2011

Harrassowitz Verlag
.
Wiesbaden
P H I L I P P I K A
Marburger altertumskundliche Abhandlungen 42
Herausgegeben von
Joachim Hengstl, Torsten Mattern,
Robert Rollinger, Kai Rufng
und Orell Witthuhn
2011
Harrassowitz Verlag
.
Wiesbaden
Der Orient
und die Anfnge Europas
Kulturelle Beziehungen von der Spten Bronzezeit
bis zur Frhen Eisenzeit
Herausgegeben von Hartmut Matthus,
Norbert Oettinger und Stephan Schrder
Bibliograsche Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek
Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen
Nationalbibliograe; detaillierte bibliograsche Daten sind im Internet
ber http://dnb.d-nb.de abrufbar.
Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek
The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche
Nationalbibliograe; detailed bibliographic data are available in the internet
at http://dnb.d-nb.de.
Informationen zum Verlagsprogramm nden Sie unter
http://www.harrassowitz-verlag.de
Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden 2011
Das Werk einschlielich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschtzt.
Jede Verwertung auerhalb der engen Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist ohne
Zustimmung des Verlages unzulssig und strafbar. Das gilt insbesondere
fr Vervielfltigungen jeder Art, bersetzungen, Mikroverlmungen und
fr die Einspeicherung in elektronische Systeme.
Gedruckt auf alterungsbestndigem Papier.
Druck und Verarbeitung: Hubert & Co., Gttingen
Printed in Germany
ISSN 1613-5628
ISBN 978-3-447-06414-9
Gedruckt mit Untersttzung der Friedrich-Alexander-Universitt Erlangen-Nrnberg.
Eine Publikation des Interdisziplinren Zentrums Alte Welt
der Friedrich-Alexander-Universitt Erlangen-Nrnberg.
Inhaltsverzeichnis VII
Inhalt
HARTMUT MATTHUS, NORBERT OETTINGER, STEPHAN SCHRDER
Vorwort.............................................................................................................................. 1
SUSAN SHERRATT
The history oI East Mediterranean and Aegean interaction: some when, how and why
questions............................................................................................................................ 3
HELENE SADER
Phoenicia and the Mediterranean: New Evidence Irom Recent Excavation in Lebanon. . . . 15
DIAMANTIS PANAGIOTOPOULOS
,Bunte Barbaren'. Zu den thebanischen Fremdvlkerdarstellungen und ihren
historischen Voraussetzungen............................................................................................ 31
ITAMAR SINGER
SchiIIe nach Lukka: Eine Deutung des BrieIpaares RS 94.2530 und RS 94.2523............. 49
HANS-GNTER BUCHHOLZ
Der Apollon Alasiotas von Tamassos in archaischer Zeit und Alasija im
2. vorchristlichen Jahrtausend............................................................................................ 73
ROBERT PLATH
Kulturbeziehungen in der mykenischen Zeit auI der Grundlage der Linear-B-Texte......... 101
MARCO BETTELLI
Interaction and acculturation: the Aegean and the Central Mediterranean in
the Late Bronze Age .......................................................................................................... 109
NORBERT OETTTINGER
Invasion und Assimilation von Griechen in Kilikien. Konsequenzen aus den
Berichten ber Mopsos/Muksas......................................................................................... 127
JOACHIM LATACZ
Strukturiertes Gedchtnis. Zur berlieIerung der Troia-Geschichte durch die 'Dunklen
Jahrhunderte..................................................................................................................... 135
MATTHIAS RECKE
Pamphylien zwischen Ost und West. Die Ausgrabungen von Perge als Fallbeispiel......... 167
JOHN NICOLAS COLDSTREAM
Far-Ilung Phoenicians bearing early Greek pottery?.......................................................... 177
BRBEL MORSTADT
Phnikisches Ruchergert und phnikischer Rucherkult im mittelmeerischen
Orientalisierungsproze..................................................................................................... 185
MICHAEL WEISSL
Die groen ionischen Heiligtmer an der Grenze Lydiens................................................. 201
VIII Inhaltsverzeichnis
ELEONORA PAPPALARDO
Itinerant iconographies: the case oI the bronze pateras with scene oI procession............... 229
KURT A. RAAFLAUB
Das Irhe politische Denken der Griechen im interkulturellen Zusammenhang des
Mittelmeerraumes.............................................................................................................. 241
ROBERT ROLLINGER
Der Blick aus dem Osten: ,Griechen in vorderasiatischen Quellen des
8. und 7. Jahrhunderts v.Chr. - eine Zusammenschau........................................................ 267
ANNIE CAUBET
La question des Iaences grecques archaques.................................................................... 283
TaIeln................................................................................................................................. 291
Itinerant iconographies: the case oI the bronze pateras
with scene oI procession
*
Eleonora Pappalardo
The Iirst halI oI the 1st millennium was a period oI basic changes and ,developments all
over the Eastern Mediterranean (Sherratt Sherratt 1993).
The contacts between Greece and the East, till then partly interrupted, were restored; at
this time a series oI exotic arteIacts, advanced technologies and new ideas about handicraIt
marked the birth oI choices and tastes that, Irom a typological and chronological point oI
view, spread heterogeneously across the Aegean. Material and intellectual Eastern imports in
Greece were, each time, accepted, adapted or rejected (Stampolidis 1998, 102-134).
The ,mobility oI arteIacts, especially oI luxury goods, and the degree oI interaction
among the people in this period determined well-marked communication lines, which are
very hard to be IaithIully restored (Stampolidis 2003, 79; Pappalardo 2006a).
In this context, Crete, Ior its central position in the Mediterranean and Ior its never lost
Minoan background, became the ideal place where Ioreign iconographies and technologies
Iell on a particularly Iertile ground (Pappalardo 2006b; 2006c with bibliography).
