung–nª'schen
König von Kai–ho , der sich unterworfen hatte, zum Lehnsfürsten von K'ai–ling . An der
Spitze der Kriegsmacht des Reiches Lª–lan führte dieser dann den ersten Krieg gegen Ku–su; aber
Hung–nª schickte den rechten Hi¥n–König mit einigen zehntausend Reitern diesem Reich zu Hilfe,
und daher zog die Kriegsmacht von Han ohne Erfolge zu erzielen wieder ab. Im vierten Jahre der
Periode Tšing–ho (89 v.Chr.) wurde Ma T'ung , der Lehnsfürst von Tšung–ho' , mit
40000 Reitern zum Krieg gegen Hung–nª ins Feld geschickt. Sein Weg führte ihn durch den Norden von
Ku–su.
— 265 —
HS 3922 (96B.11b–12a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 185)
In addition (Han) sent the Noble of K'ai–ling to take
command of troops from a total of six states,
including Lou–lan , Wei–li and Wei–hsü
, to make a separate attack on Chü–shih
, and to prevent it blocking the way of the Noble
of Chung–ho .
The forces of the various states together laid siege
to Chü–shih, whose king surrendered and submit-
1
ted to Han.
In the time of Emperor Chao the Hsiung–nu
took the further step of sending 4000 cavalrymen to
work the land at Chü–shih.
1. These events are also described in HSPC 94A.25b, cf.
de Groot, Chinesische Urkunden I, 1921: 178–179.
Daffinà, TP 1982: 332 —
+ In addition* does not seem to be the precise rendering for
›fu‹ ... K'ai-ling had made a first attack on Chü-shih in
99/98 B.C. So this one of 90/89 was his second attack. I
would therefore translate: + ... [Han] again sent the noble of
K'ai-ling ...*
(DE GROOT 1926: 173)
Und deshalb wurde auch noch der Lehnsfürst von K'ai–ling an der Spitze der Kriegsmacht von Lª–lan,
Ut–li, Gui–su und dreier anderer Staaten ausgeschickt, um von der anderen Seite Ku–su anzugreifen,
und diesem damit keine Gelegenheit zu lassen, dem Lehnsfürsten von Tšung–ho' den Weg zu verlegen.
Diese Streitmacht der sämtlichen Reiche belagerte darauf Ku–su, worauf der König von Ku–su sich un-
1
terwarf und sein Reich unter Hans Oberhoheit stellte. Zur Zeit des Kaisers Tšao (86–74 v.Chr.) schick-
te Hung–nª wieder 4000 Reiter, um in Ku–su Ackerbau zu treiben.
1. Diese Zeilen enthalten eine etwas ausführlichere Darstellung von dem, was bereits in Teil I auf S. 177 ff. übersetzt wurde
aus den Texten, die sich auf den großen Kriegszug gegen Hung–nª beziehen, welcher sich im Jahre 90 abspielte. Ein kurz
danach erschienener kaiserlicher Erlaß hat noch dazu beschrieben (s. Teil II, S. 147), wie jämmerlich die Kriegsmacht von
Han, welche sich an diesem siegreichen Waffengang beteiligte, auf dem Heimweg via Sperrtor von Ju'–m¥n der Erschöpfung
und dem Hungertod zum Opfer fiel. Han sollte sich aber nicht dauernd des Besitzes von Ku–su erfreuen, denn bald schickte
Hung–nª seine Horden gegen ¶–sun ins Feld, welche Ku–tša und Aksu eroberten, Ku–su besetzten, und Kaiser Tšao nötigten,
im Jahre 72 fünf Armeen zu mobilisieren. Die vorhandenen Textberichte über diese Ereignisse sind in Teil I auf S. 192 ff.
wiedergegeben, aber Kap. 96B erzählt nunmehr darüber ausführlicher.
— 266 —
HS 3922 (96B.12a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 185)
And after his accession Emperor Hsüan des-
patched five leaders with troops to attack the
Hsiung–nu. Those who were working the land
at Chü–shih fled in alarm, and Chü–shih
resumed relations with Han.
In some anger, the Hsiung–nu summoned
Chün–su , heir apparent (of Chü–shih),
wishing to make him into an hostage.
Chün–su, who was a grandson of (the king of)
Yen–ch'i in the female line of descent, had
no wish to serve as an hostage with the
Hsiung–nu, and fled to Yen–ch'i. In his place the
king of Chü–shih established his son Wu–kuei
as heir apparent.
On his accession as king, Wu–kuei contracted a
matrimonial alliance with the Hsiung–nu, and
persuaded them to block the road that commu-
nicated between Han and Wu–sun .
— 267 —
HS 3922 (96B.12a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 185–186)
In the second year of (the reign-period) ›ti-chieh‹
(68 B.C.), Han sent the gentleman in attendance Cheng
1 2
Chi and colonel Ssu–ma Hsi to take a
3
force of convicts who had been excused punishment
4
to work the land at Ch'ü–li and gather
the harvest, with the intention of attacking Chü–shih.
When the autumn came the corn was gathered in, and
(Cheng) Chi and (Ssu–ma) Hsi called out a force of over
ten thousand men from the various states of the walled
cities, and together with the 1500 agriculturalists who
were under their own command took concerted action
against Chü–shih .
They attacked and took the town of Chiao–ho .
1. Cheng Chi: for his life and career see HS 70 and de Groot, Chinesi-
sche Urkunden I, Berlin 1921: 205 ff.
2. Ssu–ma Hsi is further unknown.
3. The text reads ; this is a general expression. The normal
expression for amnestied convicts was ›ch'ih hsing‹ . However,
the still had to finish their term by performing work for the govern-
ment and were often sent out on military campaigns; cf. Hulsewé,
Remnants of Han Law, Leiden 1955: I, 240–244.
4. For Ch'ü–li see above, note on p. 164.
(DE GROOT 1926: 174)
Im zweiten Jahr der Periode Ti–tsi¥' (68 v.Chr.) entsandte Han den Aufwartenden Palastbeam-
1
ten Tšing Ki' und den Oberhauptmann S¥–ma Hi mit begnadigten Verbrechern
nach Ku–li, um dort Ackerbau zu treiben (vgl. S. 145 f. und 151) und Getreidevorräte aufzuspeichern, da
ein Angriff auf Ku–su in Aussicht genommen wurde. Gegen den Herbst, als die Ernte eingebracht war,
boten Tšing Ki' und S¥–ma Hi über 10000 Mann aus den Reichen (in Turkistan), die Festungen besa-
ßen, auf und fügten von den von ihnen befehligten Landbausoldaten noch 1500 Mann hinzu, und ver-
einigt griff man Ku–su an. Die Stadt Kao–ho wurde gestürmt und erobert.
1. Anderswo (s. S. 116) wird dieser Name S¥–ma I geschrieben.
— 268 —
HS 3922 (96B.12a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 186)
And (so) the king, who was still in the stone fortress to
1
the north , was not taken.
At this juncture military supplies were exhausted; and
2
(Cheng) Chi and his colleagues temporarily
disbanded their forces and returned to work the land at
Ch'ü–li . On completion of the autumn harvest, they
again sent out a force to attack the king of Chü–shih
in the stone fortress.
1. Hsü Sung points out that the expression ›shih ch'eng‹ ,
“ stone walled-city”, “ stone fortress”, also occurs in other contexts
and is not a specific name. He suggests that the fortress in the
T'an–han Mountains, 70 ›li‹ (ca.28 km) north of Kao–ch'ang
or Karakhoto, might be the place. He also suggests that this
fortress might be identical with the locality which Cheng Chi
attacked according to HSPC 70.4a, viz. Tou–tzu . In ch. 70
Shen Ch'in–han (1775–1832) suggests that it lay in the
Urumchi region.
Another “ stone fortress” was situated at Uch–Turfan, according to
Chavannes (1906: 224, note 3) in his translation of the biography of
Pan Ch'ao in HHSCC Mem. 37.4a ...
2. ›Ch'ieh‹ , cannot mean “ were about to”, like e.g. in the next line;
it must be taken in the sense of ›ku ch'ieh‹ , “ for the moment”,
“ temporarily”.
(DE GROOT 1926: 174)
Und der König, der noch in der nördlich gelegenen Stadt Sik (›Felsen‹?) verweilte, war zur An-
sammlung einer Truppenmacht nicht in der Lage. Damit war der Mundvorrat verbraucht; Tšing Ki'
brach also den Feldzug ab und kehrte nach Ku–li zurück. Als die Ernte eingebracht war, brachte er
wiederum die Kriegsmacht auf die Beine und griff den König von Ku–su in der Festung Sik an.
— 269 —
HS 3922–3923 (96B.12a–12b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 186–187)
When the king heard of the imminent approach of Han
1
forces, he fled north to the Hsiung–nu to
seek help. But before the Hsiung–nu had sent forces (for
2
him), he came back to take counsel with the nobleman
Su–yu . He wished to surrender to Han but was
afraid that he would not be trusted.
3
Su–yu persuaded him to attack Lesser P'u–lei ,
a state neighbouring on the Hsiung–nu; and having ex-
ecuted or imprisoned some of its people, he made over to
(Cheng) Chi .
1. + Fled north*, quite logical in view of the context; however, it is also
possible to take ›pei‹ (“ north”) as , as is often the case, and
to translate + turned his back and fled*.
2. [Die interpungierte chinesische Ausgabe beendet den Satz hier. Der
abschließende Halbsatz lautet wörtlich:
+ ... veranlaßte Xiõng–nú keine Truppenentsendung *.
Das legt für den ganzen Satz die Übersetzung nahe: + Der König ...
floh zu den Xiõng–nú und bat sie um Beistand, (aber) die Xiõng–nú
schickten ihre Soldaten nicht ins Feld (für ihn).*
Die Übertragung von Wylie ist der von de Groot und Hulsewé/ Loewe
vorzuziehen, weil so der Frontwechsel des immerhin mit dem Chán–
yú verschwägerten Königs von Turfan verständlicher wird. cmd]
3. Hsü Song suggests that this might be identical with Further
P'u–lei , for which see p. 181.
(DE GROOT 1926: 174–175)
Sobald diesen der Bericht erreichte, daß die Armee von Han im Anmarsch sei, flüchtete er nach Norden
nach Hung–nª, um Beistand anzurufen. Aber noch ehe Hung–nª für ihn eine Kriegsmacht ins Feld ge-
schickt hatte, kehrte der König zurück und faßte auf Rat seines Reichsgroßen Sª–ju den Beschluß, sich
Han zu unterwerfen. Da er aber befürchtete, mit Mißtrauen empfangen zu werden, griff der König auf
Sª–jus Rat das Grenzreich von Hung–nª, Klein Pu–li (Bor) an, und köpfte oder verschleppte da
die Bevölkerung; und so unterwarf er sich dem Tšing Ki'.
— 270 —
HS 3923 (96B.12b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 187)
1
The small state of Chin–fu , neighbouring on
Chü–shih, had followed after the Han army to loot
Chü–shih, whose king rejoined by making a per-
sonal request to attack and conquer Chin–fu.
When the Hsiung–nu heard that Chü–shih
had surrendered to Han , they sent out forces to
attack Chü–shih, and (Cheng) Chi and (Ssu–
ma) Hsi took their forces north to meet
them. The Hsiung–nu did not dare to advance.
So (Cheng) Chi and (Ssu–ma) Hsi immediately de-
tached a captain with twenty conscripts to stay and
guard the king.
And (Cheng) Chi and his colleagues led their forces
back to Ch'ü–li .
