Sobotta Präparieratlas.

Dissection Atlas
3rd Edition Friedrich Paulsen
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F. Paulsen, J. Waschke

Sobotta
Präparieratlas
Dissection Atlas
This page intentionally left blank
Friedrich Paulsen, Jens Waschke (Hrsg./Eds.)

Sobotta
Präparieratlas
Bilinguale Ausgabe mit
lateinischer Nomenklatur

3. Auflage

Dissection Atlas
Bilingual Edition with Latin Nomenclature
Translated by T. Klonisch and
S. Hombach-Klonisch, Winnipeg, Canada

3rd edition
Hackerbrücke 6, 80335 München, Deutschland Hackerbrücke 6, 80335 Munich, Germany
Wir freuen uns über ein Feedback und Ihre Anregungen an: We look forward to your feedback to be sent to:
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Anschriften der Herausgeber: Addresses of the editors:

Professor Dr. med. Friedrich Paulsen Professor Dr. med. Friedrich Paulsen
Institut für Anatomie II (Vorstand) Institut für Anatomie II (Vorstand)
Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg
Universitätsstraße 19 Universitätsstraße 19
91054 Erlangen 91054 Erlangen, Germany

Professor Dr. med. Jens Waschke Professor Dr. med. Jens Waschke
Anatomische Anstalt, Lehrstuhl I (Vorstand) Institut für Anatomie
Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität
Pettenkoferstraße 11 Pettenkoferstraße 11
80336 München 80333 München, Germany

ISBN Print 978-3-437-44016-8 ISBN print 978-0-7020-6758-7

ISBN e-Book 978-3-437-18186-3 ISBN e-Book 978-0-7020-6759-4

Alle Rechte vorbehalten All rights reserved

3. Auflage 2017 3rd Edition 2017
© Elsevier GmbH, München © Elsevier GmbH, Munich
Der Urban & Fischer Verlag ist ein Imprint der Elsevier GmbH. Urban & Fischer Verlag is an imprint of Elsevier GmbH.

Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek
Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche
der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the
Daten sind im Internet über http://www.d-nb.de abrufbar. Internet at http://www.d-nb.de.

17 18 19 20 21 5 4 3 2 1 17 18 19 20 21 5 4 3 2 1

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otherwise without the prior written permission of the publisher.
Acquisition editor: Dr. Konstanze Knies
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Prof. Dr. med Sabine Hombach-Klonisch, Winnipeg, Canada;
Sonja Hammer, Schwarzenbruck
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Cover illustration: Sonja Klebe, Löhne