In a work dated 1946 Einar Gjerstad (Gjerstad 1946)
1
made a study on Iigured bronze
pateras and bowls Iound in Cyprus, which resulted in the recognition oI their cultural matrix
and to the chronological arrangement oI the pieces. The scholar, emphasizing the Cypriot
origin oI such a typology oI arteIacts, Iormulated a seriation, on a stylistic basis, getting to
recognize 5 groups, chronologically divided (Gjerstad 1946, 17).
Among the arteIacts listed by Gjerstad a relevant place is occupied by the Iigured basins
and pateras decorated with a procession oI young girls bearing oIIerings towards a seated
Iemale deity (Gjerstad 1946, pls. I-III, V).
Such representations constitute some sort oI topic in the art oI 2
nd
millennium, in the
Aegean as well as in the Near East. At the beginning oI 1
st
millennium they are standardized,
and their iconographical archetypes must be researched in the north-Syrian craItsmanship,
starting Irom the 2
nd
. halI oI 9
th
CE BC. The pseudo-narrative pattern oI the represented
scenes Iinds an ideal support in the Near East, in ivory and bronze arteIacts, and in stone
relieIs, in the mean time, Iigured metal basins have a wide diIIusion including the Eastern
* TaIel 36 40.
1 See also Brunn 1893, 98 (the scholar interpreted the arteIacts as products oI Greeks who settled in Cyprus),
Dussaud 1914, 308 (this last considered the bronzes a Cypriot production) and Poulsen 1912, 3 (according to
Poulsen bronze basins and pateras Iound in Cyprus were all oI Phoenician production, with the exception oI
the gold basin and the bronze one Iound at Kourion). The same position oI Poulsen was held by Hogarth,
who stressing the Phoenician origin oI the arteIacts, outlined their dependence Irom Cypriot art: Hogarth
1909, 90. In this context Myres` opinion is interesting: he stressed the complexity oI the localisation oI the
Iigured bronzes` area oI origin. In his study oI the Amathus` basin, Ior example, the scholar stressed how
hard it was to distinguish between products Irom a Phoenician centre and the ones Irom inner Syrian areas
(Myres 1914, 458). Finally, von Bissing linked this kind oI production to the Egyptian culture, by attributing
the similitude between diIIerent regional products to a common typological origin which, according to him,
had to be set in the ambit oI the New Kingdom workshops (von Bissing 1910).
Eleonora Pappalardo
Mediterranean (Barnett 1957, 78; Markoe 1985, 56-59; see recently Matthus 1999-2000;
2000).
According to Gjerstad, the beginning oI the series is represented by the Idalion basin
(Gjerstad 1946, pl. 1; Markoe 1985, p. 246, Cy 3; Matthus 1985, pl. 33) (TaI. 36.1). As a
matter oI Iact, according to the chronology oI the arteIact proposed by the scholar, that is the
8
th
CE BC, the depictions oI the patera would be among the specimens chronologically closer
to the representations on the ivory pyxides Irom Nimrud (Barnett 1957, 78-80, pls. XVI-
XVII, XXIII - Nimrud, South-East Palace; Invernizzi 1992, pls. 33-35 - Nimrud, North-West
Palace, well AJ), which according to the present opinion would belong to the second halI oI
the 9
th
CE. The Cypriot patera would seem to have in common with these the massive layout
and the paratactical pattern oI the Iigures, recalling the commonly recognized ,north-Syrian
style', as opposed to the Phoenician one mainly Ior the lack oI the Aegyptianizing sinuosity
and elegance oI the Iigures, and Ior the adoption oI a heavier and more massive volumetric
rendering (Herrmann 1986; Winter 1981/1985;1998).
On the bronze patera Irom Idalion is represented a !"#$#% oI six young girls holding one
another by the hand and Iollowed by a group oI three musicians playing cymbal, lyre and
double Ilute. The Iigures are wearing a long pleated dress, crossed in the Iront and tied at the
waist with a belt, and a low polos-like hat, Irom which smooth hair hangs down. The
paratactical scheme oI the Iigures is metrically underlined by the presence, or absence, oI a
short egg-shaped apron Iastened to the waist. An isolated Iigure, probably a priestess, hold-
ing a ,Ily-whisk in her right hand and a ,simpulum' in her leIt hand, is standing between
two altars; on the Iirst table, which is oI plain manuIacture, are two pouring vessels: an
amphora similar to the Cypriot specimens oI ,Black-on-Red Ware I (III), and an oinochoe,
oI the ,Bichrome III jug type (Gjerstad 1946, 5, Iig. 1a ); on the second, tripodic, table (TaI.
40.1), characterized by a more elaborated structure, with arched and S-shaped legs, there is a
crescent shaped container, Iilled with Iruit or bread. In Iront oI it a seated Iemale Iigure,
receiving the oIIerings and enjoying the celebrations, is represented.
The image oI the object here shown is drawn in the known book oI Glenn Markoe, on
Cypriot bronze bowls (Markoe 1985, 246, Cy3). In this context, nevertheless, I would like to
draw attention to the absence oI an interesting element present in the original object. It is a
kind oI little rabbit crouching just beneath the table supporting the pouring vessels. An
analogue element is recognizable on an ivory pyxis Irom the SE palace oI Nimrud (Barnett
1957, 78-80, pls. XVI-XVII, XXIII). On it the goddess sits in a round-backed throne; the
giIts, apparently cakes or bread, are placed on a table with lion`s Ieet by a priestess. Beneath
the table crouches a pet hare, a sacred animal in Syria and even in Anatolia since very early
times.
A patera at the Bastan Museum (TaI. 36.3), in Iran, oI unknown origin, is also included in
the series oI the pateras belonging to the Iirst group (Matthus 2000, Iig. 8; Markoe 1985,
347, U6).
