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50 Ν. DE G. DAVIES: The Place of Audience in the Palace. [60. Band.

sind die Zeichen der Unterseite oft sehr ungeschickt, aber doch nicht so, daß ähnliches
nicht auch in äg. Zeit vorkäme. Wenn P R I N Z die zahlreichen Skarabäoide für die nichtäg.
Provenienz anführt, so ist dem zu entgegnen: Der Käfer ist keineswegs die ausschließ-
liche Form für Siegel gewesen, und Negerköpfe, Besköpfe, Widderköpfe, liegende Löwen
sind in Äg. sehr häufig und ein Satz wie „die Skarabäoide scheinen keine äg. Er-
findung zu sein, da ja in Äg. der Skarabäus heilig war und ein solcher Prozeß bei
der Identität von Form und Inhalt dem religiösen Gefühl der Ägypter widersprechen
mußte", ist für jeden, der eine äg. Skarabäensammlung gesehen hat, unverständlich.
Trotzdem ist die Auffassung, daß hier griechische Arbeit vorliegt, richtig. Nicht nur
die von P R I N Z angeführten Beispiele: Doppelflötenbläser, Naukratis 1, pl. 2, 1 3 ' ,
Mann mit der Lyra I, 2, 13 sprechen dafür, die könnte auch ein Ägypter nachgealnnt
haben (die Äg. haben seit dem NR oft fremde Typen dargestellt), sondern auch Greifen
u. dgl., vor allem aber der für naukratitische Ware charakteristische Kreis als Füll-
stück. Das ist gänzlich unägyptisch. Schließlich auch die sofort bei der Auffindung
beobachtete Tatsache, daß die naukratitischen Fayencen durchweg aus weicherem Ton-
material gearbeitet sind als die ägyptischen. Als Verfertiger dieser Ware kommen, darin
hat P R I N Z gegen E D G A R unzweifelhaft Recht, nur Griechen in Betracht, und eine ge-
nauere Durchmusterung dürfte dazu helfen, auch in den griechischen Funden Grie-
chisches von Phönikischem zu scheiden.
Vorstehende Zeilen sollen ein Hinweis darauf sein, welche Bedeutung die Skara-
bäen für die Kulturgeschichte der Mittelmeerländer haben.
Ein Corpus Scarabaeorum ist ein Unding, aber eine Zusammenstellung der wich-
tigsten Skarabäenfunde außerhalb Ägyptens in zuverlässigen Abbildungen würde für
die Archäologie außerordentlich nützlich sein. Freilich ist dabei ein Zusammen-
arbeiten namentlich mit den italienischen und griechischen Fachgenossen unbedingt
erforderlich. Wie weit das heute möglich ist, weiß ich nicht.

The Place of Audience in the Palace.

By Ν . DE G . D A V I E S .

I propose here to discuss more fully than 1 have yet done2 the pictures of the
window in the palace at which Akhnaton appears in public, and the interesting
relation between architectural features and the depiction of them which this parti-
cular erection exemplifies.
Pictures of the public appearance of the king, other than in the temple, or in
the semi-religious act of formally smiting down his enemies, are as good as non-
existent in the earlier periods, so far as our limited knowledge of scenes of the time
goes. The impression we get, however, is that no real change of custom has been
made. The absence of such pictures does not indicate a seclusion of the king, like
1) Siehe PKINZ, Vasenfunde aus Naukratis, Klio, 7. Beiheft, Leipzig 1908. — 2) J. Ε. Α., IX, pp. 1 3 8 , 1 4 8 .

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Band 60.] Ν. DE G. DA VIES: The Place of Audience in the Palace. 51