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Der Sobotta-Präparieratlas – das Herzstück für den Präparierkurs
Für viele Generationen von Medizinern war es selbstverständlich, dass
ein Anatomie-Atlas vorwiegend im „Präparierkurs“ eingesetzt wird und
intensiv zur Präparation am Körperspender sowie zur Herstellung von
Feuchtpräparaten verwendet wird. Die in der über 100-jährigen Tradition
des Sobotta angefertigten, unverkennbaren Abbildungen beweisen
dies nicht zuletzt dadurch, dass sie in viele andere Anatomie-Werke
übernommen wurden.
Über die Jahre wurde eine Vielzahl an Abbildungen ergänzt, um anato-
misch wichtige, aber im Präparierkurs schwierig darstellbare Strukturen
zu visualisieren oder klinische Bezüge anhand von Bildern zu erläutern.
Dies hat zusammen mit der immer hochwertigeren Aufmachung dazu
geführt, dass Anatomie-Atlanten heute zunehmend als Lernmittel für
das Eigenstudium zu Hause angesehen werden und nicht mehr mit in
den Präpariersaal genommen werden, um direkt am Präparat zu lernen.
Aus diesem Manko entstand seinerzeit die Idee für den Sobotta-Präpa-
rieratlas, der durch seine besondere Aufmachung und Struktur dazu
dienen soll, wieder etwas Greifbares zum direkten Studium am Körper-
spender im Präpariersaal zu haben.
Die 3. Auflage des Sobotta-Präparieratlas fasst die wichtigsten, für die
Präparation notwendigen Abbildungen in einem Band zusammen. Sei-
Sobotta Dissection Atlas – the centerpiece of the dissection course
We are glad to complete the Sobotta Atlas of Human Anatomy with the
Sobotta Disscetion Atlas.
For many generations in the medical profession it was natural to use an
anatomy atlas predominantly in the dissection course and also intensely
for the dissection of body donors to produce wet specimens.
This has been proven by the fact that several other anatomy works
adopted the unmistakable illustrations manufactured in more than
a hundred years of Sobotta tradition.
A multitude of figures were completed over the years to visualise ana-
tomically crucial, but in the dissection course hardly viewable structures
and also to exemplify clinical correlations.
This, together with an ever increasing quality of design, has led to ana-
tomy atlases being predominantly used as learning aid for home stu-
dies, so they are decreasingly taken to the dissection lab to study
directly at the preparation site.
The 3rd edition of the Sobotta Dissection Atlas with its special design
and structure is once again meant to be something tangible for direct
studies with the body donor in the dissection lab.
In this single-volume edition the Sobotta Dissection Atlas summarises
the most important illustrations essential for dissection.
ne Seiten sind so beschaffen, dass man sie mit „feuchten“ Handschu-
hen anfassen und benutzen und alles zur Not wieder abwischen kann,
ohne dass er darunter maßgeblich leidet. Zusammen mit dem dreibän-
digen Sobotta-Atlas, dem Muskeltabellenheft und dem Sobotta-Lehr-
buch, die vorwiegend für das Eigenstudium konzipiert sind, sowie mit
der Sobotta-App für das mobile Lernen unterwegs, liegt damit eine
Sobotta-Palette vor, die allen Anforderungen in der Anatomie gerecht
wird und zudem Spaß und Erfolg bei der Testat-, Klausur- und Exa-
mensvorbereitung garantiert! Im Präparieratlas haben wir uns be-
wusst auf die für den Kurs der makroskopischen Anatomie notwendi-
gen Abbildungen beschränkt, da für die an den Universitäten sehr
unterschiedlich angebotenen Neuroanatomieseminare und -kurse auf-
grund der Vielzahl an Abbildungen zum ZNS der gesamte dritte Band
des Sobotta-Atlas sinnvoll ist.
Wir wünschen nun viel Vergnügen mit der 3. Auflage des Sobotta-
Präparieratlas, egal ob im Präparierkurs oder beim Auffrischen des
anatomischen Wissens vor operativen Eingriffen!
Friedrich Paulsen und Jens Waschke
The property of its pages allows touching them with “wet” gloves and
cleansing them if necessary without causing damage.
Together with the three-volume Sobotta Atlas, the muscle chart and the
Sobotta textbook which are all mainly designed for home studies, as
well as with the Sobotta App for mobile studying a Sobotta line-up is
now available meeting all requirements of anatomy and furthermore
guaranteeing joy and success in the preparation for oral and written
examinations.
Due to the great variety of neuroanatomic courses at different univer-
sities (for which we recommend the complete third volume of the Sobot-
ta Atlas with its multitude of illustrations of the CNS) we deliberately
limited the illustrations in the Sobotta Dissection Atlas to those crucial
for the course of macroscopic anatomy.
Enjoy the 3rd edition of the Sobotta Dissection Atlas – no matter if used
in the dissection course or for refreshing your anatomic knowledge pri-
or to surgery!
Friedrich Paulsen & Jens Waschke
Abbildungsnachweis / List of illustrations

Alle nicht besonders gekennzeichneten Abbildungen wurden übernommen aus: Paulsen, F., Waschke, J.: Sobotta Atlas der Anatomie. 24. Auflage,
Elsevier GmbH, München 2017.
Der Verweis auf die jeweilige Abbildungsquelle befindet sich bei den entsprechenden Abbildungen im Werk am Ende des Legendentextes in ecki-
gen Klammern.

Unless indicated otherwise, all illustrations were taken from: Paulsen, F., Waschke, J.: Sobotta Atlas der Anatomie. 24th ed., Elsevier GmbH, Mün-
chen, 2017
The reference to the author or source of respective illustration is added at the end of the caption in square brackets as follows:

G618 Moses, K.P., Banks, J.C., Nava, P.B. Petersen, D.K.:Atlas of Clinical Gross Anatomy. 2nd ed. Elsevier Saunders, Philadelphia 2013
J803 Biederbick & Rumpf, Adelsdorf
L127 Jörg Mair, München
L238 Sonja Klebe, Löhne
L240 Horst Ruß, München
L266 Stephan Winkler, München
L275 Martin, Hoffmann, Neu-Ulm
L280 Johannes Habla, München
L285 Anne-Katrin Hermanns, „Ankats Art“, Maastricht, NL
Inhalt Content

1 Allgemeine Anatomie ................. 1 1 Surface Anatomy ............................ 1

2 Rumpf ....................................................... 5 2 Trunk .......................................................... 5