On it it is possible to observe a compositional pattern very similar to the Iormer. Five
musicians are represented behind the seated deity, while, in Iront oI her, three adorants bear
unidentiIiable Iood. The Iirst Iigure, who is closer to the deity, is holding a cup in its leIt
hand. A tripodic table, with S-shaped legs, on which a wide basin Iull oI oIIerings is placed,
lies in Iront oI the goddess; whereas on a plainer table, made with wooden-like staves, an
oinochoe and an amphora are placed.
230
Itinerant iconographies
In the same group, may be, it is possible to place two bronze Iragments Irom the Idaean Cave
(TaI. 37.2), dating back to the end oI the IX CE B.C., yet published and studied by Matthus
(Matthus 2000, 533, Iig. 12), representing the lower part oI the bodies oI two girls. The
structure oI the Iigures is almost massive. Particularly, the way oI rendering the lower edge
oI the garment and the visible portion oI the ankle and the Ieet recall strictly the composition
oI the analogue details on the patera Irom the Bastan Museum (TaI. 36.3). II, in Iact, the
Iemale Iigures on the Idalion bowl recall the ones represented in procession on the ivory
pyxides Irom Nimrud (the one Irom the SE Palace and the one Irom the AJ well), sharing the
long skirt poderes, the two arteIacts Irom Iran and Irom the Idaean Cave seem to reproduce a
slightly diIIerent model, maybe older, characterized by a more ,stamp and volumetric
composition oI the Iigures. This element should be reIerred to an almost northern tradition in
the domain oI Near Eastern I millennium craItsmanship.
A third bronze patera comes Irom Sparta (Gjerstad 1946, pl. II; Markoe 1985, 328, G8)
(TaI. 36.2). On the leIt side oI the enthroned deity there is a group oI musicians playing
string instruments and a cymbal. On the right side oI the altar, a procession oI oIIerings is
Iollowed by a !"#$#% oI young girls. In this case too the tables holding the oIIers are two,
one Ior solid Iood, the other Ior beverages; however, the Iormer has a plainer and more linear
structure in comparison with the tables represented on the pateras Irom Idalion and the
Bastan Museum, and, in this last case, it is covered by a cloth. As on the Idalion specimen,
also on the Spartan one between the two tables is depicted a priestess about to coordinate and
partake in the celebration.
On a silver patera belonging to the Cesnola Collection (TaI. 36.4) (Gjerstad 1946, pl. III;
Markoe 1985, 252, Cy 6; Matthus 1999-2000, 50, Iigs. 11-12) a procession oI worshippers
is bearing Iood and pouring vessels accompanied by the playing oI the three musicians; on
the plain table, made with staves, there is a two-handled amphora, likewise belonging to the
,Bichrome IV-V type, join two oinochoai similar to the ,Red Slip II (IV) type (Gjerstad
1946, 7, Iig. 3b ), whereas at both the ends two %&'()*+ Ior the libations are hanging; on the
main tripodic altar, with S-shaped legs, there is the usual crescent shaped dish Iull oI oIIers
and it seems to be surmounted, as yet in the object Irom Sparta, by a long cloth Ialling to
both sides. In this case, the seated goddess has been replaced by two reclining Iigures on
klinai, represented at both sides oI the main altar. The priestess Iigure is standing beside a
large krater, Irom which she seems to have drawn water or wine with a small oinochoe held
in her right hand; instead, in her leIt hand, holding out to the two reclining Iigures, she holds
an arteIact similar to a cup or a small patera.
Some badly preserved Iragments oI bronze Ioils with a !"#$#% oI young girls, holding one
another by the hand, come Irom the M tomb oI Arkades (AIrati), in Crete (Levi 1927-29,
374, Iig. 490, a-c; see also Kanta Karetsou 1998, 167, Iig. 13). UnIortunately the state oI
preservation oI this specimen does not permit to restore the scene. Nevertheless, the presence
on it oI the !"#$#% oI young girls hand in hand, showing an absolutely similar behaviour in
comparison with the ones visible on the other arteIacts above, allows to put the Arkades
bronze Iragments in the ambit oI the same typology oI representation.
The recent excavations at the Orthi Petra necropolis, at Eleutherna, gave back a
wonderIul specimen oI a bronze patera, allowing to completely rebuil d the matter at issue,
on Cretan ground (Stampolidis 1998a, 181, Iig. 15; Stampolidis Karetsou (eds.) 1998, 254,
231
Eleonora Pappalardo
num. 318)
2
: at the centre oI the scene the Iemale deity sitting on a throne with Iootstool is
represented. Behind her, there is a group oI musicians playing string instruments. In this case
two tables are also present: on the Iirst, tripodic, with S-shaped leonine legs, a wide Iooted
basin containing solid oIIers is placed; the other, which is made in a plainer Iorm, built with
vertical staves, holds three pouring vessels, apparently all oI a Cypro-Phoenician manu-
Iacture: a vase very similar to a ,Red Slip jug with a long neck and a highly angled handle
(Stampolidis 1998b, 128), a lekytos and an almost spherical and badly preserved amphora;
down the table hangs an arteIact similar to a simpulum; between the two tables traces oI a
standing Iigure, maybe the priestess, are visible, while, on the right side, there are three
standing worshippers: the Iirst is bearing two deep cups, the second is holding Iishes, the
third, Iinally, holds a bowl containing solid Iood, either Iruit or bread.
From an iconographic point oI view, the main characteristic could consist in the
apparently intentional diIIerent representation oI the three Iigures bearing oIIerings. They, in
Iact, are characterized by variously represented hair-dresses and garments. The Iirst, more
close to the table holding the liquid oIIers, shows a short wig, recalling the Aegyptianizing
ones visible on the Near Eastern ivories. The second, bearing Iishes, wears a low polos with
a slightly hollow upper edge, horned with engraved lines set along two bands. The third,
Iinally, presents a low smooth polos, Irom which long hair hanging down on the shoulders
comes out. The accurate distinction oI the three Iigures bearing oIIerings on the Eleutherna
patera contrasts with the absolute uniIormity and monotony oI the !"#$#%, in which hair-
dresses and garments repeat themselI, according with a monotone rhythm.
