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CITIES AND THEIR SPACES

CONCEPTS AND THEIR USE IN EUROPE

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M i c h e l P a u l y und M a r t i n S c h e u t z

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2014
HLAU VERLAG KO
LN WEIMAR WIEN
BO

DTEFORSCHUNG
STA
Veroffentlichungen des Instituts fur vergleichende Stadtegeschichte in Munster
begrundet von Heinz Stoob
in Verbindung mit

U. Braasch-Schwersmann, M. Kintzinger, B. Krug-Richter, A. Lampen, E. Muhle,


J. Oberste, M. Scheutz, G. Schwerhoff und C. Zimmermann
herausgegeben von

We r n e r F r e i t a g
Reihe A: Darstellungen
Band 88

INHALT

Vorwort . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

VIII

Adressen der Autoren . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

IX

Michel Pauly und Martin Scheutz


Der Raum und die Geschichte am Beispiel der Stadtgeschichtsforschung . .

Michel Pauly und Martin Scheutz


Space and history as exemplified by urban history research . . . . . . . . .

15

Keith D. Lilley
Conceptualising the City. Historical Mapping, Spatial Theory, and the Production of Urban Spaces . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

29

I.

Topographie Funktionalitaten raumliche Entwicklung

Ferdinand Opll
Topographische Benennungen in der mittelalterlichen Stadt als Spiegel von
Raumvorstellungen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

43

Paul Niedermaier
Spatial Patterns of Transylvanian Medieval Urban Development . . . . . .

65

Laurentiu Radvan

Urban Space in the Romanian Principalities of the Middle Ages. Organized


or Random Development? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

77

Maria Emilia Crngaci Tiplic

The Role of Trade Privileges in the Evolution of the Urban Space of the Saxon
Towns in Transylvania (14th15th Centuries) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

89

VI

Inhalt

Dan Dumitru Iacob


From the medieval marketplace to the modern square. The modernisation of
the markets of Iasi in the first half of the 19th century . . . . . . . . . . . . .

105

Roman Czaja
Der Wandel des mittelalterlichen Zentrums in ostmitteleuropaischen Stadten
zwischen dem 13. und dem 19. Jahrhundert . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

123

II.

Raum und Reprasentation

Karlheinz Blaschke
Die Stadt als Element der Raumordnung von der Kaufmannssiedlung zur
Stadt . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

141

Anngret Simms
The Reformation and the transformation of urban space in irish towns (based
on the Irish Historic Towns Atlas) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

151

Robert Simunek
Town and its vicinity as spaces for sacral representation, Bohemia 13501600

167

Rosemary Sweet
The historic built environment and the conceptualization of urban space in
Britain and Italy c. 17001830 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

183

III. Die Stadt und ihr Hinterland


Howard B. Clarke
Cities and their Spaces. The Hinterlands of Medieval Dublin . . . . . . . .

197

Maximo Diago Hernando


The territorial politics of the Spanish towns from the middle ages to the beginning of the nineteenth century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

217

Jean-Pierre Poussou
Towards a definition of towns areas of influence and domination. The large
hinterlands of French ports, and their development from the middle of the 17th
century to the end of the 18th century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

235

Caroline Le Mao
French arsenals and their hinterlands at the beginning of the War of the League
of Augsburg (16881690) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

251

Inhalt

VII

IV. Stadtviertel und wandelnde Nutzungskonzepte


Martin Muslek
Stadtbevolkerung und Raum. Die soziale und raumliche Veranderung der Prager Altstadt im 14. Jahrhundert . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

273

Lars Nilsson
The spatial development of Stockholm, 18602010 . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

289

Peter Clark
Green Space and the City . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

305

Index der Orts- und Personennamen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

315

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c 2014 by BHLAU VERLAG GMBH & CIE, KLN WEIMAR WIEN
EUROPE, ISBN 978-3-412-22127-0 

