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The Concept of Shamanism. Uses and Abuses by Henri-Paul Francfort; Roberte N. Hamayon; Paul G.

The Concept of Shamanism. Uses and Abuses by Henri-Paul Francfort; Roberte N. Hamayon; Paul G. Bahn Review by: Isabelle Charleux Anthropos, Bd. 98, H. 2. (2003), pp. 548-551 Published by: Anthropos Institute

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548

Rezensionen

die

mancherDifferenzenaufsein eigenes Verständnisder

Verwandtschaftbei den Lakotahatte. Murray J.Leaf

(Kapitel 3: Schneider's Idealism,Relativism, and the

Confusionof Kinship; 60 ff.) versucht -

ausschweifend -, denNachweiszu führen, dassSchnei-

ders philosophisches Grundverständniseinidealistisches

war,

fernt liege

lentesVerhältniszur Empirie habedazu

er selbstdie von ihm

vornehmenkonnte. Dwight W.Read

Is

dass Verwandtschaftnichtals

werden kann, zweifeltaber nichtan

sondernentwickeltein

von

heimer (Kapitel 5: Relativismin KinshipAnalysis;

Schneiders symboltheoretischerKulturbegriff trotz

ein

wenig

welchesvom Materialismus weniger weit ent-

als von Empirismus. Schneidersambiva-

geführt, dass

geforderteKulturanalyse nicht

(Kapitel 4:

What

steuertim Sinneeiner Zusammenfassung denSchluss-

beitragbei,

zu beharren, dasses

das gibt, wasVerwandtschaft genannt wird, unddassdas

Rasterder Genealogie sichzumStudiumderVerwandt-

schaft eignet. Die sicherlich scharfsinnigste Kritikan

Schneiders Kulturanalyse in der jüngstenZeit,

Adam Kuper stammtundvon Feinberg in derEinlei- stung erwähnt wird, findetbei Goodenough keinenPlatz:

Dass nämlichSchneidernie in derselbenWeiseden Begriff der"Kultur"dekonstruierthabewieerdender

"Verwandtschaft"dekonstruierte, obwohlsich"Kultur" dochin ähnlicherWeiseals Eurozentrismuserweisen

der eigentlich nichtsanderes tut, als darauf

docheinenatürliche Grundlage für

dievon

Kinship?; 78 ff.)folgt Schneiders Argumentation,

Genealogieabgebildet

ihrer Existenz,

logisch-mathematisches Model

könnte. Insgesamt istdas BuchetwasBesonderes:Es

fokussiertden

und sein Werk,

Kulturanthropologen David Schneider

aber es hat an vielenStellenauch

Beziehungen fürihre Darstellung. MartinOtten- denMenschen gegenwärtig, ohnedabei biographisch zu

werden.

LiobaRossbachde Olmos

118 ff.) siehtin SchneiderstheoretischemAnsatzeine

Verabsolutierung des

Fragen der Verwandtschaft, die erfür dogmatisch hält. Er plädiert stattdessenfüreinen Pluralismus, derdarauf

basiert, dassniemand Zugang zur abhängigen Wahrheithatunddass

Fragen eine berechtigteethnologischePerspektive dar-

stellen.Robert McKinley(Kapitel 6:

of Kinship. A Reply to Schneider's "Critique of the

Study of Kinship"; 131 ff.) hältSchneiders Auslegung theInternational Society forShamanicResearchheld

derVerwandtschaftals Kultursystem eine

derVerwandtschaftals Philosophieentgegen. Diese er-

Denise

wenngleich inFormeinerethisch-moralischen Variante,

weilauchsiedie

in

P.

sificationandSchneider'sCulturalRelativism; 168 ff.)

machtin ihrem Beitragdeutlich, dass SchneidersAn-

a wide range ofmedia:modern"neo-shamans," a vast

innertein wenig andiestrukturalistische

kulturrelativistischen Zugangs zu

Francfort,Henri-Paul, RoberteN. Hamayon, and

Concept ofShamanism.Uses

andAbuses. Budapest: AkadémiaiKiadó, 2001.408 pp.

kulturvergleichende ISBN 963-05-7866-2. (BibliothecaShamanistica,10)

Paul G. Bahn (eds.): The

objektiven, kulturun-

The

Philosophy

Price:$ 84.00 "The Concept ofShamanism"is thesecondvolume

of proceedings of

the4thInternationalConferenceof

1-5

by

Interpretation at Chantilly,France, on

one was

September 1997 (the first

published in 2000: "La Politique des esprits.