Eight Iragments Irom the Idaean Cave were graphically restored by Phanourakis (TaI.
37.1) to Iorm a shield with a !"#$#% oI young girls holding one another by the hand and two
oIIer-bearers, one bringing birds and the other Iish (Canciani 1970, pl. 8; Matthus 1999-
2000, 56, Iig. 19). As Ior the oIIering bearers, it is possible to presume that at the beginning
there were three and that the Iirst, the one closer to the receiver, is now lost; diIIerently Irom
the young dancing girls sharing a rather homogeneous pattern, the two preserved Iigures
wear diIIerent clothing and have a diIIerent hairstyle: the Iirst seems to wear a low hat
similar to a polos, and Irom its rear the hair is Ilowing down, the second, on the contrary,
seems to wear a hair style which is graphically rendered by parallel stripes worn behind the
head, recalling closely the ,nemes' oI the sphinxes depicted on Near Eastern ivories. The
young girls oI the !"#$#%, as menioned above, are rendered in a rather homogeneous manner:
they wear a long poderes skirt with a long central slit, Iastened at the waist with a belt, and,
above, they wear a typical Cretan cape with short bell-shaped sleeves. The hairstyle is
summarily and schematically rendered: the hair is loose and Ialls down the back, whereas on
their head the girls wear a low polos-like hat. The compositional pattern which can be seen
in the rendition oI the dancing girls is very similar to the one present on the patera Irom
Sparta.
Still Irom the Idaean Cave comes the large Iragment oI which a drawing by Gillieron
survived (TaI. 37.3), depicting a row oI girls Iacing a tripodic table with S-shaped legs Iull oI
oIIerings (Markoe 1985, 239, Cr11). A rather interesting Ieature, relevant to the Iragment at
issue, is the presence, above the main altar, oI something similar to a cloth put to cover the
Iood and the table itselI. The same item is present on the pateras oI the Cesnola Collection
and Irom Sparta (TaI 36.2 und 4).
2 I thank ProI. N. Stampolidis Ior the stimulating discussions on the subject matter and, in general, on the
meaning oI the presence oI Near Eastern elements at Eleutherna.
232
Itinerant iconographies
The last specimen Irom the Idaean Cave is a shield Iragment
3
whose reconstruction, so Iar,
caused some interpretation`s issues (TaI. 37.4). On it, the lowest portion oI a procession
scene is depicted: it is possible to see the remains oI two Iigures resting back to back; the
low part oI a piece oI Iurniture, commonly interpreted as a kline, or a low table surmounted
by an enigmatic object interpreted as a harp or a string instrument and, on the leIt side, a
peculiar rectangular shaped Ieature, whose lower part is made up oI a triangular element with
the apex pointing upward, till now hypothetically interpreted as the Ioot oI a vase, a base or
support, or as an unidentiIiable object (Ior the interpretation oI the central element see
Canciani 1970, 145; Matthus 2000, 544, Iig. 20; 1999, 258; Ior the reconstruction oI the
rectangular element on the leIt see Matthus 2000, 544; Canciani 1970, 145; Markoe 1985,
166).
The iconographical analysis oI the typologically similar above mentioned arteIacts and oI
objects made oI various materials oI an Eastern origin might be used to restore the piece in
question. The rectangular piece placed on the leIt side oI the scene shows a completely
peculiar structure: it ends with a kind oI small triangular support whereas, at about / oI its
length, it shows a small rectangular engraving. Examined more closely this element is
reminiscent oI the kline Ioot structure represented on the patera belonging to the Cesnola
collection (TaI. 36.4); it copies the rectangular pattern ending with a triangular element. The
diIIerence consists in the presence, on the Cesnola Collection specimen, oI another
parallelepiped shaped support placed at the base oI the piece oI Iurniture. The small
rectangular engraving on the piece Irom the Idaean Cave, visible also on the other arteIact, in
this case, might represent the element carrying the beams which, transversally placed, held
the kline Ieet Iirm. Consequently we would look at a patera depicting a scene oI a procession
towards reclining Iigures, where the kline, nevertheless, does not match the element which
was so Iar identiIied this way. The low table at the centre oI the scene, as a matter oI Iact,
can be compared with various arteIacts. The known pyxis Irom the AJ well at Nimrud
(Invernizzi 1992, pls. 33-35), depicts a procession oI musicians walking in line and Iacing a
seated Iigure set in Iront oI a table with oIIers. First oI all, the presence oI two tables on the
Syrian pyxis must be stressed, which recalls the same Ieature on the Iigured bronze pateras
and basins; on the tripodic table solid Iood is laid; on the plainer one, instead, with a more
linear structure, some pouring vessels are laid, judging Irom the jugs oI various shapes held
by the Iigure standing beside the table itselI. What we are more interested in, in this case, is
the peculiar care taken in rendering the three-legged table. It may be clearly seen, as a matter
oI Iact, as the end oI the lion paw shaped Ieet does not rest directly on the ground, but on an
apparently rectangular-shaped small platIorm, with a very linear make, constituted by three
elements, two oI which are vertical and one horizontal, placed as a support oI the main altar
(TaI. 39.1). Vertical linear supports set just under the leonine Ieet oI the tripodic altar are
represented on the Eleutherna patera above, and, in my opinion, they had to support also the
tripodic table represented on one oI the Iragments Irom the Idaean Cave (TaI. 37.3). In this
last case, in Iact, it is possible to observe that the table Ieet are placed about on the same
level as the knees oI the Iemale Iigure on the right, making to suppose the presence oI
another element under the altar aimed to raise the altar itselI.