1. Hsü Sung indicates the existence of a locality called
Sheng–chin k'ou in the Turfan region, but this is
probably merely because the word ›chin‹ , “ gold”, occurs
in both names.
— 271 —
HS 3923 (96B.12b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 187)
Being afraid that Hsiung–nu forces would re-appear and
that he would be killed, the king of Chü–shih
forthwith fled to Wu–sun , riding light. (Cheng) Chi
had his wife and children met and established at
Ch'ü–li, and then travelled east to report what had
occurred.
When he reached Chiu–ch'üan (commandery he
was met by) an imperial command ordering him to re-
turn to work the land at Ch'ü–li and Chü–shih; he
was to lay in store larger stocks of grain, so as to set at
rest the western states and (prepare) for an inva-
sion of the Hsiung–nu .
On his return, (Cheng) Chi had the king of Chü–shih and
his family conveyed by relay service to Ch'ang–an ,
where they were rewarded very handsomely. Whenever
1
barbarians were assembled at court, they (the Chü-shih
king's family members) were always honoured conspi-
cuously, so as to make an example.
1. The text reads ; we take ›ch'ao‹ and ›hui‹
as two separate words instead of the usual expression ›ch'ao–hui‹
, “meeting at court” (cf. Hulsewé, Remnants of Han Law, 1955:
I, 37, no. 11): Han–chi 18.6a reads ›ssu–i ch'ao–hui‹
, which could mean “gathering at court for the Barbarians of the
Four (directions)”. Still, whatever reading is preferred, the sense is
clear.
(DE GROOT 1926: 175)
Der König bangte davor, daß die Armee von Hung–nª wiederkommen und er dann umgebracht wer-
den würde. Er floh deshalb mit leichter Reiterei nach ¶–sun, und Tšing Ki' nahm sich seiner Frau und
Kinder an und brachte sie im Osten von Ku–li unter. Nachdem er dann dem Kaiser über die Vorgänge
Bericht erstattet hatte, begab er sich nach Tsiu–ts'uan; dort erreichte ihn aber der kaiserliche Befehl,
er solle wieder zurückkehren zur Beackerung von Ku–su und Ku–li, um durch Aufspeicherung von
Getreidevorräten die Befriedung der Westlande und Angriffe auf Hung–nª zu fördern. Als Tšing Ki'
wieder zurück war, schickte er die Gemahlin und die Kinder des Königs von Ku–su nach Tš'ang–ngan.
Da wurden ihnen sehr reiche kaiserliche Geschenke und Gaben zuteil; und bei jeder Audienz der
Barbaren der vier Weltgegenden wurden sie stets durch Ehrenbezeugungen ausgezeichnet.
— 272 —
HS 3923 (96B.12b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 187–188)
Thereupon (Cheng) Chi for the first time had
300 officers and conscripts set up separate farming es-
1
tablishments at Chü–shih . He learnt from per-
sons who had surrendered that the senior servants of
the Shan–yü all said:
“The lands of Chü–shih are fertile and fine, and they lie
close to the Hsiung–nu . If Han were to acquire
them and accumulate stocks of corn from a large num-
ber of land workings, the (Hsiung–nu) people and state
would without doubt suffer loss. (The lands) must not be
left uncontested.”
1. As indicated by Hsü Sung , these events are also mentioned
in HSPC 94A.31b, cf. de Groot, Chinesische Urkunden I, 1921: 202,
which adds that the Hsiung–nu moved the remnants of the popula-
tion of Chü–shih further east and gave them a new king, viz. a
younger brother of the ruler who had surrendered to Han; his name
was Tou–mo .
Daffinà, TP 1982: 333 —
The ›ta ch'ên‹ were the twenty-four hereditary ›chang‹ of
the Hsiung-nu people (see HSPC 94A.6b-7a), not just + the senior
servants of the Shan-yü* .
(DE GROOT 1926: 175–176)
Nun schickte Tšing Ki' die ersten dreihundert Offiziere und Soldaten nach Ku–su, um auch hier Acker-
bau zu treiben. Er vernahm aber von Leuten, die sich unterwarfen, die Minister des Tan–hu hätten ein-
stimmig erklärt, daß, falls man zuließe, daß das fette und schöne, Hung–nª so nahe liegende Ku–su
Besitz von Han würde, das dort von den zahlreichen Feldern geerntete Getreide gewiß ihrem eignen
Reiche zum Schaden gereichen würde, und daß man es somit nicht unterlassen dürfe, Han den Besitz
streitig zu machen.
— 273 —
HS 3923 (96B.12b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 187–188)
(The Hsiung–nu) duly sent cavalry to come (to Chü–shih)
and attack the field workers, so (Cheng) Chi and
1 2
the colonel took the entire force of 1500 agricul-
turalists from Ch'ü–li to proceed to the
fields (of Chü–shih).
In return the Hsiung–nu despatched reinforcements of
cavalry. The Han conscripts detailed for agricultural
work were few in number, and being unable to
confront (the enemy) sought protection in the town of
Chü–shih .
1. That is Ssu–ma Hsi , mentioned above, p. 185.
2. Ssu–ma Kuang (1019–1086), Tzu–chih t'ung–chien
, Peking 1956: 828, reads differently:
+ led a force of more than seven thousand agricultural con-
scripts to save it*. The last two words refer of course to the remain-
der of the ›Han shu‹ text; the great difference in the figures is ex-
plained by Hsü Sung as being due to a corruption of , “ soldier”,
to , “ seven” .. That + seven thousand* must be a mistake is evi-
dent from the subsequent statement that the force was too small ...
(DE GROOT 1926: 175–176)
In der Tat schickten sie Reiterei gegen die Ackerbauer ab, aber auch Tšing Ki' zog mit seinen Ober-
hauptleuten an der Spitze der sämtlichen Landbautruppen von Ku–li, 1500 an der Zahl, nach den
Ackerlanden. Hung–nª schickte dann noch mehr Reiterhorden, so daß die Landbausoldaten von Han
unterlegen waren und sich nicht behaupten konnten. Sie verschanzten sich also in der Stadt Ku–su.
— 274 —
HS 3923 (96B.12b–13a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 187–188)
The leaders of the Hsiung–nu drew up close to the
walls and said to (Cheng) Chi :
“ The Shan–yü will be certain to contest these
lands; they are not to be colonised.”
After surrounding the town for several days (the Hsiung–
nu) gave up the siege. Later several thousands of caval-
rymen used constantly to ride to and fro. During the de-
1
fence of Chü–shih ,
(Cheng) Chi sent up a written report saying that Chü–
shih lay at a distance of over a thousand ›li‹ from Chü–li
, separated by rivers and hills. The northern (parts)
lay close to the Hsiung–nu and the situation of the Han
forces at Chü–li was such that they were unable to
come to each other's relief. He would therefore like to in-
crease the establishment of conscripts detailed for agri-
cultural work .
1. [Wylie und de Groot — sowie nach ihnen auch die interpungierte chi-
nesische HS-Ausgabe des Zhõng–Huá shø–jú von
1962 —fassen alle die drei Schriftzeichen ›shu Jø–shð‹ ,
“ (zur) Verteidigung von Dschü–sche (Chü–shih)”, als den Abschluß
des vorangehenden Satzes auf. cmd)
(DE GROOT 1926: 176)
Da näherte sich der Anführer der Hung–nª bis an den Fuß der Mauer und rief zu Tšing Ki': “Der Tan–
hu macht dir den Besitz dieses Landes unbedingt streitig; du darfst es nicht beackern!” Und er schloß
die Festung ein. Jedoch nach einigen Tagen hob er die Belagerung wieder auf. Seitdem zogen immer
einige Tausend Reiter zur Beschützung von Ku–su hin und her. Tšing Ki' richtete jetzt an den Kaiser
eine Eingabe folgenden Inhalts: “Mehr als tausend ›Li‹ Ku–su von Ku–li entfernt; es ist davon durch
Flüsse und Gebirge getrennt; im Norden liegt es Hung–nª nahe. Die Kriegsmacht von Han, die in Ku–li
liegt, kann es also gegen dessen Angriffe unmöglich schützen. Ich beantrage deshalb eine Vermehrung
der Zahl der dortigen Landbausoldaten.”
— 275 —
HS 3923 (96B.13a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 188–189)
The senior ministers considered (this proposal) and con-
cluded that the distance was long, irksome and involved
1
waste; and it would be right to disband the colonies at
Chü–shih .
2
It was commanded that the Noble of Ch'ang–lo
should be put in command of a force of cavalry from
3
Chang–i and Chiu–ch'üan (commanderies);
he advanced over a thousand ›li‹ north of Chü–shih to
make a demonstration of military power.
4
And the nomad cavalry in the vicinity of Chü–shih with-
drew; (Cheng) Chi was then able to emerge and return
to Ch'ü–li , and all (forces) under the three colonels
5
were set to work at the military colonies .
1. The text reads , “ could be disbanded for the time being”.
However, Chü–shih was given up, as is shown in the following pas-
sage. Hence we suggest that is a corruption of , induced
by the Han style of writing the element with long strokes on the
right and left side. is frequently used in suggestions by inferiors,
with the sense “it would be proper or preferable”. See for the debate
at court also HSPC 74.3b.
2. That is to say Ch'ang Hui , see above, note p. 151.
3. Chang–t and Chiu–ch'üan were two commanderies in the Kansu
corridor; see above, note on p. 75.
4. [Anders als alle drei europäischen Übersetzungen schlagen die Her-
ausgeber der interpungierten chinesischen Ausgabe die Zeichen
, “ in der Umgebung von Dschü–she (Chü–shih)”, dem vorange-
henden Satz zu: die Demonstration der chinesischen Militärstärke
fand demnach unweit von Turfan statt. Die Reiterhorden der
Xiõng–nú zogen sich daraufhin (von dort) zurück und gaben die
Belagerung Turfans auf. cmd)
5. Wang Hsien–ch'ien is wrong in suggesting the addition of
the words + Chü–shih*, for
1. the military colonies were at Ch'ü–li and
2. three lines further the text reports that Chü–shih was abandoned.
— 276 —
HS 3924 (96B.13a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 189)
When the king of Chü–shih fled to Wu–sun,
Wu–sun detained him and did not send him
away. Wu–sun sent envoys with a written message
(to the emperor) saying that it would like to retain
the king of Chü–shih as a precautionary measure so
that, should any emergency arise, it would be pos-
sible to proceed from the western route to at-
1
tack the Hsiung–nu .
Han gave its consent, and, summoning Chün–su
, the former heir apparent of Chü–shih who
was present in Yen–ch'i , established him as
king.
The population of the state of Chü–shih was re-
moved completely and ordered to live in Ch'ü–li
, and the former lands of Chü–shih were then
made over to the Hsiung–nu.
The king of Chü–shih was able to be close to the
2
Han Office of Agriculture , and, breaking with
the Hsiung–nu, he enjoyed friendly relations with
Han in peace.
1. Cf. HSPC 94A.32a; de Groot, Chinesische Urkunden I, 1921: 202.
2. For ›t'ien kuan‹ , see Loewe, Records of Han Admini-
stration, 1967: I, 56 and 70.