URBAN SPACE IN THE ROMANIAN PRINCIPALITIES


OF THE MIDDLE AGES
Organized or Random Development?*
by Laurentiu Radvan

Those interested in urban space research in the Romanian principalities are faced
with several difficulties. There are scarcely any valuable, in-depth contributions in
this field, and good monographs are hard to find. Only a series of articles in history
journals partly make up for these shortcomings. Urban history, in general, was not
a topic of interest before the Second World War. Even after 1947, research into the
past history of towns was not a priority, since their origin and urban evolution were
rapidly subsumed to the paradigm of materialist-scientific views of the time. A change
becomes noticeable after 1989, but it is by no means drastic. This paper will review
the rather limited perception of Romanian historians of the urban area, as well as the
more recent views on this matter, along with a few relevant case studies.
Conflicting information in sources on towns south and east of the Carpathians
has divided the opinions of scholars along two major lines of interpretation with respect to the emergence and the organization of urban centers: 1) Towns created as
predominantly commercial centers thanks to the contribution of social elements of
foreign origin; 2) towns arising as the medieval Romanian society reached a new stage
in its development, the division of labor, namely the separation of crafts and agriculture. Advocates of the former point of view were particularly vocal before the Second World War, when the vast majority of scholars claimed that towns in the Romanian medieval principalities were simply the result of economic and political influences from Central Europe. The emergence of towns would have occurred before or
at the same time as the rise of the Romanian principalities. With the support of the
king of Hungary or that of the local rulers, foreign colonists arrived in the regions
south and east of the Carpathian Mountains, laying the foundations for some of the
oldest towns in the country, where they introduced their own elements of administrative, legal, and economic organization.1
* This work was supported by a grant of the Romanian National Authority for Scientific Research,

CNCS UEFISCDI, project number PN-II-ID-PCE-2011-3-0562.

1 See Neculai Iorga, Negotul s i mestesugurile n trecutul romanesc [Trade and crafts in Romanias

past], 2nd ed. by Georgeta Penelea, Bucharest 1982, pp. 8384; Neculai Iorga, Istoria romanilor [The

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EUROPE, ISBN 978-3-412-22127-0 

78

Laurentiu Radvan

After the Second World War, Marxist interpretations were introduced into the debate under the new political circumstances of the Soviet occupation and the dawn of a
political regime approved and controlled by the Soviet Union. The idea that medieval
towns had a foreign origin was apparently unacceptable to the Romanian Communists; therefore, some historians embraced the new theory of a specifically Romanian
social evolution. They shifted the emphasis to the social division of labor, stressing the
importance of crafts in towns and the class struggle, with the urban process being seen
as something native, subject to only minor influences from abroad. As a consequence,
the research of urban space had a similar fate, the topic being completely neglected.
Those who believed that towns developed by means of local emergence supported the
idea that they developed gradually and randomly, with no specific, planned layout.2
Historical sources are partly at fault for this situation, because the dawn of the
principalities is scarcely documented. For the 14th15th centuries, when the principalities were urbanized, we have no more than several tens of documents to shed some
light on this vast process.3 The 17th18th centuries are more generous in this respect,
but urban archives were badly damaged, not only by earthquakes, floods, or fires, but
also by the endless wars between challengers to the throne or powers in the area (the
Ottoman Empire, Austria, and Russia). Even so, town outlines survived, and streets
generally kept their original routes in the Middle Ages, since inhabitants preferred to
rebuild each time on the old plot. Unfortunately, no research on the size of plots for
various owners has been undertaken.4 The maps of the principalities and the town
plans drafted by the Austrians or the Russians during their temporary occupation of
these areas are a very useful source for research into the topography of towns. For
towns, the 1769, 1770, 1789, and 1790 plans of Iasi and Bucharest are the first known
of their kind, and they were followed by others, which became increasingly detailed.5

History of the Romanians], vol. III, 2nd ed. by Victor Spinei, Bucharest 1993, pp. 137139; Petre P.
Panaitescu, Comunele medievale n Principatele Romane [Medieval communes in Romanian Principalities], in: Interpretari romanesti [Romanian interpretations], ed. by S tefan S. Gorovei/Maria-Magdalena Szekely, Bucharest 1994, pp. 119159, here pp. 141149.
2 See Istoria Romaniei [History of Romania], ed. by Andrei Otetea,

vol. II, Bucharest 1962, p. 289. After the war, Panaitescu, an important historian, displayed a dramatic change in his views on towns.
Initially a supporter of the role played in the Romanian principalities by the foreign colonists, he came
up in the late 60s with new concepts, such as the Romanian orase-obstii (literally, towns-communities), which supposedly predated the emergence of the principalities. He considered these oraseobstii as being a specific Romanian creation, a Romanian solution in the development of urban life
in medieval Europe; Petre P. Panaitescu, Introducere la istoria culturii romanesti. Problemele istoriografiei romane [Introduction to the History of Romanian culture. Issues of Romanian historiography], 2nd ed. by Dan Horia Mazilu, Bucharest 2000, pp. 263275.
3 All the documents issued by the local princes until the middle of the 17th century, found today in the
national archives, are published in the national collection of documents: Documenta Romaniae Historica, 3 series (A Moldova, B Tara

