Biologische Grundlagen psychischer

Störungen 3rd Edition Thomas Köhler

Visit to download the full and correct content document:
https://ebookstep.com/product/biologische-grundlagen-psychischer-storungen-3rd-edi
tion-thomas-kohler/
More products digital (pdf, epub, mobi) instant
download maybe you interests ...

Komplet 3rd Edition Priesterbruderschaft St Petrus Fssp

https://ebookstep.com/product/komplet-3rd-edition-
priesterbruderschaft-st-petrus-fssp/

Biologische Schädlingsbekämpfung Ulrich Sedlag

https://ebookstep.com/product/biologische-schadlingsbekampfung-
ulrich-sedlag/

Quantitative Betriebswirtschaftslehre Band I Grundlagen

Operations Research Statistik 1st Edition Thomas Bonart

https://ebookstep.com/product/quantitative-
betriebswirtschaftslehre-band-i-grundlagen-operations-research-
statistik-1st-edition-thomas-bonart/

Materialbearbeitung mit Laser Grundlagen und Verfahren

4th Edition Helmut Hügel Thomas Graf

https://ebookstep.com/product/materialbearbeitung-mit-laser-
grundlagen-und-verfahren-4th-edition-helmut-hugel-thomas-graf/
Einführung in die Allgemeine Betriebswirtschaftslehre
3rd Edition Thomas Straub

https://ebookstep.com/product/einfuhrung-in-die-allgemeine-
betriebswirtschaftslehre-3rd-edition-thomas-straub/

Neuroanatomía funcional. Texto y atlas. 3rd Edition

Adel K. Afifi

https://ebookstep.com/product/neuroanatomia-funcional-texto-y-
atlas-3rd-edition-adel-k-afifi/

Astrophysik Eine Einführung in Theorie und Grundlagen

3rd Edition Karl-Heinz Spatschek

https://ebookstep.com/product/astrophysik-eine-einfuhrung-in-
theorie-und-grundlagen-3rd-edition-karl-heinz-spatschek/

Risikomanagement in Bau und Immobilienprojekten

Grundlagen für die Praxis 3rd Edition Wilfried Hoffmann

https://ebookstep.com/product/risikomanagement-in-bau-und-
immobilienprojekten-grundlagen-fur-die-praxis-3rd-edition-
wilfried-hoffmann/

Risikomanagement in Bau und Immobilienprojekten

Grundlagen für die Praxis 3rd Edition Wilfried Hoffmann

https://ebookstep.com/product/risikomanagement-in-bau-und-
immobilienprojekten-grundlagen-fur-die-praxis-3rd-edition-
wilfried-hoffmann-2/
Biologische Grundlagen
psychischer Störungen

Thomas Köhler 3., überarbeitete Auflage

 Biologische Grundlagen psychischer Störungen

Dieses Dokument ist nur für den persönlichen Gebrauch bestimmt und darf in keiner Form vervielfältigt und an Dritte weitergegeben werden.
Aus T. Köhler: Biologische Grundlagen psychischer Störungen (ISBN 9783840928277) © 2019 Hogrefe Verlag, Göttingen.
Dieses Dokument ist nur für den persönlichen Gebrauch bestimmt und darf in keiner Form vervielfältigt und an Dritte weitergegeben werden.
Aus T. Köhler: Biologische Grundlagen psychischer Störungen (ISBN 9783840928277) © 2019 Hogrefe Verlag, Göttingen.
 Thomas Köhler

Biologische Grundlagen
psychischer Störungen

3., überarbeitete Auflage

Dieses Dokument ist nur für den persönlichen Gebrauch bestimmt und darf in keiner Form vervielfältigt und an Dritte weitergegeben werden.
Aus T. Köhler: Biologische Grundlagen psychischer Störungen (ISBN 9783840928277) © 2019 Hogrefe Verlag, Göttingen.
 Prof. Dr. med. Dr. phil. Thomas Köhler, geb. 1949. Studium der Medizin, Psychologie und Mathematik in
München. Tätigkeit als Arzt und anschließend Assistent am Psychologischen Institut der Universität Würz-
burg sowie am Fachbereich Psychologie der Universität Hamburg. 1990 Habilitation. 1997 Ernennung zum
a. o. Professor. 2012 bis 2018 Vertretung der Professur für Klinische Psychologie an der Helmut-Schmidt-Uni-
versität der Bundeswehr Hamburg.

Wichtiger Hinweis: Der Verlag hat gemeinsam mit den Autoren bzw. den Herausgebern große Mühe da-
rauf verwandt, dass alle in diesem Buch enthaltenen Informationen (Programme, Verfahren, Mengen, Dosie-
rungen, Applikationen, Internetlinks etc.) entsprechend dem Wissensstand bei Fertigstellung des Werkes ab-
gedruckt oder in digitaler Form wiedergegeben wurden. Trotz sorgfältiger Manuskriptherstellung und
Korrektur des Satzes und der digitalen Produkte können Fehler nicht ganz ausgeschlossen werden. Autoren
bzw. Herausgeber und Verlag übernehmen infolgedessen keine Verantwortung und keine daraus folgende
oder sonstige Haftung, die auf irgendeine Art aus der Benutzung der in dem Werk enthaltenen Informatio-
nen oder Teilen davon entsteht. Geschützte Warennamen (Warenzeichen) werden nicht besonders kennt-
lich gemacht. Aus dem Fehlen eines solchen Hinweises kann also nicht geschlossen werden, dass es sich um
einen freien Warennamen handelt.

Copyright-Hinweis:

Das E-Book einschließlich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung außerhalb der
engen Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist ohne Zustimmung des Verlags unzulässig und strafbar.
Der Nutzer verpflichtet sich, die Urheberrechte anzuerkennen und einzuhalten.