The line Iormed by the angle oI the linear platIorm and by the table leg, both represented
on the Nimrud pyxis, is reminiscent oI the supposed kline with a string instrument on it and
3 Until today, this specimen has been interpreted as a patera`s Iragment. Nevertheless it is more probably a
portion oI shield. I thank ProI. H. Matthus Ior the suggestion.
233
Eleonora Pappalardo
visible on the Iragment Irom the Idaean Cave (TaI. 37.4). II we try to add to these elements
the cloth put on to cover the solid oIIerings already observed on the pateras Irom Sparta,
Irom Cesnola Collection, and on the one Irom the Idaean Cave drawn by Gillieron (TaI. 36.2
and 4, 37.3), we can have an impression even more similar to the one given by the Iragment
under examination. The strings oI the so-called ,harp' would be simply the roughs oI the
cloth set on the tripodic altar (TaI. 38.1).
II my reconstruction oI the Idaean bronze Iragment is correct, it would represent,
canonically, the central portion oI a procession scene in which young girls walk towards one
or more lying Iigures. In this case, moreover, the Idaean Cave Iragments would reproduce
the same compositional pattern adopted on the patera oI the Cesnola Collection: Iemale
procession towards reclining Iigures; tripodic altar covered by a cloth.
In ancient Near East two principal types oI tables are known Irom pictorial evidence: one
Phoenician, which distribution touches essentially western areas; another spreads towards
north Syria, Assyria, Urartu and western Iran but apparently not to Phoenicia proper
(Herrmann 1996, 162).
It has been demonstrated that the Phoenician table was derived Irom Egyptian prototypes
(Gubel 1996, 149-50). It was a tripod table with S-shaped legs ending in leonine paws set on
low vertical supports, as in TaI. 40.3. Examples oI this kind oI table are illustrated on the
known Ahiram sarcophagus, on the sculptures at Karatepe (Matthiae 1963) (TaI. 38.3), on
the aIorementioned pyxis Irom Nimrud AJ well (TaI. 39.1), on an Ivory panel Irom Fort
Shalmaneser (Herrmann 1992, pl. 54) (TaI. 39.2), in the patera Irom Eleutherna, and in the
one Irom the Cesnola Collection (TaI. 36.4).
It is evident that although the basic table is easily recognizable in the illustrations and in
the surviving ivory legs, there are some minor variations. Yet Georgina Herrmann stressed
that the ivory leg Irom Salamis (TaI. 40.3) is shorter and more strongly curved than one
example Iound at Nimrud (Oates Oates 2001, Iig. 102) (TaI. 40.4), and it is set on a higher
vertical support, while the longer Nimrud leg is set upon a simple guilloche band. The
specimens Irom Cretan pateras seem to reproduce the Salamis leg type. The table tops also
vary: that on the AJ well pyxis has a beaded edge (TaI. 39.1), while that on the Iragmentary
plaque Irom room SW 37 oI Fort Shalmanaser is deeper, with an elaborate coved moulding
(TaI. 39.2); the top oI the tripodic table on the Idalion bowl is decorated by crossing
engraves (TaI. 40.1), a pattern very similar to the one visible on the patera Irom the Bastan
Museum in which, nevertheless, the simple line in replaced by a double one (TaI. 40.2). The
tripodic altar on the Idaean Cave Ioil (TaI. 37.3) is very similar to the one on the pyxis Irom
AJ well at Nimrud (TaI. 39.1), either Ior decoration or structure. The only diIIerence seems
to be the presence, on the Cretan specimen, oI the cloth put on the table and hanging Irom
both sides (this last is present on the other pyxis Irom SE Palace at Nimrud mentioned
above).
Initially reserved Ior the wine service during royal and cultic banquets as illustrated on
the Phoenicianizing relieIs Irom Karatepe, this Iorerunner oI the Greek tripous persisted
throughout the 1
st
millennium. It became, via Cyprus, a Phoenician legacy to the classical
and post classical world (Gubel 1996).
On the Phoenicianizing Olympia bronze bowl (Markoe 1985, 316, G3) the table has been
placed on a Iour-legged platIorm.
234
Itinerant iconographies
In this context, the today restored Idaean Cave Iragment should constitute the only specimen
in Crete in which the tripodic altar was set upon a Iour legged platIorm too, not just on
vertical supports, sharing elements oIIered by both Syrian and Phoenician traditions.
The arteIacts under examination pose a series oI problems Irom the point oI view oI a
research oI the origin oI the artistic and ideological archetypes oI the representations. The
scenes represented, as a matter oI Iact, show a clear Eastern ritual, characterized by a
processional and organizational pattern which is apparently standardized.
In them it is possible to recognize recurring and varying elements: oIIerings procession;
!"#$#% oI young girls holding one another by the hand; musicians, usually three, playing
tympanon, double Ilute and lyre; presence oI two tables with oIIers: one in a plain design,
made oI staves, on which are placed liquid oIIers (TaI. 36.1, 36.3-4); the other tripodic, orna-
mented, with S-shaped lion`s paw legs, surmounted by a large halI moon shaped Iooted dish
Iull oI Iood (bread or Iruit?) (TaI. 36.1, 36.3-4, 37.3-4); the Iirst adorant brings a vase
containing liquids, a cup or a patera.
Variables: the behaviour oI the Iigures, enthroned or reclining on a kline; the amount oI
pouring vessels varying Irom two to three; the presence oI the priestess leading the ritual; the
cloth on the main altar; the typology oI solid Iood and musical instruments.
The well known relieI Irom Karatepe (TaI. 38.3), reproducing a procession accompanied
by musicians, as said above, strictly recalls the representations on bronze pateras, not only
because oI its compositional pattern, but also Ior the use oI similar Iurniture and pottery
employed to contain oIIers, both solid and liquid (Ior a complete edition oI the Karatepe
relieIs see Matthiae 1963).
