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Masculine Musical Instruments in the Andean

Tradition
Anna Gruszczynska-Zikowska

Z U S A M M E N FA S S U N G
Viele wichtige Faktoren bestimmen den Einsatz
von Musikinstrumenten in der andinen Tradition.
So verpflichten Kontext und Anla zu einem musikalischen Ereignis berlieferungsgem die Musiker zur Wahl des richtigen Instruments. Das
heit, da unterschiedliche Instrumente den einzelnen Jahreszeiten oder bestimmten Festen zugeordnet sind. Hinzu kommt, da Musikinstrumente
je nach ihrer symbolischen Zuschreibung und
Funktion nur von Frauen oder von Mnnern
gespielt werden knnen. Alle Zeugnisse der musikbezogenen Tradition in den Anden, handle es sich
nun um archologische, historische und ethnographische Belege, laufen darauf hinaus, da alle Flten- und Trompetentypen nur von Mnnern zu
spielen sind. Abweichungen gibt es nur im Fall
volkstmlichen Musizierens.
Knnen wir, wenn wir alle Quellengruppen
hinterfragen, diese Phnomene erklren? Welche
Mglichkeiten und Grenzen ergeben sich aus dem
Vergleich (der verschiedenen Erscheinungsformen)
und bei der Interpretation?
The problem of the usefulness of historical and
ethnographic sources in music-archaeological
research assumes special significance within the
context of Andean studies. The mutual relation of
those three types of sources in this terrain is
shaped totally differently from, e. g. Europe or
Asia. This situation is determined by at least two
essential factors. First and foremost, mention
should be made of the rather sudden emergence of
significant changes within the range of Andean
traditions as a result of their confrontation with
European culture. The second factor is the relatively late appearance of written sources, which
did not take place until the 16th and 17th centuries.
A transformation affecting the instrumentarium is an example of a rapid, not to say revolutionary turn in Andean music, which occurred during
this breakthrough period; more concretely, it

entailed the spread among Indian musicians of


string instruments, previously absent in this
region. The spectacular course of this phenomenon meant that in a rather brief period of time the
instrumentarium in question was not only disseminated but also underwent a number of changes,
thus yielding interesting examples of original, local
technical solutions as regards the construction of
assorted varieties of chordophones (especially
harps and the lute).
The first symptoms of compositions, which
also originate from at least the beginning of the
16th century, testify to an already forming musical
syncretism, especially in religious music. A standard example, cited in almost all historical works,
is the four-voice polyphonic hymn Hanaqpachap, with words in the kechua language and
melodic turns characteristic of Indian tradition,
noted by the Franciscan Juan Prez de Bocanegra
in 1631. More recent years have brought successive interesting musicological discoveries pointing
to the considerable participation of Indian tradition in religious compositions created in missionary centres established in the Andean region. Early
chronicles also contain much information about
the course of this process.
Although all intercultural contacts can produce
certain changes within musical practice, the overall
image of the history of Andean music retains its
specificity against the backdrop of other cultural
regions: a long period of archaeological cultures,
dated thanks to monuments originating from at
least the 5th millennium B.C.1, an era which indubitably witnessed gradual, more or less accelerated
transformations, was followed in the 16th and 17th
century, by a sudden, relatively short-lived
upheaval leading to rapid transformations that subsequently assumed the form of a several-centuries

The antara (pan-pipe) and kena flute in Chilca and Asia in


the department of Lima (Bolaos 1985, 11).