Allianztheorie, Chamanismeset religions universalistes",

ed.

Aigle,

Chaumeil. Nanterre). Thebookdenouncesthefascinationforshamanism

BénédicteBrac de la Perrière, andJean-Pierre

Fragestellt, wieMenschen (moralisch)

gegenseitigeAbhängigkeit verstricktwerden.Susan

Trobriand Kinship Clas-

Montague(Kapitel 7: The

satz tatsächlichzu einem

withinourWesternsocieties,particularly acute among

"shamanists,""shamaniacs," or "shamanologists" suf-

fering from "shamanitis," a moderndiseasetransmitted

grundlegend anderenVer-

by

literatureandchoiceofconferenceson self-realisation,

but also many

withouteven

ständnisvonVerwandtschaftführt.Sie wendetihnauf

der

Trobriander,

einer

Symbolsystemermitteln, dasdieMenschen

und Wettermagie

(Kapitel

Papua New Guinea; 187 ff.)

auf die Klans der

Papua

Neuguineas an. Dabei erweistsichdas

Klangrenzen, die zur Nutzung von

genealogische Netzwerkals offen gegenüber"Manipu-

lationen"an den

kurzfristigen wirtschaftlichenVorteilen vorgenommen

werden.Freilichbedurftees keinenDavid M. Schnei-

die Verwandtschaftsterminologie

derbekanntestenEthniender

dadurchein

zu Nahrungskategorien

anderin Beziehung setzt.AuchLauraZimmer-Tama- archaeologists convenedin

koshi

mandering. Schneiderin

wendetSchneiders Kulturanalysen

Gende

Ethnologie, an undkann

scientists suffering fromthisdisease

knowing it. The topic

studied onlyglobally,by

is so

polemical

a collectiveof

and

thatitcanbe

sowiemitein- specialists, hencetherich panel of anthropologists

thevolumeunderreview.

prehistoric and modern archaeology, and

8: Development and Ancestral Gerry- The dialogue betweenthesescholarsresultsintwo large

sectionson

anthropology ofmodernsocieties.Theeditorschosenot to provide a definitivedefinitionofshamanismandits

boundaries, andleteachauthor give his own, hencea few repetitions.

Roberte Hamayon, thewell-

The introductions by

known anthropologistspecialist ofSiberianshamanism,

andHenri-PaulFrancfort,archaeologist inCentralAsia,

tell us aboutthe history of the

shamanism by 17th-century missionariesinSiberiaand

der, um Manipulationen

festzustellen, überdieschonandere nachgedacht haben.

EinenDavid Schneiderbrauchtees

Bedeutungsgeflecht von"Verwandten"mit Wettermagie the contempttheyexpressedregarding itsdevilish prac-

wahrzunehmen.

Es scheint, als sollteabschließendderalteFreund undWidersacherWardH. Goodenough das letzteWort behalten (Muddels in Schneider's Modell; 205 ff.). Er

vonVerwandtschaftsstrukturen

hingegen, um ein

first "discovery" of

tices.The rediscovery of shamanismand the origins

of the"shamanitis"in theWestare linkedwithNew

Age

provoked the popular interestinshamanism.

and postmodernism, andscholarsbothfollowedand

Anthropos 98.2003

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Rezensionen

549

The

prehistoric section comprises tencase studies

"primitive"

the"trance"

interpretedby

the theory of universalshamanism: Europe,

"theory

religion of all hunting and gath-

of shamanisttheoriesdo not take intoaccountthe evolutionofrockart according tothe changes in society (Jacobson,280; Francfort,256).