(DE GROOT 1926: 176)
Der König von Ku–su war also nach ¶–sun geflohen. ¶–sun hielt ihn da zurück und ließ ihn nicht
gehen, schickte aber dem Kaiser schriftlich Bericht, daß er den König von Ku–su zurückhalten wollte,
um das Reich (von Han) gegen Gefahr zu sichern; auch schlug er vor, es sei jetzt vom Westen aus ein
Angriff auf Hung–nª angebracht. Han stimmte ihm bei. Es berief Kun–šok, den ehemaligen Kronprin-
zen von Ku–su, der sich in J¥n–ki aufhielt (s. S. 174) und setzte ihn als König ein, und dieser führte die
ganze Bevölkerung des Reiches Ku–su nach Ku–li und siedelte sie dort an, wodurch er das bisherige
Land von Ku–su Hung–nª überließ. Er lebte somit in der Nähe der Ackerbaubehörden von Han, war
nunmehr von Hung–nª losgelöst und führte ein friedliches und glückliches Dasein in vertrautem Ver-
hältnis mit Han.
— 277 —
HS 3924 (96B.13a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 189)
1
Later Han sent Yin Kuang–te , a gentle-
man in attendance, to reproach Wu–sun and
2 to seek delivery of Wu–kuei
2
, king of Chü–
shih , to the palace. He was presented with
a residence and lived there with his wife and
children.
This was in the fourth year of (the reign-period)
›yüan–k'ang‹ (62 B.C.).
3
Afterwards the Wu and Chi colonelcy
was established to found military colonies and to
settle in the former lands of Chü–shih.
1. Yin Kuang–te is further unknown.
2. For Wu–kuei see before, note on p. 185.
The insertion of ›sun‹ , also in the Ching–yu edition of
1035, is mistaken as shown by Ssu–ma Kuang
(1019–1086), Tzu–chih t'ung–chien (TCTC) ,
Peking 1956: 836, to which the commentators refer; the same
phenomenon has been noted in another passage, see
above, note on p. 158.
3. See above, note on p. 79.
(DE GROOT 1926: 177)
Später entsandte Han den Aufwartenden Palastbeamten Jin Kuang–te' , um ¶–sun zu tadeln
und den König von Ku–su zurückzufordern. Ein hoher Heerführer von ¶–sun führte diesen an den Kai-
serhof, wo ihm eine amtliche Würde verliehen wurde und er mit Frau und Kindern zusammenlebte.
Dieses Jahr war das vierte der Periode Juan–k'ang (62 v.Chr.). Es wurden danach im ehemali-
1
gen Lande von Ku–su für die Landbaukolonisation Oberhauptleute eingesetzt.
1. Klar und ausführlich ist uns hiermit der Hergang der Ereignisse geschildert, welche zur vollständigen Unterwerfung von
Ku–su unter die Obergewalt von Han geführt haben. Die auf S. 205 ff. von Teil I übersetzten Stellen aus der Biographie von
Tšing Ki' finden hier ihre Ergänzung und werden dadurch klar und verständlich. Die auf S. 116 übersetzte Stelle zeigt, daß
der Angriff der Hung–nª, während Tšing Ki' in der Stadt Ku–su belagert wurde, zusammenfiel mit ihren Vorstößen bis an die
Südstraße, die durch das tatkräftige Auftreten von Fung Fung–ši gegen Sa–ku (Jarkand) zum Stehen gebracht wurden. Es
muß aber befremden, daß nur in der allgemeinen Übersicht über Turkistan, womit das Ts'i¥n Han–šu das Kap. 96A [HS 96A]
eröffnet, die Aufteilung von Ku–su in einen vorderen und einen hinteren Teil und überdies in noch sechs andere, nördlich des
T'i¥n–šan liegende Reiche erwähnt wird (s. S. 50). Sie scheint um das Jahr 60 v.Chr. stattgefunden zu haben. Es läßt sich
natürlich vermuten, daß bis dahin diese Reiche schon als durch Mitglieder des Fürstenhauses verwaltete Lehnsstaaten
bestanden; aber Sicherheit bringen uns die Texte darüber nicht.
— 278 —
HS 3924 (96B.13a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 189–190)
During (the reign-period) ›yüan–shih‹ (1-5 A.D.)
there was a new route in the royal kingdom
1
of Further Chü–shih . This led to the Yü–men
2
barrier from north of Wu–ch'uan , and the
journey was comparatively shorter.
Hsü P'u , the Wu and Chi colonel , want-
ed to open up this route for use, so as to reduce the dis-
tance by half and to avoid the obstacle of the White Dra-
gon Mounds .
1. Cf. note on p. 183.
2. Lit. “ Five Boats”. Hsü Sung thinks these might be five flat-
topped hills with steep sides on the Hsiao Nan lu (“ Lesser
Southern Route”?) which neither Chavannes (1905: 533, note 1) nor
we have been able to locate.
(DE GROOT 1926: 177)
In der Periode Juan–ši (1–6 n.Chr.) gab es für das hintere Königreich Ku–su eine neue Straße,
welche, von Ngª–tsoan ausgehend, nordwärts durch das Sperrtor von Ju'–m¥n führte und für
den Verkehr erheblich kürzer war (s. S. 166). Sü P'u , Oberhauptmann der Mitte, wollte diese
Straße für den Verkehr freimachen, um eine Ersparnis an Meilen bis auf die Hälfte zu erzielen und die
Gefahren der ›Weißen Drachenhügel‹ (vgl. S. 48 und 166) zu vermeiden.
— 279 —
HS 3924 (96B.13a–13b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 190)
1
Ku–kou , king of the state of Further Chü–shih
, realised that because of (the passage of) the
road he would be obliged to make provisions available
(for Han travellers) and in his heart thought that this
2
would not be expedient.
In addition, his lands were rather close to those of the
southern general of the Hsiung–nu . (Hsü)
P'u wished to demarcate the territories clearly and
report the matter only after the event.
1. HSPC 94B.15a writes Kou–ku; cf. de Groot, Chinesische Urkunden I,
1921: 262–263.
2. The text, also in the Ching–yu edition of 1035, reads:
.
›T'ung tien‹ 191, p. 1030A reads:
etc. ...
Ssu–ma Kuang (1019–1086) in his Tzu–chih t'ung–chien (TC
TC) , Peking 1956: 27.1136, quotes what is obviously the
same passage, but writing:
,
where he has replaced the highly technical institutional term
... meaning “ to provide necessities to the emperor or his represen-
tatives on their travels” ... by the easily understandable “ to
provide necessities for the envoys” ...
The meaning of the sentence, and hence the translation, depends on
the position of the word ›tang‹ . ›Tang tao‹ (like in TCTC)
occurs several times, meaning “being situated on the road or route”,
e.g. in HSPC 96A.9b. When ›tang‹ follows ›tao‹ , it cannot but
govern a following verbal expression and mean “ should, must, be
obliged”. ›Wei‹ in the 4th tone, “ for, on behalf of”, is here, as
often, not followed by a specified object, as this is to be understood
from the context. We have supplied the ›T'ung–tien‹ amplification
, rendered in our translation as “ the passage of”.
(DE GROOT 1926: 177)
König Kª–kao des hinteren Teils von Ku–su war für die Sache nicht eingenommen, da er an
1
dieser Straße dann auch für Niederlagen von Lebensmitteln sorgen sollte. Sein Gebiet grenzte
großenteils an das des Hung–nª'schen Heerführers des Südens, und Sü P'u wollte diese Grenze klar
festlegen und dann an den Kaiser darüber einen Antrag stellen.
1. scheint mit gleichbedeutend zu sein.
— 280 —
HS 3924 (96B.13b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 190–191)
He summoned Ku–kou to have him certify the
action, but he was unwilling to do so and (Hsü P'u)
had him apprehended. On several occasions
Ku–kou bribed the officials with cattle or sheep in an
endeavour to get out, but he was unsuccessful.
Fires broke out on the tips of the spears in Ku–kou's
home, and his wife Ku–tzu–tsou said to
him:
“There has been an outbreak of fire at the tips of the
spears; this is a phenomenon that augurs armed
1
action; and advantage will accrue from a resort to
arms.
Formerly the king of Nearer Chü–shih was
killed by the major of the protector general
; and now you have been under detention for a
long time and will surely die. The best course is to
surrender to the Hsiung–nu .”
1. The expression ›li yung‹ ... “advantage will accrue from
a resort to ...” occurs frequently in the ›Book of Changes‹
[I Ging, Yì–jðng ].
(DE GROOT 1926: 177–178)
Er beschied deshalb einen Deputierten des Kª–kao zu sich, um darüber Aussagen zu machen, und als
dieser das verweigerte, ließ er ihn in Fesseln legen. Vergeblich versuchte Kª–kao durch wiederholte
Bestechung der Behörde mit Rindern und Schafen ihn freizumachen. Da zeigte sich in seinem Hause
an der Spitze eines Speeres eine Flamme. Seine Frau Kª–tsu–tsª sprach zu ihm: “Feuer an
der Spitze eines Speeres ist der Kriegshauch , und Erfolg wird dem Gebrauch der Waffen be-
schieden sein. Der vorige König des vorderen Ku–su ist vom Allgemeinen Schutzherrn und vom Mar-
schall umgebracht worden; auch du wirst sicherlich das Leben einbüßen, falls du lange zögerst. Das
beste ist, du unterwirfst dich Hung–nª.”
— 281 —
HS 3924–3925 (96B.13b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 191)
He immediately broke out on horseback from the fortress of
1
Kao–ch'ang and made his way to the Hsiung–nu.
In addition, the state of [king] T'ang–tou , the Ch'ü–hu–
lai–wang (›Abandoner of the nomads who makes
2
over to the King‹), lay close to the Red Water Ch'iang
3
of the Great Tribes and was several times
subjected to raiding. Finding the situation intolerable, he
reported a state of emergency to the Protector General .
4
But Tan Ch'in , the Protector General, did not bring him
relief or help at the right time. T'ang–tou was in a grave and
urgent situation; angry with (Tan) Ch'in he went east to seek
5
(the means of) defence from the Yü–men barrier ,
where he was not admitted.
He then took his wife and children and over 1000 of his people
and fled to surrender to the Hsiung–nu .
1
1. Kao–ch'ang: i.e. Karakhoto in the Turfan region; cf. Chavannes 1907: 155 .
2. For this curious title see note on p. 80; it was borne by the ruler of the
Ch'o [= Erh] Ch'iang whose name is given here as T'ang–tou ...
3. The text reads ... The Han texts know no ›Ch'i–shui‹
, “ Red River”; we have been unable to locate it ...
4. Tan Ch'in is mentioned in this and the following passage in HS 96, as
well as in HS 94 (HSPC 94B.17b and 18a; cf. de Groot, Chinesische
Urkunden I, 1921: 270, 271) and in HS 99 (HSPC 99B.13a, 20a and 30b; Dubs,
HFHD III, 1944: 301, 333 and 366). He was Protector General between A.D. 4
and 13.
5. The text reads ; ›shou‹ cannot mean “ to hold, to defend”
in view of what follows and consequently it has to be rendered similar to
›pao‹ , “ to seek refuge”.
Daffinà, TP 1982: 333 —
Hsü Sung , however, explains ›shou‹ with ›k'ou‹ , “ to knock”:
T'ang-tou ... + knocked at the Yü-men barrier, but was not admitted.*
(DE GROOT 1926: 178)
1
Ohne Verzug ritt er aus der Sperrmauer von Ko–tš'ang hinaus und ging zu Hung–nª über. Überdies
hatte auch (der Fürst) Tong–tao die Sache der Hu verlassen und sich dem Kaiser unterworfen
(vgl. S. 52). Er hatte sein Reich unweit des großen Stammes der K'iong des Tš'ik–Flusses und
wurde wiederholt von diesem angegriffen, und weil er ihm nicht gewachsen war, setzte er den Allge-
meinen Schutzherrn Tan K'in von seiner Notlage in Kenntnis. Dieser kam ihm aber nicht recht-
zeitig zu Hilfe; deshalb zog Tong–tao, bedrängt und gefährdet und gegen Tan K'in erbittert, ostwärts,
um sich im Sperrtor von Ju'–m¥n zu verteidigen. Dort wurde er aber nicht hineingelassen, und somit
floh er mit Frau und Kindern und über tausend Untertanen nach Hung–nª und unterwarf sich dort.
