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Morphologie / Morphology

HSK 17.2

Handbcher zur
Sprach- und Kommunikations-
wissenschaft
Handbooks of Linguistics
and Communication Science

Manuels de linguistique et
des sciences de communication

Mitbegrndet von Gerold Ungeheuer ()


Mitherausgegeben 19852001 von Hugo Steger

Herausgegeben von / Edited by / Edites par


Herbert Ernst Wiegand

Band 17.2

Walter de Gruyter Berlin New York


Morphologie
Morphology
Ein internationales Handbuch zur Flexion und
Wortbildung
An International Handbook on Inflection and
Word-Formation

Herausgegeben von / Edited by


Geert Booij Christian Lehmann Joachim Mugdan
Stavros Skopeteas
in collaboration with Wolfgang Kesselheim
2. Halbband / Volume 2

Walter de Gruyter Berlin New York



Gedruckt auf surefreiem Papier, das die
US-ANSI-Norm ber Haltbarkeit erfllt.

ISBN 3-11-017278-X

Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Bibliothek


Die Deutsche Bibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen
Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet
ber http://dnb.ddb.de abrufbar.

Copyright 2004 by Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co. KG, 10785 Berlin.
Dieses Werk einschlielich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschtzt. Jede Verwertung auerhalb der
engen Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist ohne Zustimmung des Verlages unzulssig und strafbar. Das
gilt insbesondere fr Vervielfltigungen, bersetzungen, Mikroverfilmungen und die Einspeicherung und
Verarbeitung in elektronischen Systemen.
Printed in Germany
Satz: META Systems GmbH, Wustermark
Druck: Tutte Druckerei GmbH, Salzweg
Einbandgestaltung und Schutzumschlag: Rudolf Hbler, Berlin
Morphologie / Morphology
HSK 17.2

Handbcher zur
Sprach- und Kommunikations-
wissenschaft
Handbooks of Linguistics
and Communication Science

Manuels de linguistique et
des sciences de communication

Mitbegrndet von Gerold Ungeheuer ()


Mitherausgegeben 19852001 von Hugo Steger

Herausgegeben von / Edited by / Edites par


Herbert Ernst Wiegand

Band 17.2

Walter de Gruyter Berlin New York


Morphologie
Morphology
Ein internationales Handbuch zur Flexion und
Wortbildung
An International Handbook on Inflection and
Word-Formation

Herausgegeben von / Edited by


Geert Booij Christian Lehmann Joachim Mugdan
Stavros Skopeteas
in collaboration with Wolfgang Kesselheim
2. Halbband / Volume 2

Walter de Gruyter Berlin New York



Gedruckt auf surefreiem Papier, das die
US-ANSI-Norm ber Haltbarkeit erfllt.

ISBN 3-11-017278-X

Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Bibliothek


Die Deutsche Bibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen
Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet
ber http://dnb.ddb.de abrufbar.

Copyright 2004 by Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co. KG, 10785 Berlin.
Dieses Werk einschlielich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschtzt. Jede Verwertung auerhalb der
engen Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist ohne Zustimmung des Verlages unzulssig und strafbar. Das
gilt insbesondere fr Vervielfltigungen, bersetzungen, Mikroverfilmungen und die Einspeicherung und
Verarbeitung in elektronischen Systemen.
Printed in Germany
Satz: META Systems GmbH, Wustermark
Druck: Tutte Druckerei GmbH, Salzweg
Einbandgestaltung und Schutzumschlag: Rudolf Hbler, Berlin
1130 XIV. Sachverhalts-, Eigenschafts- und verwandte Begriffe

Craig, Colette & Hale, Ken (1988), Relational uskielioppi. Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden
Preverbs in Some Languages of the Americas: Ty- Seura]
pological and Historical Perspectives. Language Newman, Stanley (1976), Salish and Bella Coola
64.2, 313344 Prefixes. International Journal of American Lin-
Denny, J. Peter (1982), Semantics of the Inuktitut guistics 42.3, 228242
(Eskimo) Spatial Deictics. International Journal of Nichols, Johanna (1986), Head-marking and De-
American Linguistics 48.4, 359384 pendent-marking Grammar. Language 62, 56
Diffloth, Gerard & Zide, Norman (1992), Austro- 119
Asiatic Languages. In: Bright, William (ed.), In- Rugemalira, Josephat Muhozi (1994), Runyambo
ternational Encyclopedia of Linguistics, Vol. I. Verb Extensions and Constraints on Predicate Struc-
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 137142 tures. Ph.D. dissertation, University of California
Foley, William A. (1986), The Papuan Languages Schachter, Paul (1987), Tagalog. In: Comrie,
of New Guinea. Cambridge: Cambridge University Bernard (ed.), The Worlds Major Languages. Ox-
Press ford: Oxford University Press, 936958
Hale, William Gardner & Buck, Carl Darling Shibatani, Masayoshi (1990), The Languages of Ja-
(1903), A Latin Grammar [reprinted (1966): Tusca- pan. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
loosa: University of Alabama Press (Alabama Lin- Talmy, Leonard (1985), Lexicalization Patterns:
guistic and Philological Series 8)] Semantic Structure in Lexical Forms. In: Shopen,
Hanks, William F. (1984), Referential Practice: Timothy (ed.), Language Typology and Syntactic
Description, Vol. III: Grammatical Categories and
Language and Lived Space Among the Maya. Chi-
the Lexicon. Cambridge: Cambridge University
cago: University of Chicago Press
Press, 57149
Hjelmslev, Louis (19351937), La categorie des
Tesniere, Lucien (1959), Elements de syntaxe
cas: Etudes de grammaire generale. Part I (1935): structurale. Paris: C. Klincksieck
Acta Jutlandica 7.1, ixii, 1184; Part II (1937):
Williamson, Kay & Emenanjo, E. Nolue (1992),
Acta Jutlandica 9.2, ivii, 188
Igbo. In: Bright, William (ed.), International En-
Karlsson, Fred (21987), Finnish Grammar, trans- cyclopedia of Linguistics, Vol. II, 195199
lated by Andrew Chesterman. Helsinki: Werner
Sderstrm [11982; translation of: Suomen Per- Charles J. Fillmore, Berkeley (U.S.A.)