to prove the poorstanding

history and sociology,they sometimes

seemtohavehardscienceontheirside. Yet, Henri-Paul

Whileit is rather easy

ofshamaniacsin

chologically universal entoptic vision sequence(which

claimsa

serious neurophysiologicalbasis)

anditsmate-

rialisationintoworksofart. Entopticimages arefound

in non-hallucinatory

artand literarydescriptions,

which

supernatural

tales. Moreover, the"trance"of theSiberianshaman

is a misinterpretation, as they

without"trance."The

are showmen,acting

question of theuse

of

pigments

a part

drugs(notemployed in Siberian shamanism) is also raised.MichelLorblanchet (pp. 95-115 on thecaveof

Pech

Merle,France)questions if thetoxic

usedin the spittingtechnique couldhavebeenusedas

drugs. The

authors analyse criteria proposed to interpret

monopoly of shamanism, while entopticimagery

(Francfort,

shamanism, andshowthat they arenotsufficienttocon-

firmshamanismandexcludeother religions. Drumsare

nota

is absentof InnerAsia and Levantineart

therefore,highlight a

fundamental

problem ofthemeth-

the supporters ofuniversalshamanism.

in them, etc.

arguments used are oftencircular.

covering almostthe whole worldwere

and/or"native"arthasbeen

theory or

Africa,Siberia, Inner Asia, India, Northand Latin

America.This theory extendstheuse of the

ofuniversalshamanism"to a wide

range of societies, FrancfortandPaulG.Bahndismantlethe supposedpsy-

and finally to thewholeof humankind.It claimsthat

shamanismis the

eringcultures, and postulates the greatantiquity of the potential of thehumannervous system to enter

"alteredstatesof consciousness"or "trance"and to

have nothing to do with drug and shamanism, such

generate hallucinations.Shamanism being theuniver- as in children's drawings orcharactersin

sal

hallucinatorypaintings/engravings made by

trance. Archaeologistsadopted this theory inthe1960s as a plausible alternativeto theDiffusionist theory in

orderto explain thesimilaritiesof certainAsianand New Worldartforms.Recentbookssuchas thatof J.ClottesandD. Lewis-Williams (Les Chamanesde la

préhistoire.2001)spread this theory witha great media impact and publicity. Withthe presentvolume, sucha generalisingtheory isforthefirsttimerefutedonthebasisofscientific argu- ments.All authors agree thatthefundamental problem

is

umbrella-words "shamanism,""shaman,""trance," and

"hallucination" (see Paul G. Bahn;57). They hesitate

whetherto considerit as a

a belief

social

potentiallycompatible withall religions? The authors ignorecontrarydata,neglect the context,interpret the

expressstrong criticism against the popularwritings

Quellec,135-159; Klein

"mystical" worksare

than scholarlyanalysis(56).

243;Jacobson,279;MargaritaDiaz-Andreu,121).They,

primitivereligion, rockartcan

be

explained as

shamansin

usually the vague and all-embracing definitionofthe

religion: is it a technique, odology used by

system, a "modeof religion," a "symbolic

system," or a set of elementarycomponents

Shamanists give theirowndefinitionof key-terms, select

only a fewcriteriathatfittheir fieldwork,deliberately

motifsas being whatever they wishtosee

(Francfort,66; Jean-LoïcLe

of Mircea Eliade, a "guru of thenew Age" whose

morelike religious revelations

Someof them,however, do

As demonstrated by

Roberte Hamayon and others,

horizontal relationship of

hunter-gath-

does it

is

problematic. The absenceof

shamanismis based on an

exchange and supposedinterdependence betweenthe

people andtheir game animalsobservedin

erersocietiesofthecircumnorthernareas (Siberia and

possibly some parts of North America).Why

notincludeother hunter-gatherer societies?The claim

toshamanismoftheSouthAfricaSan

(AnneSolomon;

161-177), and of theNorthern Ojibwa Indians (Jack

spirits(Francfort;65).