Romaneasca, C Transilvania), multiple volumes, Bucharest


1965-present day.
4 Only a few considerations are available, made by archaeologists; see, for example: Mircea D. Matei/
Emil I. Emandi, Cetatea de scaun s i curtea domneasca din Suceava [The stronghold and the princely
residence of Suceava], Bucharest 1988.
5 Most of these maps are now in the archives of Moscow, see Documente privitoare la istoria economica a Romaniei. Orase s i Targuri [Documents on the Economic History of Romania. Towns and

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EUROPE, ISBN 978-3-412-22127-0 

Urban Space in the Romanian Principalities of the Middle Ages

79

Although the other towns did not enjoy the same thorough treatment, the situation
improved from the next century on (the 1818 plan for Roman, 1853 for Suceava, 1855
for Siret etc.).6
Archaeological excavations could provide valuable information for the past, as
they did for many Western towns, but Wallachia and Moldavia had few systematic
archaeological initiatives. Excavations were performed mostly in large towns, where
the old residences of the ruler and the churches within them were studied: Bucharest,
Targoviste, Campulung, Arges, Floci (for Wallachia), Iasi, Suceava, Baia, Siret, Bacau,
Trotus, and Adjud (for Moldavia).7 Historical centers in towns were the secondary
focus of archaeologists, and were researched only during restoration work or, as was
more often the case, during the massive demolitions of the Communist regime in the
1980s. This is why most archaeological data on old towns comes from the so-called
salvation excavations. Various factors led to many of their discoveries remaining
unpublished to this day or being transmitted to the public long after they were undertaken.8
*
The first solid research into the topography of Wallachian and Moldavian towns in
the Middle Ages began in the 1970s1980s and involved architects, rather than historians. The true breakthroughs in the field are owed to Eugenia Greceanu, who dealt
marketplaces], series A, Moldova, vol. II, ed. by Gheorghe Ungureanu, Bucharest 1960; Calatori
straini despre ta rile romane [The accounts of foreign travelers in the Romanian Principalities] (10 vols.),
vol. VIII, ed. by Maria Holban et al., Bucharest 1983, p. 343; I. Iona cu, Planul cartografic inedit al
orasului Bucuresti din anul 1770 [An unknown plan of Bucharest from 1770], in: Studii. Revista de
Iistorie XII (1959) no. 5, pp. 113131.
6 Eugenia Greceanu, La structure urbaine medievale de la ville de Roman, in: Revue Roumaine
dHistoire XV (1976) no. 1, pp. 3956; Atlas istoric al oraselor din Romania [Historical Atlas of towns
in Romania], series A, Moldova, fasc. 1, Suceava, ed. by Mircea D. Matei, Bucharest 2005, maps VI
VII; Atlas istoric al oraselor din Romania [Historical Atlas of towns in Romania], series A, Moldova,
fasc. 2, Siret, ed. by Dan Dumitru Iacob, Bucharest 2010, map V.
7 Among other, see Neculai Constantinescu, Curtea de Arges (12001400). Asupra nceputurilor T
arii
Romanesti [Curtea de Arges (12001400). On the beginnings of Wallachia], Bucharest 1984; Vasile
Neamtu/Eugenia

Neamtu/Stela

Cheptea, Orasul medieval Baia n secolele XIVXVII [The medieval


town of Baia in the 14th17th centuries], vol. III, Iasi 19801984; Vasile Neamtu,
Istoria orasului medieval Baia (Civitas Moldaviensis) [The History of the medieval town of Baia (Civitas Moldaviensis)], Iasi 1997; Al. Andronic, Iasii pana la mijlocul secolului al XVII-lea: Geneza s i evolutie [Iasi
until mid 17th century. Emergence and evolution], Iasi 1986; Mircea D. Matei, Contributii arheologice la istoria orasului Suceava [Archaeological contributions to the History of Suceava], Bucharest
1963; Mircea D. Matei, Civilizatie urbana medievala romaneasca. Contributii (Suceava pana la mijlocul secolului al XVI-lea) [Medieval Romanian urban civilization. Contributions (Suceava until mid
16th century)], Bucharest 1989; Alexandru Artimon, Civilizatia medievala urbana din secolele XIV
XVII (Bacau, Tg. Trotus, Adjud) [Medieval urban civilization, 14th16thcentury (Bacau, Tg. Trotus,
Adjud)], Iasi 1998; Alexandru Artimon, Orasul medieval Trotus n secolele XIVXVII. Geneza s i
evolutie [The medieval town of Trotus, 14th17th century. Emergence and evolution], Bacau 2003; Stela
Cheptea, Un oras medieval Harlau [A medieval town: Harlau], Iasi 2000.
8 For example, the archaeological excavations carried out close to Barlad in the 50s were finally published in full after 2000: Mircea D. Matei/Lucian Chitescu,