107. Valency change

1. Introduction deal with in the present article. (In this arti-


2. Valency-decreasing categories cle, we use the term category in the sense of
3. Valency-increasing categories grammatical morpheme or grammeme;
4. General features of valency-changing thus, notions like genitive or future are gram-
morphology
matical categories, while sets of categories
5. Diachronic sources of valency-changing
morphology like case or tense are termed supercategories.)
6. Uncommon abbreviations We will refer to the configuration of argu-
7. References ments that are governed by a particular lexi-
cal item as its valency pattern (in other ter-
minologies: argument structure (Grimshaw
1. Introduction 1990), predicate frame (Dik 1978: 15), govern-
ment pattern (Russian linguistics, e.g. Mel-
The valency of a lexical item is its inherent cuk 1988: 69)). Valency is characteristic of all
relationality that allows it to govern a particu- the major word classes (verbs, nouns, adjec-
lar number of arguments (or actants, Tesniere tives) and of certain types of function words
1959) of a particular type. The grammatical (in particular, adpositions and auxiliary
meaning of certain morphological categories verbs). However, it is verbs that show by far
consists in changing the valency of a lexical the most diverse and interesting valency pat-
item, and it is such categories that we will terns, as well as the most interesting valency-
107. Valency change 1131

changing operations. We will accordingly translated into various specific frameworks


deal exclusively with verbal valency-changing that posit such levels. Thus, our semantic
categories in this article. roles and grammatical relations correspond,
A verbs inherent relationality is obviously very roughly, to the initial stratum and later
semantically motivated. The English verb like strata in Relational Grammar (Perlmutter &
has two arguments in its valency pattern (as Postal 1977); to D-structure and S-structure
in Sarah likes Farid) because it describes a in Government-Binding theory (Chomsky
situation that involves two salient objects as 1981); to semantic functions and syntactic
participants. From a semantic point of view, functions in Functional Grammar (Dik
participants are commonly characterized by 1978); to Semantic Role Structure and Syn-
the semantic roles they fulfill, e.g. experi- tactic Structure in work by the Leningrad/St.
encer and stimulus in the above example. Petersburg typological group (e.g. Geniu-
However, a verbs valency pattern is not com- siene 1987), etc.
pletely predictable on the basis of the seman- Alternations in a verbs valency pattern are
tic roles that its participants play in the situa- not necessarily the result of a morphological
tion in question. On the one hand, partici- derivational process. Verbs or whole classes
pants with identical semantic roles may show of verbs may have alternate valency patterns
up as different types of arguments, as in without any change in their formal makeup,
Sarah likes Farid versus Farid pleases Sarah. as in (2) (the so-called Dative shift).
On the other hand, participants with dif-
(2) (a) Sarah gave a mango to Farid.
ferent semantic roles may show up as the
same type of argument, as in Sarah likes valency pattern:
agent theme recipient
Farid (experiencer stimulus) versus Sarah subject direct object to-object
hits Farid (agent patient).
It is therefore common for grammarians (b) Sarah gave Farid a mango.
to take valency as a syntactic notion and to valency pattern:
characterize the verbal arguments by the agent theme recipient
grammatical relations they bear, such as sub- subject secondary primary
object object
ject, direct object, indirect object, etc. But
most common is perhaps the characterization Since this article is concerned with valency-
of valency both in semantic and in syntactic changing morphology, it does not deal with
terms, reflecting both its semantic motivation such cases.
and its partial conventionalization in terms
of arbitrary linguistic rules.
There is no standard notation for valency 2. Valency-decreasing categories
patterns. In this article we use a very simple
Valency-decreasing (or argument-removing)
notation, consisting of two-line columns each
morphological categories can be further sub-
of which corresponds to an argument. The
divided into patient-removing (or object-re-
upper line contains the semantic role of the
moving) categories and agent-removing (or
arguments, and the lower line contains their
subject-removing) categories.
grammatical relations, e.g.:
(1) (a) like 2.1. Patient-removing categories
valency pattern: A derivational morpheme that removes the
experiencer stimulus patient or direct object from the verbs va-
subject direct object lency pattern is here called deobjective. There
(b) donate is no standard term for this construction and
valency pattern: for categories that signal it. Sometimes indefi-
agent theme recipient nite object deletion is used (Marantz 1984:
subject direct object to-object 192195), sometimes absolut(iv)e (Geniu-
siene 1987: 83, 314) or absolutive antipassive
This notation is used here only for expository
(e.g. Dayley 1989: 111).
convenience. No claim is implied concerning
In example (3) from Ainu, the prefix i- has
the existence of levels of a semantic role
deobjective function (Shibatani 1990: 46).
structure or a grammatical relation structure.
The notation is a crude oversimplification, (3) (a) Sake a-ku.
but it provides a useful frame of reference for sake 1.sg.tr-drink
further discussion. Moreover, it can be easily I drink sake.
1132 XIV. Sachverhalts-, Eigenschafts- und verwandte Begriffe

valency pattern: (b) Az orvos szan-akoz-ik a


agent patient the doctor pity-deacc-3.sg the
subject object beteg-en.
(b) I-ku-an. patient-supess
deobj-drink-1.sg.intr The doctor feels pity for the patient.
I drink. derived valency pattern:
valency pattern: agent patient
agent patient subject oblique
subject Deaccusatives are not common cross-linguis-
tically and are heavily restricted lexically
Deobjective morphemes are not very com-
even in those languages where they occur.
mon, and they seem to be applicable only to
a restricted set of verb stems, mostly those 2.2. Agent-removing categories
verbs that denote actions that affect the agent
In many languages there is a strong require-
as well as the patient (cf. Marantz 1984: 93).
ment for all sentences to have subjects. When
A related construction is what could be
in such languages a valency-changing cat-
called the potential deobjective, as in (4) and egory removes the agent argument from the
(5). subject position, the patient argument must
(4) Lithuanian (Geniusiene 1987: 8384) take up the subject position instead. In the
(a) Berniuk-as musa vaik-us. following examples we will not pay special at-
boy-nom.sg beat(3.sg) child-acc.pl tention to this automatic promotion to sub-
ject.
The boy beats children.
The most radical agent-removing category
(b) Berniuk-as musa-si. is the anticausative (Haspelmath 1987;
boy-nom.sg beat(3.sg)-deobj 1993 b). An anticausative affix eliminates the
The boy fights (is pugnacious). agent argument completely, as illustrated in
(7).
(5) Udmurt (Geniusiene 1987: 315)
(a) Puny vanz-es kurtcyl-e. (7) Gothic
dog(nom) all-acc bite-3.sg (a) ... aiau distair-id ata niujo wein
The dog bites everybody. lest burst-3.sg the new wine
ans balgins.
(b) Puny kurtcyl-isk-e.
the bags
dog(nom) bite-deobj-3.sg
... lest the new wine burst the skin
The dog bites. bags (Lk 5,37).
Whereas ordinary deobjectives express a real valency pattern: agent patient
action without mentioning the patient, po- subject direct object
tential deobjectives express a disposition of (b) ... aiau distaur-n-and balgeis.
an agent to perform an action. Potential lest burst-acaus-3.pl bags
deobjectives therefore occur only in irrealis ... lest the skin bags burst (Mt 9,17).
or generic sentences, never in specific realis derived valency pattern:
sentences. patient
subject
A third type of object-removing category
is labeled deaccusative in Geniusiene (1987: The notion of anticausative was unknown in
94). (It could also be called antiapplica- traditional grammar. Among the terms that
tive.) In deaccusatives, the patient is not re- have been used for this category are incho-
moved entirely, it only loses its direct-object ative, pseudopassive, neutral passive, sponta-
status and is expressed as an oblique phrase. neous (Shibatani 1985), and others. (The term
Thus, the deaccusative is strictly only a pa- anticausative is due to Nedjalkov & Sil-
tient-backgrounding category, not a patient- nickij 1969.)
removing category. The anticausative is similar to the passive
in that the agent argument loses its subject
(6) Hungarian (Karoly 1982: 187) status and the patient becomes the new sub-
(a) Az orvos szan-ja a beteg-et. ject, but in the passive, the agent is not en-
the doctor pity-3.sg the patient-acc tirely eliminated. Semantically, a passive such
The doctor pities the patient. as Russian Dver byla otkryta The door was
107. Valency change 1133