The same may be said about the aIorementioned Iamous Syrian ivories. For example, the
pyxis coming Irom the SE palace Irom Nimrud reproduces the scene exactly (Barnett 1957,
78, pl. XVI); and, still, on the similar arteIact coming Irom the AJ well excavation (TaI.
39.1), two tables Ior the oIIers are all represented, the three-legged one with lion`s paw Ieet
Ior solid Iood and the plainer table made in wood Ior beverages. As we have seen above, a
three-legged table oI the same kind appears on an ivory panel in room SW 37 in Fort
Shalmaneser, too (TaI. 39.2).
The compositional pattern used Ior the scenes on the bronze pateras Irom Cyprus and
Crete, seems to recall the ritual Iollowed Ior the Ieeding oI the gods in the Syrian and Meso-
potamian areas; so as the conventional inclination to vary the adorants Irom one another in
comparison with the homogeneous choros, it might reIlect the Phoenician concept to
distribute the cultural oIIices inside the sanctuary where, Ior example, the Iigure oI the
,sacriIicer is distinguished Irom the Iigure oI the ,lord oI water (Ribichini 1988, 116).
From the diIIerent descriptions oI divine meals in those areas, we learn that a table was
placed in Iront oI the image oI the divinity, which ate the Iood just by looking at it, and that
Iirst oI all it was oIIered a bowl oI water to wash its hands. A certain number oI courses were
laid on dishes and put on the table, according to a established order; with the same criterion
the pouring vessels were placed on another table. The main course was usually goat meat or
mutton, and doves; at the end oI the meal Iruit was served in an orderly Iashion, as we
learned Irom one oI the texts, adding a touch oI beauty to the table. Some musicians were
playing and scents were burned to disperse the smell oI Iood. At the end oI the meal, the
table was cleared and more water was served to the image oI the divinity in a bowl so that it
could wash its Iingers (Oppenheim 1980, 169).
235
Eleonora Pappalardo
Generally, in the Near East, the divinity was considered present through its image. Its Iood
played a considerable role in the Iield oI cultual living, being the central Ieature oI sacriIicial
activities. A text Irom Uruk (see the section ,Les sacriIices quotidiens du temple d`Anu in
Thureau-Dangin 1921, 74-86) inIorms us that the divinity ,ate two meals a day, each made
up oI two main courses.
A general rule, which applies to all divinities in the Levantine pantheon, prescribed to
oIIer imported wine and the custom to serve milk in the mornings only. Substantial regional
diIIerences are Iound in the concept oI gods` meals. For example, there is no trace what-
soever in Mesopotamia oI the communio between the god and its worshippers which is
expressed in the various Iorms oI table companionship observed in sacriIicial practices oI
Mediterranean civilizations, such as Greece. Also very diIIerent is the sense oI sacriIice itselI
which in the Old Testament is always linked with the holocaust that determined the passage
Irom the earthly to the unearthly liIe, through the state change. On the other hand, these areas
have in common the act oI eating Iood during sacriIicial meal meant as a central
,mysterium, constituting the ratio essendi oI the cultural practice oI daily Ieasts, with all
that it entailed under an economical, social and political point oI view (Oppenheim 1980,
168).
Even though the bronze pateras Iound on Cretan ground were oI a Near Eastern
inspiration, at least Ior a Iew oI them, the ones in the Idaean Cave and in Arkades, it is
possible to deduct with certainty a local manuIacture on a stylistic basis; and given the nature
oI the location where they were Iound, we cannot rule out the Iact that the Iemale Iigure
depicted on the throne was associated, to a certain extent, to a local deity, whose attributes
and honours were very similar to the ones depicted on the original arteIacts
4
.
In a relatively recent work, Nicola Cucuzza (Cucuzza 1993) showed how the so-called
Rhea temple in Phaistos was, in its earliest phase, dedicated to Leto, goddess oI Iertility, who
also had a cult very similar to the one oI Zeus in the Idaean Cave and oI Kronaios Irom
Palekastro; she was also called Mater
5
. It must be remembered that in the levels oI the
temple Ioundations some bronze shields were Iound, oI the kind known Irom the Idaean
Cave, Eleutherna and Arkades; that is the sites which brought to light the above bronze
pateras and shields. In honour oI Leto, in Crete, the Iestivals called Ekdysia were celebrated
(Willets 1962, 175); they were mentioned by Ovid and Antoninus Liberalis, and during these
celebrations there was a Iemale rite oI generation` passage.
So, as is absolutely likewise the hypothesis oI Matthus about the link between the
reclining symposia represented on the bronze Iragments Irom the Idaean Cave and the
,eIIective Ieasts held in Iron Age Crete, it would be possible that 8
th
century Cretans viewed
in the Iemale Iigure receiving oIIers on the bronze object a not absolutely Ioreign deity.
Canciani recognized Ishtar/Aphrodite as the goddess sitting on the throne on the Iigured
pateras (Canciani 1970, 146-147), especially due to the presence oI birds among the oIIers to
the deity. However, identiIying Ishtar in the iconographical prototypes Irom which the above
4 The association between the Near Eastern-like scenes represented on Cretan bronze shields and the possible
adoption oI an Oriental-like behaviour Irom local population has been stressed by H. Matthus: ,Thus our
hypothesis is that the type oI Near Eastern, more precisely Phoenician, reclining symposium was adopted by
Greek aristocracy on the island oI Crete during the 8
th
century B.C., probably the earlier part oI the 8
th
century at latest (Matthus 1999, 258).
5 There are several sources testiIying the connection between Leto and initiation`s ritual linked with the birth
celebration, especially reIerring to girls (Herod. ,&%-. 4.34-5; Call. 01*. 255-7, 296-306; Paus. 1.18.5;
8.21.3).