Cetatea de pamant de la Barlad. Monografie arheologica [The earth stronghold of Barlad. Archaeological monograph], Targoviste 2002.

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EUROPE, ISBN 978-3-412-22127-0 

80

Laurentiu Radvan

with three towns that were to be affected by the modernization work undertaken
by Communist authorities: Pitesti in Wallachia, and Roman and Botosani in Moldavia.9 Teodor Octavian Gheorghiu joined her in her efforts, and was interested in
towns such as Buzau, Campulung or Suceava.10 Ultimately, it was Emil Ioan Emandi
who analyzed in detail the outlines and the development of Suceava. The efforts of
these researchers have shown that, to a certain extent, town outlines in Moldavia and
Wallachia follow principles encountered in settlements created by German colonists
throughout Europe.11 Their theories were at that point disregarded. More recent interpretations, including our own,12 oppose the widespread opinion that urban space
in this area was distributed randomly. Several case studies are particularly revealing
in this respect.
Baia is one of the few medieval local towns where ample archaeological research was undertaken, which not only focused on the old churches, but also ancient
dwellings and their inventories. Unfortunately, the excavations did not cover the entire surface of the old town. An analysis of the discovered dwellings led researchers
to claim that we might argue for a systematic topographic outline of inhabited space.
The parcelation of land here is rigorous, but archaeologists struggled to identify the
date when this process took place.13 What we know is that a group of German settlers
took up residence here after an older pre-urban settlement was set on fire and after
this territory came into the hands of the troops dispatched by the Hungarian king in
the mid-14th century.14 The settlers received the new land to set themselves up, while a
possible locator, someone who brought them there, was charged with measuring and
distributing the land.15 In Baia, it is possible that they received land previously used
by the locals and devastated after the conquest. Since the locals were not accustomed
to a rigorous parcelation, the newcomers were the ones who reshaped the plots. The
9 Greceanu, La structure urbaine (see note 6), pp. 3956; ead., Ansamblul urban medieval Botosani

[The medieval urban site of Botosani], Bucharest 1981 and Ansamblul urban medieval Pitesti [The medieval urban site of Pitesti], Bucharest 1982.
10 Teodor Octavian Radu Radoslav, Spatiul central al orasului medieval romanesc extracarpatic din secolele XIVXVI, spatiu al coeziunii sociale. Elemente pentru un studiu comparatist european [The central area of the Romanian medieval town outside the Carpathian Area in the 14th16th century, an
area of social cohesion. Essentials in a European comparative study], in: Historia Urbana I-2 (1993),
pp. 153174, here pp. 154173; Teodor Octavian Gheorghiu, Suceava medievala geneza s i evolutie
pana n prima parte a secolului al XVI-lea. Elemente morfo-structurale [Medieval Suceava emergence and evolution until the former half of the 16th century. Structural elements], in: Historia Urbana
XII-1+2 (2004), pp. 6793, here pp. 8182.
11 Emil Ioan Emandi, Habitatul urban s i cultura spatiului. Studiu de geografie istorica. Suceava n secolele
XIVXX [The urban habitat and the culture of space. A study in historical geography. Suceava in the
14th20th centuries], Iasi 1996, pp. 263268, 294301.
12 The most recent: Laurentiu Radvan,

At Europes Borders: Medieval Towns in the Romanian Principalities, transl. by Valentin Crdei, Leiden/Boston 2010, and the Romanian revised version: Orasele
din ta rile romane n evul mediu (sfarsitul sec. al XIII-lea nceputul sec. al XVI-lea) [Medieval towns
from the Romanian Principalities (late 13th century beginning 16th century)], Iasi 2011.
13 Neamtu/Neam

tu/Cheptea,

Orasul medieval Baia (see note 7), vol. 2, pp. 4042, 4647.
14 Ibid., vol. 1, p. 22; vol. 2, p. 16.
15 A process seen throughout Central Europe; a detailed analysis in Adrienne Ko
rmendy, Melioratio terrae: Vergleichende Untersuchungen uber die Siedlungsbewegung im ostlichen Mitteleuropa im
13. 14. Jahrhundert, Poznan 1995.