Hogrefe Verlag GmbH & Co. KG

Merkelstraße 3
37085 Göttingen
Deutschland
Tel. +49 551 999 50 0
Fax +49 551 999 50 111
verlag@hogrefe.de
www.hogrefe.de

Satz: Beate Hautsch, Göttingen

Format: PDF

3., überarbeitete Auflage 2019

© 2005 und 2019 Hogrefe Verlag GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen
(E-Book-ISBN [PDF] 978-3-8409-2827-7; E-Book-ISBN [EPUB] 978-3-8444-2827-8)
ISBN 978-3-8017-2827-4
http://doi.org/10.1026/02827-000

Dieses Dokument ist nur für den persönlichen Gebrauch bestimmt und darf in keiner Form vervielfältigt und an Dritte weitergegeben werden.
Aus T. Köhler: Biologische Grundlagen psychischer Störungen (ISBN 9783840928277) © 2019 Hogrefe Verlag, Göttingen.
 Nutzungsbedingungen:
Der Erwerber erhält ein einfaches und nicht übertragbares Nutzungsrecht, das
ihn zum privaten Gebrauch des E-Books und all der dazugehörigen Dateien be-
rechtigt.
Der Inhalt dieses E-Books darf von dem Kunden vorbehaltlich abweichender
zwingender gesetzlicher Regeln weder inhaltlich noch redaktionell verändert
werden. Insbesondere darf er Urheberrechtsvermerke, Markenzeichen, digitale
Wasserzeichen und andere Rechtsvorbehalte im abgerufenen Inhalt nicht ent-
fernen.
Der Nutzer ist nicht berechtigt, das E-Book – auch nicht auszugsweise – anderen
Personen zugänglich zu machen, insbesondere es weiterzuleiten, zu verleihen
oder zu vermieten.
Das entgeltliche oder unentgeltliche Einstellen des E-Books ins Internet oder in
andere Netzwerke, der Weiterverkauf und/oder jede Art der Nutzung zu kom-
merziellen Zwecken sind nicht zulässig.
Das Anfertigen von Vervielfältigungen, das Ausdrucken oder Speichern auf an-
deren Wiedergabegeräten ist nur für den persönlichen Gebrauch gestattet. Drit-
ten darf dadurch kein Zugang ermöglicht werden.
Die Übernahme des gesamten E-Books in eine eigene Print- und/oder Online-
Publikation ist nicht gestattet. Die Inhalte des E-Books dürfen nur zu privaten
Zwecken und nur auszugsweise kopiert werden.
Diese Bestimmungen gelten gegebenenfalls auch für zum E-Book gehörende Au-
diodateien.

Anmerkung:
Sofern der Printausgabe eine CD-ROM beigefügt ist, sind die Materialien/Ar-
beitsblätter, die sich darauf befinden, bereits Bestandteil dieses E-Books.

Dieses Dokument ist nur für den persönlichen Gebrauch bestimmt und darf in keiner Form vervielfältigt und an Dritte weitergegeben werden.
Aus T. Köhler: Biologische Grundlagen psychischer Störungen (ISBN 9783840928277) © 2019 Hogrefe Verlag, Göttingen.
 Vorwort zur 3. Auflage