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Anna Gruszczynska-Zikowska

long stabilisation2. The extent to which the changes


taking place at the time are permanent and meaningful remains a question which plays a special role
in research delving into specific detailed issues.
The second aforementioned factor, decisive for
the specificity of the Andean region, is the relatively late origin of the historical sources and their
contents. Early Spanish chronicles, assorted
records, letters, documents and directives from the
16th and 17th century abound with information
pertaining predominantly to phenomena from the
breakthrough period in Andean history. They are
equally valuable as documents registering Indian
tradition witnessed by the chroniclers. Although
they do not encompass musical treatises, these
sources bring numerous descriptions of events
accompanied by music, and thus remain documents offering extensive data about the traditions
of musical praxis.
In the face of the above-mentioned facts it
seems that both historical and ethnographic material, and thus written monuments and oral tradition, could comprise valuable and inspiring
sources for Andean music-archaeological research.
Apparently, historical or ethnographic musicological investigations ascribe importance to the outcome of increasingly extensive archaeological
investigations. Practice demonstrates that frequently a problem examined in the course of ethnomusicological studies almost automatically
leads towards the past and pertinent sources, and
that while analysing archaeological or historical
material we often find vivid analogies and similarities with traditional music-making registered by
contemporary ethnomusicologists. True, John
Blacking warned that knowledge of contemporary music-making can be misleading because of
the ways in which styles of performances
change3, but it seems that the retention of suitable
methodological caution4 makes it possible for such
three types of sources to supplement each other.
The model proposed by Dale A. Olsen appears
to be particularly valuable in this type of research.
Its focal point is musical knowledge, the objective of the inquiry, towards which four types of
procedures lead (and from which they benefit);
Olsen described them as the archaeological
process, the music iconographic process, the historiographic process and the ethnologic analogy
process. His guidelines take into consideration all
sorts of gaps and deficiencies of the research material of the disciplines participating in the realisation of the task, albeit the essence of the premises
is that each process [is conceived as] a step
towards focusing on the ultimate musicological
goal, and until all four can be considered in depth
(which admittedly would happen only rarely)
total understanding will not be possible5. It is

characteristic that this holistic and idealistic


model was created by a researcher well acquainted
with the musicological problems of the Latin
American cultures, and that he employed material
precisely from this region (the Sin basin in North
Columbia) for the purpose of exemplifying the
application of the model6.
The article presented below is a modest attempt
at referring to Olsens model and presenting the
potential embedded in comparative research upon
the example of a select question associated with
practical music-making.
A survey of all sorts of documentation of
archaeological material originating from various
periods and Andean cultures indicates an extraordinary richness of wind instruments: flutes, panpipes, trumpets, horns, whistles and vessel aerophones. At the same time, the iconography of
those cultures makes it possible to note a certain
regularity: the musicians playing the wind instruments are men. Since it is impossible to list all the
monuments, and even more so to conduct an
analysis from the viewpoint of the context of
musical activity, I shall concentrate only on several
significant examples.
The point of departure is a depiction found on a
Nasca culture vessel (6th century B.C. 6th century
A.D.). This rather well known scene, analysed
almost seventy years ago by Raoul dHarcourt,
shows a man surrounded by pan-pipes. Similar
likenesses were discovered by dHarcourt in the
decoration of other examples of Nasca pottery,
whose joint message he perceived in an ithyphallic
presentation of the male figure and the presence of
attributes: pan-pipes7, a vessel with a hole at the
bottom, placed next to the phallus8 and, frequently,
the jiquima or camote fruit, scenes, which in his
opinion refer to a fertility rite9.

3
4
5
6
7
8

This period may be compared to certain recent phenomena


occurring under the impact of the development of electronic technology and the mass media.
Blacking 1988, 332.
Ellen Hickmann appeals for a cautious approach towards
this question (Hickmann 2000, 7).
Olsen 1988, 307; see also Mendivil, this volume.
Olsen 1988, 305328.
dHarcourt 1935, fig. 1.
The phallus is also shown as inserted into such a vessel. In
the opinion of dHarcourt this form of depiction indicates
the function of the vessel as tui penien, although it must
be emphasised that the shape of such vessels is almost identical to that of ceramic vessel drums, typical for the Nasca
culture, while the existence of an opening at their bottom
has an obvious acoustic justification.
dHarcourt 1935, 2533. The ritual nature of the depicted
activity is also underlined by the presence of the San Pedro
cactus, whose juice has hallucinative properties. In the
iconography of the figure the cactus is placed on the stomach of the man, which could be a symbolic suggestion of its
consumption.