opened crucially differs from the anticausa- valency pattern:


tive Dver otkrylas The door opened in that agent patient
an agent is implied (though not mentioned subject direct object
explicitly) in the passive, whereas the anticau- (b) anticausative:
sative action is thought of a happening spon- Dver zakryvaet-sja.
taneously. Furthermore, the anticausative is door closes-refl
subject to severe lexical restrictions, unlike The door is closing.
the passive, which can generally be formed valency pattern:
from the great majority of transitive verbs. patient
Anticausatives can be formed only from subject
verbs expressing actions that are performed (c) resultative:
without any specific instruments or methods, Dver zakry-ta.
so that they can be thought of as happening door close-part
spontaneously, without a (human) agents The door is closed.
intervention. Thus, the verbs break, tear, valency pattern:
split, divide often have anticausatives, patient
while cut and saw do not; the verbs open, subject
close, raise, cover often form anticausa-
tives, while write, wash, construct do not; The resultative is defined as a category that
loosen forms anticausatives, while tie turns a verb that refers to an event into a
does not. verb referring to a state that results from
In (8) and (9) there are two more examples that event.
of transitive verbs and corresponding anti- Although the anticausative and the resul-
causatives. tative have the same derived valency pattern,
the two categories are very different in na-
(8) Hungarian ture. The anticausative has the removal of the
(a) Andras-t harom targy-bol agent as its primary function, whereas the
Andras-acc three subject-elat primary function of the resultative is the ex-
elvag-t-ak. pression of a state by means of an event
fail-past-3.pl word. The removal of the agent is a second-
They failed Andras in three subjects. ary effect of this primary function: Since all
(b) Andras harom targy-bol actions are dynamic and states cannot be ac-
Andras three subject-elat tional/agentive, states cannot have agents.
elvag-od-ott. Since the expression of a state is the primary
fail-acaus-past(3.sg) function of the resultative, it can also be
Andras failed in three subjects. formed from intransitive verbs in many lan-
guages, e.g. in Homeric Greek (where the
(9) Turkish Perfect functions as a resultative).
(a) Anne-m kap-y
mother-1.sg door-acc (11) (a) peg-nu-mi
ac-t. stick-pres-1.sg
open-past(3.sg) I am sticking (tr.)
My mother opened the door. (b) pe-peg-a
(b) Kap ac-l-d. rdp-stick(res)-1.sg
door open-acaus-past(3.sg) I am stuck
The door opened. (12) (a) thne-isk-o
A category that is somewhat similar to the die-pres-1.sg
anticausative is the resultative (cf. Nedjalkov I am dying
1988, ed.). The resultative of stative verbs is (b) te-thne-k-a
essentially a stative variant of the anticausa- rdp-die-res-1.sg
tive, as illustrated in (10). I am dead
(10) Russian In resultatives of intransitive verbs (as in
(a) non-derived: (12 b)), there is no valency change at all.
Mira zakryvaet dver. Another verbal category that is not un-
Mira closes door common cross-linguistically is the reflexive.
Mira is closing the door. Two examples are found in (13)(14).
1134 XIV. Sachverhalts-, Eigenschafts- und verwandte Begriffe

(13) Modern Greek portant cases fall into two types: With the
(a) O Axmed ksri-s-e ton first, the verb is supplied with a direct object,
art Ahmed shave-aor-3.sg art with the second, a new agent/subject is intro-
Pero. duced. The former is called applicative, the
Pedro latter, causative.
Ahmed shaved Pedro.
(b) O Pero ksir-s-tik-e. 3.1. Object-adding categories:
art Pedro shave-aor-refl-3.sg the applicative
Pedro shaved (himself). 3.1.1. Types of applicatives
(14) Armenian (Kozinceva 1981: 83) Applicatives assign the status of a direct ob-
(a) Mayr-e lvan-um e ject to oblique roles of different kinds. There
mother-art wash-pres aux are three main types of applicatives in the
Seda-yi-n. languages of the world.
Seda-dat-art The first and probably most widespread
Mother is washing Seda. type is the benefactive applicative, as shown
(b) Seda-n lva-cv-um e. in (16) and (17) (cf. also Shibatani 1996).
Seda-art wash-refl-pres aux (16) Indonesian (Chung 1976: 58)
Seda is washing (herself). (a) Orang itu me-masak ikan.
In reflexive verbs, the number of semantic man art tr-cook fish
participants remains strictly speaking the The man cooked fish.
same, but since subject and object partici- valency pattern:
pants are referentially identical, only one par- agent patient
ticipant (the subject) is expressed. The change subject object
in the valency pattern may be represented as (b) Orang itu me-masak-kan
follows (following Xrakovskij 1981): man art tr-cook-appl
transitive valency pattern: perempuan itu ikan.
referents: A B woman art fish
roles: agent patient The man cooked fish for the
functions: subject object
woman.
derived valency pattern: derived valency pattern:
referents: A agent patient benefactive
roles: agent patient subject (object) object
functions: subject
Reflexive verbs are most common with natu- That the argument corresponding to the
rally reflexive actions such as body care or benefactive of the English gloss has acquired
grooming verbs (wash, shave, etc.) or non- the status of a direct object is testified by the
translational motion (turn, bow, lie fact that it is a possible passive subject in
down). Often they cannot be used with ac- (17 b).
tions that are carried out reflexively (e.g., in (17) Fula (Atlantic; Arnott 1970: 355)
Modern Greek it is impossible to say *sin- (a) ]e-kirs-an-ii-min
gruike compared herself; a reflexive pro- 3.pl.sbj-pl:slaughter-appl.ben-
noun must be used here) (cf. Kemmer 1994). naari
Some languages also have a special recip-
past-1.pl.obj bull
rocal category, e.g. Turkish:
A bull has been slaughtered for us.
(15) (a) Sara Farid-i sev-iyor. (b) min-kirs-an-aama
Sara Farid-acc love-ipfv 1.pl.sbj-pl:slaughter-appl.ben-
Sarah loves Farid. naari
(b) Dost-lar sev-is-iyor-lar. pass.past bull
friend-pl love-rec-ipfv-pl We have had a bull slaughtered for
The friends love each other. us.
Various related meanings are centered
3. Valency-increasing categories
around the benefactive applicative. The ac-
Let us turn to valency-changing categories tion may also proceed to the detriment of the
that either establish a syntactic relation or re- object participant, or this may be the posses-
define an already existing one. The most im- sor of the original patient, as in Tzotzil
107. Valency change 1135