Erfreulicherweise ergibt sich nun die Gelegenheit, eine überarbeitete Version

Dieses Dokument ist nur für den persönlichen Gebrauch bestimmt und darf in keiner Form vervielfältigt und an Dritte weitergegeben werden.
Aus T. Köhler: Biologische Grundlagen psychischer Störungen (ISBN 9783840928277) © 2019 Hogrefe Verlag, Göttingen.
 apparently of considerable depth, being enclosed by banks ten
feet high, and winding through the plain in a fine meandering course.
The water, at present, had no current; and we found a spot where it
was totally broken, and were enabled to cross it with dry feet.
A few hundred yards on the other side of this watercourse were
the ruins of Bága, the residence of the chief Kábishmé (or, as the
Kanúri call him, Kabshimé), which had been ransacked last year by
Kashélla ʿAlí Fúgomámi. Among these ruins the vizier, by the advice
of Ádishén, who wanted to keep the undisciplined host from his own
fertile territory, had chosen the encampment. Thither I directed my
steps, while the main body of the cavalry were scattered about the
cornfields, in order to gather the half-ripe ears of grain for
themselves and their half-starved horses; and he was lucky who
arrived first, those who came afterwards either finding nothing at all,
or only green, unwholesome corn.
The whole district where the encampment was chosen was bare
and desolate in the extreme, especially on the eastern side, where it
was only bordered by stunted mimosas a considerable distance off.
But the village itself, and particularly the dwelling of the chief
Kábishmé, was calculated to create a great deal of interest, as well
on account of the finished and careful execution of the buildings as
owing to a certain degree of comfort and homeliness which was
evident in the whole arrangement; and in this respect it was very
fortunate that, immediately after our arrival, before the train came up,
I directed my attention towards these buildings, for afterwards the
deserted palace of the Músgu chief became a harím, or prohibited
spot, the vizier finding its architectural arrangements very useful and
convenient for his own domestic purposes.
The palace must have afforded a very different spectacle in former
times, when it was inhabited, it being at present in such a state of
ruin that several features in its arrangement could not be distinctly
made out, almost everything that was liable to take fire having been
destroyed, and especially the sheds and inner courtyards, which are
so characteristic of the domestic life of these people. At present it
was an empty courtyard of a tolerably round shape, and of large
circumference, surrounded by huts more or less destroyed, and
adorned at the four corners, if we may
speak of corners in a building of
almost round shape, by buildings of a
very peculiar and remarkable
character, which at once attracted my
attention, as they bore testimony to a
degree of order, and even of art,
which I had not expected to find
among these tribes.
They were small round rumbú,
about eight feet in diameter, and at
least twelve feet high to the apex of
the cupola, the clay walls of which
were very neatly polished; the entrance formed a projecting portal
about six feet high, four feet deep, and not more than fourteen
inches wide. The exterior, to the very top of the cupola, was
ornamented in a very peculiar manner by regular lines of projecting
ribs running round the building in the way represented in the
woodcut. These very remarkable rooms, although at present empty,
from their analogy with several buildings described above, and
according to the statements of the people, were nothing but well
protected granaries, although they might have served occasionally in
the cold season as bedrooms or sleeping-rooms. They were exactly
the same at each of the four corners; but the north-east corner of the
yard claimed particular attention, owing to another very remarkable
apartment being there joined to the granary, which, as it is best
adapted to give a clear idea of the homely comfort of these people,
however low the scale of their civilization may be, has been made
use of to represent, in the plate opposite, a scene of the domestic life
of these people, besides that its ground-plan is given in the
accompanying woodcut.
 It was a round uncovered apartment of about twenty-four feet in
diameter, inclosed by a clay wall of about seven feet high, and a foot
in thickness, and carefully polished at the corners. The doorway was
about four feet high by about two feet wide; entering through this you
had on your left a bank of clay running parallel with the wall, and
enclosing a space of about two and a half feet in breadth. It was a
foot and a quarter high, and one foot broad, and ran round more
than half the circumference of the room, but, in order to afford easy
access to the narrow space between it and the wall, had an opening
in the centre, both ends of the banks thus formed having a regularly
shaped projection. The space included between the bank and the
wall formed a sort of stable, as was evident from three stakes placed
in the ground at equal distances from each other. Probably it was the
place for three head of cattle or goats. The clay bank, therefore,
served two purposes, partly as a separation of the stable from the
inner apartment, and partly as a seat. The centre of the apartment
was formed by a shed about eight feet by six, and consisting of a
roof of reeds and grass, supported by four stakes, and furnishing an
evident proof that the apartment had never been covered in, but
formed an open little courtyard sub dio.
On the right of this shed was the cooking-place or kitchen,
enclosed by two very low clay walls, and formed by four projections
of clay in the shape of large round stones, which in a very simple
manner formed two fireplaces, each of which, if detached, would
have required three stones. Between the kitchen, the shed, and one
end of the clay bank, and divided from the former by a separate wall,
appeared a broad entrance to the adjoining building, which we have
recognized as a granary; but at present it was walled up, and formed
a recess for some purpose or other. Between the kitchen and the
gateway was another place enclosed between two thin clay walls,
which was most probably destined to contain the water-jar.
The four well-built and well-secluded rooms, which had been
intended originally as granaries, seemed very desirable to the vizier
in the cold weather, as he was able to lodge there, very comfortably,
himself and his female slaves; for the cold in this open spot, which
was not protected either by vegetation or by any rising of the ground,
was so severe that not only the whole black world, but the two whites
also, that is to say Mr. Overweg and myself, natives of the north of
Europe, suffered severely from its intensity. Indeed it was most
distressing during the night to hear the shrieks of the poor naked
Músgu slaves, who had been torn from their warm huts; and it was
not till about noon that they seemed to revive a little. Nevertheless