that of the Mikado of Japan, but rests on other grounds altogether. As far as we
can see, the king had intimate relations with the local population at least, through
his officials, though they may have been less extended than in later times, owing
to the distance of the royal residence from great cities and the wide independance
of the nomarchs 1 .
With the full coming of the New Kingdom under Thotmose III there was a change
in this respect, if the pictures are reliable witnesses. Henceforth the appearance of
the king on the occasion of the reward or promotion of an official, the reception
of New Year's gifts, and the acceptance of foreign tribute, is often depicted in the
tombs. Yet not at once. Though Hatshepsut is shown in Tomb 73 receiving gifts
through an official, a man of high rank still presides in the name of the king at
many functions during the reign of Thotmose III. But the erasures in the Tomb
of Puyemre suggest that the king was becoming aware of the danger of letting his
officers act in his name, especially when receiving the homage of subjugated nations 8 .
We know next to nothing of the site of the royal palace at this time, but obviously
the residence would be close enough to Thebes for the population to have become
familiar with the person of the high officials and of the king himself.
With the reign of Amenhotep II. the example which Hatshepsut had shown
(perhaps for political reasons, which rendered it of importance that she should possess
general popularity) became the custom. From now on the reigning king is regularly
seen at the functions mentioned 3 . The place of his appearance is a dais („the great
seat"), shaded by a canopy supported on columns under which the king sits on a
throne or chair of state. He is either alone or (in picture) with the goddess Maet
as his symbolical consort. From this it appears that it was a seat of royal arbitra-
ment as well as of public appearance, while the lions' heads sometimes seen on the
columns, and the lowered head of the bull on the front of the canopy, proclaimed
the martial aspect of the suzerain, when foreign ambassadors sought audience of
the king.
The dais of audience was surmounted by a single canopy until the reign of
Amenhotep III. The fewer the wars, the greater need of imposing magnificence; so
that king, in building his palace at Malkata, south of Medinet Habu, seems to have
provided a seat of audience on a far grander scale than hitherto, whether it was
placed within the palace or looked on to a court, as in the palace of his son4. This
is shown in the tombs in two forms. In Tombs 5δ5 and 57 the canopy is borne by
two sets of columns (papyrus and lotus) each of which supports a separate roof, with
plinth, cornice, and frieze of uraei complete. The base is adorned with a row of
framed names of conquered peoples. In Tombs 48 and 226 this feature of the palace
is shown on an even more magnificent scale. Here there are four separate bal..
dachins, one lying within and under the other, till at last one reaches that in which
the king sat. If placed within a hall, therefore, it must have been a lofty one.
This multiple shelter may be parallelled with the four shrines which surround the
sarcophagus of Tutankhamun; both are designed, not so much to afford increased

1) Cf. BREASTED, A n c i e n t R e c o r d s , I, §§ 2 4 3 — 2 4 8 ; 256—262; 270—273, etc. — 2 ) DAVIES,

Tomb o f P u y e m r ö , Vol. I, pp. 2 5 , 26. — 3 ) Cf. L. D., I l l , Pis. 6 3 , 64. — 4 ) I am not sure whether
the plans of the palace make the latter suggestion unlikely. There is a dais in one of the largest rooms,
and in the Festival-Hall there is a possible balcony jutting out from the facade on to a raised terrace
at the end of the great courtyard (LANSING, B u l l e t i n o f M e t . M u s . A r t , Supplement to March, 1918).
— 5 ) W h e r e Amenhotep IV. is seated. But the tomb was begun, and perhaps this kiosk was already
designed, in the previous reign.

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52 Ν. DE G. DAVIES: The Palace of Audience in the Palace. [60. Band.