(Mayan; Aissen 1987: 126 ff.). Other notions acquire a causal (reason) and a stimulus
are purpose or cause (come-for this book function (like the English preposition
would be an applicative in Swahili, cf. Port through), the latter in turn having affinities
1981: 78), and the addressee, as with pray in to the directive applicative (e.g. in Oceanic
Kanuri (Saharan; Hutchison 1981: 143). languages, cf. Ross 1988: 375377). Also, the
The second main type of applicative is the instrumental applicative may develop a com-
goal or directive applicative. In many lan- prehensive variant via meanings like Fiji
guages it is formally identical to the benefac- voce-taka row-appl.instr (row it), where an
tive applicative, and thus notionally related instrumental notion might be backgrounded.
to it (for example, in Swahili). Example (18) There are many other, less frequent sorts
demonstrates a genuine species: of applicative that are too numerous to pass
in review here. But we should add that Latin
(18) Ika (Chibchan; Frank 1990: 68)
(and in part German) has a wealth of so-
mi-ka-waka
called preverbs that govern the accusative,
2.obj-appl.dir-look
e.g. (21).
He looked at you.
(21) fama urbem per-vasit
The directive applicative is open to the same rumor town:acc through-roamed
semantic extensions as the benefactive one. The rumor went around the town.
The Ika sentence in (19) demonstrates a pos-
sessive variant (often called possessor ascen- They are of limited productivity and mirror
sion): the inventory of (primary) adpositions. (They
are therefore often conceived of as instantiat-
(19) perI-kin-di mi-kv-ga ing a compounding process.)
dog-lim-top 2.obj-appl.dir-eat The applicative transitivizes an intransitive
(The jaguar) eats your two dogs. verb, providing it with a direct object. If a
It may be necessary to set up another nuclear transitive verb is extended by an applicative,
type, related to the aforementioned, in which the original direct object (e.g. bull in our
the affectedness of the object participant is example (17)) will normally give up its status,
more important (and which might be called often becoming an instrumental. But there
the comprehensive applicative). This would are instances (cf. the discussion in Baker
account for, e.g., German be- in be-schmeit 1988: 245247, Bresnan & Moshi 1990),
ihn mit Eiern, appl.compr-throws him with where the original patient retains its ability
eggs (bombards him with eggs). This enables to become the subject of a passive even after
the applicative to occur in cases where no di- applicative formation has taken place. This is
rection can properly be attested, e.g. Fiji so in Fula.
dabe-ca, sit-appl.compr (sit on). 3.1.2. Applicative vs. adposition
The third main type of applicative is the
instrumental (or comitative) applicative, of The construction consisting of the verb base,
which Grebo supplies an example: the applicative formative and the object must
not be regarded as isofunctional with that
(20) Grebo (Kru; Innes 1966: 57) consisting of the verb, an adposition (or case
o du-di-da bla form), and its noun phrase (cf. Craig & Hale
3.pl pound-appl.instr-rempst rice 1988; Blake 1987: 6971). The verb and the
su applicative formative jointly govern the di-
pestle rect object. That presupposes that the latter
They pounded rice with a pestle. be subject to some sort of affectedness ex-
Instrumental applicatives exist in Australian erted by the extended verbal notion. This is
languages (e.g. Yidiny, cf. Dixon 1977: 302 particularly obvious in the case of locative
304), the Arawakan languages of South applicatives, as in (22).
America (cf. Wise 1990), North American (22) Kinyarwanda (Bantu; Kimenyi 1980: 92)
languages (cf. Mithun 1989), Oceanic lan- aba-ana
guages (cf. Harrison 1982), Nilo-Saharan def:hum.pl-child
languages (e.g. Nandi, cf. Creider & Creider b-iica-ye-ho
1989: 126 f.), Cushitic languages (e.g. Somali, hum.pl.sbj-sit-pf-appl.loc
cf. Saeed 1987: 185 f.), and throughout the ubu-riri
Niger-Congo superphylum. The instrumental def:cl.14-table
applicative exhibits a certain tendency to The children are sitting on the table.
1136 XIV. Sachverhalts-, Eigenschafts- und verwandte Begriffe