Even in

necessarily relatedto shamanic practices

et al., 214). The

As summarisesEstherJacobson (279), "in orderto

ethnographic evidence

to prehistoricsigns

fundamentalcautionsof a researcherandtakeon the

,

we needto ignore themost

purpose ofa poet."

Concerning art production,contemporarypopula-

territory as prehistoricpeople

engraving tradition (South

tions living on thesame

making rockarthave no

Africa, Central Asia), and/ornomoderntraditionofsha-

shaman actually

making rockartofvisions experienced inalteredstates ofconsciousness.Francfort (39) shows through theanal- ysis ofthe spontaneity in figurative and nonfigurative art thatartcannot emerge from hallucinatory visions.Art creation requires a longprocess of acquisition, controlin theexecutionandcannotbe easily doneunderhalluci-

manism.No documentationexistsofa

complexcompositions ofcaveart probably

It

meticulously

necessitated preliminary sketches (Lorblanchet;99).

is unlikely that any hallucinationwouldbe

recalledandrecreatedina nonintoxicatedstate. Besides,

it is impossible to

and

discriminatebetween drug-induced

images

nonshamanic images, eveninSiberia. Therefore, noone

butthe original artistcanknowthetrue meaning ofa

nonhallucinatoryimagery, shamanicand

notblameEliadebutlaterscholarswhohavemodified makethe leap fromhistoricor

his definitionof shamanismin orderto bypass some troublingdiscrepancies.

Steinbring;179-187)

any formof shamanismin Australia goes against the

universal theory. TheAfricancultsof passivepossession

arethe veryopposite ofshamanism, wheretheshaman nation.The

is themasterof the

prehistoricMongolia, it provesimpossible to findrock

artthatis

(EstherJacobson;277-294). The mere possibility of shamanismis strongly contestedin stratifiedsocieties,

suchas Pre-ColumbianAmericaand China, whichabso-

lutely do notfitthemodelof looselyintegratedhunting

societies (Cecelia F. Kleinet al.;

207-219). Supporters design.

Anthropos 98.2003

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550

Rezensionen

Although the shamanic theory cannotbe entirely anismalsoborrows symbols,ways of

thatrockart images are

many other interpretations canbe pro-

thinking, andter-

rejected, the authors agree

ambivalentand

posed, suchas totemic symbolism with guardianspirits, anism appears to be a proselytereligion. The famous

ancestor worship, beliefsabout spirits ofthe dead,black, projectivemagic,exorcism, initiationof thesorcerer,

forgotten it" suchas young Alaskan

myths,simple ornamentation, etc. Rock artcouldbe

only a landmarkof places of

indeedaidede mémoireforshamans.

shownintheMazatecandKorean examples. Neosham-

minology fromother religions suchas Christianism, as

neoshamanMichaelHarnereventeachesshamanism"to

thosewhohave

IndiansandInuits. Theauthors give

self-proclaimed shamans, whoreceivedrevelations, and

several examples of biographies of

major

supernaturalpotency; or

The secondsectioncontainsfive

anthropological try to provethey hadbeen personally elected.A

case studies - Tuva,Mexico,Korea,Japan, and the

DakotaSioux - thatfocuson new

plying shamanismin Shamanismhas been

ly opposed to "modernity" and

and superstitious, an archaicandbarbaricantithesisof

Christian religion. The gradualchange ofthe society's

attitudestowardshamanism implied a strong revalua- shamansalso moveout

tionof thesetraditions, which appear to be a marker

of identity. But couldshamanismas it existedbefore collectiveritesare

sourceforthe study ofshamanismarebookswritten by

neoshamans (natives and Westerners).Autobiographies,

collectionsof chants,descriptive studies play

important roleinthe propagation ofneoshamanism.

developments im-

different modernising societies.