1. Hieraus geht hervor, daß der Oberhauptmann der Mitte, mit dem der König wahrscheinlich persönlich verhandelt hatte,
innerhalb der Mauer von Ko–tš'ang residierte.
— 282 —
HS 3925 (96B.13b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 191–192)
The Hsiung–nu received him and sent an envoy (to
Han) with a letter describing the state of affairs.
1
At this time Wang Mang , Noble of Hsin–tu
, was in sole control of the administration. He
2
sent Wang Ch'ang , leader of the gentlemen of
the palace, and others on a mission to the Hsiung–
nu to inform the Shan–yü that the Western
Regions acknowledged allegiance to Han
and that he had no authority to accept (their fugi-
3
tives).
The Shan–yü excused himself for his criminal
action, and delivered the two kings to the envoys.
1. For the life of Wang Mang, see Dubs, HFHD III, 1955: 88–124. He
was ennobled in 16 B.C. (ibid., 127).
2. Wang Ch'ang is only known for his participation in the cam-
paign against Chai I in A.D. 7 (HSPC 84.18b; cf. Bielenstein
1954: 89–90; and for the incident under discussion, likewise
mentioned in HSPC 94B.15a (de Groot, Chinesische Urkunden
I, 1921: 263 f.)
3. The text reads . Here the word ›tang‹ seems
redundant, as ›pu te‹ , “ not to be allowed, not have the
authority”, is in itself enough. On the other hand, there is the
legal expression ›pu tang te wei‹ , “ (things that)
ought not to be done” (cf. Hulsewé, RHL, 1955: I, 63).
This event led Wang Mang to set up new regulations concern-
ing fugitives to replace the old agreement made under emper-
or Hsüan. The latter had stipulated that no persons coming
from China to surrender themselves to Hsiung–nu should be
admitted; they were to be escorted to the border fortifications,
whereupon the emperor was to be informed. Now Wang Mang
ordered that the Hsiung–nu should not accept the surrender of
Chinese, of Wu–sun, of inhabitants of the various countries of
the Western Regions wearing Chinese seals and seal ribbons,
nor of members of the Wu–huan tribe. See HSPC 94B.15b–16a
(de Groot, Chinesische Urkunden I, 1921: 262).
(DE GROOT 1926: 178)
Hung–nª nahm ihn auf und sandte einen Botschafter zum Kaiser mit einem Schreiben, worin er die
Sache auseinandersetzte. Damals war Wang Mang, der Lehnsfürst von Sin–tu , Regent. Dieser
entsandte Wang Tš'ang , Hofintendant und General, als Botschafter nach Hung–nª, um dem
Tan–hu zu bedeuten, daß der Westen Reichsgebiet (von Han) sei und er deshalb nicht das Recht habe,
diese Personen aufzunehmen. Der Tan–hu gestand seine Schuld, verhafteter die zwei Könige und
lieferte sie dem Gesandten aus.
— 283 —
HS 3925 (96B.13b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 192)
1
(Wang) Mang sent Wang Meng , a gentleman of
2
the palace, to wait at O–tu–nu , the border of
the Western Regions, to receive (the kings).
The Shan–yü sent envoys to escort them and to
take the opportunity to ask for (the remission of) his pu-
3
nishment.
The envoys reported this, but (Wang) Mang did not
agree; he commanded the kings of the various states of
the Western Regions to assemble, and at a mili-
tary parade he had Ku–kou and T'ang–tou
beheaded as an example.
1. Wang Meng is mentioned also in the parallel passage in HSPC
94B.15b (de Groot, Chinesische Urkunden I, 1921: 264); and in HSPC
99B.14b (Dubs, HFHD III, 1955: 305).
2. O–tu–nu ... Shen Ch'in–han (1775–1832) in commenting
HSPC 45.16a thinks that this is identical with I–wu–lu of
the Later Han ... but this seems unlikely ...
3. The text reads . Normally this would mean that the Shan–
yü was asking to be punished himself, but here the expression is
used as in HHSCC Mem. 24.12a and 74.2a with the meaning as
given in the translation.
(DE GROOT 1926: 178)
Nun ließ Wang Mang diese Gesandtschaft an der Grenze von Ok(¶)–tª–nª des Westlandes
von Hofintendanten Wang Ming erwarten, damit er die Könige in Empfang nähme. Der Tan–hu
hatte ihnen einen eigenen Gesandten mitgegeben, um durch diesen für die Fürsten um Gnade zu bit-
ten. Dieser Gesandte richtete eine Eingabe über die Angelegenheit an den Thron, aber er wurde von
Wang Mang nicht erhört. Auf kaiserlichen Befehl wurden die Könige des Westlandes versammelt und
1
die Kriegsmacht aufgestellt, und allen zur Warnung wurden Kª–kao und Tong–tao enthauptet.
1. Von dieser Episode, welche die Gründlichkeit der Oberhoheit von Han über Hung–nª und die Fürsten Turkistans kennzeich-
net, ist auch eine ergänzende Darstellung aus den Texten in Teil I auf S. 262 ff. wiedergegeben.
— 284 —
HS 3925 (96B.13b–14a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 192–193)
At his usurpation of the throne, in the second year
of (the reign-period) ›(shih–) chien–kuo‹
1 2
(A.D. 10), (Wang) Mang appointed Chen Feng
, Duke of Kuang–hsin , to be Count of
the Right . He was engaged in setting out for
the Western Regions ,
when Hsü–chih–li , king of Further Chü–
shih , heard of these events and laid a plan
with Ku–ti , leader of the right, and Shih–ni–
chih , leader of the left. He said:
+ I have heard that Duke Chen has been made Su-
preme Count of the Western Regions and is actually
setting out there. According to precedent, envoys are
supplied with cattle, sheep, cut fodder, guides and
3
interpreters. Previously, when the Wu–wei
4
General passed through, it was impossible to sup-
ply the needs of the envoys.
1. This took actually place in January, A.D. 9; see Dubs,
HFHD III, 1955: 255 ff.
2. Chen Feng, one of Wang Mang's early collaborators, whose
ambitions led to his suicide; cf. HSPC 99B.15a–16a (Dubs,
HFHD III, 1955: 308–311). For his title and its implications see
HFHD III, 1955: 310, note 15.9.
3. For similar regulations, included in the Statutes, ›lü‹ , see
Henri Maspero, Les documents chinois de la troisième expédi-
tion de Sir Aurel Stein en Asie centrale, 1953: 14, strip nr.3, and
the remarks in Hulsewé, TP 45, 1957: 1–50, here: 26 f.
4. For the despatch of the officers bearing these titles see HSPC
99B.11b f. (Dubs, HFHD III, 1955: 296 f.).
(DE GROOT 1926: 179)
Nachdem Wang Mang den Thron bestiegen hatte, also im zweiten Jahre der Periode ›Ki¥n–kuo'‹
(8 n.Chr.), ernannte er den Lehnsfürsten von Kuang–sin , Tš¥n Fung , zum Verwalter des
rechten (westlichen) Gebiets . Als er die Reise nach dem Westen antrat und Su–ti–li , der
König des hinteren Ku–su, dies erfuhr, beriet dieser sich mit seinem rechten Heerführer Kª–te
und seinem linken Heerführer Si–le–ki . + Ich habe,* so sprach er, + den Bericht erhalten, daß
der Herr Tš¥n, der Oberverwalter des Westens geworden ist, sich auf der Ausreise befindet. Von jeher
lieferten wir den Gesandtschaften Schafe, Rinder, Getreide, Futter, Führer und Dolmetscher. Als da-
mals Wang Tsun , der General für die Gewaltausübung in den fünf Weltgegenden (vgl. Teil I,
S. 264 und 266), dieses Land durchzog, haben wir die Versorgung dieser Gesandtschaft nicht durch-
führen können.
— 285 —
HS 3925 (96B.14a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 193)
And now, when the Supreme Count is in his
turn setting out, the state is poorer and will probably
not be able to meet (the requirements).*
They therefore wished to escape to the Hsiung–nu.
1
When Tiao Hu , the Wu and Chi Colonel
2
, heard of this he summoned (Hsü–)chih–li
and interrogated him to obtain proof. In his
statement he made a confession, and he was then
3
bound and delivered to the city of Lüeh–lou
where Tan Ch'in , the Protector General ,
happened to be.
(Hsü–)chih–li's people realised that he would not re-
turn, and they all accompanied him on his way, la-
menting; and on his arrival, (Tan) Ch'in had him be-
headed.
1. The text writes ›tao‹ , but, as shown by other passages, the
correct word is ›tiao‹ . Tiao Hu is only mentioned in con-
nection with the incidents under discussion in HSPC 94B.18a
and 20b (de Groot, Chinesische Urkunden I, 1921: 270 and 281),
in the present text, and in 99B.13a (Dubs, HFHD III, 1955: 301).
2. Here, as well as in succeeding passages, the word ›hsü‹
has been omitted.
3. Lüeh–lou: identified by Hsü Sung with + the city of
Ch'en–mu *, mentioned in HHSCC Mem. 37.3b, close to
the capital of Yen–ch'i.
(DE GROOT 1926: 179)
Jetzt kommt auch noch der Oberverwalter her, und unser schon so verarmtes Reich wird seiner Aufga-
be nicht gewachsen sein. Ich will also flüchten und zu Hung–nª übergehen.* Aber Tiao Hu , der
Oberhauptmann der Mitte, bekam es zu wissen. Er beschied (Su–)ti–li zu sich und verhörte ihn, und
als er sich verweigerte zu bekennen, wurde er in Fesseln gelegt und nach der Stadt Loat–lª ge-
bracht, wo der Allgemeine Schutzherr Tan K'in sich aufhielt. Sein Volk ahnte wohl, daß er nicht
zurückkehren würde, und begleitete ihn mit seinem Wehklagen. Als er bei Tan K'in ankam, ließ dieser
ihm den Kopf abschlagen.
— 286 —
HS 3925–3926 (96B.14a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 193–194)
His elder brother, Hu–lan–chih , the Noble of
Fu–kuo (support of the state), took the lead
of more than 2000 of (Hsü–) chih–li's people; and
driving their stock animals he fled and surrendered
to the Hsiung–nu with the whole state.
At this time (Wang) Mang had had the Shan–
1
yü's signet altered, and, bitterly angry, the
Shan–yü accepted Hu–lan–shih's
surrender; he sent troops to launch a concerted raid
on Chü–shih , killing the Further (Chü–shih)
Town chief and wounding the major
2
of the Protector General ; whereupon
3
Hu–lan(–shi's) troops made their way back to the
Hsiung–nu.
1. Signet, ›hsi‹ , the name for seals of the emperor and of the
kings; cf. Kurihara Tomonobu , Shin–Kan shi no
kenkyø , 1960: 123–228, esp. 201 f.
The change of the seal is reported in greater detail in HSPC
94B.16b f. (de Groot, Chinesische Urkunden I, 1921: 266–268) and
HSPC 99B.11b (Dubs, HFHD III, 1955: 295 f.).