With this construction it would not be pos- clause (hence the applicative is often called
sible to replace table by mountain, because transitivizer here; cf., e.g., Schtz 1985 for
the subject participant is required to some- Fijian).
how dominate the object (or influence its With some languages, e.g. Athapaskan
condition; for a similar case in the Australian and North-West Caucasian, we find what
language Kalkatungu, cf. Blake 1987: 69 f.). could be called verbal prepositions. These do
Static verbs become dynamic in the applica- not form a unit with the verb that governs an
tive form. This need for this sort of affected- object; instead, the object (in the form of a
ness lies at the base of many semantic speciali- possessive personal affix) depends entirely on
zations with applicatives. The Latin preverbs the internal adposition, while the respective
exhibit an applicative-like behavior specifi- noun may be supplied in the context. As a
cally when the enlarged verb acquires a figura- consequence, there are no restrictions as to
tive meaning that induces a patient. Compare which notions are expressed, and more than
example (21) with the more literal, non-appli- one verbal adposition may occur in one verb.
cative incendium per agros per-vasit confla- An example of a verbal preposition is Navajo
gration through fields through-roamed (the -taa among in (23) (cf. Kibrik 1990 for de-
conflagration roamed through the fields). tails on the grammaticalization of such ele-
The applicative is a verbal category, case ments).
forms and adpositions are nominal catego- (23) Navajo (Young & Morgan 1980: 93)
ries. Accordingly, applicative formatives usu- nihi-silao naatsoz
ally cannot be traced back to adpositions, 1.pl.poss-soldier narrow.eyes
both diachronically (although there may be yi-taa-da-a-sdon
analogical assimilations) and synchronically 3.poss-med-distr-obj.indef-ipfv:shoot
(in the sense of a semantic mapping). The ap- Our soldiers fired at (among) the Japa-
plicative is nothing like case or adposition nese.
with the verb. But here certain specifications
are appropriate. Under the conditions of topi- There are other phenomena that should be
calization, the complement of an adposition kept apart from applicatives. Some notions
might be removed from the adposition, that evoke an optional accusativus spatii, as tradi-
is, get stranded. This is a well-known prop- tion has it. They exhibit at the same time cer-
erty of the English relative and interrogative tain adpositional properties and certain
clause, but also occurs in the passive (the so- properties of a verbal operator (cf. Bolinger
called prepositional passive, cf. Couper-Kuh- 1971: 2325). To these notions typically be-
len 1979). In this latter case, the adposition long up, down, and along. Cf. He strolled
drowsily [along the paths] with He [strolled
is becoming a verbal category, transferring its
along] drowsily the paths.
object to the then compound verb. Even
As a final point, there are valency-chang-
then, affectedness comes into play. So one
ing categories that introduce cases other than
would not say, This country has been [emi-
the accusative. The most significant is the da-
grated from] by John, but This country has tive (dativus commodi) in cases like German
been [emigrated from] by thousands of people zu in es ihr zu-werfen it her:dat to-throw
is fine. Similar phenomena of reanalysis of (throw it to her). In general, the dative (in
prepositions under topicalization of their ob- the sense of a dativus commodi) is due to a
ject (also involving coordination reduction) general valency regularity. It becomes pos-
have been recorded for Tongan (Churchward sible in connection with (certain) directionals,
1953: 148), Rama (Chibchan; Craig & Hale as in es ihr in den Wagen werfen it her:dat
1988) and Nadeb (Maku; Weir 1986). into the car throw (throw it in her car), and
As regards the relation of adpositions and es ihr hinein-werfen it her:dat in-throw.
applicatives, it must be admitted that there What is peculiar about zu is the fact that with
are languages that compensate for the lack it, the dative is obligatory. A further case of
of adpositions (or cases) by having a certain a dative-adding applicative seems to be the
amount of applicatives at their disposal (e.g. Georgian objective and superessive version
the Arawakan languages, cf. Wise 1971 for (Boeder 1968).
Nomatsiguenga). Similarly, there are lan-
guages, a famous example being Oceanic, 3.2. Agent-adding categories: the causative
whose basic verbs are usually intransitive and Many languages have a morphological cat-
which consequently use an applicative (usu- egory, called causative, which conveys the
ally of the directive kind) for each transitive meaning of causation and adds a new agent
107. Valency change 1137

argument (the causer) to the valency pattern. ar- stop (tr.) (from aqwaz- stop (intr.)),
According to Bybee (1985: 29), the causative ksu-r- put to bed (from ksu- fall asleep),
is the most common valency-changing cat- etc., but there are no causatives from transi-
egory in her world-wide sample of 50 lan- tive verbs like atu- cut (*atu-r-).
guages. The syntax and semantics of causa- In those languages that do have causatives
tives has been studied extensively (cf. Xolo- derived from transitive verbs, the causee may
dovic 1969, ed.; Shibatani 1976, ed.; Comrie be treated in three different ways: (a) the
1985; Baker 1988; Song 1996; Dixon 2000). causee becomes an indirect object; (b) the
Example (24) illustrates the causative in Ba- causee is expressed as an instrumental
bungo, marked by the suffix -s. phrase; (c) the causee becomes a direct ob-
ject, and the causative valency pattern con-
(24) Babungo (Niger-Congo; Schaub 1982:
tains two direct objects.
211)
The first option is exemplified by Georgian
(a) nwe ni taa n
(26). In such cases, the resulting valency
he enter in house
pattern is identical to the valency pattern of
He entered the house.
non-derived ditransitive verbs such as give.
valency pattern:
agent place (26) Georgian (Kartvelian; Harris 1981: 75)
subject adverbial Mama-m Mzia-s
(b) me nni-se nwe taa n father-erg Mzia-dat
I enter-caus him in house daanteb-in-a cecxli.
I made him enter the house. light-caus-aor:3.sg fire(abs)
derived valency pattern: Father made Mzia light the fire.
causer agent place derived valency pattern:
subject object adverbial causer causee patient
subject indirect direct
3.2.1. Valency changes in the causative object object
The addition of the causer to the valency The second option is exemplified by Kan-
pattern leads to quite drastic changes in it be- nada:
cause the causer always usurps the subject
function, and the old subject (the lower sub- (27) Kannada (Dravidian; Cole & Sridhar
ject, or causee) must occupy a different gram- 1977: 707)
matical relation in the derived valency Raamanu manga-gal-inda
pattern. When the base verb is intransitive, Rama(nom) monkey-pl-instr
no major problem arises, because the causee Siite-yannu huduki-si-danu.
can take up the object position, as in (24 b). Sita-acc search-caus-3.sg
This happens almost universally, and it is se- Rama had the monkeys search for
mantically very plausible: The causee is the Sita.
patient of the causation and as such would derived valency pattern:
be expected to occupy the direct object posi- causer causee patient
tion. In this respect, the representation of the subject instrumental direct
derived valency pattern in (24 b) is somewhat object
misleading. A fuller representation would The third option is chosen, for instance, by
have to include the semantic roles in the Quechua (28):
causing event and the semantic roles in the
caused event, as in (25). (28) Imbabura Quechua (Cole 1982: 135)
Juzi-ka Juan-ta ruwana-ta
(25) derived valency pattern:
(caused event roles) Jose-top Juan-acc poncho-acc
agent place awa-chi-rka.
(causing event roles) weave-caus-3.sg
causer patient/causee place Jose made Juan weave a poncho.
(grammatical relations) derived valency pattern:
subject object adverbial causer causee patient
subject direct 2nd direct
Many languages have only causatives from object object
intransitive verbs. For instance, in Lezgian
(Nakh-Daghestanian, Haspelmath 1993 a), In cases like (28), it appears that the causative
there are causatives in -(a)r- such as aqwaz- valency pattern has two direct objects. How-
1138 XIV. Sachverhalts-, Eigenschafts- und verwandte Begriffe