persistently seenas

diametrical-

regarded as backward

a very

Theroleofneoshamansis adapted tothe problems

degree,expand a business,

ofmodernsocieties:obtaina

writetalismansto chase extramaritallovers.Korean

of theirtraditionalrealm by

givingpredictionsconcerning "nationalaffairs."The

individual practices and

folkloricdemonstrations.When they are maintained, traditionalritesare distortedand condensed (Lakota

replacedby

1930 reallysurvive, or is modernshamanisma new

anthropological field reports?

authors mostlyagree to

inventionreinforced by

The

(a termwhichis as

Tuva.Is neoshamanisma continuation, a derivation, or

a

it"newwineinoldbottles," oldwineinnewbottles?," commercialisedtheceremonies involving the consump-

or maybe "freshwineblendedfromclassical vintages, [which]may slate unrequieted newthirst" (Klaus-Peter

speak of"neoshamanism" Sioux' Sundance, MazatecIndians'ceremonies). Tuva

problematic as shamanism), evenin

public festivalsamidsta crowdoftouristsarefolkloric performances farremovedfromancientritualsrestricted to group members. During the 1970s, Mazatecshave

tionofmushrooms, buttheirattitudeis fullofambiv-

alence.Neoshamanism appears tobea wonderfulsource

of

profitsbyattracting"ecstasy tourism," andvalorises

Indiansfrozenintoa bygonepast. Neoshamansviewith

receiving tourists, butatthesametimethe

theritual by

their ignorance

shamanswhoare in contact

revitalisationof folk-religious beliefsand practices? Is

Koepping;351)? Formershamanistsocietiessearchfortherootsof

their identity in

ic customs.The nationalisticdiscourseof neoshamans Westerntouristscan spoil

insistson the preservation of the"truetradition" they

try

museums,libraries,making academicstudies,collecting less welcoming, and theattendanceof White people the speeches ofancientshamansto preserve andtransmit at Sundanceritualsis less andless tolerated. They are

them. Indeed, theseneoshamansalso borrowfromthe

Westits reinterpretation oftheirtraditionalshamanism.

The reports ofthe anthropologists oftenforma basisfor

thosewhohavenot yetdeveloped theirown historiog-

raphy. The"traditionalshamanismof organic societies" rap-

idly enterstheeraofthemediaand

zatec,Indian, andTuvaneoshamanshaveinternational strange can be interpretedby

ties, workwith psychoanalysts, take part ininternational case,

conferences, knowEliade'sbooks, andaremembersof

theFoundationforshamanstudies. They havecontacts withthemediaandacademics, andreada loton other

culturessuchas New

recogniseforeign influences. Neoshamanismtherefore belongs to New

individualistic spirituality withoutinstitutionbasedon

self-realisation (seepp.371-375, a

Age

eclectic borrowing fromexoticsocieties (shamanism, theauthorsas made by DanieleVazeilles's bibliography

Zen,yoga,etc.) is

Greek philosophy showsthat everything

trying to revivealmostdead shaman- eachotherin

and lack of

learning theirown past,visiting

respect, and

to recreate by

withthemcan loose theirart.LakotaSiouxaremuch

stronglyopposed totheruthlesscommercial exploitation

by

mixdifferentAmerindian religions and promote a new,

perverse formof colonialismin

shamanisttradition. In thelastarticle, thecase of finding shamanismat

theheartof

neoshamans, whoareoftenSiouxthemselves, who

the appropriation of

"shamanism" - in this

thecontactbetweenGreeksand

Scythians(see

otherworks by EstherJacobsonwhodemonstratedthat

Scythians were certainly not shamanists). EvenSocrates

who represents thebirthofrationalismhasbeen qual-

ifiedas thelastshamanto explain thenotionofa soul

independent fromthe body.

Moreillustrationswouldhave

certainlyhelped the

entoptic

readerwhois notfamiliarwithrockartand

images. The bibliographies mix scholarly andextra-sci-

entificworks, but simple notationsonthe "speciality" of

are veryhelpful forthereader, andshouldhavebeen

applied forall thearticles.