the thermometer at six o’clock in the morning of the 15th, indicated
as much as 51°, which was the greatest amount of cold we had
during this expedition, and at noon it even rose to 87°.
We were obliged to remain in this uncomfortable place several
days, owing to the circumstance that the whole of the spoil was to be
divided here before we left the hostile territory; for an undisciplined
host like this, of course, cannot be controlled except by fear, and if
the people were allowed to regain their own territory with what they
had taken in slaves and cattle, they would go to their own homes
without contributing anything to the common share of the army. This
is also the custom in Wádáy as well as in Dár Fúr, the spoil being
divided before the expedition re-enters the friendly territory. Although
on the present occasion the expedition had not been eminently
successful in the different places, nevertheless the whole booty,
besides about ten thousand head of cattle, amounted to a
considerable number of slaves. The leaders boasted that they had
taken not less than ten thousand slaves; and although I was glad to
find that this number was exaggerated, I convinced myself that they
numbered not less than three thousand.
By far the largest proportion of this number consisted of aged
women, who had not been able to join in the hasty flight, and of
children under eight years of age. There were some women so
decrepit that they were scarcely able to walk—mere skeletons, who
in their almost total nakedness, presented a horrible sight. All the
full-grown men who had been taken prisoners, with the exception of
a few cowards who had not made any resistance, had been
slaughtered; but their number scarcely exceeded three hundred,
almost the whole full-grown male population of the country having
had time to escape. Of these three thousand slaves, the
commander-in-chief received a third part; but he also claimed for
himself the whole amount of the slave-hunt which was made into the
territory of Ádishén, and which constituted a sort of tribute.
In the afternoon of the 17th, two officers had left the encampment,
under the pretext of gathering fodder from the neighbouring villages,
but in the evening returned with about eight hundred slaves, and a
considerable number of cattle; and we were given to understand that
this foray was executed with the consent of the chief himself,—to
such degrading means did this despicable chief resort in order to
preserve his authority, however precarious it was. Of course he
selects as a sacrifice such of his subjects as are not his zealous
followers; but it is almost incredible how such a government can
exist, as his dominion scarcely extends over a tract of country more
than fifteen miles in every direction. At any rate, his subjects seem to
be fully justified in taking care of themselves; and they had
succeeded, in the darkness, in getting back part of the spoil which
had been taken from them.
The vizier himself pretended to behave in a very gracious manner
towards the submissive vassal, returning to him about two hundred
of the oldest and most decrepit women, who, he most probably
thought, would succumb to the fatigues of the march, observing, in a
tone of friendly irony, that they were to cultivate the country, and that
when he should return he would eat of the produce of their labour.
On other occasions the vizier had expressed himself to me to the
effect that he wished Ádishén strong and powerful, in order that, as a
faithful vassal, he might oppose the progress of the Felláta in these
regions; for in his heart he was the most inveterate enemy of that
enterprising nation, and certainly he had ample reason to be so. It
was on this occasion I heard that this renegade Músgu chief had
never been rebellious to his Bórnu sovereign (which, from
information I had received previously, I concluded to have been the
case), but that occasionally he was obliged to make reprisals against
the Shúwa, who were making plundering expeditions into his
territory. We have already noticed the peculiar situation of this Músgu
chief, separated from the interests of his countrymen, and opposed
to them in a hostile manner. He has to defend his position against all
the people around him, while his rear is very badly protected by his
very friends the Bórnu people, even the Shúwa Arabs, who are
subjected to the former, infesting his territory. Only with his kinsmen,
the people of Logón, he seemed to be at the time on friendly terms.
Monday, Jan. 19.—We at length set out on our return to Kúkawa.
We first returned to the ford of shallow water, and then continued
through a fine grassy plain, passing one or two hamlets and a few
fields of native corn. We then encamped, after a march of about ten
miles. Already this day, in the distance towards the west, we had
observed some small elevations; but, proceeding at a slow rate, and
making very short days’ marches, we did not reach the district of
Wáza, which is distinguished by its rocky mounts, till the 22nd, when,
after a march of about fifteen miles, we encamped between those
two rocky eminences which form the most characteristic feature of
this locality.
It gave us extraordinary pleasure, after having traversed the flat
alluvial plains of Bórnu and Músgu, to find ourselves once more
opposite to some elevation of even a moderate altitude. These
eminences assumed a very picturesque appearance. The valley
between the two rocky mountains where we were encamped was
rather bare of trees; but there were some beautiful wild fig-trees at
the north-eastern foot of the western eminence, where a pond was
formed in a deep hollow. To this spot I turned my steps immediately
after our arrival, before the camels had joined us, and spent here a
delightful hour, all the horses belonging to the army being brought
here to be watered, and forming a varied and highly interesting
scene, with the rich verdure of the trees around, and the steep rocky
cliffs above them, while fresh parties were continually arriving from
the camp.
Having made a sketch of this locality, I went to join my companion,
and we decided upon ascending the more elevated of the two
eminences; but having attained to the height of some hundred feet, I
felt quite exhausted, especially as I had a severe cold, and gave it
up; but Mr. Overweg ascended to the top, which rises to about seven
hundred feet above the plain.[83] These rocky mounts abound with a
species of black monkey, while even beasts of prey generally have
their haunts here. The crevices formed by the granite blocks are
adorned with small trees and shrubs. The view from here, over the
immense plain towards the south, girt as it was by a continuous band
of middle-sized timber, was very characteristic, the uniform line being
relieved in the foreground by the other rocky mount. This place
belongs already to the territory of Logón, and consists of several
small hamlets inhabited by Shúwa, but governed by a chief, or
“lawán,” who belongs to the tribe of the Fúlbe. It was here that we
received the news that a courier had arrived from Fezzán, but that