Masculine Musical Instruments in the Andean Tradition

In Nasca art, the links between wind instruments, especially trumpets and flutes10, with typically male activity are evident. Numerous depictions show musicians whose head coverings (e. g.
turbans made of coiled slings), painted faces and
certain attributes (for instance, spears, arrows,
arrow projectors, nets) indicate their non-musical
professions11. Attention is due also to another category of depictions, whose characteristic feature is
a distinctive changeability of the attributes: the
weapons held by the men are replaced by a musical
instrument (pan-pipes)12.
The problem of the close association between
wind instruments and male activity is illustrated
even more conspicuously by the realistically decorated vessels of the Moche culture, which developed along the northern coast of Peru at a time
analogous to the Nasca culture. Here we come
across numerous depictions of individual musicians and whole orchestras, composed of trumpets, flutes and pan-pipes. Particularly significant
battle scenes portray extremely vividly the active
participation of wind instruments. The musicians
are frequently persons of high social status, as evidenced by their richly adorned helmets13.
Interesting comparative material is provided by
iconography from the colonial period, some one
and half thousand years later. Copious material is
to be found in the decorations of wooden ceremonial mugs (so-called kero), which, albeit frequently
dominated by a colonial style, refer to embellishments used during the Inca period and recall symbols from bygone days. One of the monuments
dated as 18th century14 provides an excellent example. The upper, figurative fragment of the decoration shows a group of five men, walking singlefile. Dressed in ceremonial unkus, with heads
bedecked with colourful plumes, they play panpipes, moving in the long strides of a dance. The
men are followed by five equally lavishly clothed
women, holding a rope made of shawls tied
together at the corners. This depiction produces
the impression of being an entity, since the figures
are displayed on the surface of the vessels as if they
were circumventing it. Actually, we are dealing
with two different musical contexts and totally
separate dances performed by men and women15.
The decoration also contains another noteworthy
detail, namely, the presence of pan-pipes only on
the male part of the mug16.
How does this problem appear in present-day
praxis? Contemporary popular music demonstrates the relatively considerable activity of
women playing various instruments. Growing
interest in local tradition, noticeable in recent
years, is also the reason why many young women
take part in assorted courses or attend school
lessons teaching them how to play traditional

255

instruments, including assorted flutes. On the


other hand, we do not encounter female members
of orchestras or ensembles engaged in the realisation of traditional rituals. This is still the domain
of men, probably owing to the specificity of the
tasks involved. Presence in a ceremonial musical
ensemble is by no means voluntary, and suitable
skills are won by taking part in such ceremonies
from childhood and gradually attaining higher
positions in the strictly hierarchical group, which,
upon occasions, is organised in a paramilitary
manner17.
These observations justify the assumption that
the permanent assignment of wind instruments to
men is based on some sort of foundation deeper
than mere custom. How durable is this regularity?
Are historical sources capable of disclosing its
sense? This issue is of particular interest in view of
the fact that the crux of the matter entails a principle observed in the Andean region regardless of
whether in concrete comparable instances we are
dealing with so-called cultural continuity.
An interesting aspect of this problem, which,
quite possibly, indicates the trend of interpreting
the whole phenomenon, is provided by an analysis
of earliest historical sources pertaining to the
Andean terrains, that is, the so-called Spanish
chronicles from the 16th and 17th century.
Let us now diverge slightly towards the motif
of the participation of women in music-making
since, although this is not the prime topic of the
article, it appears to be equally intriguing. The
only instrument mentioned in the chronicles as
played by women seems to have been the drum, or