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BEITRAG aus: MICHEL PAULY/MARTIN SCHEUTZ (HG.): CITIES AND THEIR SPACES. CONCEPTS AND THEIR USE IN
c 2014 by BHLAU VERLAG GMBH & CIE, KLN WEIMAR WIEN
EUROPE, ISBN 978-3-412-22127-0 

Urban Space in the Romanian Principalities of the Middle Ages

81

fact that they did apply the new layout is suggested by another detail specific to town
outlines in the rest of Europe: the existence of a central marketplace. On its sides,
dwellings are more frequent than on secondary streets, indicating that the new inhabitants sought to make the most of what little space they had, since trading was
most successful here.16 Baia is different than other towns in the Romanian-inhabited
area, where traditional local markets were open and did not follow any specific outline. Along with the marketplace, there were traces of stone-paved roads and houses
with tiled stoves.17 Dating back to the 15th16th centuries, these demonstrate a high
level of urbanization for the town.
In Siret, the first capital of Moldavia, excavations indicate a pre-urban settlement
in the mid-14th century, where craftsmens workshops were already active; ovens for
the purpose of firing iron ore were discovered. Most of the ceramic items found here
are attributed to a group of German settlers, who probably came from Poland shortly
before the principality of Moldavia emerged.18 It was claimed that Siret developed
from two cores, a Catholic-German one, and an Orthodox-Romanian one.19 Archaeological excavations, which focused especially on the surroundings of the main Orthodox church in town (we do not know for sure that there were only Romanians
there at the end of the 14th century), indicate that the area was not as densely inhabited; the density of the dwellings and the archaeological material are no match to the
ones discovered in the colonist-inhabited region.20 Our conclusions are that the Orthodox area was likely the settlement that existed before the arrival of the settlers,
which has remained on the towns outskirts until today. One indication regarding
the urbanization of the colonists settlement is the fact that mendicant monks settled here, both Franciscan and Dominican. The Franciscans were the first, and their
church (Holy Virgin) in 1371 became the seat of a Catholic bishopric.21 The Dominicans arrived somewhat later, before 1378,22 and gained the support of Petru Is
mother, Margaret, who helped them to build the church of St John the Baptist.23 This
16 Neamtu/Neam

tu/Cheptea,

Orasul medieval Baia (see note 7), vol. 1, p. 156; vol. 2, p. 42; Neamtu,

Istoria orasului (see note 7), pp. 118119, 153154.

17 Neamtu/Neam

tu/Cheptea,

Orasul medieval Baia (see note 7), vol. 1, pp. 3637; 128139; vol. 2,

pp. 4546.
18 Mircea D. Matei, Cateva consideratii pe marginea nceputurilor orasului Siret, n lumina celor mai re-

cente descoperiri arheologice [Several considerations on the emergence of the town of Siret, in light of
the most recent archaeological findings], in: Revista Muzeelor s i monumentelor. Monumente istorice
s i de arta XVII (1986) no. 2, pp. 1925, here pp. 2123; Victor Spinei/Elena Gherman, Santierul

arheologic Siret (1993) [Archaeological excavations in Siret (1993)], in: Arheologia Moldovei XVIII (1995),
pp. 229250, here p. 232.
19 Matei, Cateva consideratii (see note 18), pp. 2224.
20 Spinei/Gherman, Santierul

arheologic Siret (see note 18), pp. 229250; Lucian Chitescu,

Cercetarile
arheologice din orasul Siret [Archeological research in Siret], in: Revista Muzeelor s i monumentelor
XII (1975) no. 3, pp. 4853.
21 Documente privitoare la istoria romanilor culese de Eudoxiu de Hurmuzaki [Documents on Romanians History as collected by Eudoxiu de Hurmuzaki], vol. I, part 2, ed. by Nicolae Densusianu,
Bucharest 1890, p. 160, doc. 124; p. 168, doc. 131.
22 Ioan C. Filitti, Din arhivele Vaticanului [From the archives of Vatican], vol. I, Bucharest 1913, p. 9,
doc. IV.
23 Atlas istoric. Siret (see note 6), map V.

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