See also notes on p. 91, 158 and 161.
2. Hsü Sung (1781–1848) suggests that there were two ma-
jors, ›ssu–ma‹ , one subordinate to the ›wu‹ and ›chi‹
Colonel , and one to the Protector General ;
the latter major being in charge of the administration of the
country of the Further Chü–shih Town (for which
see note on p.183 above).
3. Here the last part of the name, viz. the syllable ›chih‹ ,
seems to have been omitted.
(DE GROOT 1926: 179–180)
Nun stellte sich Hª–lan–ki , sein älterer Bruder und Lehnsfürst, Stütze des Reiches, an die
Spitze von mehr als zweitausend Mann von (Su–)ti–lis Volk, und das Vieh vor sich hertreibend, zog
das ganze Reich fort und unterstellte sich Hung–nª. Damals war der Tan–hu, dem Wang Mang das
Siegel umgetauscht hatte (Teil I, S. 266 ff.), sehr erbittert und aufgebracht; er nahm somit die Unter-
werfung des Hª–lan–ki an und schickte außerdem eine Kriegsmacht aus, um mit ihm gemeinschaft-
lich Ku–su anzugreifen. Sie brachten den ›Hauptmann der Hinterstadt‹ (s. S. 166) ums Leben, verwun-
deten den Marshall des Allgemeinen Schutzherrn und zogen dann wieder zusammen mit den Truppen
des Hª–lan–ki auf Hung–nª'schen Boden zurück.
(WYLIE 1882: 111)
After this, Seu–che–le's brother Hoo–lan–che, the National Assistant Marquis, took command of over
2,000 of Seu–che–le's people, drove off the domestic animals, and the whole nation absconded and
submitted to the Heung–noo. About this time the Shen–yu was exasperated against Wang Mang for
having changed his signet; which made him the more willing to receive Hoo–lan–che's submission. The
latter then joined the Shen–yu's troops in a raid upon Keu–sze, when the Ulterior President was killed,
and the Governor General's cavalry leader wounded; while Hoo–lan–che returned with his company
to the Heung–noo.
— 287 —
HS 3926 (96B.14a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 194)
At this time Tiao Hu , the Wu and Chi Colonel
, was ill, and he sent his aide Ch'en
1
Liang to encamp at the Huan–chü val-
ley, as a precautionary measure against Hsiung–nu
raids;
1. ›Shi‹ Ch'en Liang ; Hsü Sung supposes that
›shih‹ here is not a clerk, but the colonel's second in command.
Ch'en Liang is only known in connection with this incident,
also described in HSPC 94B.17b–18a and 21a (de Groot, Chine-
sische Urkunden I, 1921: 270 f. and 281 f.) and in HSPC 99B.13a
and 25b (Dubs, HFHD III, 1955: 301 and 347).
(DE GROOT 1926: 179–180)
Nunmehr schickte Tiao Hu, der Oberhauptmann der Mitte, der krank war, seinen Kanzler Tš'¥n
1
Liang aus, um das Tal von Huan–ts'ia zu besetzen und vor einem Angriff der Hung–nª
zu schützen.
1. Es sieht so aus, als wäre eine Verschreibung von Huan–tan und müßte umgestellt werden, denn dann wäre der
Name wohl der des kleinen Reiches Tan–hoan , das, wie sich auf S. 160 aus den Texten ergab, mit Jok–lip–su die
Hauptstraßen beherrschte, welche von Uliasutai und Kobdo sowohl in das hintere als auch in das vordere Ku–su führten.
Diese Hypothese ist immerhin der Erwägung wert.
— 288 —
HS 3926 (96B.14a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 194)
1
He sent his aide Chung Tai to collect supplies of
food; Han Hsüan , major's assistant , to
take command of the fortresses ; and Jen Shang
, army captain of one of the brigades of the right
2
, to take command of the fortifications .
1. Chung Tai, Han Hsüan and Jen Shang are only mentioned in this
connection.
In the absence of a full account of the military organisation of the
Han period, it is not possible to define details of the command struc-
ture or of the order of battle. The terms that are used here are at
some variance with those used for the units of the static garrison
forces of the north and their officers (see Michael Loewe, Records of
Han Administration, 2 vols., 1967: II, 384).
According to HHSCC Tr. 24.7b–8a,
the command (›ying‹ )
of a supreme general (›ta chiang–chün‹ )
consisted of:
— five brigades (›pu‹ ) which included
— battalions (›ch'ü‹ );
and these were divided into a varying number of
— garrison units (›t'un‹ ).
The commanding officers of the brigades, battalions, and garrison
units were termed respectively
— colonel (›hsiao–wei‹ ),
— army captain (›chün–hou‹ ) and
— officer in command of the garrison unit (›t'un–chang‹ ).
2. The text distinguishes here between ›chu bi‹ , “ all the for-
tresses”, and ›chu lei‹ , “ all the fortifications”. Both terms are
explained by each other in the ancient dictionaries and it is difficult
to see what is the difference. The + fortress of Kao–ch'ang*
mentioned earlier (see note p. 191) was the residence of the ›wu‹ and
›chi‹ Colonel and we have therefore taken ›pi‹ to be the defence
works around this town; the ›lei‹ would then perhaps be detached
posts or strongholds.
(DE GROOT 1926: 180)
Der Kanzler Tšung Tai schaffte dafür den Mundvorrat herbei, der stellvertretende Marschall
Han Hü¥n übernahm den Befehl über die Sperrmauern , und D{¥n Šang , der
Lehnsfürst von Jiu–k'ü' , den Befehl über die Erdschanzen .
— 289 —
HS 3926 (96B.14a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 194)
(These officers) laid a plot together, saying:
+ The various states of the Western Regions
are inclining towards revolt, and the Hsiung–
nu wish to launch a large-scale raid; so we shall all
die. We should kill the colonel and lead the men to
surrender to the Hsiung–nu .*
They forthwith led several thousand cavalry to the
colonel's headquarters , and threatened all
the posts, making them light the emergency signal
1
piles .
They sent separate notices to the various fortifica-
tions, saying
that a hundred thousand Hsiung–nu cavalry were
on their way in; all officers and men should take to
arms, and the last to do so would be beheaded.
1. For the beacon system and emergency fire signals, see Mi-
chael Loewe, Records of Han Administration (2 vols.), Cam-
bridge 1967: I, 102–104.
— 290 —
HS 3926 (96B.14a–14b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 194–195)
1
2 Obtaining a force of three or four hundred men
they halted at a distance of several ›li‹
from the colonel's headquarters; the morning fires
were alight.
And the colonel had the gates opened and the
drums beaten to admit the officers and men. (Ch'en)
Liang and his colleagues followed in, and
promptly killed Tiao Hu , the colonel, together
with his four sons, his brothers and their sons, spar-
ing only his wife, daughters and infant children
.
Remaining at the town of the Wu and Chi Colonel
, they sent men to inform the southern
general of the Hsiung–nu, who had 2000 ca-
valry meet (Ch'en) Liang and his companions.
1. Here we follow the Ching–yu edition of 1035 and the Palace
edition of 1739; the HSPC, following the Chi–ku ko edition of
1641, has inverted the figures for 100 and 4 and consequently
reads , “ 304 men”.
— 291 —
HS 3926–3927 (96B.14b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 195)
They forced over 2000 officers, men and women (who
had been in charge or care) of the Wu and Chi Colonel to
make their way to the Hsiung–nu, and the Shan–yü
appointed (Ch'en) Liang and (Chung) Tai
1
to be Wu–fen commandants .
Three years later the Shan–yü died, and his younger
brother, the Wu–lei Shan–yü (named) Hsien
2
was established (as Shan–yü). Friendly relations were
3
resumed with (Wang) Mang who sent envoys
with ample gifts of gold and valuables as a present for
the Shan–yü, hoping to obtain in exchange Ch'en Liang,
Chung Tai and the others.
1. Wu–fen: this term evokes the similar Han title ›hu–fen‹ , the
name of one of the imperial bodyguards. It is possible that a pun
was intended: “ as rapid as crows” (›wu‹ ), instead of the normal
“ as rapid as tigers” (›hu‹ ). It is also possible that the word ›wu‹
has been substituted by a T'ang scribe for ›hu‹ since this was a
taboo word, being the name of the grandfather of the founder of the
T'ang dynasty ...
2. In view of the words + three years later*, these events must have
occurred in A.D. 13.
3. This happened in A.D. 14, see HSPC 99B.25b (Dubs, HFHD III,
1955: 347).
(DE GROOT 1926: 180–181)
und nunmehr führte dieser die Offiziere und Soldaten des Oberhauptmanns der Mitte nebst Männern
und Frauen, insgesamt mehr als zweitausend Personen, nach Hung–nª. Dort machte der Tan–hu den
Tš'¥n Liang und den Tšung Tai zum ¶–hun-Generalkommandanten . Drei Jahre später
(13 n.Chr.) starb der Tan–hu und Ham , sein jüngerer Bruder, der Tan–hu ¶–lui trat die Regierung
an (vgl. Teil I, S. 272). Dieser stellte sich wiederum mit Wang Mang auf den Fuß des Friedensverhält-
nisses, und Wang Mang schickte ihm eine Gesandtschaft mit vielen Geschenken an Gold und Seide,
um ihm Tš'¥n Liang and Tšung Tai und Genossen abzukaufen.
— 292 —
HS 3927 (96B.14b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 195–196)
The Shan–yü arrested all the four men toge-
1
ther with twenty-seven others, including Chih–yin
, who had personally killed Tiao Hu , and
his wife and children; he had them all fettered, put
2
into a criminals' van and delivered to the
(Han) envoys.
And when they reached Ch'ang–an , (Wang)
3
Mang had them put to death by burning.
Later, (Wang) Mang again deceived the Shan–yü
and friendly relations were interrupted. The
Hsiung–nu mounted a large-scale attack on
the northern borders, and (the states of) the Western
Regions split apart.
The state of Yen–ch'i , being near to the
Hsiung–nu, was the first to rebel. It killed the Protec-
4
tor General Tan Ch'in , but (Wang)
Mang was unable to take punitive action.
1. Chih–yin is further unknown.
2. [Chinesisch-deutsches Wörterbuch , Peking 1985:
+ Gefangenenkarren mit einer Öffnung nur für den Kopf des
Delinquenten (in alten Zeiten) *.]
3, These events of the year A.D. 14 are described in greater
detail in HSPC 94B.18a and 20b and 99B.13a, as stated in note
on p. 193. The “ rebels” had called themselves ›Great Army
Leaders of the Han‹ acc. to HSPC 99B.13a (Dubs, HFHD III, 1955:
30).
4. The death of Tan Ch'in is reported at the end of A.D. 13 [15?];
HSPC 99B.22a (Dubs, HFHD III, 1955: 333).
(DE GROOT 1926: 181)
Der Tan–hu verhaftete die vier Männer und auch Tšin Jin , der mit eigener Hand Tiao Hu getötet
hatte, samt ihren Frauen, Kindern und weiteren Untergebenen, und diese 27 Personen wurden alle ge-
fesselt in Käfigwagen gesetzt und der Gesandtschaft ausgeliefert. In Tš'ang–ngan ließ Wang Mang sie
1
alle lebendig verbrennen. Dennoch betrog Wang Mang den Tan–hu von neuem, und das friedliche
Verhältnis nahm somit ein Ende. Es erfolgte dann ein gewaltiger Angriff von Hung–nª auf die nörd-
lichen Grenzlande, und das Westgebiet flog damit auseinander wie ein Ziegeldach (im Sturm). Das
Reich J¥n–ki , das Hung–nª nahelag, gab das Zeichen zum Aufstand; es brachte den Allgemeinen
Schutzherrn Tan K'in um, und Wang Mang war nicht in der Lage, es zu bekriegen.