10
11
12

13
14
15

16

17

The dominating instrument in the Nasca culture was the


antara (pan-pipes).
They could also suggest a ceremonial, ritual identification
with a certain function.
Cf. e. g., almost identical anthropmorphic vessels, with
slightly different details apparel, head coverings and
painted faces in the portrayal of men. The most distinct
difference is to be found in the attributes: one of the men
holds arrows and an arrow projector, while the other holds
an antara (pan-pipes) (Arte y tesoros... 1986).
Makowski 2000, 137175.
Flores Ochoa/Kuon Arce/Samanez Argumedo 1998,
244247.
Actually, the heart of the matter concerns a slightly more
complicated arrangement - regular quadripartite symmetry.
The lower part of the vessel, decorated with symbolic elements, is divided into two parts male and female, albeit
the pattern is the opposite to the upper part. As a result,
dancing male figures are shown above a floral decoration
with decisively female connotations, while a decoration
with a male symbolic is found below the dancing females.
The fact that the division of the decorative surface of the
mug is much more complicated does not influence the
localisation of the instruments: regardless of the level on
which we divide the parts of the mug (2 or 4), the instruments are located in the male part (half or quarter).
Cf. Gruszczynska-Zikowska 1995.

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Anna Gruszczynska-Zikowska

rather various types of drums: from small handheld ones to large instruments suspended on specially constructed stands.
It must be emphasised that women are not the
only musicians using drums. Certain situations
called for the presence of men playing these instruments whenever they served a special purpose, as
in the huarachico initiation ceremony, when four
large drums of the Sun18 were placed in the central square in Cuzco, or the Itu ceremony, in
which the performers of a suitable dance, which
required the use of small white drums19 were
young men from the Inca caste, who that year had
completed their initiation rites. Another special
situation was created by war, when the drum was
frequently deployed as a weapon, especially when
it was built out of the body of a fallen foe. Importance was attached to the skillful art of speaking
with the drum, befitting a concrete situation on
the battlefield, so that the enemy, hearing the voice
of its leader, would flee20. A rule binding during
wartime hostilities in accordance with the dispositions issued by the rulers21 forbade all Indian
women or other females [...] to play drums, tell
joyful or droll stories, or touch weapons or the
instruments of war22.
The chronicles recount an interesting legend
about the drum: at the time of a terrible deluge in
the distant past all forms of earthly life were
destroyed with the exception of a woman and a
man, who sought shelter inside a drum23, and were
carried by water and wind to the land of Huanaco
(in another version Tiahuanaco)24.
In this manner, thanks to its closed construction, the drum saved mankind from total extinction and rendered possible its revival. This could
be the reason why women, the founts of life, can
play this instrument. The protective role of the
drum, especially when held by women, is
expressed in the music-making documented by
chroniclers and realised in This World (Kay
Pacha), and refers both to events which take place
in the Upper World (Hanan Pacha), where, e. g.
atmospheric processes are determined, and in the
Lower World (Ukhu Pacha), the destination of the
dead25.
Inca Garcilaso de la Vega wrote: It is said that
the creator installed in the heavens a maiden, a
royal daughter, who holds a jug full of water so
that she may pour it whenever the Earth needs it;
one of her brothers sometimes shatters the jug,
and this blow produces lightning and thunder. It is
said that this deed is performed by a man since it is
more fitting for violent males and not tender
women. They say that the maiden sends hail, rain
and snow because such doings are more delicate,
milder and useful26. Hence the presence of
women playing drums in assorted agrarian cere-