236
Itinerant iconographies
arteIacts derive Irom, does not necessarily imply that in Crete, in 8
th
to 7
th
CE B.C.,
Aphrodite was the recognized Iigure sitting on the throne receiving the oIIerings. In an
Eastern environment, the goddess Ishtar has various meanings and nuances, which vary
regionally, showed in some cases by an epithet, which time aIter time associates the goddess
with war, love, Iertility or with the rebirth meant also as a generational passage.
Among the monthly liturgies and the lists oI oIIerings described on some books Irom
Ugarit, we know that ,city doves were oIten oIIered to Anat (Canciani 1970, 146-147).
Anat-Ishtar in Egypt is called Isis. The list oI oIIers to Iemale deities in Philae, Egypt,
witnesses that, besides Iish, also wine and milk were oIten oIIered to Isis (Bresciani 1989-90,
192). Recognizing the goddess Isis in the divinity depicted on the ivory pyxides Irom
Nimrud, Richard Barnett remembers that she used to receive giIts oI drink and Iood, while
sitting on a Iootless throne, in Palmyra, where, once hellenized, took the name oI Leto
(Barnett 1957, 79).
In this context the Ishtar-Isis oI the Cretan bronze pateras could recall not Aphrodite but
Leto. In Iact, iI Antoninus Liberalis describes the prayer oI Galatea to the goddess called
Leto, Ovid, reIerring to the same episode, calls the evoked deity with the name oI Isis (Ant.
Lib. Met. 17; Ov. Met. 9.666).
237
Eleonora Pappalardo
Literatur
Barnett 1957 R. D. Barnett, A Catalogue oI the Nimrud Ivories with Other
Examples oI Ancient Near Eastern Ivories in the British Museum.
London.
von Bissing 1910 F. Von Bissing, ,Eine Bronzeschale mykenischer Zeit, Jahrbuch des
Deutsches Archologische Instituts XIII, 28-176.
Bresciani 1989-90 E. Bresciani, ,Tipi di oIIerta per le divinita Iemminili nell`Egitto
antico: Scienze dell`Antichita. Storia, Archeologia, Antropologia 4,
191-196.
Brunn 1893 H. Brunn, Griechische Kunstgeschische I. Mnchen.
Canciani 1970 F. Canciani, Bronzi orientali e orientalizzanti a Creta. Roma.
Cucuzza 1993 N. Cucuzza, ,Leto e il cosiddetto tempio di Rhea di Festos: Quaderni
dell`Istituto di Archeologia della Facolta di Lettere e FilosoIia della
Universita di Messina 8, 21-27.
Dussaud 1914 R. Dussaud, Les civilisation pre-helleniques. Paris.
Gjerstad 1946 E. Gjerstad, Decorated metal bowls Irom Cyprus: Opuscula
Archaeologica IV, 1-18.
Gubel 1996 E. Gubel, ,The InIluence oI Egypt on Western Asiatic Furniture and
evidence Irom Phoenicia, in: G. Herrmann (ed.), The Furniture oI
Western Asia. Ancient and Traditional 139-151. Mainz.
Herrmann 1986 G. Herrmann, Ivories Irom Nimrud IV/1: Ivories Irom Room SW 37
Fort Shalmaneser. London.
Herrmann 1992 G. Herrmann, Ivories Irom Nimrud V: The Small Collections Irom
Fort Shalmaneser. London.
Herrmann 1996 G. Herrmann, ,Ivory Iurniture pieces Irom Nimrud, in: G. Herrmann
(ed.), The Furniture oI Western Asia. Ancient and Traditional,
153-164. Mainz.
HoIIman 1997 G. HoIIman, Imports and Immigrants: Near Eastern Contacts with
Iron Age Crete. Ann Arbor.
Hogarth 1909 D. G. Hogarth, Ionia and the East. OxIord.
Invernizzi 1992 A. Invernizzi, Dal Tigri all`EuIrate II. Firenze.
Kanta Karetsou 1998 A. Kanta - A. Karetsou, ,From Arkades to Rytion. Interactions oI an
Isolated Area oI Crete with the Aegean and the Eastern
Mediterranean, in: V. Karageorghis N. Chr. Stampolidis (eds.)
1998, 159-174.
Karageorghis Stampolidis 1998
V. Karageorghis N. Chr. Stampolidis, Eastern Mediterranean.
Cyprus, Dodecanese, Crete 16
th
-6
th
cent. B.C. Proceedings oI the
International Symposium held at Rethymnon Crete in May 1997.
Athens.
Levi 1927-29 D. Levi, ,Arkades. Una citta cretese all`alba della civilta ellenica:
ASAtene X-XII.
Markoe 1985 G. Markoe, Phoenician Bronze and Silver Bowls Irom Cyprus and the
Mediterranean. Berkeley.
Matthiae 1963 P. Matthiae, Studi sui rilievi di Karatepe (Studi Semitici 9). Roma.
238
Itinerant iconographies
Matthus 1985 H. Matthus, MetallgeIe und GeIunterstze der Bronzezeit, der
geometrischen und archaischen Periode auI Cypern (PBF II).
Mnchen.
Matthus 1999 H. Matthus, ,The Greek Symposion and the Near East. Chronology
and Mechanisms oI Cultural TrasIer, in: R.F. Docter E. M.
Moormann (eds.), Proceedings oI the XVth International Congress oI
Classical Archaeology, Amsterdam, July 12-17, 1998, 256-261.
Amsterdam.
Matthus 1999-2000 H. Matthus, ,Das griechische Symposion und der Orient:
Archologie 16, 41-64.
Matthus 2000 H. Matthus, ,Die Idische Zeus-Grotte auI Kreta. Griechenland und
der Vordere Orient im Irhen 1. Jahrtausend V. Chr. : AA, 517-547.