ever, a more detailed syntactic analysis usu- Telugu, or a permissive meaning, as in Geor-
ally shows that the patient of the caused gian (Comrie 1985: 334). A corollary of the
event is not a true direct object in that it act of causation and the base verb content
does not have all the properties of direct ob- being less integrated in the case of the indi-
jects in the language (e.g., ruwana in (28) may rect causative is the fact that the base verb
not become the subject when the verb is pas- may be negated (or qualified) independently.
sivized; see Cole 1982: 136141 for discus- The direct causative has its bias on intran-
sion of Imbabura Quechua). sitive verbs, the indirect causative, on transi-
tive verbs. The independence of both types of
3.2.2. Semantic subtypes of causatives causatives is evidenced by the fact that with
One may distinguish two main semantic a certain verb one causative type can be ne-
types of causatives. With the first one, the gated while the other is asserted. Apart from
causer actively participates in the action, act- that it is normal for an indirect causative to
ing on the causee (in order to get the content take the direct one as its base.
of the base verb realized), which will imply The direct causative has a special subtype
some sort of coercion in case the causee is that may be termed the immediate causative.
animate. This type of causative is often called With it, the action represented by the base
the direct causative. In contradistinction to it, verb and the causation constitute an integral
the indirect causative (have someone do some- unit. This is the realm of the non-productive
thing) implies that the causer is conceived of causative, where often the causative mor-
as a mere instigator or distant cause of the pheme is fused with the base. For example,
realization of the verb content. This allows in Hindi-Urdu exhibits ablauting pairs as in
some sort of mediation in the relation (31).
towards the causee and, since the primary in- (31) khul/khol open (intr.)/(tr.)
terest of an animate causer consists in the re- mar/maar die/kill
alization of the base verb content, even ren- ghir/gher be surrounded/surround
ders the causee optional. For example, in nikal/nikaal emerge/extract
Tamil, the verb place has been grammati-
calized as a direct causative, and the verb Here the causative appears as the exogenous
make as an indirect causative: variant of the same state of affairs that the
base represents as endogenous. (Patterns like
(29) Tamil (Dravidian; Fedson 1985: 15) the one from Hindi-Urdu might alternatively
(a) piLLaiyait tuunka vai-tt-een be regarded as anticausative variations, al-
child:acc sleep:inf place-past-1.sg though historically they are causative.) Apart
I made the child sleep. from so-called unaccusative (passive) intran-
(b) avaru jepam taan sitive verbs this pattern also applies to transi-
3.hon(gen) prayer:nom indeed tive verbs like learn, yielding teach. Imme-
noNTiyai naTakka diate causatives are typically reflected by sim-
cripple:acc walk:inf plex verbs in languages like English.
cey-t-atu Many languages unite the indirect and the
make-past-3.sg.n direct causative in one formative, which al-
His (someone elses) prayer really lows it to occur iteratively, the inner token
made the cripple walk. representing the direct causative, the outer
The absence of a causee with an indirect one the indirect causative, e.g. Turkish l-
causative is demonstrated in (30). dr-t die-caus-caus (have killed) (where the
two suffixes are allomorphs of the same mor-
pheme).
(30) Nomatsiguenga (Arawakan; Wise 1990:
The place of the causee in the derived va-
94)
lency pattern (cf. 3.2.1) may depend on the
i-p-agant-e-ri
degree of potential control that the causee
3.m.erg-give-caus.ind-rls-3.m.abs
participant has over the realization of the
kireki
base verb content, or, vice versa, the degree
money
of affectedness by the causer. A completely
He had (someone) give the money to
dependent causee will be realized as a direct
him, i.e. He sent him the money.
object (or accusative), a constellation found
Often the indirect causative subsumes an with many intransitive bases. A less affected
assistive meaning (help causee to V), as in or more active (or simply animate) causee
107. Valency change 1139

will tend to be expressed as an indirect object (33) lako go


(or dative). The causee as the executor of an lako-vak-a go with it
action often surfaces as an instrumental. This kaba climb
is illustrated in (32). kaba-tak-a climb with it
dromu sink
(32) Bolivian Quechua (Cole 1983) dromu-cak-a sink with it
(a) Nuqa wawa-ta waqa-ci-ni.
I child-acc cry-caus-1.sg Semantic idiosyncrasy is found, e.g., in some
I made the child cry. German verbs with the applicative prefix be-
(schreiben write vs. beschreiben describe;
(b) Nuqa kurandero-man nehmen take vs. benehmen behave).
I medicine.man-dat A good example for lexicalization of va-
yuya-ci-ni. lency-changing categories is provided by de-
remember-caus-1.sg ponents. Deponent is the traditional term for
I reminded the medicine man of it. Latin Passive forms (and Greek Middle
(c) Nuqa Fan-wan rumi-ta forms) that lack corresponding Active forms,
I Juan-instr rock-acc e.g. Latin loquor I speak (*loquo), Greek
apa-ci-ni. ggnomai I become (*ggno). Since no base
carry-caus-1.sg form exists, the Passive/Middle forms cannot
I had Juan carry the rock. be segmented into two meaning components,
and the root and the valency-changing mor-
The categories of the applicative and the phology are lexicalized together.
causative are not unrelated to each other. The Deponent-like situations occur with va-
directive and benefactive applicative are in lency-changing categories in many languages
various languages homophonous with a (cf. Croft et al. 1987). Thus, the Russian re-
causative (cf. Song 1990, who attributes this flexive verbs in (34) could be called reflexive
to the utilization of allative morphemes in deponents.
both cases). The instrumental applicative can (34) smejat-sja laugh *smejat
turn into a causative with meanings like get nadejat-sja hope *nadejat
something done by someone providing the bojat-sja be afraid *bojat
link between the two categories (for example
in the Arawakan languages (Wise 1990), and And the Hebrew causatives in (35 b) do not
in Kinyarwanda (Kimenyi 1980: 164166)). have corresponding non-causative forms
(they might be called causative deponents).
(35) (a) hi-zkir remind
4. General features of valency- zaxar remember
changing morphology hi-lbis dress, clothe
lavas wear
4.1. Derivation and inflection (b) hi-slix throw *salax
Valency-changing categories generally have he-tel begin *tal(al)
many of the properties that are considered hi-s? ir leave *sa? ar
as characteristic of derivation as opposed to Finally, valency-changing can sometimes be
inflection (cf. Art. 38). In particular, they combined with other word classes, especially
often exhibit formal and semantic idiosyncra- adjectives and nouns. For example, the
sies and arbitrary restrictions on productiv- Gothic anticausative suffix -n (cf. (7 b)) also
ity. Furthermore, combinations of the verbal forms deadjectival verbs (e.g. full-n-an be-
root and the valency-changing morpheme come full), and the Kannada causative suffix
show a tendency toward lexicalization, i.e. -s (cf. (27)) also forms denominal verbs (e.g.
loss of semantic segmentability. prayatn-is- try from prayatna attempt).
An example of a formal idiosyncrasy is the That valency-changing categories are lo-
formation of comitative applicatives in Fijian cated more toward the derivational end on
(Schtz 1985: 132139). There are a number the derivational-inflectional continuum is
of different applicative suffixes (-tak, -vak, closely related to their function. Changing
-mak, etc.). Which verb takes which suffix the number of participants or the nature of
has to be lexically specified (-a cross-refer- their semantic roles generally entails a sub-
ences a 3rd person singular object): stantial change in the situation described. In
1140 XIV. Sachverhalts-, Eigenschafts- und verwandte Begriffe