safety, as to create the impression of four-fold sanctity. As in the temples the

naos of the god was reached through shrine, hypostyle, and peristyle hall, so here.
We are probably to think of the four shelters as lying, like the funerary shrines, as
closely within one another as possible. The topmost roof (with uraei, feathered
cornice, and fringe of grapes complete) is upheld by columns with open papyrus
capital1, the second by posts, the third by columns with a capital compounded of
the lotus and the lily, the inmost one by others with the lotus alone. A further
addition is made in the shape of a low parapet, adorned with panels showing the
king smiting his enemies, and crowned with a cornice and erect uraei. This, accor-
ding to the pictures, connected the posts, and thus afforded a more solid framework
to the high structure. Perhaps these decorated posts were really corner walls, and
thus stronger than they look. This parapet probably ran all round, except in front,
where the stairs lay. In earlier pictures the latter, where shown, are simple steps
(generally seven in number), but in Tomb 48 the dais extends beyond the columns
in front, and the approach is guarded at this level by couchant hieraco-sphinxes (so
also in Tomb 226), and the lowest step again by lions sitting erect. Moreover, there
is the new addition of a verandah extending over the steps and beyond, supported
by as many as four columns in line. This provision strongly suggests that the pavil-
ion lay in the open air, though backing on the palace-facade and entered from
within. Was this grandiose construction meant to overpower the eyes of foreign peoples,
and to compensate for the new publicity of the king's person; or was it that, with
this publicity, had come some fear of assassination, which made the parapet, and,
later, the omission of the stairway, desirable features? The supposition is not forced
on us; if one could pass directly through this canopied platform into the palace,
such an obstacle to easy entrance was called for.
The two designs referred to may well depict two separate places of reception,
one in the audience hall, and a larger one abutting on the facade or standing free
in an open court. The same may be true of the pictures in Tomb 188; for Akhnaton
at that time was probably dwelling in his father's palace at Malkata, or in a build-
ing within its broad area which had been assigned to him as Crown Prince. We
see in that tomb, not only the duplex pavilion on a simple dais, the outer supported
on the same lotus-lily columns, the inner on columns with closed papyrus capital,
but also another with only a single column (lotus-lily again), it is true, but with a
cushioned parapet. The latter feature does not necessarily point to a different
structure from his father's. The uraeus-crowned side walls may be continued in
front by a wall with cushioned sill, on which the king might conveniently lean.
Though the seven steps are shown, the pavilion seems devoid of access from the
front; this may point to increased apprehension, for there was certainly greater cause
for it now.
The next witness is the later addition to the tomb of Ramose2. The design
here is entirely changed, apparently in consequence of a material alteration in the
construction, the chief place of audience being now made an integral part of the fron-
tage of the palace. The series of pavilions, one within the other, have been done
away with, and, with them, the columns and the roofs. As the corner posts are no
longer held together by an architrave, they are now built in solid masonry, and serve
only as a framing for an opening which could be closed by shutters 3 . At first sight it seems
1) In Tomb 5 5 there is a post as well, set close against the outermost columns and sharing the
weight. This seems a better structural arrangement, and may correspond more nearly to fact. —
2) B u l l e t i n of M e t . M u s . A r t . , Dec. 1923, Part II, p. 41. — 3) In judging thus, I have abandoned
the opinion expressed in J. Ε. Α., Vol. IX, p. 1 4 8 , that the place of appearance was still roofed. It is

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Band 60.] Ν. DE G. DAVIES: The Place of Audience iu the Palace. 53

a slavish adhesion to previous designs that the fantastic picture of the roofed pavilion
in Tomb 188 1 should be used, even partially, by the artist of Tomb 55 to depict
something very different2. But, as a matter of fact, the change is not so great as
seems. Even if the window is without architrave, the projecting capstones which
are needed to support the shutters are only the two ends of a truncated architrave,
after all. The architrave which, in Tomb 188, is only severed in appearance, is
here really divided. It is quite in keeping with the ways of the Egyptian draughtsman
to use a design based on something entirely different, but which, owing to the limi-
tations of Egyptian drawing, retains a very similar appearance; he will make a sacri-
fice in order to hold to an approved design.
The place of state appearance then, as shown in the tomb of Ramose, is a
framed window, apparently roofless. Above it in the drawing are seen two tower-
like erections, with side walls or posts, and with a corniced roof supported on palm-
columns. Whether it be true of the short cornices below, or not, the severance
of those above seems purely artificial, this upper roof being really continuous, and
the inner posts being only added to save the awkwardness of leaving the cornice
unsupported at the ends. In my opinion, it represents the hall behind, of which
this place of appearance formed the great window, and the roof of which was carried
on these four palm-columns. We shall see better proof of this at El Amarna. If
the window was not roofed over, it was none the less sheltered; for in Tomb 55
a verandah is already shown at the same level as the upper cornice, supported on four
columns at intervals. The queen accompanies the king, as the queen-mother had
accompanied his father in Tomb 226. The place of appearance is therefore no longer
the judicial throne, or the pavilion of an official d u r b a r , but a feature of the royal
home, providing the means by which the royal family came into contact with its sub-
jects through the official world.
When we pass to the new capital, Akhtaton, and the new palace in it, the pic-
tures, on which we have to rely, show that the king had not had to make any
essential change. The new feature shown by them 3 is a second wall, corniced and
topped with uraei, extending to right and left of the posts of the window, which,
if we assume a position in the facade, surrounding walls, and a closed front, has be-
come something like a bay-window, serving all its purposes. The uraei on top of
the wall now added show that it did not reach the ceiling. It is therefore to be
taken either as a front wall on both sides of the higher window-posts, or, better,
as the return-walls of the projecting bay, which could only be shown in this way by
an Egyptian artist. The shutters, which are now often shown as closed above the
cushioned window-sill, needed cap-stones to take their pivots. This architectural
feature is regularly employed in Egypt, the projection appearing also on the outer
face, though less saliently than on the inside4. These apparent cap-stones are never