1. Der Übertritt von Su–ti–li und Hª–lan–ki mit ihrem Volk auf die Seite der Hung–nª sowie der Staatsstreich von Tš'¥n Liang
und Genossen, wodurch Ku–su wieder in die Macht von Hung–nª überging, wird auch mit vielen nebensächlichen Einzelhei-
ten in HS 94B geschildert und ist daraus in Teil I auf S. 270 ff. wiedergegeben. Auch ist daselbst die aus diesen Ereignissen
erfolgte Loslösung von Hung–nª und Turkistan aus der Oberhoheit von Han ausführlich dargetan.
— 293 —
HS 3927 (96B.14b–15a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 196)
1
1 In the third year of (the reign-period) ›t'ien–feng‹
(A.D. 16) he despatched Wang Chün ,
the Wu–wei general , and Li Ch'ung ,
Protector General of the Western Regions, to
take command of the (troops of) the Wu and Chi
colonel and to proceed to the Western
Regions .
The various states all met them with a welcome,
2
and provided them with troops and corn. Yen–ch'i
made a pretence at surrendering, but as-
sembled troops in self-defence.
(Wang) Chün and his colleagues took a force of
over 7000 men from So–chü and Ch'iu–tz'u
, and, dividing them into several units, invad-
ed Yen–ch'i. Yen–ch'i placed troops in ambush so
as to obstruct (Wang) Chün.
And when troops of the states of Ku–mo ,
Wei–li and Wei–hsü , who had acted as
spies, returned, they altogether attacked (Wang)
Chün and his colleagues, killing them all.
1. All editions read + second year* except the Palace edition of
1739, whose reading + third year* is confirmed in HSPC 99B
30b (Dubs, HFHD III, 1955: 366).
(DE GROOT 1926: 181)
Aber im 3. Jahr der Periode T'i¥n–fung (16 n.Chr.) sandte er Wang Tsun , den General für
die Machtausübung in den fünf Weltgegenden (vgl. Teil I, S. 264 f. und 268), und Li Tš'ung , den
Allgemeinen Schutzherrn des Westgebietes, an der Spitze der Oberhauptleute der Mitte ins Feld. Alle
Reiche des Westens holten sie im Vorgelände ihrer Festungen ein und lieferten ihnen Korn für die
Truppen. J¥n–ki unterwarf sich scheinbar, aber zog seine Streitmacht zur Verteidigung zusammen;
und als dann Wang Tsun mit über 7000 Kriegern von Sa–ku und Ku–tsu in mehreren Abteilungen in
J¥n–ki einrückte, legte dieses Reich Truppen in den Hinterhalt, um ihm den Weg zu verlegen. Die
Kriegsmacht von Kª–bik, Ut–li und Gui–su leisteten dabei Aufklärungsdienste. So wurde Wang Tsun
auf dem Rückweg (nach seinem Standort) von ihnen gemeinsam angegriffen, und alles wurde nieder-
gemetzelt.
— 294 —
HS 3927 (96B.15a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 196–197)
1
Except for Kuo Ch'in , the Wu and Chi colonel
, who was in command of a separate
force and reached Yen–ch'i later.
As the forces of Yen–ch'i had not yet returned, (Kuo)
Ch'in killed those (of the inhabitants) who were old
2
or weak, and (led) his troops back (to China).
(Wang) Mang invested him with the title of Baron
3
of (Chiao–)hu (extirpator of the nomads).
Li Ch'ung collected the remaining troops and
sought protection in Ch'iu–tz'u .
1. These events occurred in A.D. 16.
Kuo Ch'in is further mentioned in the parallel passage in HSPC
99B.30b (Dubs, HFHD III, 1955: 366) and later as one of Wang
Mang's “ Tiger Generals” in HSPC 99C.25b and 28b (Dubs,
HFHD III, 1955: 460 and 467).
2. The Ching–yu edition of 1035 omits the word ›yin‹ .
3. As indicated by the commentators [Teng Chan , fl. c.208,
and Yen Shih–ku , 581–645], the character [›shån‹]
of our text is a corruption of [›ji¬o‹] , the latter form having
been maintained in HSPC 99B.30b (Dubs, HFHD III, 1955: 366). It
also occurs in a quotation of the Shu–ching chapter ›Kan shih‹,
in the Shuo–wen ; in the present version, the text reads
›chiao‹ , which has come to replace the archaic also in
other cases.
(DE GROOT 1926: 181–182)
Allein Kuo' K'in , der Oberhauptmann der Mitte, fiel mit einer Truppenmacht von der anderen
Seite J¥n–ki in den Rücken, und noch ehe die Armee dieses Reiches wieder zurück war, richtete er un-
ter den Alten und Schwachen ein Blutbad an; dann zog er seine Truppen zusammen und trat wieder
den Rückweg an. Dafür verlieh ihm Wang Mang die Würde eines Lehnsfürsten, der die Hu ausrottete
. Li Tš'ung sammelte die Überreste seiner Truppe, zog nach Ku–tsi (Kutscha) und behauptete
1
sich da.
1. Diese Ereignisse erzählen die letzten Spalten des zweiten Teils des Kap. 99 [HS 99B] in folgendem Wortlaut:
+ In diesem Jahr (16 n.Chr.) entsandte Wang Mang den Wang Tsun, General für die Machtausübung in den fünf Welt-
gegenden, als Hauptbevollmächtigten mit Li Tš'ung, dem Allgemeinen Schutzherrn des Westens, an der Spitze der
Oberhauptleute der Mitte ins Feld. Alle Reiche des Westens holten sie im Vorgelände ihrer Festungen ein und trugen
Tribut herbei, aber weil die Reiche den Allgemeinen Schutzherrn Tan K'in getötet hatten, war Wang Tsun entschlossen,
sie zu überfallen. Somit hatte er dem Oberst der Hilfstruppen, Ho Fung , und dem Oberhauptmann der Mitte,
Kuo' K'in, befohlen, von der anderen Seite Truppen heranzuführen. J¥n–ki heuchelte Unterwerfung, legte aber Truppen
in ein Versteck, die Wang Tsun überfielen und seine Macht gänzlich vernichteten. Aber Kuo' K'in und Ho Fung fielen
J¥n–ki in den Rücken, schlugen dort die Alten und Schwachen nieder und zogen dann via Ku–su in die befestigten
Grenzen zurück. Wang Mang ernannte darauf den Kuo K'in zu einem General, der das Ausland bezwang ,
und erhob ihn zu einem Lehnsfürsten, der die Hu ausrottete, und den Ho Fung machte er zu einem Lehnsfürsten, der
die Hu zusammenbrachte .*
— 295 —
HS 3927–3928 (96B.15a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 197)
1
After some years (Wang) Mang died and (Li)
Ch'ung disappeared. And the Western Regions
were completely cut off.
In the total number of fifty states,
ranging from
interpreters-in-chief ,
chiefs of towns , masters ,
inspectors , officials ,
›ta–lu‹ , chiefs of the hundreds ,
chiefs of the thousands ,
commandants , ›chü–ch'ü‹ ,
2
›tang–hu‹ ,
leaders and chancellors
to nobles and kings ,
all those who carried on their belts
Han seals and ribbons
were altogether 376 men.
1. Wang Mang was killed by the troops of the insurgent forces on 6th
October A.D. 23; see HSPC 99C.27b (Dubs, HFHD III, 1955: 465).
2. The meaning of these, presumably Hsiung–nu, titles is unknown;
the bearers of the latter title were high functionaries, subordinate
to the ›kings‹.
(DE GROOT 1926: 182)
Aber nach einigen Jahren, als Wang Mang tot war, fand auch er seinen Untergang. Hiermit war das
Westgebiet vollständig (von China) losgerissen. In den fünfzig Reichen (des Westens) haben 376 Per-
sonen ein von Han verliehenes Siegel mit zugehörendem Siegeltuch am Gürtel getragen und zwar als
Hauptdolmetscher , Stadtoberst , Fürst , Inspizient , Ta–lok , Oberst über
hundert Mann , Oberst über tausend Mann , Generalkommandant , Tsu–ku ,
Tong–hª , Heerführer , Reichsverweser bis zum Lehnsfürsten und König .
— 296 —
HS 3928 (96B.15a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 197)
But (those officials) subordinated to
K 'ang–chü , the Ta Yüeh–chih ,
An–hsi , Chi–pin and Wu–i
are not included in this figure, as they were re-
moved at a distance. When (those states) sent
tribute or gifts, (Han) reciprocated, but (Han) did
not exercise supervision or control.
— 297 —
HS 3928 (96B.15a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 197–198)
1
Appreciation:
2
In the age of (Emperor) Hsiao Wu , policy was directed
to controlling the Hsiung–nu , in the realisation of the
danger that they might form a union with the western
states and an alliance with the Southern Ch'iang
.
3
(The Chinese) thereupon demarcated the area (west of) the
4
3 (Yellow) River . A line of four commanderies was es-
tablished and the Yü–men (barrier) was opened so as
4 to communicate with the Western Regions , and in
order to sever the right arm of the Hsiung–nu and to se-
parate them from the Southern Ch'iang and the Yüeh–chih
.
The Shan–yü lost his support, and thereafter fled
5
afar, and no royal court (was held) south of the
desert.
1. The word ›tsan‹ , literally “praise” or “ eulogy”, is regularly placed at
the head of comments added by the compiler of the history at the end
of each chapter. As rightly pointed out by Hsü Sung , this appre-
ciation — assuming that this piece is the work of a single hand — can-
not have been written by Pan Ku (32–92 A.D.), referring to Em-
peror Ming (reigned 58–75 A.D.), but it must have been composed
by his father, Pan Piao (died 54 A.D.), referring to Emperor
Kuang–wu (reigned 25–57 A.D.).
Pulleyblank (in A. L. Basham 1968: 250), enlarging on a remark by
Haloun in ZDMG 91, 1937: 250, note 1, jumps to the conclusion that the
whole chapter 96 + must have been among those completed by Pan
Piao*. It was during Kuang–wu's reign that on several occasions the
Western Regions sent tribute and asked in vain for the re-establishment
of the Protectorate General (viz. in 38 and 45 A.D.).
However, under the next emperor, and in Pan Ku's own days, a more
active Central Asian policy was again pursued, largely under the lea-
dership of Pan Ku's brother and nephew, Pan Ch'ao and Pan
Yung . For the role of Pan Piao as an advisor on border affairs,
see H. Bielenstein: Emperor Kuang–wu (A.D. 25–57) and the Northern
Barbarians, Canberra 1956: esp. 18 and 22.
2. Han–chi 15.8b reads , where is an interpolation in
view of the context.
3. The text reads [= ] , but as indicated by the commenta-
tors, who refer to the parallel passages and quotations, ›ch'ü‹ ,
“ bend”, is an ancient mistake for ›hsi‹ , “ west”.
4. For the character ›hsi‹ , “ west”, in the HS text, Han–chi 15.8b reads
›ssu‹ , “ four”, a reading which is also supported by other evidence
adduced by the commentators.
5. Han–chi 15.8b adds ›mo pei‹ , “ north of the desert”, after + fled
afar*.