he had been plundered, by the Tuarek, of the letters and articles
which he was carrying for us. This, of course, was sad news,
although we did not expect to receive money, or anything of great
value, at the time.
Wednesday, Jan. 22.—After a long delay, caused by the straying
of the vizier’s favourite horse, which he rode every day, and which
had most mysteriously disappeared during the night, from the midst
of the encampment, we left this interesting spot, and after a good
ride over a very rich though insufficiently cultivated tract of country,
encamped at a short distance from a broad shallow water adorned
with the finest trees; it is called Zéngiri. From here we reached
Díggera, and took up our quarters in our old camp, pitching our tents
on the very spot where they had stood two months previously; and
from this point onwards, we stopped each day at the same place
where we had encamped on our outward journey.
Saturday, Feb. 1.—On our re-entering the capital there was a
good deal of ceremony and etiquette observed, when the whole
army, at least that part which had not yet been disbanded, was
formed into one compact line of battle, in order to receive in a
suitable manner the military salutes which were paid to the
commander-in-chief on his successful return. Distinguished above all
those who came to meet us and pay their compliments to the
commander, was Ghét, the chief of the Welád Slímán, who, a few
days previously, had arrived from Kánem, where we left him, and
from whence he had made a successful expedition against the
Kúnkuna in Kárká. Galloping up with the utmost speed, at the head
of his little band of from twenty to thirty horsemen clad in their
picturesque attire, this petty Arab chief exhibited an interesting and
animated specimen of horsemanship, which presented a remarkable
contrast to the unwieldy movements of the clumsy and sluggish
figures of the negroes. Returning to our old quarters in the town, we
were treated with a peculiar dainty of the Kanúri, consisting of the
fresh seeds of the grain called masr (Zea maïs), which are roasted in
a peculiar way.
Thus ended this expedition, which opened to us a slight glimpse
into the richly watered zone of the equatorial regions, which had
been supposed to form an insurmountable barrier of a high mountain
chain, and brought us into contact with tribes whose character has
been represented as almost approaching to that of wild beasts. We
had certainly not entered those regions under such circumstances as
were most desirable to us; but on the contrary, we had been obliged
to associate ourselves with an army whose only purpose was to
spread devastation and misery over them. Nevertheless, situated as
we were, while we could not prevent this mischief, we were glad that
we had been enabled to see so much. We were without any means,
no further supplies having arrived; but I did not despair, and in order
still to be able to try my fortune once more in another direction before
I returned home, besides other articles, I even sold my large tent,
and employed part of the proceeds to line my small tent, which was
fast wearing out, and neither excluded rain nor sun.
 FOOTNOTES
[1] “ʿAbd el Kerím,” meaning “Servant of the Merciful,” was the
name which I thought it prudent to adopt.
[2] p, ph, f, in many African languages, are constantly
interchanged, the same as r and dh, r and l.
[3] No distinction has been made between the different sounds
of j.
[4] Mr. Overweg, who made a hypsometrical observation by
boiling water, found the elevation of this spot just the same as that
of Mount Tekút, viz. 2,800 feet.
[5] In el Bekri’s time (eleventh century) all these Roman
monuments hereabout were still the objects of adoration.
[6] Unfortunately the minimum and maximum thermometers
were so deranged that Mr. Overweg was unable to repair them.
We had no barometer, and the only aneroid barometer with which
we had been provided, and which had been under the care of my
companion, was damaged on our first excursion; so that nothing
was left to us but to find the elevation of places by the boiling-
point of water.
[7] Hatíta told us expressly that if any of the Imghád should
trouble us we should say, “Bábo.” Now “Bábo” is neither Arabic
nor Temáshight, but the Háusa word for “There is none.”
[8] At the moment I am revising this I am happy to state that the
slave-trade is really abolished.
[9] I trust my readers will approve of my using the expression
Western Negroland to denote the countries from Fúta as far as
Sókoto; Middle Sudán, or Central Negroland, from Sókoto to
Bagírmi; and Eastern Negroland, comprising Wadäy, Darfúr
Kordofán, and Sennár. However, here, when I say that
Mohammed ben ʿAbd el Kerím introduced Islám into Central
Negroland, I exclude Bórnu, where the Mohammedan religion is
much older.
[10] He may have been born in Telemsán; but at least from very
early youth he was settled in Tawát.
 [11] This tree has nothing in common with the Adansonia, with
which it has been supposed to be identical.
[12] Delélti is not a Háusa word.
[13] “Háwiya” means twenty, and seems originally to have been
the highest sum reached by the indigenous arithmetic.
[14] “Kurdí” (shells) is the irregular plural of “urí” (a single shell).
[15] All sorts of wind instruments, the flute included, are called
by the Háusa people “bushé-bushé,” from which word the Féllani-
n-Háusa have formed “fufefuféji.”
[16] This is the only correct Háusa form for the singular of
Féllani.
[17] The Fúlbe generally change the ʿain into ghain, and
therefore say Ghomáro instead of Omáro.
[18] See above, ch. xv.
[19] There is evidently some relation between the Háusa, the
Berber, and the Coptic languages, not in the general
vocabularies, but chiefly in the demonstratives, such as “me,”
“hakka,” and the prepositions, such as “ná,” “dá,” “gá,” “dága,”
“garé.” See the excellent analysis of the Berber language by
Newman, in “Zeitschrift für Kunde des Morgenlandes,” vol. vii. a.
1845, pp. 268, 277, 278; (on the feminine forms “ita,” “ta,”) pp.
282, 291, 296. Many more specimens, however, may now be
added.
[20] It is also a very remarkable fact, that Dáura claims the
glory of having had an apostle of its own, Mohammed ʿAli el
Baghdádi; and with this fact the circumstance, that the holy place
which I noticed on my tour from Tin-téllust to Ágades is called by
some “msíd Sídi Baghdádi,” may probably be connected.
Whether Dáura be identical with el Bekri’s Daur, or Daw, is a
question of some importance, since, if it really be so, it would
appear to have been a considerable place at a very early period;
but I prefer not to enter here upon the slippery ground of
comparative geography.
[21] Page 170.
[22] In Timbúktu I was enabled to peruse a long letter from
Maghíli to Is-hák about points of religion. This is the only work of
Maghíli, which I was able to discover in Negroland. There were
two Sónghay kings of the name of Is-hák—the first, who ruled
from a.h. 946-956, and the second, who was the last king of the