Thiscollectiveworkwillinteresta wide range of

globalisation. Ma-

Age

- declining all thewhileto

Age,

an

presentation ofNew

Vazeilles). The New Age

in theWest by Daniele

verysuperficial. Roberte Hamayon

(1-14) and Daniele Vazeilles (367-387) showhow

New Age spirituality and Western reinterpretation of

shamanismarefarfromancientshamanism.Neosham- scholars, historiansof art,archaeologists,ethnologists,

Anthropos 98.2003

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Rezensionen

551

andhistoriansof every civilisation. They canalsocom- plement their reading withthe special issueoftheRevue Diogène, "Chamanismes" (Paris: PressesUniversitaires

de France,Quadrige,2003; underthedirectionofRo-

berteΝ.

einsetzen läßt, währenddie StudievonPascaleSicotte und ProsperUwengeli an denruandischenEthniendie

gegenwärtig die hoheFlexibilitätder

dramatischen

Veränderungenkennzeichnet,

Konservierungskonzepte er-

Hamayon).

IsabelleCharleux fordert, um demGorillanocheine Überlebenschance

einzuräumen. 90 ProzentallernichtmenschlichenPrimatenleben

im

verändernsich rapide. Allein50 Prozentallerlebender

Primatenartensindinden Programmen der Species Sur- vivalCommission (SSC) undderWorldConservation Union (IUCN) erfaßt, undalleineinFünftelwirdals

fährdetoderstark gefährdeteingestuft.Agustin Fuentes

Fuentes,Agustin, andLinda D. Wolfe (eds.): Pri-

Conservation Implications ofHu-

Daß die

Frage,

was die

2002. 340

pp.

ISBN 0-

Biological and

Price:£ 60.00

tropischenRegenwald, und

gerade diese Habitate

ge-

matesFace to Face.

man-NonhumanPrimateInterconnections. Cambridge:

CambridgeUniversityPress,

521-79109-X. (Cambridge Studiesin

EvolutionaryAnthropology,29)

Primatologie zurAnthro- zeigt am Beispiel der Mentawai-Inseln,daßes keineein-

fachen Lösungen füreine

Anthony L.Rose das brisanteThema"Buschfleisch"

komplexe Welt gibt, während

Beispiel

Zentralafrikadiskutiert.Bruce Wheatley

Ngeaur(Repu-

undCo-Autoren zeigen fürdas Atoll

blik Palau) das Tierschutzdilemmaam Fall von Ma-

undzwar

vorwiegend durch caca fascicularisauf, währendDavid S. Sprague die

zunehmend problematischereBeziehung zwischender

unterdem

derPrimaten japanischenBevölkerung und Tierprimaten

beziehungsreichen

Titel "Monkeys in the Backyard"

pologie unddamitzu unseremSelbstverständnisbei- zutragenvermag, auch spiegelbildlichgestellt werden

kann,belegt dieseSammelschriftin bislangeinzigartiger am

Weise.Daß diesesThemaein existentielles ist,belegt die dramatische Bedrohung, derunserenächstenVer-

wandten ausgesetzt sind -

anthropogeneEingriffe in das ökologischeGefüge im

allgemeinen unddie Existenzbedingungen

imbesonderen.

In vier Hauptkapitelngreift dieserBandTierschutz- beschreibt.

Analyse der Beziehung von (Kultur-)Anthropologie

NotwendigkeitinterdisziplinärerForschung, sofern

"cross-speciesperspective in anthropology" un-

fragen nichtmenschlicherPrimatenauf.Die vergleichen-

de

und Primatologie(PhyllisDolhinow)belegt die dringen-

de

nichtmenschlichePrimateneineÜberlebenschanceha-

bensollen.Fernermachtihr Beitrag deutlich, wiewich-

tig die Verhaltensbiologie fürunserMenschenbildist.