monies mentioned in the chronicles, as well as the


use of the drum in particular situations which
must be enacted in the fields whenever an exceptional circumstance demands it. A pertinent example is given by Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, one
of whose illustrations shows a woman standing on
the edge of a maize field and playing a drum (Fig.
1)27. This is not a mere bucolic scene: the woman is
a night watchman, and the field, which she is
guarding is seriously threatened. The night is dark
(the moon is in the last quarter) and the sky is covered with ominous clouds predicting heavy rainfall. In February28 the ripening maize no longer
needs rain, but sunshine and warmth. The unripe
but already well-grown cobs are a tasty morsel for
assorted thieves wild animals and birds. In order
to protect the future crops and, as a consequence,
to prevent the threat of famine, the woman beats
the drum to frighten the scoundrels lurking among
the plants as well as the clouds hovering over the
field.
Returning to the main motif of reflections on
male players it is worth stressing that the preSpanish instrumentarium included, apart from the
afore-mentioned drums and a rather differentiated
group of idiophones, an extremely varied gamut of
wind instruments. Mentioned in historical documents, they appear in contexts indicating that they
were played only by men. Amassed and analysed
18
19
20

21
22
23

24

25

26
27
28

Cobo 1964, 212. According to Betanzos, these were


drums of gold (Betanzos 1987, I, cap. XIV, 68).
Cobo 1964, 221.
Poma de Ayala 1980 fol. 308. Garcilaso de la Vega described the practises of the Huanca Indians: They were
bellicose, and skinned their war captives (...), made drums
of out the skins, saying that the enemy becomes terrified at
the sight of their own and flees when they hear them
(Garcilaso de la Vega 1985 VI, cap. X).
In turn, formulated possibly in accordance with traditional
rules.
Mura 1964, II cap. 22, fol. 247.
The drums, documented in iconography from the Inca and
early colonial period, are two-membrane instruments. If
we were to accept that this legend is of an earlier origin,
then we could take into consideration also ceramic drums
(which, from the systematic viewpoint, were kettledrums),
typical for the Nasca culture and present also in the
Tiahuanaco-Huari culture. Some of the Nasca drums were
of enormous sizes up to 1,5 m high. At any rate, from the
perspective of their technical potential the constructions
of Andean drums fully justify tales of this sort.
Molina 1916, 5; Cobo 1964, 151. The irrefutable association
with Noahs Ark suggests clearly the culture-creative role
of the drum.
Descriptions of burial ceremonies, especially those organised after the death of a high-ranking person, mention
groups of women who, holding drums, visited the
favourite sites of the deceased or those frequented by him.
Garcilaso de la Vega 1985, II cap. XXVII.
Poma de Ayala 1980 fol. 11099 [1035].
The month is mentioned in one of the inscriptions to the
illustration made by the chronicler: febrero paucaruarayquilla, as well as in the title given by the author.

Masculine Musical Instruments in the Andean Tradition

information indicates that the extra-musical sense


of these instruments consisted of enhancing male
power (Figs. 2. 3; see also Both, this volume)29.
Unquestionably, a great function in the performance of lyrics was fulfilled by flutes. In their
capacity as melodic instruments they offered the
possibility of expressing emotion, as described by
Garcilaso de la Vega: ... They possessed flutes
with four and five tones (...); played their songs
composed with a metric verse, whose majority
told the stories of passionate love, pleasant or
unpleasant, and the ladys favour or disfavour (...).
An enamoured suitor playing the flute at night
announced to his lady and the whole world the
pleasure or displeasure of his spirit depending on
the favour or disfavour, which she displayed (...).
One could say that he spoke with the flute. When
in night-time Cuzco a certain Spaniard met an
Indian female acquaintance of his, and tried to persuade her to return to his lodgings, she cried out
Kind sir, let me go on my way. You must know
that the flute which you hear played on that
hillock calls to me tenderly and passionately, compelling me to go there; for the love of God, leave
me alone for I must make my way there, drawn by
love, so that I may become his wife and he my
husband30.
In the majority of instances, however, flutes
and drums were mentioned by chroniclers
describing battle scenes. It is worth underlining
that men were called to arms and waged battles not
only against human enemies. Warlike processions
were organised in situations, which could pose a
special threat to the very existence of mankind,
and were caused by exceptional atmospheric or
astronomical calamities such as hail, ground frost,
violent storms, and the eclipse of the Sun or the
moon. Such processions were held also upon the
occasions of pestilence, when men outfitted with
weapons and musical instruments were entrusted
not only with protecting their people against the
peril, but also with preventing it by killing the
enemy. For the sake of precision, let us mention
that in such circumstances use was made of all the
musical instruments, and although the clamour
was produced by men, women and children alike,
the instruments were wielded only by the former.
Seeing how the moon grows darker during an
eclipse they would say that it is ailing, and that
once it turns totally black it will perish and fall
from the sky, crushing and killing everyone and
putting an end to the world; urged by this fear,
they would blow the trumpets, horns and conches,
and play the drums and the kettledrums as well as
all the instruments in their possession so as to
make noise31. Other sources claim that it was
believed that at such moments a lion or a snake
entwines itself around the moon with the intention