dynasty, when Gógho or Gógó was conquered by the Basha
Jodár the 17th Jumad eʾ tháni, 999; but there is no doubt that the
first is meant. What I have said about the grandson of Maghíli’s
dispute with Is-hák is the common tradition in Negroland, and, I
think, deserves more confidence than what M. Cherbonneau has
made out in Constantine. See Journal Asiatique, 1855. He says,
“Après cet horrible massacre, el Mʿrili quitta Touat pour s’enfoncer
dans le cœur du Soudan. Il parcourut successivement Tekra (?
Tirka), Kachène et Kanou. Dans les deux premières villes il
enseigna publiquement la science du Koran; dans l’autre il fit un
cours de jurisprudence. De là il passa à Karou (ou Tchiarou,
suivant la prononciation locale), et fut invité par el Hadj
Mohammed, qui en était le gouverneur, à rédiger une note sur
différentes questions de droit. Il était depuis peu dans cette ville,
lorsqu’on vint lui apprendre que son fils avait été assassiné par
les juifs de Touat. Il repartit et mourut presque au moment de son
arrivée.”
[23] “Hábe,” plural of the singular “Kádo,” is a general term now
applied by the Fúlbe to the conquered race; but in this instance
the application is different. It is not improbable that the conquerors
extended the meaning of this term, which originally applied only to
one dynasty, to the whole conquered nation.
[24] This name, in the corrupted form “Kilinghiwa,” Mr. Cooley
has connected with the Berbers, in his excellent little work on the
Negroland of the Arabs.
[25] It was most probably a king of Kátsena, whom Makrízi
entitled King of Áfunú (Hamaker, Spec. Cat., p. 206), remarking
the jealousy with which he watched his wives, although the name
Mastúd which he gives to him, does not occur in the lists of the
kings of Kátsena which have come to my knowledge, and does
not even seem to be a true native name. The power of the Prince
of Kátsena towards the end of the last century (Lucas, Horneman)
seems to have been rather transient being based on the then
weakness of Bórnu.
[26] Laird’s and Oldfield’s Narrative, vol. i., p. 233. As this clear
and rational conviction, which the meritorious man who has
laboured so long for that part of Africa entertained, has been
entirely confirmed by my succeeding discovery, I think it well to
give to it all the publicity which it deserves. The two learned
geographers of Africa, Mr. Cooley and MacQueen, concurred
entirely in this opinion.
[27] There is a great variety of this article, of which I shall
enumerate a few kinds:—“farí-n-zénne,” the white undyed one;
“zénne déffowa,” of light-blue colour; “fessagída,” with a broad
line of silk; “hammakúku,” with less silk, sold generally for three
thousand kurdí; “mailémú,” sold for two thousand five hundred;
“zelluw-ámi,” a peculiar zénne with a silk border; “jumáda,”
another similar kind; “da-n-katánga,” once a very favourite article
of female dress, and therefore called “the child of the market” (of
the word katánga, I have spoken on a former occasion), with red
and black silk in small quantity, and a little white; “albáss-n-
Kwára,” a very peculiar name, chosen to denote a kind of zénne
of three stripes of mixed colours; “gódo,” white and black and of
thick thread; “alkílla,” white and black chequered “sáki,” silk and
cotton interwoven, and forming small squares black and white;
“kéki,” half túrkedí (that is to say indigo-coloured), half “sáki,” or
silk and cotton interwoven; “kéki serkí bókoy,” four kinds. Besides,
there are ten kinds of zénnwa entirely of silk, but these are made
better in Núpe than in Kanó. One of these, called “biní da gáni”
(follow me and look), a name which is also given to a
conspicuous kind of beads, is distinguished by three colours—
yellow, red, and blue. Then there is a zénne made of atlas, called
“massarchí”; another of coloured Manchester; and the simple one
of Manchester, which is called “béfta.”
[28] Among these specimens is also an undyed and a dyed
specimen of the “ríga tsámia,” which seems to deserve a good
deal of interest, as it consists half of home-made silk, obtained
from a peculiar kind of silkworm, which lives on the tamarind-tree.
I also sent home from Kúkawa, at a former period, a piece of
native cloth of the Kwána, a tribe of the Korórofa.
[29] There are many other branches of manufacture in Kanó
which are too minute to be enumerated here. I will only mention
the framing of the little looking-glasses, called lemmá, imported
from Tripoli, and the immense variety of bótta or múrta, small
leathern boxes. There is also a kind of small box made with great
neatness from the kernel of the dúm-fruit.
[30] I need only refer to the memorable passage in his Journal,
vol. ii., p. 203: “The best of the slaves now go to Niffee, to be
there shipped for America. They are mostly males, and are
minutely examined before departure.” (This latter circumstance
agrees exactly with my own observations.) “From all reports there
is an immense traffic of slaves that way exchanged against
American goods, which are driving out of the markets all the
merchandise of the north.” But another passage is not less clear,
p. 228 f.: “Slaves are sent from Zínder to Niffee. Indeed it now
appears that all this part of Africa is put under contribution to
supply the South American market with slaves.”
[31] The names of the different kinds of beads, of which I have
collected thirty-five, bear evident testimony to the imaginative
powers and lively character of the Háusáwa.
[32] Originally these came from Nuremberg, but of late they
have been also produced in Leghorn.
[33] I will here only mention, that the profit on the copper for the
Jellába, if they do not go themselves to the hófra, but buy it in
Dar-Fúr, is as follows:—In Fúr they buy the kantár of copper for
one sedáshi (slave), equal to the value of a kantár of ivory, and
sell it in Kúkawa for four thousand rottls, equal to two kantárs of
ivory. In Kanó the price is about the same.
[34] There is no difference made between these two coins,
women in general even preferring Maria Theresa to the columns
on the Spanish dollar, which they fancy to represent cannon.
[35] Other people have stated to me that the kurdí-n-korófi did
not exceed five hundred kurdí.
[36] “Chínna-n-yalá” is an interesting specimen of the
corruption of a language in the border-districts; for while the
words are Kanúri, they are joined according to the grammar of the
Háusa language, for in Kanúri the expression ought to be “chínna
yalabe.”
[37] “Búndi,” in Kanúri, means “wild beasts.” The inhabitants
still bear the particular name of Ngúru-bú, plural of Ngúru-ma,
from the name of the place or district Ngurú, generally called
Ángarú.
[38] The termination-ma in Kanúri signifies the possession of a
thing, and is equivalent to the mai- in Háusa, placed before a
word. Thus bílla-ma is exactly identical with maí-gari, fír-ma with
mai-dóki (the horseman), and so on. With this termination almost
all the names of offices are formed in Kanúri, as yerí-ma, chiró-
ma, kasél-ma, and so on. Thus also the governor of the province
Múniyo or Mínyo bears the title Muniyó-ma or Minyó-ma, a name