always possible that, if not roofed, architraves united the posts, though the cornice is shown as broken.
If this were so, it would mediate between the pictures at El Amarna and that in Tomb 188 at Thebes,
and give a better reason why the design used in the latter scenes was, to some extent, followed in
Tomb 55.
1) J. Ε. Α., Vol. IX, PI. XXIII. — 2) It may be, of course, that the position is really to be
reversed, and that the artist of Tomb 188 made use of designs representing the window (which, on this
theory, was already fitted to the palace) in order to meet the difficulty of depicting the duplex canopy
within the hall of audience, when the roof was broken through by the rays of Aton. — 3) DAVIES,
E l A m a r n a , I, 7, 18, 26; II, 10, 13, 14, 34, 35, 41; III, 13—17, 34; IV, 8; V, 5; VI, 4, 17, 19, 29. —
4) E. g., CAPART, L ' A r c h i t e c t u r e , PI. 174. Does the tyranny of adopted methods of design account
for the extraordinary double-gateways incessantly shown at El Amarna, and n o w h e r e e l s e , to which

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54 Ν. DE G. DAVIES: The Place of Audience in the Palace. [60. Band.

carried across to form a ceiling or a complete lintel, whereas the similar ceiling of
the side „towers" above it more often are 1 . If, then, the window had been framed
above by a lintel, as well as at the sides by posts, there was no reason why the
designer should not at times have shown it thus.
The provision for the king's public appearances, then, was not changed from
that made at Malkata under Amenhotep IV. unless the window was deepened into
a bay. The chief point of difficult}' is whether the four columns shown above the
window in Tomb 55 (two in El A m a r n a , I, XXVI; II, IB, 14) and repeated at El
Amama either under a broken, or a continuous, roof (omitted in El A m a r n a II, 10),
represent the tops of columns supporting the roof of the bay, as they had those of
the earlier pavilion, or show columns carrying the roof of the great outer room of
the palace, of which this bay was an appendage 2 . I have judged that the latter is
the case. The roof earned by the columns is never shown as being at a lower level
than that of the palace behind. Nor is the bay likely to have been so deep as to
need columns, even if it had a roof below that of the verandah, which is generally
shown as an extension of the roof of the palace. But the decisive depiction (if there
ever is one in such pictures) is given in El Amarna, III, 34, where the king and
queen sit at meat in a four(?)-columned hall. It is not a case of the king's public
appearance, and therefore the window is not required to be shown. Nevertheless
a very small representation of it is inserted in the background (therefore high up
and breaking the line of the ceiling), as a way of showing the aperture through
which the sun streamed on the royal pair. Thus it is here shown f r o m w i t h i n
as a feature of the palace hall, a room which may have been used as a summer
dining-room, since its bay, open to the air above its surrounding walls and under
the verandah, made it the freshest room in the house. Not that there would be
any difficulty in supposing a bay with columns outside a hall with similar features
(El A m a r n a I, 18).
The roof of the verandah shading the window3 is shown as starting from the
ceiling of the bay (if there is one), or of the palace behind it. As the columns
which support it rest on the pavement of the court, they must be even higher than
those of the palace halls. They are always two in number4. Tomb 188 showed
steps leading up to the front of the window, though apparently it was closed by
the low wall on the coping of which the king leans. This may be merely a remini-
scence of the older arrangement, or it might be the ascent to a platform before