257

of abducting it and tearing it apart: Young men


readied themselves for war by playing trumpets
and drums and uttering loud cries; they hurled
arrows and poles towards the moon and made
sweeping gestures with their lances as if they were
wounding a lion and a snake32.
In wartime, the presence of such instruments as
the flute and especially the trumpet fortified the
battle spirit of ones own men, on the one hand,
and weakened the adversary, on the other hand33.
The significance of the battle factor is indicated by
inconography from the colonial period. The struggle waged by the Spaniards (led by Santiago)
against the armed Inca forces was a frequent motif
of kero decorations. Even if such scenes were
depicted in a rather conventional and schematic
manner, they contain detailed portrayals of the figure of the Inca trumpet player.
Some chroniclers personally experienced the
strong impact of the music, which accompanied
armed clashes. Pedro Pizarro, who together with a
small group of Spaniards defended Cuzco besieged
by the Indians, recalled: The uproar and cries
made by them, and the sound of the trumpets
which they played were so overwhelming that it
seemed as if the Earth itself trembled34. Quite
possibly, the soldier-author was inclined to make
this comparison to an earthquake as a result of the
deafening noise35. On the other hand, we cannot
exclude the possibility that the trumpets used at
the time had such a low pitch that the extremely
low frequencies brought to mind the exceedingly
unpleasant weak earth tremors that are a frequent
occurrence in the Andes, and are preceded by a
characteristic howl; upon such occasions, the
human body receives vibrations with infrasound
frequencies which, in a certain sense, may be also
heard internally.
Similar associations could be the basis of yet
another legend recounted by the chroniclers, portraying the powerful sound of the trumpet. During a lengthy spell of rain, a colourfully dressed
and immensely tall man holding a trumpet in one
hand and a staff in the other, appeared in the environs of Cuzco. Pachacutec asked the visitor not to
29
30
31
32
33

34

35

Cf. Gruszczynska-Zikowska 1995.


Garcilaso de la Vega 1985, II cap. XXVI.
Garcilaso de la Vega 1985, II cap. XXIII.
Cobo 1964, 158.
An analysis of numerous descriptions of battles in the
chronicles indicates three distinct moments of music-making, probably with a different emotional expression and
associated with three stages of the battle: preparation, the
battle itself, and victory celebrations.
Heran tan grandes las bozes y alaridos que dauan y bozinas y fotutos que tocaua, que pareca que temblaua la tiera
(Pizarro 1986 cap. XIX fol. 75).
Era tanta la gritera que aua, que todos estauamos como
atnicos (Pizarro 1986 cap. XIX fol. 73 bis).

258

Anna Gruszczynska-Zikowska

play the trumpet because the Indians feared that


the Earth would turn upside down36. In turn,
Cobo recorded a legend describing how the huge
stones that comprise the core of the temple of the
Sun in Tiahuanaco were brought by air on the
sound of a trumpet played by a single man37.
Therefore, wind instruments contain in their
voices, a symbolic great force. Force of masculine

vital strength, aggression and capability of


destruction. This vision, based on the historical
sources, make an interesting perspective for interpretations of the iconography of archaeological
cultures. Respecting the Andean folklore, this
procedure is legitimized by the fact of permanent
commitment of wind instruments only to males
(Fig. 4).