entirely misunderstood by Mr. Richardson. I will only add here that
the title of the governor of the Gháladí in the Bórnu empire, on
account of the immense extent of the latter, has been introduced
into the list of offices of all the courts of Central Negroland, and
that we find a ghaladíma in Sókoto as well as in every little town
of Ádamáwa. The same is to be said of some offices originally
belonging only to the court of the empire of Mélle, such as that of
feréng or fárma, mánso, and others.
[39] Here I will give the route from Kanó to Álamáy, near Búndi,
by way of Khadéja, as it determines approximately the position of
this town, which has been also mentioned by Clapperton as a
place of importance. But its peculiar political situation, forced
upon it by the events of this period, when it became the residence
of a rebel chief waging war on all around, prevented my visiting it
at a future period.
1st day. On leaving Kanó, sleep in Gógia, where the governor
of Kanó has a house, and where you arrive about two o’clock in
the afternoon.
2nd. Gáya, another town of the province of Kanó, where you
arrive about the same hour, having crossed in the forenoon the
bed of a torrent with water only in the rainy season.
3rd. Dúchi or Dútsi; arrive about the ʿaser, having crossed in
the morning a torrent called Dedúrra, and passed about noon a
half-deserted place called Katákatá.
4th. Zogó, a large open place; about ʿaser. Many small villages
on the road.
5th. Khadéja, a large town surrounded with a beautiful and very
strong double clay wall, and well inhabited, the courtyards being
enclosed with clay walls, but containing only reed huts. The
inhabitants employ themselves exclusively in warlike expeditions,
and have no industry; but nevertheless there are still to be seen
here a few dyeing-pots, marking the eastern limit of this branch of
industry. On the south side of the town is a kogí, or komádugu
with a stream of running water in the rainy season, but with only
stagnant pools in summer, along which a little wheat is cultivated.
It is generally called Wáni.
6th. Garú-n-ghábbes, a middle-sized walled town, the first
place of Bórnu, on this side, with a good deal of cultivation
around. Though without importance in other respects, it is so in
an historical point of view; for this place being identical with the
town Birám tá ghábbes, mentioned above, is regarded as the
oldest place of the seven original settlements of the Háusa nation.
7th. Álamáy, the place which I passed by this morning; arrive
about ʿaser. Country in a wild state; no cultivation.
[40] Ngurútuwa, properly meaning the place full of hippopotami,
is a very common name in Bórnu, just as “Rúóa-n-dorina” (the
water of the hippopotami) is a widespread name given by Háusa
travellers to any water which they may find in the wilderness.
[41] Of this document I have sent a copy from Kúkawa to the
Leipsic Oriental Society; and a translation of it has been
published in the Journal (Zeitschrift) of that society in the year
1852, p. 305 ff., with notes by M. Blau.
[42] See a letter of mine from Kúkawa, Nov. 20th, 1852,
addressed to Chevalier Bunsen, and published in Petermann’s
Mittheilungen 1855, p. 7.
[43] Indeed, in the copy which I sent to Europe, the copyist has
corrected this error; but unfortunately, instead of inserting this
reign in the right place, he has added the twenty years to the
thirty-three years of the reign of the elder Edrís ben ʿAlí.
[44] The forty days’ journey stated by Ebn Batúta to intervene
between Tekádda and Bórnu are to be counted, as it seems, to
Njímiye, the old capital of Kánem; Bírni, or rather Ghasréggomo,
at least, not being founded at that time.
[45] Leo, when he says that the language of Gaogo is identical
with the Bórnu language, does not speak of the language of the
whole nation, but only of that of the ruling tribe, the Bulála.
[46] This custom, I think, confirms the opinion that the Koyám
migrated from Kánem into Bórnu. They are expressly called “áhel
el bil.”
[47] This certainly did not belong to the largest craft of the
islanders; for one of the boats which accompanied Mr. Overweg
afterwards on his voyage on the lake was almost fifty feet long,
and six and a half wide.
[48] Kánembú is the plural of Kánémma.
[49] The Yédiná named to me the following islands as the
largest and most important:—Gúriyá, Yíwaa Dóji, Belárge,
Húshiyá Billán, Purrám, Maibuluwá, Fidda, Kóllea Dallabórme,
Turbó Dakkabeláya, Fujiá Chílim, and Bréjaré, the latter having
many horses. Almost all these names have been since confirmed
by Mr. Overweg, although he spells some of them in a different
way, and perhaps less accurately, as he obtained all his
information from his Kanúri companions; indeed, notwithstanding
his long sojourn among the islanders, he did not even learn their
real name, viz.—Yédiná. The Yédiná belong evidently to the
Kótoko, and are most nearly related to the people of Nghála; they
are probably already indicated by Makrizí under the name ‫ اتعنا‬and
their language was originally entirely distinct from the Kanúri,
although in process of time they have adopted many of their
terms.
[50] The distance of the western shore of this island cannot be
more than at the utmost thirty miles from the shore of the lagoon,
at least at certain seasons. Mr. Overweg’s indications in respect
to this island, which he would seem to have navigated all round,
are very vague. At all events, I think it must be considerably
nearer the shore than it has been laid down by Mr. Petermann,
but it is difficult, nay impossible, to fix with precision the form or
size of these islands, which, according to season, vary
continually.
[51] I will here give verbatim a few extracts of my despatch to
Government, dated Kúkawa, May 24, 1851, from which it will be
seen how sure I was already at that time of the immense
importance of the river which I was about to discover.
“My Lord,—I have the honour to inform your Lordship that, on
Tuesday next, I am to start for Ádamáwa, as it is called by the
Fellátah (Fullan), or Fúmbiná, a very extensive country, whose
capital, Yóla, is distant from here fifteen days south-south-west,
situated on a very considerable river called Fáro, which, joining
another river not less considerable, and likewise navigable, called
Bénuwé, falls into the Kwára, or Niger, at a place between
Kakanda and Adda, not more than a few days’ distant from the
mouth of that celebrated river.” “My undertaking seemed to me
the more worthy, as it has long been the intention of Government
to explore that country; for orders had been given to the Niger
expedition to turn aside, if possible, from the course of that river,
and to reach Bórnu by a southern road, which it was presumed
might be effected partly or entirely by water, etc. As for my part, I
can at present certify, with the greatest confidence, that there is
no connection whatever between those two rivers, the Chadda,
which is identical with the Bénuwé, on the one, and the Sháry, the
principal tributary of Lake Tsád, on the other side. Nevertheless,