nothing corresponds in Egyptian architecture, and which almost defy translation into constructional terms?
The outer jambs are always higher than the inner (contrary to the window design) the doors are fitted
into the higher and broader jambs, and, when they are open (on the wrong side!), the lower framing is
entirely hid by them (e. g„ in E l A m a r n a III, 9, 10, 11). There were not, then, two gateways of varying
heights, the lower in front of the higher; and, if the gates are non-existent, the cap-stoncs are senseless.
If the drawing is not pure foolishness, there may have been two gateways of equal heights with folding
doors, one at the outer, one at the inner, face of the pylon, the artist having lowered the former for his
convenience, but capriciously refrained from doing the same for the doors themselves. Or, and more likely,
there was a projecting portal in which the gates were fitted, and the (apparently) lower posts really lay
b e h i n d the higher ones, and present the aspect of the gateway f r o m w i t h i n . Such a portal exists in
the hypostyle-hall of the temple of Hibeh. Cf. also NEWTON in C i t y of A k h e n a t e n , Pis. XXV, XXVI.
1) E l A m a r n a , I, 7, 18, 26; II, 13, 14, 41; III, 13; IV, 8; VI, 17, 19. — 2) For a kiosk with engaged
columns 'only a short length of which stands free above the connecting walls, see WOOLLEY in C i t y of
A k h e n a t e n , p. 122. — 3) Cf. E l A m a r n a I, 31. — 4) Not four as at Thebes ( E l A m a r n a I, 18; II,
13, 14). There is no reason, however, to suppose a continuous colonnade along the front, as even in E l
A m a r n a I, 26; III, 13, the bay is separated off from the rest.

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Band 60.] Ν. DE G. DAVIES: The Place of Audience in the Palace. 55

the window. At any rate, after this date the bay appears not to have had an
entrance in front. This inaccessibility is strongly shown by the fact that the king
tosses down his gifts to Ay in El A ma m a VI, 29.
The floor of the bay is, in nearly all cases, shown to lie above the ground-
level; that is, is level with the raised floor of the palace1. The two doors that are
shown at varying distances below the window, yet above the ground-level, and reached
by an ascent in all but one case (El A m a r n a II, 34), would present difficulty to one
not cognizant of the flexibility of Egyptian rules of drawing. El A m a r n a II, 41,
where they are put on a level with the floor of the bay, alone gives the true aspect.
They are two entrance-doors in the main fagade, one on each side of the bay, and
reached, like those of most houses in Akhtaton, by a flight of low steps. It shows
how ridiculous the meditative artist may become, when, in order to isolate the window
as the special feature he is emphasizing and to keep the rest of the facade subsidi-
ary, he does so in a literal sense, placing it, along with its elevated floor, doors,
and ascents, u n d e r the window, although this outlook, from which the king has to
speak and hand down gifts, is thereby lifted above the level of the palace roof!
Though a continuous terrace along the front is sometimes suggested, these two doors
were reached by separate flights of steps, as we should expect (El A m a r n a II, 34;
III, 16). With the exception of some details, therefore, the architectural features of
the facade seem to be fairly well established. But this is only due to the number
of the presentations we have; to each one that is approximately right, though pec-
uliarly drawn, there are three that are entirely misleading2.
If the king had lost in splendour by the shifting of the place of reception
from the inside to the outside of the palace and by the abandonment of the suc-
cession of gaudy pavilions in which his person was enshrined, he no doubt gained
in the number of persons who shared in these levees, and the more simple framing
was still calculated to impress the beholder. As in Tomb 55, so at Akhtaton 3 , the
bay-window was adorned with brightly-coloured designs on its front panel, jambs,
and side walls, to say nothing of its cornice and frieze of snakes 4 ; to which the red
and gold cushion, the gaily-painted columns in front, and the decorated under-sur-
face of the verandah, would add their quota of colour. The multiplex baldachin
on its dais may still have been retained within the palace5. It had also its place
elsewhere; for we learn from the pictures that very similar royal pavilions were erected
for various purposes in the open. One is situated in a magazine, where its use is not
obvious; two others are set up that the embassies of foreign nations may bring
their tribute publicly to the king, and martial exercises be carried out before him6.
In each case the pavilion is set on a platform approached by steps on two, or all
four, sides, and has a single or double canopy supported on four, or even twelve,
columns united by dwarf walls. This seems not to have been a new idea of Akhna-
ton, but a regular provision made by kings in the XVIII th dynasty for the review
of troops, and therefore placed in large open spaces. Traces of them are left at