Bybees (1985: 13) terms, valency-changing are rarer in texts. Changing the perspective
categories are highly relevant to the verbs from which an event is viewed is not as radi-
meaning, i.e., their semantic content directly cal a change as changing the participants, so
affects the semantic content of the verb stem. voice categories are not as relevant to the
As Bybee (1985: 81110) demonstrates, a verbs meaning as valency-changing catego-
categorys position on the derivational-inflec- ries (cf. Bybee 1985: 20). It follows from this
tional continuum depends to a considerable that voice categories are located further to-
extent on the degree of relevance of its mean- ward the inflectional end on the derivational-
ing. Highly relevant meanings like those that inflectional continuum.
change valency are most likely to be deriva-
tional. 4.3. Regularities of morpheme order
The ordering of valency-changing mor-
4.2. Valency change and voice
phemes with respect to the other morphemes
The verbal super-category of voice was origi- in the word is by no means random, but is
nally used to describe the distinction between largely predictable on the basis of the prin-
Active and Passive in Latin (as well as the ciple of iconicity.
analogous distinction between Active and As has been demonstrated by Bybee
Middle in Greek). Similar verbal categories (1985: 3335), the order of affixes correlates
and constructions were found in a large strongly with the degree of their semantic rel-
number of other languages, and the passive evance to the verbs stem: the more relevant
has been established as a cross-linguistic syn- categories (such as voice and aspect) tend to
tactic and morphological category (cf. occur closer to the stem, while the less rel-
Perlmutter & Postal 1977; Siewierska 1984; evant categories (such as mood and person/
Shibatani 1985; Haspelmath 1990; Art. 108). number agreement) occur at a greater dis-
However, the question of how the notion tance from the stem. Valency-changing cat-
of voice could or should be generalized be- egories are highly relevant to the verbal event
yond the active-passive distinction is not because a change in the number and/or ar-
clear. In the Russian and Soviet linguistic tra- rangement of the participants is invariably
dition, the causative and the reflexive are connected with a change in the way the event
commonly referred to as voices as well. And is viewed. Thus, we find that valency-chang-
a proposal by Xolodovic (1970) explicitly de- ing morphemes tend to occur very close to
fines voice as a regular formal expression of the stem. In some languages, valency-chang-
a diathesis, where diathesis is defined as a ing categories are even expressed by changing
particular pairing of semantic roles and the stem itself, e.g.:
grammatical relations. Thus, regular va-
lency-changing categories would be an in- (36) Lithuanian
stance of voice, according to this definition. lauzti break (tr.)
But more often voice is taken to be a less luzti break (intr.)
inclusive supercategory, comprising mainly (37) German
the passive and the antipassive (in addition sinken sink (intr.)
to the unmarked or active form). What these senken sink (tr.)
two categories have in common is that they
do not make a dramatic change in the seman- The order of valency-changing morphemes
tic content of a verb; rather, they present the with respect to each other is also generally
event expressed by the verb in a different per- iconic. The valency changes expressed by a
spective. A passive clause presents the event morpheme that stands closer to the stem are
from the perspective of the underlying direct applied before the valency changes are ex-
object, but the agent is still present in the pressed further away from the stem. In this
background (either omitted from the surface way, formal changes directly reflect changes
or expressed by an oblique phrase). This con- in the valency of the verb. This is the essence
trasts with the anticausative, where the agent of Bakers (1985) Mirror Principle.
is completely eliminated (cf. 4.1). This iconic ordering is best illustrated with
The ability to change the perspective of an cases in which both orders are possible. For
event is often quite useful in discourse in or- instance, Quechua allows both orders of
der to maintain topicality. For this reason causative and reflexive, with radically dif-
voice categories may have a high text fre- ferent resulting meanings (Muysken 1988;
quency, whereas valency-changing categories Baker 1985: 392).
107. Valency change 1141

(38) (a) Maqa-ku-ya-chi-n. the subject), either by externalizing a pre-


[beat-refl]-dur-caus-3.sg viously internal argument and thereby in-
Hei is causing [himj to beat him- ternalizing the previous subject (as, for in-
selfj]. stance, in the resultative), or by internalizing
(b) Maqa-chi-ku-n. the previous external argument and adding a
beat-caus-refl-3.sg new external argument (as, for instance, in
Hei lets someonej beat himi. the causative). However, these restrictions
are too tight, not allowing, e.g., for applica-
Meaning differences that are iconically re- tives.
flected in ordering differences can also be ob- Marantz (1984) claims that valency
served when valency-changing affixes interact changes that involve a change in the number
with other affixes, e.g. a desiderative affix in or semantic roles of the participants (such as
(39). the anticausative or the deobjective) cannot
be expressed solely by affixes, and cannot be
(39) Capanahua (Payne 1990: 228; data from
wholly productive. While it is true that lexical
Eugene Loos)
generality is lower with more radical valency
(a) pi-catsih-ma-hue
changes and higher with less radical ones (cf.
eat-des-caus-imp
the remarks in 4.2), uniquely anticausative
Make him hungry. (lit. Make him
and deobjective affixes certainly exist (e.g.
want to eat)
Gothic -na and Swahili -i/e- are unambiguous
(b) pi-ma-catsihqu-i anticausative suffixes).
eat-caus-des-pres In contrast to autonomous-syntactic ap-
He wants to feed it. (lit. He wants proaches, functionalist approaches to va-
to make it eat.) lency-changing morphology take into ac-
count the verbal semantics and the semantic
4.4. Restrictions on possible valency and pragmatic functions of these categories
changes (e.g. Croft 1991). From this perspective, va-
It seems clear that only a subset of logically lency-changing morphemes serve to express
possible valency changes are actually realized an unusual or marked view (or construal) of
and expressed by morphological categories in the event expressed by the predication. The
the worlds languages. For example, the fol- causative widens the scope of the verbs
lowing valency changes are unattested: sub- meaning to include a prior causer, while the
ject-object switch (and other switches), anticausative narrows the scope of the verbs
changes from subject or direct object to indi- meaning by excluding the normally present
rect object, removal of an indirect object or agent (and, in the case of the resultative, even
an oblique argument. The most important the dynamic part of the event, focusing en-
constraint on valency changes is that derived tirely on the resulting state). The deobjective
valency patterns must be identical to valency narrows the scope of the verbs meaning in
patterns that occur with at least some non- the opposite direction, excluding the object
derived verbs. Although it is perhaps violated from the construal of the event. Since the di-
in a few marked cases (e.g. doubly transitive rect object is generally the most affected par-
causatives, cf. (28) above), it excludes a vast ticipant, the applicative allows an event view
number of logically possible but unattested where an unusual participant is the most af-
changes. Furthermore, valency changes most fected participant.
often affect subjects and direct objects, the
most grammaticalized argument types, while
oblique or adverbial arguments tend to resist 5. Diachronic sources of valency-
changes (presumably because they carry their changing morphology
own function marking and are not as de-
pendent on the properties of the verb). Not much is known about the diachronic
There is an extensive literature that tries to sources of valency-changing categories. In
formulate principles governing these restric- part, this may be due to the fact that the lan-
tions from a perspective of autonomous syn- guages whose history is best attested (i.e.,
tax (cf., in particular, Williams 1981; Ma- Indo-European languages) are not rich in va-
rantz 1984; Baker 1988). Williams (1981) ar- lency-changing morphology. But another
gues that valency-changing morphemes may reason is probably that valency-changing cat-
only affect the external argument (roughly, egories, like other derivational categories, do
1142 XIV. Sachverhalts-, Eigenschafts- und verwandte Begriffe