the Fáro as well as the Bénuwé seem to have their sources to the
east of the meridian of Kúkawa; and the river formed by these two
branches being navigable for large boats into the very heart of
Ádamáwa, there will be a great facility for Europeans to enter that
country after it shall have been sufficiently explored.” After
speaking of the northern road into the interior by way of Bílma, I
concluded with these words:—
“By-and-by, I am sure, a southern road will be opened into the
heart of Central Africa, but the time has not yet come.”
[52] “Bíllama” properly means mayor, from “bílla,” a town; but in
many cases it has become a proper name.
[53] Kárda is properly the name of that division of the Mága
which is settled in the province of Máshena.
[54] The Mándara people, or rather Ur-wándalá, called the
Gámerghú Múks-amálguwá, which I think is a nickname, the word
múkse meaning woman; but the latter part of the name,
Amálguwá, may be the original form of Gámerghú. I had no
opportunity of asking the people themselves about the original
name.
[55] The Fúlbe of Ádamáwa are especially rich in compliments,
which, however, have not yet lost their real and true meaning.
Thus the general questions, “Num báldum” (Are you well?), “Jám
wáli” (Have you slept?), are followed by the special questions,
“No yímbe úro” (How is the family?), “No inna úro” (How is the
landlady?), “To púchu máda,” or “Kórri púchu májám” (How is
your horse?), “To erájo máda” (How is your grandfather?), “To
máchudo máda” (How is your slave?), “To bíbe máda” (And your
children?), “To sukábe máda” (How are your lads?), “Bíbe hábe
májám” (How are the children of your subjects?), “Korri nay
májám” (How are your cattle?); all of which in general are
answered with “Se jám.” Between this strain occasionally a
question about the news of the world—“Tó hábbarú dúnia;” and
with travellers at least a question as to the fatigue—“Tó
chómmeri”—is inserted. There is still a greater variety of
compliments, the form of many, as used in Ádamáwa, varying
greatly from that usual in other countries occupied by the Fúlbe,
and of course all depends on the time of the day when friends
meet.
 [56] Unfortunately, I had not energy enough to finish it in detail;
so that many little interesting features were not expressed.
[57] I made some observations with the boiling-water
instrument on this road, but unfortunately my thermometers for
this purpose were entirely out of order.
[58] Búmánda probably means a ford, or rather place of
embarkation. It can scarcely have any connection with the Kanúri
word “mánda,” meaning salt, though salt is obtained in the
western place of this name.
[59] This word “gére” is identical with “éré,” or “arre,” the name
the Músgu give to the river of Logón.
[60] I heard the name pronounced in this way, but lower down it
may be pronounced Bí-nuwé. However, I have to remark that Mr.
Petermann changed the é into an í, from mere mistake; and I do
not know whether the members of the Chádda expedition had
sufficient authority for writing the name in this way. The word
belongs to the Bátta language, where water is called “beé,” or
“bé”; but in kindred dialects it is called “bí.” “Nuwé” means the
mother; and the whole name means “mother of water.” The name,
therefore, properly is of the feminine gender.
[61] “Tépe” is a Púllo or rather Fulfúlde word meaning
“junction,” “confluence,” which by the Western Fúlbe would be
called “fottérde máje.” In Háusa the name is “magángamú.”
[62] That this river is anywhere really called Chádda, or even
Tsádda, I doubt very much; and I am surprised that the members
of the late expedition in the Pleiad do not say a word on this point.
I think the name Chádda was a mere mistake of Lander’s,
confirmed by Allen, owing to their fancying it an outlet of Lake
Tsád.
[63] This immense rise of the river agrees perfectly with the
experience of Messrs. Laird and Oldfield, who, from absolute
measurement, found the difference in the level of the water at
Idda in the course of the year nearly sixty feet. See their Journal,
vol. ii., p. 276, and p. 420, note, “fifty-seven to sixty feet.”
[64] There was a very serious discrepancy amongst those
gentlemen with regard to the fall of the river. Dr. Baikie states, in
his Journal, which recently appeared, p. 230, that “the water first
showed decided signs of falling about the 3rd of October, and by
the 5th the decrease was very perceptible.” If, therefore, the river
began to fall at Zhibu on the 3rd of October, the fall would
commence at the Tépe, more than two hundred miles higher up
along the windings of the river, at least three days before, if we
take the current at three miles an hour. My statement, therefore,
that the river begins decidedly to fall at the confluence at the very
end of September, has been singularly confirmed. But that there
is also some truth with regard to the long continuance of the
highest level is evident from the conflicting observations of the
party. (See Baikie’s Journal, p. 217.) Indeed the sailor-master
insisted that the river had fallen long before; and all the people
were puzzled about it. From all this I must conclude that my
statement with regard to the river, instead of having been
considerably modified by the expedition, has been confirmed by
their experience in all its principal points. We shall see the same
difficulty recur with regard to a maximum level preserved for forty
days by the western river, although the time when it begins to fall
is entirely different; and as to the latter river, not only I, but the
natives also were mistaken with respect to its presumed time of
falling. The same is the case with the (river) Shári, and is natural
enough, considering the extensive inundations with which the rise
of these African rivers is attended. This state of the rivers in the
tropical climes is so irregular, that Leo Africanus has made quite
the same observation. (L. i. c. 28, “Descrizione dell’ Africa.”)
[65] I leave this passage as it stood in my journal, although it
describes a state of things which now, in 1857, belongs to the
past. This stronghold also has at length been taken by the
intruders, and the seat of happiness and independence converted
into a region of desolation. In 1853, two years after my journey to
Ádamáwa, Mohammed Láwl left his residence with a great host,
having sworn not to return before he had reduced Bágelé. After a
siege of almost two months, with the assistance of a few muskets,
he succeeded in conquering the mountaineers, and reducing
them to slavery. The chief of the pagans of the Bágelé, who
belong to the Bátta tribe, in the height of his power exercised
paramount authority over the neighbouring tribes, and is said to
have even had the “jus primæ noctis.”
[66] Ribágo, sometimes contracted to the form Ribáwo, means
“a governor’s country-seat.”
[67] With regard to the Fúlbe, the prayers of dhohor (“zúhura,”
or “sallifánna”) may rightly be called midday prayers, as they are
accustomed to pray as soon as the zawál has been observed. But