Myres 1914 J. L. Myres, Handbook oI the Cesnola Collection. New York.
Oates Oates 2001 J. Oates D. Oates, Nimrud. An Assyrian Imperial City Revealed.
London.
Oppenheim 1980 A. L. Oppenheim, L`Antica Mesopotamia: ritratto di una civilta
scomparsa. Roma.
Pappalardo 2001 E. Pappalardo, ,I bronzi dell`Antro Ideo nel contesto della produzione
cretese coeva: Creta Antica II, 169-198.
Pappalardo 2002 E. Pappalardo, ,Near Eastern Worships and Iconographies in Crete at
the Beginnings oI the Iirst Millennium, in: Proceedings oI
3ICAANE. Third International Congress on Archaeology oI Ancient
Near East, Paris 2002. In press.
Pappalardo 2006a E. Pappalardo, ,Il ruolo di Creta nel Mediterraneo di I millennio, in:
Crete in the Geometric and Archaic Period. Proceedings oI the
International Congress oI the Deutsches Archologisches Institut,
Athens 17-29 Jan. 2006. In press.
Pappalardo 2006b E. Pappalardo, ,Cultural Interactions between Crete and Near East'
in: Early Iron Age: the Case oI the ivories, in Acts oI the 10
th

Cretological Congress, Chania 1-8 October 2006. In press.
Pappalardo 2006c E. Pappalardo, I rapporti tra Creta e il Vicino oriente agli inizi del I
millennio. I livelli dei contatti. PhD dissert. Universita degli studi di
Torino.
Poulsen 1912 Fr. Poulsen, Der Orient und die Irhgriechische Kunst. Berlin.
Ribichini 1988 S. Ribichini, ,Le credenze e la vita religiosa, in: I Fenici 104-125.
Milano.
Sherratt Sherratt 1993 A. Sherratt S. Sherratt, ,The Growth oI the Mediterranean Economy
in the Early Iirst Millennium B.C.: World Archaeology 24,
361-378.
Sist 1991 L. Sist, ,Il cibo nella cultura egiziana: Scienze dell`Antichita. Storia,
Archeologia, Antropologia 5, 291-308.
Stampolidis 1998a N. Chr. Stampolidis, ,Imports and Amalgamata: the Eleutherna
Experience, in V. Karageorhis - N. Chr. Stampolidis (eds.) 1998,
175-86.
Stampolidis 1998b N. Chr. Stampolidis, ,B` Meros. Isagoghi 11os 6os e. p. Ch., in: N.
Chr Stampolidis A. Karetsou (eds.) 1998, 102-134.
239
Eleonora Pappalardo
Stampolidis Karetsou 1998 N. Chr. Stampolidis A. Karetsou, Anatoliki Mesoghios. Kypros
Dodekanisa Kriti 16os 6os e. p. Ch. Iraklion.
Stampolidis Karetsou 1998 N. Chr. Stampolidis A. Karetsou, Eastern Mediterranean. Cyprus,
Dodecanese, Crete 16
th
-6
th
cent. B.C. Athens.
Stampolidis 2003 N. Chr. Stampolidis, ,A Summary Glance at the Mediterranean in the
early Iron Age (11
th
6
th
c. BC), in: N. Chr. Stampolidis (ed.), Ploes.
Sea Routes... Irom Sidon to Huelva. Interconnections in the
Mediterranean 16
th
6
th
c. BC. 41-79. Athens.
Thureau-Dangin 1921 F. Thureau-Dangin, Rituels Accadiens. Paris.
Willets 1962 M. A. R. F. Willets, Cretan Cults and Festivals. London.
Winter 1976 I. J. Winter, ,Phoenician and North Syrian ivory carving in historical
context: question oI style and distribution: Iraq 38, 1-22.
Winter 1981 I. J. Winter, ,Is there a South Syrian style oI ivory carving in the early
Iirst millennium B.C.?: Iraq 43, 101-130.
Winter 1985 I. J. Winter, ,Ivory Carving, in: H. Weiss (ed.), Ebla to Damascus.
Art and Archaeology oI Ancient Syria 339-346. Washington D.C.
Winter 1998 I. J. Winter, ,Review oI G. Herrmann, The Small Collections Irom
Fort Shalmaneser (Ivories Irom Nimrud V): JNES 57, 150-153.
Xella 1981 P. Xella, I testi rituali da Ugarit I. Roma.
240
1. Bronze paterafromIdalion. After Markoe 1985. 2. Bronze paterafromSparta.
3. Bronze basinfromthe BastanMuseum.
After Markoe 1985.
4. Bronze paterafromCesnolaCollection.
After Markoe 1985.
1. Bronze shieldfromthe IdaeanCave.
After Markoe 1985.
2. Bronze patera's fragments fromthe IdaeanCave.
After Mattus 2000.
3. Bronze paterafromthe IdaeanCave. After Markoe 1985.
4. Bronze foil fromthe IdaeanCave. After Matthus 2000.
1. Restorationof the bronze foil fromthe IdaeanCave of Taf. 37.4.
2. Reconstructionof the tripodic altar onthe
bronze schield's fragment fromthe
IdaeanCave.
3. Karatepe Relief (particular). After Matthiae 1963.
1. NimrudAJ well Pyxis (particular). After
Invernizzi 1992.
2. Ivory panel fromSW37
of Fort Shalmaneser (particular).
After Herrmann1992.
3. Bronze paterafromCesnolaCollection(particular). After Matthus 1985.
1. Tripodic altar onthe bronze paterafromIdalion.
2. Tripodic altar onthe bronze basinfromthe
BastanMuseum.
3. Kline or chair foot fromSalamis (Cyprus).
After Herrmann1996.
4. Kline foot fromFort Shalmaneser (Nimrud).
After Oates - Oates 2001.