(WYLIE 1882: 113)
Pan Koo's reflections : In the reign of the Emperor Woo–te, when plans were formed for arresting the
Heung–noo disasters, these having formed a compact with the Southern Keang from the kingdoms in
the West, four regions were established along the bend of the Yellow River, and the Jade gate was
opened as a thoroughfare to the Western regions. The right arm of the Heung–noo was thus cut off,
and a through separation effected between them and the Southern Keang and the Ta Yue–she na-
tions. The Shen–yu being thus utterly baffled, removed his encampment to a great distance, and
ceased to hold his court in the south.
— 298 —
HS 3928 (96B.15a–15b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 198–199)
In the time of Emperors Wen and Ching (the mood)
1
had been one of silent contemplation (rather than of
2
positive action): for five reigns the people had been
nurtured; the lands below the skies were prosperous and
rich; there was wealth and strength in plenty, and military
3
horses in full abundance.
It was therefore possible (to accumulate manifold resour-
4 5
6 ces). Having beheld rhinoceros horn , ivory and
tortoise shell , (the men of those days) founded seven
6
commanderies , including Chu–ai .
7
Allured by betel-nuts and bamboo staves, they
opened up the commanderies of Tsang–k'o and
8
Yüeh–sui ; and learning of the horses of Heaven
and of the grape they started communication
with Ta Yüan and An–hsi .
1. For ›hsüan–mo‹ , and its connotation of a Taoist attitude, see
Hulsewé: Remnants of Han Law, 1955: I, 373, note 148.
2. ›Wu shih‹ , i.e. the reigns of emperors Kao (202–195 B.C.) and
Hui (194–188), the empress Lü (187–180), and the emperors
Wen (179–157) and Ching (156–141).
3. ›Shih ma‹ , here, as before, “ military horses”, not “ soldiers and
horses”.
4. The phrase between brackets has been added from Han–chi 15.8b,
which reads .
5. We follow Han–chi 15.8b, substituting ›hsiang‹ , “ elephant, ivory”, for
the meaningless ›pu‹ , as indicated by Wang Nien–sun .
6. The translation follows the Ching–yu edition of 1035 (the earliest sur-
viving print of the Han–shu) which reads in place of HSPC .
HSPC 6.23a (Dubs, HFHD II, 1944: 82) mentions the foundation of nine
commanderies in the south, including Chu–ai, in 112 B.C. For a sum-
mary of the commanderies established during Wu–ti's reign, see Loewe
in Kierman and Fairbank, Chinese ways in warfare, 1974: 372, note 44.
7. (Han–chi has the more generally accepted ) is “ betel-nut”,
where ›chiang‹ , lit. “ preserve”, is part of the name of this fruit; see
Yves Hervouet in: Mélanges de sinologie offert à Monsieur Paul Demié-
ville, 1964: 80, note 4.
8. These two commanderies were likewise established in 112 B.C.; see
HSPC 6.23a (Dubs, HFHD II, 1944: 82).
(WYLIE 1882: 113)
During the reigns of W£n–te and King–te, the people were nourished in a period of peaceful tranquil-
lity. For five generations the empire was prosperous and wealthy; riches and strength were super-
abundant; while troops and horses were robust, and in good condition. Hence the people could attend
to agriculture, and tortoise-shell being disseminated, Choo–yae and six other regions were added to
the empire. Thanks to the Keu soy and bamboo staves, Tsang–ko and Yue–suy were annexed. The
reports regarding the celestial horses and grapes led to the opening up of communication with Fer-
gana and Parthia.
— 299 —
HS 3928 (96B.15b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 199)
1
From then on rarities such as luminous pearls ,
2 3
striped shells , lined rhinoceros horn and
kingfisher feathers (were seen) in plenty in the
empress' palace ; the ›p'u–shao‹ , dragon
stripes , fish-eye and blood-sweating hor-
4 5
ses filled the Yellow Gate .
1. The annual tribute presented by the southern provinces included
these rarities; see HHS, Mem. 21.15a, and the passages from the
Han–chiu–i by Wei Hung , translated by Dubs
(HFHD II, 1944: 127), where the cumulative “ and” in the enumera-
tion has to be corrected to “ or”, the Chinese text reading ›jo‹ ...
2. We have followed Han–chi in reading , “ striped
shells”, instead of Han–shu , “ striped tortoise shells”.
According to Morohashi Tetsuji , Dai Kan–Wa jiten
, Tokyo 1960: V, 5229, no. 13450 /747, these “ striped
shells” are identified as ›cypraea maculata‹ or cowries.
3. Reading with Han–shu instead of the of the Han–chi
which is a repetition of the expression used a few lines earlier.
For the lined or striated rhinoceros see Berthold Laufer, Chinese
Clay Figures, part I, Prolegomena on the history of defensive
armor, Chicago 1914: 137 f. However, it is to ne noted that a very
similar enumeration of products by the southern provinces in
HHSCC, Mem. 21.15a, reads: .
4. ›P'u–shao‹ ... is the name of a type of horse from Ferghana,
mentioned in SC 24.8 (Chavannes, MH III, 1969: 237).
›Lung–wen‹ is a general term for markings “ like a dra-
gon”.
›Yü–mu‹ , lit. “ fish eye”, is an appellation which the Erh–ya
by Shao Chin–han of 1788: 20.7b applies to horses
of whom both eyes are surrounded by a white spot. According to
commentator Meng K'ang , “ fish eye” was one of the Four
Steeds , but, as far as we are aware, there exists only
several series of Eight Steeds , among which “ fish eye”
does not occur (for see the series given by Morohashi II: 12,
no. 1450 /281).
For the blood-sweating horses see note on p. 132. Egami Namio
(in: Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko 13,
1951: 87–123) has identified the horses with alien names; he identi-
fies
the ›k'uai–t'i‹ ... with the Aryan horse (p. 102),
the ›t'ao–yü‹ ... with the Przewalski horse (pp. 106–107), and
the ›tan–hsi‹ ... with the wild ass or kulan (pp. 121–123); he
believes the ›k'uai–t'i‹ to have been identical with the blood-
sweating horses.
5. The information about the functions of the “Yellow Gate” in HSPC
19A.16a–b and HHSCC, Tr. 26.5a f. is confusing, but the Han–chiu–i
by Wei Hung mentions at least that it was also
concerned with horses ... whilst it likewise contains one explicit
reference to “chariots, carriages” etc., under control of the Yellow
Gate.
(WYLIE 1882: 113)
From this time, carbuncles, tortoise shell, white heart rhinoceros horn, plumagery and such rarities
were found in profusion in the after palace; foreign palfreys, dragon-figured, fish-eyed, and blood-per-
spiring horses thronged the imperial gates.
— 300 —
HS 3928 (96B.15b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 199–200)
Groups of great elephants , lions , ferocious
1 2
beasts and ostriches were reared in the outer
3
parks ; and wonderful goods of divers climes were
brought from the four quarters of the world.
Thereupon (the emperor) had the Shang–lin (Park)
4
enlarged and the K'un–ming Lake dug out; he laid
5
the palace with its thousand gates and myriad doors
, and erected the (two) eminences , (the one)
where the spirits dwell and (the other) which leads to
6 7
Heaven ; he hung aloft the curtains in their different
8
series, fastened together with Sui pearls and Ho
9
jades .
1. We have followed the Han–chi which reads instead of the
“ ferocious dogs” of our text.
Daffinà, TP 1982: 334 —
The reading of the text should, however, be retained as it is a very
probable allusion to the “ large dogs” of Chi–pin (96A.24b).
The dogs of North-West India were famous in antiquity for their ferocity
and since Achaemenid times they were employed in both hunting and
war (Herodotus 1.192.4; 7.187.1). Well known is the episode of Alexander
the Great being presented with some of such dogs by the Indian king
Sopeithes (Strabo 15.1.31; Diodorus Siculus 17.92; Curtius Rufus 9.1.31–33).
2. For the ostriches, lit. “ great birds”, see above, note on p. 116.
3. Outer parks, ›wai yü‹ . The San–fu huang–t'u (a
5th century work which gives information on Han-time Ch'ang–an and
surrounding area, edited by Chang Tsung–hsiang ), Shanghai
1958: 29–30, states that wild animals were kept both in Shang–lin Park
and in the Ssu–hsien Park ...
4. For the park and the digging of K'un–ming lake see HSPC 6.15.b (Dubs,
HFHD II, 1944: 63).
5. This descriptive phrase is found in HSPC 25B.4b and recurs in the
San–fu huang–t'u: 15. Both refer to the Chien–chang Palace which was
built in 104 B.C., acc. to HSPC 6.31b (Dubs, HFHD II, 1944: 98); see also
Chavannes, MH III, 1969: 514.
6. These two “eminences”, ›t'ai‹ , terraces or, in this case, towers, were
the “ Eminence where the Spirits dwell”, ›Shen–ming‹ t'ai, and
the “ Eminence which leads to Heaven”, ›T'ung–t'ien‹ t'ai. Their
establishment is mentioned in HSPC 25B.5a and 2a; the date for the
building of the former was 104 B.C., that of the latter 109 B.C.; see
HSPC 6.26b (Dubs, HFHD II, 1944: 90); see also Chavannes, MH III.
1969: 508 and 514. According to Han–chiu–i by Wei Hung
the Eminence which leads to Heaven was 300 feet (90 m.) high.
7. Han–chi omits before .
8. The phrase also occurs in HSPC 65.14a, meaning “ the
curtains (numbered) A, B, etc.”
9. Han–chi reads for , and for . For the use of the Sui pearls
and the Ho jades as examples of treasures see D. Bodde, China's first
unifier, Leiden 1937: 18, note 3.
(WYLIE 1882: 113)
While a menagerie of great elephants, lions, savage dogs, and large birds fed in the park outside; and
strange objects arrived from foreign lands in every direction. At the same time the imperial forest was
enlarged, the Kwan–ming pool was excavated, the palace of a thousand gates and ten thousand doors
was built, and the tower of communication between Heaven and the spiritual powers was erected. The
cyclical screens were formed of fine silk, with rows of pearls and harmonising gems.
— 301 —
HS 3928 (96B.15b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 200–201)
The Son of Heaven took his place within, with his
1
back against a screen figured in black and white ; he
was decked in a coverlet of kingfisher plumes and reclined
on an armrest decorated with jade .
Wine was set out (sufficient to fill) a lake, and meats (in
plenty like) a forest, to entertain the guests of the four bar-
2
barian peoples .
And as spectacle for them to admire, there were exhibited
(the dancers) of Pa–yü , (the perch-climbers) of Tu–lu,
the pole springing up from an (artificial) sea, with (the
ballets) of the Man–yen (monster) and of the fishes and dra-
3
gons, and (the performance) of the bull game .
There came the further expenses of presents sent as gifts or
to accompany escorts; of the courtesies exchanged at a
distance of ten thousand ›li‹; and of the armed forces, too
high for calculation.
1. Yen Shih–ku rightly explains as , “ a screen figured in
black and white” ...
2. The San–fu huang–t'u mentions these curious establish-
ments which are ascribed to the extravagances of the last debauched
ruler of Yin; see SC 3.27 (Chavannes, MH I, 1969: 200).