1) Barely indicated in E l A m a r n a I, 26. — 2) Windows, as a provision for seeing and being seen,
were not confined to the palace, if we may believe the pictures. They are inserted in the cabin on the
top deck of the royal barge, and perhaps even in private houses ( E l A m a r n a V, 5; I, 32). Mr. NEWTON
thinks he has found one in the northern palace this year, reached by steps, but only looking from the
king's quarters on to the garden of the harem. — 3) E l A m a r n a I, 7; II, 34; VI, 4. — 4) These uraei
are deceptive in appearance. They would probably be in relief on a solid stone coping. For their form
and colour, see T h e C i t y of A k h e n a t e n , PI. X X X I I I and p. 122. — 5) E l A m a r n a II, 32. — 6) E l
A m a r n a I, 31; II, 37; III, 14.

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56 W. SPIEGELBERU: Die Datierung des Berliner „Tiauerreliefs". 160. Band

Deir el Bahri, in the plain of El Amarna1, and perhaps of a third in the rough
waste to the south of the palace of Malkata2.
It will be noticed that I have scarcely once called on the actual palace sites
to supply information or confirmation. Though the ruins of four palaces of Akhna-
ton have been laid bare at Aklitaton, and one at Thebes, by ill-luck they contri-
bute little obvious or definite help to the questions here at issue, which deal with
elevations rather than plans. An exception must be made in favour of the work done
in the pleasure-palace of Maruaten. Vivid light has been thrown on the char-
acter and richness of the decoration lavished on the pillars and screening-walls
of the garden kiosk, which may well have been a subsidiary place of the king's
appearance. The remains of throne (?) platforms within these buildings support the
supposition that the state window had not made indoor thrones superfluous. The
central position in the facade of the northern palace, where the king might be ex-
pected to show himself, if anywhere, seems to be occupied by a hypostyle hall of
twenty-six columns with clerestory lights. But the excavations there are still incomplete,
and the next few weeks may put some of the foregoing hypotheses to the test.

Die Datierung des Berliner „Trauerreliefs".


u er verehrte Jubilar, dem diese Festnummer gewidmet ist, hat zum ersten Male in
dieser Zeitschrift (Band XXXIII [1895], S. 18 ff. und Tafel I)3 das schöne Itelief des Ber-
liner Museums mit der Darstellung eines Leichenbegängnisses veröffentlicht und inhalt-
lich wie künstlerisch so gewürdigt, daß den Kärrnern in dieser Hinsicht kaum etwas
zu tun übrig bleibt. Nur in einem Punkte hat er eine offene Frage gelassen, die
für das künstlerisch so bedeutende Stück von größter Wichtigkeit ist, in der Datie-
rung, und hier möchte ich versuchen, die Grenzen enger zu ziehen als es der erste
Herausgeber getan hat, der auf Grund von Stil und Kleidung an das Ende der 18.
oder die 19. Dynastie dachte (a. a. 0. S. 29).
Schon E R M A N war eine Figur besonders aufgefallen, die in dem Leichenzug un-
mittelbar hinter den Söhnen des zu Grabe geleiteten Hohenpriesters von Memphis,
aus dessen Grabe das Relief stammt, vor den höchsten Reichsbeamten, den beiden
Vezieren (jTj | „durch einen respektvollen Abstand" von ihnen getrennt da-
steht mit dem bekannten Trauergestus der Hand an dem Kinn des sinnenden, fein-

1) E l A m a r n a II, p. 6 ; III, p. 1 2 : TIMME, T e i l e l A m a r n a , pp. 2 7 , 34. — 2) For references to

post-Akhnaton pictures of the king in the window or pavilion of audience, see SCHAEFER, A m t l i c h e Be-
r i c h t e , Dec. 1918, and DAVIES, B u l l e t i n of M e t . M u s . A r t , Part II, July 1 9 2 0 , p. 80, and Nov. 1921,
pp. 21, 22. — 3) Danach wieder veröffentlicht ζ. Β. SCHÄFER, Ägypt. Kunst (Seemann), Tafel 2 0 , 7; FECH-
HEIMEK, Plastik der Ägypter 1 , Tafel 155.

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