not change as fast as some inflectional cat- 1986: 141 f. for Papuan languages). The direc-
egories (e.g. tense and case categories), so in tive applicative goes back to see in the
most cases the historical depth that we have Papuan (Irian Jaya) language Dani (Bromley
is insufficient. Also, derivational categories 1981: 107109). The instrumental applicative
often arise by analogy (cf. Art. 148), rather comes from take in Chickasaw (Musko-
than from the grammaticalization of peri- gean; Munro 1983).
phrastic constructions (cf. Art. 146), which Morphological causatives may arise from
makes their origins more difficult to identify. the grammaticalization of periphrastic causa-
Nevertheless, some things can be said. tives (which typically include a causative verb
such as make, let, give, put plus a non-
5.1. Sources of valency-decreasing finite form of the caused verb). For example,
morphology the Avar (Northeast Caucasian) causative
A common source for valency-decreasing suffix -zabi (e.g. teha-zabi make blossom,
categories are reflexive pronouns which are from teha- blossom) clearly derives from a
first grammaticalized as reflexive markers. periphrastic construction with the infinitive
For example, the Russian reflexive suffix -sja in -ze plus the verb habi make (teha-ze habi
(e.g. moet-sja washes (itself)) was gramma- > teha-z-abi). Two kinds of verbal sources
ticalized from the early Slavic reflexive pro- of the causative have been exemplified for
noun se. As a next step, reflexive markers Tamil above (29 ab). See Song (1990) for
may be extended to verbs with an inanimate further cross-linguistic data and speculation.
object, whose reflexive form is naturally An example for the analogical origin of a
understood as anticausative (e.g. Russian ot- causative affix is Hindi-Urdu -vaa (e.g. nigal
krylsja opened (intr.), originally opened swallow, nigal-vaa cause to swallow). This
itself). Finally, reflexive forms may be ex- is the regular phonological reflex of Sanskrit
tended to the deobjective and deaccusative -apaya, which in turn is an analogical exten-
functions (cf. the Lithuanian example (4 b)). sion of the older -aya (Proto-Indo-European
The semantic mechanisms for these exten- *-ejo/e-). This example shows that valency-
sions are obscure. changing affixes may be so old that even the
The resultative differs from the other va- best historical-comparative information does
lency-decreasing categories in that it never not point to an ultimate lexical source.
derives from reflexive pronouns. Rather, re-
sultatives are commonly based on resultative
participles (cf. Haspelmath 1994) (plus the 6. Uncommon abbreviations
copula), as in the Russian example (10 c), or
they are based on a perfective converb plus appl.ben benefactive applicative
the copula (cf. Nedjalkov 1988, ed.: 19). appl.compr comprehensive applicative
appl.dir directive applicative
5.2. Sources of valency-increasing appl.instr instrumental applicative
morphology appl.loc locative applicative
Applicatives seem to arise from the gram- deacc deaccusative
maticalization of an adverb or an oblique deobj deobjective
case marker and its attachment to the verb. lim limitative
For example, the directive applicative in Ger-
man (be-) and Oceanic (Pawley 1973) can be
traced back to a dynamic local adverb at. 7. References
And according to Reh (1986), the Lango
(Western Nilotic) benefactive applicative suf- Aissen, Judith L. (1987), Tzotzil Clause Structure.
fix -i (e.g. o-kel-li dako 3.sg-bring-appl Dordrecht: Reidel
woman (she brought it for the woman)) de- Arnott, Donald W. (1970), The Nominal and Verbal
rives from an earlier benefactive/dative Systems of Fula. Oxford: Clarendon
preposition n (*o-kel-ni > o-kelli) which is
still found in the cognate languages Alur and Baker, Mark C. (1985), The Mirror Principle and
Dholuo. Another source of applicatives is Morphosyntactic Explanation. Linguistic Inquiry
verb serialization or compounding, where 16.3, 373415
one verb grammaticalizes to an applicative Baker, Mark C. (1988), Incorporation: A Theory of
marker. The benefactive applicative has as its Grammatical Function Changing. Chicago: The
most obvious source the verb give (cf. Foley University of Chicago Press
107. Valency change 1143

Blake, Barry (1987), Australian Aboriginal Gram- mat, Anna & Carruba, Onofrio & Bernini, Giuli-
mar. London: Croom Helm ano (eds.), Papers from the 7th International Con-
Boeder, Winfried (1968), ber die Versionen des ference on Historical Linguistics [Pavia 1985]. Am-
georgischen Verbs. Folia Linguistica 11.1/2, 3160 sterdam, Philadelphia: Benjamins (Current Issues
in Linguistic Theory 48), 179192
Bolinger, Dwight (1971), The Phrasal Verb in Eng-
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108. Voice

1. Introduction personal, and middle to different construc-


2. Definition: The active and the passive tions by different linguists. This last problem
3. Voice as a family of constructions points to the difficulty of doing cross-linguis-
4. The middle tic comparison of voice systems, which is es-
5. Valency-increasing passives
6. The inverse system
sentially caused by the first two problems.
7. Voice in ergative languages There are two major factors contributing
8. Voice in Philippine languages to these difficulties. One has to do with the
9. Two dimensions of voice relationship between morphology and syntax
10. Voice morphology in the recognition of a grammatical category.
11. Concluding remarks If one restricts the notion of voice to the do-
12. Uncommon abbreviations main of morphology, some languages, espe-
13. References cially isolating-type languages, will not have
certain voice categories, despite the fact they
1. Introduction may have comparable constructions that are
marked morphologically in other languages.
Voice (Greek diathesis, Latin vox), among However, once category labels are freed from
morphological categories, is perhaps the morphological manifestations, they may be
most elusive. For one thing, unlike categories used in reference to phenomena widely dif-
such as person and tense, it is not clear what ferent from the conventional use. Such is the
its semantic basis is. For another, there is case, for instance, in the use of the terms
wide disagreement among linguists as to middle and ergative in some syntactic
what is to be included in the category of work.
voice. Furthermore, there is terminological The other factor has to do with the multi-
complexity emanating from different applica- plicity of function that a voice-related mor-
tions of terms such as passive, ergative, im- phology tends to have. For example, an ele-