3. For these games see Yü Hao–liang , in Wenwu 1961/1: 43–45,
and J. P. Diény, Aux origines de la poésie classique en Chine, Leiden
1968: 55 ff. In the latter the Pa–yü dancers are to be found on p.55; the
Tu–lu perch climbers on p.60; the dance of the ›man–yen‹ monster
( here in HS 96, in the poem discussed by Diény ... as all
four words have the meaning “extensive, extend”, the binome may quite
well be a purely Chinese term, meaning “ the long thing”, and not an
alien word) and of the fishes and dragons on p.61; and the ›chiao–ti‹
, “bull game” (or wrestling? Cf. above, note on p.153), on pp.58–59,
with references to contemporary literature and art, and to modern stu-
dies. As regards , this “pole jutting out of the (artificial) sea”
is probably the magic mountain around which the ›man–yen‹ monster
played, parallel to the statement in Chang Heng's prose-poem on the
Western Capital, ›Hsi–ching fu‹, in Wen–hsüan 2 : , ren-
dered by Erwin von Zach (Die chinesische Anthologie, Cambridge 1958,
vol. I: 15) as + (da) hinten ist plötzlich der Geisterberg in seinen gewal-
tigen Dimensionen zu sehen* .
(WYLIE 1882: 113–114)
And the Emperor, while occupying the place, wore the hatched embroidered robe, and variegated low-
er garments, and rested on a jade stand. Amid this luxuriance there were pools of wine and forests of
flesh, for the entertainment of the barbarian guests arriving from all quarters. There were also the
Pa and Yu acrobatic feasts. and the T'ang–ke©h music of transmarine nations. Huge monsters roamed
about, while the waters teemed with fish and dragons. The dramatist gave his entertainments to gra-
tify the assembled multitudes. Presents were made, and visitors were escorted back for ten thousand
›le‹; till the expenses of such expeditions surpassed calculation.
— 302 —
HS 3928–3929 (96B.15b–16a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 201–202)
When the means at (the emperor's) disposal were insuffi-
cient, a monopoly was imposed on the sale of liquors,
and the salt and iron workings were brought under official
1
control.
2
Coins were cast in white metal and valuables
were made in (deer) hide; the scope of the levy was ex-
tended to wagons and boats, and taxes were raised even on
3
stock animals.
The strength of the people was spent, and resources were
exhausted; and there followed some years of poor harvests.
Robbers and thieves rose up everywhere and the roads
were impassable.
For the first time commissioners appointed directly by the
emperor were sent out, clothed in embroidered silk and
4
bearing axes, to exterminate (the bandits) in the comman-
deries and kingdoms and only then was (the danger) over-
come.
For these reasons, in his latter days (Emperor Wu) aban-
doned the lands of Lun–t'ai and proclaimed a decree
5
expressing anguish and sorrow.
1. For the monopolies on wine (introduced in 98 B.C., see HSPC 6.34b and
Dubs, HFHD II, 1944: 107), iron and salt, see the brief remarks in E. M.
Gale, The discourses on salt and iron, Leiden 1931: XXV ff., and in Nancy
Lee Swann, Food and Money in Ancient China, Princeton 1950: 61–66.
2. For the use of ›white metal‹, i.e. a mixture of silver and tin, see HSPC
24B.11a–b; Swann 1950: 267 ff.; Dubs, HFHD II, 1944: 64, note 15.12; and
Chavannes, MH III, 1969: 564 ff.
See also M. Loewe, Crisis and Conflict in Han China, London 1974: 62 as
well as Nishijima Sadao's contribution to the forthcoming Cambridge
History of China.
3. For the levy on wagons and boats, see HSPC 24B.13b, Swann 1950: 282.
For the second statement see Loewe, Records of Han Administration,
Cambridge 1967: I, 71 f. and Hiranaka Reiji , Chøgoku furu-
dai no densei to zeihõ , Kyõto 1967: 237 ff.
4. For these commissioners + clothed in embroidered silk and bearing
axes*, sent out in 99 B.C., see HSPC 6.34a (Dubs, HFHD II, 1944: 106).
The Han–chi , by Hsün Yüeh , 15.9a reads .
5. For this decree see above, p. 168.
(WYLIE 1882: 114)
At length the revenue was found to be inadequate. The wine was then sold off; the sale of salt and iron
1
was brought under regulation; and coins of white metal were cast, to use for presents representing
the skins and silks. The carriages and boats were let out on hire; the strength of the people and the
domestic animals was bent with oppression; while their wealth was utterly exhausted. The result was
years of dearth; added to which, highway robberies became so common that the public thoroughfares
were impassable. The morale is this: — when a nation begins by a display of embroidered garments,
and by the free use of the military, cuts itself off from the other regions and states, it ends by being
itself conquered. Thus it happened that in the later years the territory of Lun–t'ae was abandoned, and
the Emperor publicly proclaimed his distress.
1. This was a composition of silver and tin.
— 303 —
HS 3929 (96B.16a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 202)
How could good and saintly (rulers) not regret
1
these things?
Moreover, if one passes through the Western Regions
, close at hand lie the Dragon Mounds ; and far
away are the Ts'ung–ling and the obstacles
formed by (the slopes of) the Fevers of the Body ,
(the Hills of) the Headaches and the Suspended
Crossing .
2
The arguments of (the king of) Huai–nan , Tu
3 4
Ch'in and Yang Hsiung alike conclude
that these are the means whereby Heaven and Earth
have separated the zones and cut asunder the inner
5
and outer regions.
6
In the Book (of Documents) it is written: + The Wes-
tern Jung were then reduced to order.*
It was simply by Yü's arrival that they were re-
duced to order. Had he not been (a man) of abundant
power and prestige, he would have had no means of
7
inducing them to bring their tribute.
1. For the rendering of ›jen‹ as “ good” see Arthur Waley, The
Analects of Confucius, London 1938: 27 ff. Han–chi simply
writes , “ saintly men”. For criticisms levelled against the
policies adopted under Emperor Wu in the succeeding decades
and later, see Loewe in F. A. Kierman and J. K. Fairbank (eds.),
Chinese Ways in Warfare, Cambridge (Mass.) 1974: 104 f.
2. For the warning of Liu An, king of Huai–nan, against undertaking
far-flung expeditions see HSPC 64A.2b.
3. Tu Ch'in's warning is quoted above, pp. 109–111.
4. Yang Hsiung's veiled admonition against war in the West is con-
tained in his Ch'ang–yang fu , HSPC 87B.4b, esp. 5b.
5. We follow the more complete Han–chi 15.9a version which reads:
.
6. In the chapter ›The tribute of Yü‹; cf. B. Karlgren, ›The Book of
Documents‹, in BMFEA 22, 1950: 17, the end of paragraph 19.
7. We follow Han–chi 15.9b which reads:
.
The quotation is already mutilated in the Wei–shu
(T'ung–wen ed.) 102.1a to which Hsü Sung refers.
(WYLIE 1882: 114)
Truly this is a subject of remorse for the benevolent and the sage. Among the dangers of the passage
through the Western regions are, near home, the dragon mound; and more remote, the Tsung–ling
mountains, the Fever Bank, the Head-ache Mountain, and the Hindu Kush Range. Speaking of the
latter, the Prince of Hwae–nan, Too Kin, and Yang Heung, all designate it as the boundary province
between heaven and earth, the point of absolute separation between the interior and exterior. It is
1
said in the ›Shoo King‹: — + The wild tribes of the West all coming to submit to Yu's arrangements.*
Yu having come, they fell in with his arrangements. It was not that they were brought to submit to the
imperial dignity, and so induced to bring tribute.
1. See Legge's ›Shoo King‹, part III, book i, chap. x, par. 83.
— 304 —
HS 3930 (96B.16a) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 202–203)
1
The various states of the Western Regions each
have their rulers and their chiefs . Their large
2
bodies of armed men are separated and weak,
with no means of united control.
Although they may be subject to the Hsiung–nu ,
they are not attached to them by ties of friendship. The
3
Hsiung–nu are (merely) able to acquire their horses,
stock animals, felts and woollens, but are not able to
control or lead them, or to act in concert with them.
They are cut off from Han and the intervening distance
4
is (very) great; if (Han) takes possession of them they
5
bring no profit; if (Han) abandons them they
constitute no loss. With glorious power resting with us,
there is nothing to take from them.
Hence since (the reign-period of) ›chien–wu‹
6
(A.D. 25–56), the Western Regions have borne in mind
the might and power of Han and have all rejoiced
to make themselves its subjects.
1. For ›yü‹ , “ regions”, Han–chi writes ›jung‹ , “ barbarians”.
2. For ›fen‹ , “divided”, Han–chi reads ›p'in‹ , “ poor”. The Han–
shu reading remains preferable.
3. Added in accordance with Han–chi 15.9b.
4. Adopting the Han–chi reading ›yu‹ for Han–shu ›yu‹ .
5. For Han–shu ›ch'i‹ , “ to cast off, to abandon”, Han–chi reads
›shih‹ , “ to lose”, which agrees better with the preceding ›te‹
in view of the common expression ›te ... shih‹.
6. The author refers to the assumption of power by the Emperor
Kuang–wu who reigned between A.D. 25 and 57.
(WYLIE 1882: 114–115)
The various countries of the Western regions having each one its prince and its troops, are divided and
weak, having no common bond of unity. Although subject to the Heung–noo, they have no intimate
bond of attachment. The Heung–noo obtain horses, cattle, and woven fabrics from them; but have
never been able to cultivate a mutual intercourse with them. They are utterly cut off from China by the
nature of the country; and being at such an impracticable distance, it is no advantage to be on good
terms with them, and we lose nothing by abandoning them. The source of prosperity is in ourselves,
and we gain nothing by them. Hence, since A.D. 25, the powers of the Western regions, in view of the
dignity of the Chinese empire, have generally rejoiced to maintain an attachment.
— 305 —
HS 3930 (96B.16a–16b) : (HULSEWÉ/LOEWE 1979: 203)
Only small settlements such as Shan–shan or
Chü–shih , whose borders lie close to the Hsiung–
nu, are still involved with them; whereas large states
such as So–chü or Yü–t'ien repeatedly send
envoys and lodged hostages with Han , requesting
that they be made subject to the Protector General
.
Our saintly emperor has surveyed the circum-
stances of past and present; and in view of the expedi-
ency of the times he has declined their requests and
withheld permission, while the bonds that relate them
have not been severed.
He has combined together the moral qualities shown
by the Great Yü when he reduced the Western
Jung to order, of the Duke of Chou when
he declined the white pheasants, and of T'ai–tsung
1
when he refused (the gift of) the fine horses.
Could any conduct be more noble!
1. For the mythical Emperor Yü and the Western Jung see the text
indicated in note on p. 202. For the story of the Duke of Chou re-
fusing the gift of a white pheasant from the tribes of the distant
South, see the remarks in Dubs, HFHD III, 1955: 64, note 2.3.
The story of Emperor Wen — referred to here by his temple name
T'ai–tsung — refusing a fast horse occurs in HSPC 64B.16b; HSPC
65.14a contains a similar advice given by Tung–fang Shuo to
Emperor Wu that the latter should + rid himself of his coursers* .
(WYLIE 1882: 115)
Some of the smaller states, such as Shen–shen and Keu–sze, whose borders are hard upon the Heung–
noo, have been retained by the latter; but the larger kingdoms, such as Sha–keu (Yarkand), and Yu–
teen (Khoten), have repeatedly sent envoys and placed hostages with China; desiring to be under the
care of the Governor General. Our sacred Emperor taking a wide survey of history past and present,
and studying the exigencies of the time, keeps them under restraint; not absolutely repelling their ad-
vances, while carefully avoiding promises. The Great Yu, when he rendered the wild tribes of the West
submissive; Chow Kung, when he yielded the white pheasant; and T'ae–tsung in his misunderstanding
about the running horse, are all instances of the same principle, and may be adduced in its support.
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