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ARTE Y TESOROS DEL PERU VOL. NASCA 1986
Banco de Crdito del Per en la Cultura. Lima.
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Suma y narracin de los Incas. Transcripcin,
notas y prlogo por Mara del Carmen Martin
Rubio. Madrid.
BLACKNING, J. 1988
Ethnomusicology and Prehistoric Music-Making. in: E. Hickmann/D. Hughes (eds.), Early
Music Cultures. Bonn, 329335.
BOLAOS, C. 1985
La msica en el antiguo Per. La msica en el
Per. Patronato Popular y Porvenir Pro Msica Clsica. Lima, 164.
COBO, B. 1964 [MS. 1653]
Historia del Nuevo Mundo. Biblioteca de
Autores Espaoles vol. 92. Madrid.
FLORES OCHOA, J. A./KUON ARCE, E./SAMANEZ
ARGUMEDO, R. 1998
Qeros. Arte Inka en vasos ceremoniales. Coleccin arte y tesoros del Per. Lima.
GARCILASO DE LA VEGA, I. 1985 [MS. 1609]
Comentarios Reales de los Incas. Ed. al cuidado de Csar Pacheco Vlez. Biblioteca Clasicos
del Per. Lima.

-ZIKOWSKA, A. 1995
GRUSZCZYNSKA
El poder del sonido. El papel de las crnicas
espaolas en la etnomusicologa andina. Biblioteca Abya-Yala vol. 24. Quito.
DHARCOURT, R. 1935
Gestes rituels de fcondation dans lancien
Prou. Journal de la Socit des Amricanistes,
vol. XXVII, Nouvelle Srie. Paris, 2533.

HICKMANN, E. 2000
A brief approach towards Music Archaeology.
Teknisk vitenskapelig dokumentasjonssenter
for musikkinstrumenter, INFO 1/94. Moss.
MAKOWSKI, K. 2000
Las divinidades en la iconografa Mochica. Los
dioses del antiguo Per. Coleccin arte y
tesoros del Per. Lima, 137175.
MOLINA (DEL CUZCO), C. DE 1916 [MS. 1575]
Relacin de las fabulas y ritos de los Incas.
Coleccin de Libros y Documentos Referentes
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MURA, M. DE 1964 [MS. 1611]
Historia general del Pir. Biblioteca Americana
Vetus. Madrid.
OLSEN, D. A. 1988
The magic flutes of El Dorado: a model for
research in music archaeology as applied to the
Sin of ancient Colombia, in: E. Hickmann/
D. Hughes (eds.), Early Music Cultures. Bonn,
305328.
PIZARRO, P. 1986 [MS. 1571]
Relacin del descubrimiento y conquista de de
los Reinos del Per. Segunda edicin. Lima.
POMA DE AYALA, F. G. 1980 [MS. 1615]
El primer nueva cornica y buen gobierno.
Edicin crtica de John V. Murra y Rolena
Adorno. 3 vols. Siglo Veintiuno. Mxico.

36
37

Mura 1964 II cap. 86 fol. 182v.


Cobo 1964, 197.|

Fig. 1 Woman drumming in the field during the night to protect the
grown corn again thieves (Poma del Ayala fol. 11099).

Fig. 2 The sound of the pututu (shell trumpet) in war context, here used to
communicate the victory of Atahualpa (Poma del Ayala fol. 115).

Masculine Musical Instruments in the Andean Tradition

259

Fig. 3 Pututu (shell trumpet) used in the pestilence warlike procession


(Poma del Ayala fol. 284).

Fig. 4 Men playing flutes (Poma del Ayala fol. 316).

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Anna Gruszczynska-Zikowska