Daß die

ter Kulturanthropologen

tet,beklagtMary M.Pavelkazu

Der abschließendeTeilbefaßtsichmitden

die aus primatologischer

Regie-

Sichtrele-

rungsaktivitäten,

vantsind.Die

überthailändische Wildlife-Projekte machtdie

organisatorischeHerausforderungdeutlich, die Konser- vierungsprogrammedarstellen, unddie großen Schwie-

rigkeiten in politisch instabilenStaaten.Ein fragliches

"monkey business" greifen Leslie Ε. Sponsel undihre

Erfahrungsstudie von ArdithA. Eudey

große

umstrittenist,ja sogargefürch- Kollegen/innen

am Beispiel

nichtmenschlicherHelfer

Recht.Sie unterstreicht bei derKokosnußernte

holi-

der Intensivierung

auf, derenumstritteneBezeich-

das ethischeProblemtref-

eine der

systematisch

stischerAnsätze. Roger S. FoutsundMitarbeiter zeigen

die Ambivalenzder

seitssindsie unser Spiegelbild, andererseitsnureine

"hairy test-tube".Ihrmethodenkritischer Beitrag unter

besonderer Berücksichtigung der HIV-Forschungzeigt,

daßdieethischenProblemeder Primatologiekeineswegs

gelöst sindunddaßes erheblicheKritikam

designgegenwärtigerProjektegibt, was nachdrücklich

zu unterstreichenist.

die Notwendigkeit

nung als "weed species"

fendkennzeichnet.Schließlich exemplifiziert

Schimpansenforschung

auf:einer- Herausgeberinnen,

Linda D. Wolfe, an den Hulmans

breite Themenspektrum und

ökologischenInterdepen-

von Jaipur(Indien) sowieMakakenvonSilver Spring

(Florida) die gegenwärtigekonzeptionelleHilflosigkeit

im

Vorgehengegenüberkulturfolgenden Arten.

Der Bandumreißtdas

Forschungs-

die zahlreichenFacettender

denzvonMenschund Tierprimaten; oberletztlicheinen

wirkungsvollenBeitrag zumTierschutz beitragenwird,

Das zweite Hauptkapitel behandeltnichtwestliche darfaller Erfahrung nachbezweifeltwerden.Globa-

le Bilanzen zeigen, daß Tierschutzaktivitätenoffenbar

Sicht-und

genaue Kenntnisder vielfältigenethnoökologischen nur Tropfen aufeinenheißenSteinsind.Zu pessimi-

Aspekte istessentielle Voraussetzungerfolgversprechen- stisch gesehen? Ich meine,jede andere Einschätzung

der

vonLorettaAnnCormierdeutlich, diedasVerhältnisder brasilianischen Guajá zu Primatenkennzeichnet, dieih-

nenals "Kinder"undals Nahrung dienen.Auchdievon

ManuelLizarralde durchgeführte Studiean denBan in

VenezuelasowiedievonGlennH.

ethnoökologischen Befundean den peruanischen Mat-

sigenkabelegen das hohe Gefährdungspotential fürdie

Primaten aufgrundethnospezifischer Sichtweisen.Die

intensive Analyse derchinesischen Königsaffenmytho- Textsand TheirSocial Contexts among theMewa-

logie durchFrancesD. Burtonmacht Hoffnung, daßsich

Interkul-

Behandlungsweisen von Primaten.Die

Konservierungsprogramme, das

machenArbeiten wäreverfehlt.Das entwertetden

hervorragendredigier-

tenBand keineswegs, denneinesleisteter zumindest:

er weistaufdie

weltweiten primatologischen Konser-

unddas beruhigt zumindestdas

vierungsproblemehin,

Gewissenderscientific community. WinfriedHenke

Shepardmitgeteilten

Gaenszle, Martin: AncestralVoices.Oral Ritual

hang Rai of East Nepal. Münster:Lit Verlag, 2002.

347 pp. ISBN 3-8258-5891-X. (Performanzen:

dieseKulturikone positiv für Konservierungsstrategien

Anthropos 98.2003

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