3 Obere Extremität ......................... 39 3 Upper Extremity ........................... 39

4 Untere Extremität ....................... 67 4 Lower Extremity ........................... 67

5 Organe der Brusthöhle ........... 89 5 Thoracic viscera ............................ 89

6 Organe der Bauchhöhle ....... 119 6 Abdominal viscera.................... 119

7 Retroperitonealraum 7 Retroperitoneal Space

und Beckenhöhle ...................... 139 and Pelvis ........................................ 139

8 Kopf ...................................................... 157 8 Head ..................................................... 157

9 Auge ..................................................... 193 9 Eye ......................................................... 193

10 Ohr ......................................................... 205 10 Ear .......................................................... 205

11 Hals ........................................................ 211 11 Neck ....................................................... 211

12 Gehirn und Rückenmark..... 237 12 Brain and Spinal Cord .......... 237

Register ..................................................... 242 Index ............................................................ 258

This page intentionally left blank
Allgemeine
Untere
Anatomie
Extremität
Oberfläche . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxx
Surface Anatomy
Skelett . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxx

Bildgebende Verfahren . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxx

Muskulatur . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxx

Topographie . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxx

Schnitte . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxx
 Allgemeine Anatomie Surface Anatomy
1
Regionen des Körpers Regions of the body

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Abb. 1.1 [Abb. 1.7] Regionen des Körpers; Ansicht von ventral. [J803]
Body regions; ventral view.

2
Surface Anatomy Allgemeine Anatomie
1
Regions of the body Regionen des Körpers

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Abb. 1.2 [Abb. 1.8] Regionen des Körpers; Ansicht von dorsal. [J803]
Body regions; dorsal view.

3
 Allgemeine Anatomie Surface Anatomy
1
Regionen des Körpers Regions of the body

 




6DJLWWDO
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a  b c d

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Abb. 1.3 [Abb. 1.4a bis d] Ebenen und Achsen. [L127] a Sagittalebene (Planum sagittale), in ihr verlaufen sagittale und longitudinale Achsen
b Transversalebene = Horizontalebene (Planum transversale), in ihr verlaufen transversale und sagittale Achsen
c Frontalebene = Koronarebene (Planum frontale), in ihr verlaufen longitudinale und transversale Achsen d Die koronare
Schädelnaht (Sutura coronalis) und die sagittale Schädelnaht (Sutura sagittalis) dienen besonders in der Radiologie als
Richtungsbezeichnungen: Die sagittale Schicht entspricht der Sagittalebene, die koronare Schicht entspricht der
Frontalebene.
Planes and axes. a sagittal plane (Planum sagittale), encompasses sagittal and longitudinal axes b transverse plane =
horizontal plane (Planum transversale), encompasses transverse and sagittal axes c frontal plane = coronal plane
(Planum frontale): encompasses longitudinal and transverse axes d coronal suture and sagittal suture serve for direction
denomination in radiology. A sagittal layer corresponds to a sagittal plane, a coronal layer corresponds to a frontal plane.

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Abb. 1.4 [Abb. 1.5a bis d] Orientierungslinien sowie Richtungs- und Lagebezeichnungen. [L127] a Ansicht von ventral b Ansicht von
dorsal c Untere Extremität von ventral, obere Extremität mit supinierter Hand d Hand von palmar und Fuß von
dorsal

Lines for orientation, directional information and relationships. a ventral view b dorsal view c lower and
upper extremity, ventral view d hand from palmar, foot from dorsal.

4
Rumpf

Trunk
 Rumpf Trunk
2
Oberflächliche Rückenmuskeln Superficial layer of muscles of the back

Protuberantia occipitalis externa

M. sternocleidomastoideus

Pars descendens M. splenius capitis

M. trapezius Pars transversa

Pars ascendens

Spina scapulae
Acromion

Fascia deltoidea
Vertebra prominens,
Proc. spinosus

M. teres major
Scapula, Angulus inferior

M. infraspinatus,
Fascia infraspinata
M. latissimus dorsi
M. rhomboideus major

Vertebra thoracica XII,

Proc. spinosus

M. obliquus externus abdominis

Trigonum lumbale
Fascia thoracolumbalis
M. latissimus dorsi

Crista iliaca

Os sacrum, Facies dorsalis

Abb. 2.1 [Abb. 2.70] Oberflächliche Schicht der Rumpf-Arm- und Rumpf-Schultergürtel-Muskeln; Ansicht von dorsal.

Superficial layer of the trunk-arm and trunk-shoulder girdle muscles; dorsal view.

6
Trunk Rumpf
2
Superficial layer of muscles of the back Oberflächliche Rückenmuskeln

M. trapezius
M. sternocleidomastoideus

M. splenius capitis

M. levator scapulae
M. rhomboideus minor
M. splenius cervicis

Fascia deltoidea M. trapezius

M. teres major

M. serratus posterior M. rhomboideus major

superior

M. infraspinatus,
Fascia infraspinata
Costae
Scapula, Angulus inferior

M. erector spinae

M. latissimus dorsi

M. latissimus dorsi
M. serratus anterior

M. serratus posterior inferior

Fascia thoracolumbalis

M. obliquus externus abdominis

M. obliquus externus abdominis
(Trigonum lumbale superius)

M. obliquus internus abdominis M. obliquus internus abdominis;

(Trigonum lumbale inferius)

Crista iliaca

Abb. 2.2 [Abb. 2.71] Tiefe Schicht der Rumpf- Arm- und der Rumpf-Schultergürtel-Muskeln; Ansicht von dorsal.

Deep layer of the trunk-arm and trunk-shoulder girdle muscles; dorsal view.

7
 Rumpf Trunk
2
Tiefe Rückenmuskeln Deep layer of muscles of the back

M. semispinalis capitis Lig. nuchae

M. splenius capitis
M. splenius capitis

M. sternocleidomastoideus

M. longissimus capitis
M. splenius cervicis

M. splenius cervicis
M. scalenus posterior

M. levator scapulae
M. trapezius
M. longissimus cervicis
M. teres major
M. semispinalis cervicis
M. serratus posterior superior
M. iliocostalis cervicis

M. rhomboideus major
M. infraspinatus,
Fascia infraspinata
M. iliocostalis thoracis

M. spinalis thoracis M. latissimus dorsi

M. longissimus thoracis
M. iliocostalis thoracis

M. serratus anterior
M. longissimus thoracis

M. serratus posterior inferior

M. iliocostalis lumborum

M. obliquus externus abdominis

Fascia thoracolumbalis

M. obliquus internus abdominis M. erector spinae

Abb. 2.3 [Abb. 2.72] Oberflächliche Schicht der tiefen (autochthonen) Rückenmuskeln; Ansicht von dorsal.

Superficial layer of the deep (autochthonous) muscles of the back; dorsal view.

8
Trunk Rumpf
2
Deep layer of muscles of the back Tiefe Rückenmuskeln

M. semispinalis capitis
M. obliquus capitis superior
M. rectus capitis posterior minor
M. splenius capitis
M. rectus capitis posterior major
M. longissimus capitis
Atlas, Tuberculum posterius
I
Atlas, Proc. transversus M. digastricus, Venter posterior
II
M. obliquus capitis inferior

M. semispinalis capitis Mm. intertransversarii posteriores cervicis

Mm. multifidi

M. semispinalis cervicis
Ligg. intertransversaria

VII
Mm. interspinales cervicis I Ligg. interspinalia; Lig. supraspinale

M. spinalis capitis Mm. rotatores thoracis breves

Mm. intertransversarii thoracis

Mm. levatores costarum breves

Mm. rotatores thoracis longi

M. semispinalis thoracis
Lig. costotransversarium superius

Lig. intertransversarium
Mm. intercostales externi, Fascia

Mm. levatores costarum breves

Membrana intercostalis interna

Mm. levatores costarum longi

XII

Mm. intertransversarii thoracis

I
Costa XII
M. quadratus lumborum, Fascia
Fascia thoracolumbalis
Mm. intertransversarii mediales lumborum
M. obliquus internus abdominis
M. transversus abdominis
Mm. intertransversarii laterales Mm. interspinales lumborum
lumborum
Fascia transversalis Ligg. intertransversaria

M. obliquus externus abdominis Lig. iliolumbale

V

Spina iliaca posterior superior

Mm. multifidi Lig. sacrotuberale

Abb. 2.4 [Abb. 2.74] Rückenmuskeln, Mm. dorsi, und Nackenmuskeln, Mm. suboccipitales; Ansicht von dorsal.

Muscles of the back, Mm. dorsi, and muscles of the neck, Mm. suboccipitales; dorsal view.

9
 Rumpf Trunk
2
Nackenmuskeln Neck muscles

M. rectus capitis posterior minor M. trapezius

M. semispinalis capitis
M. rectus capitis posterior major
M. obliquus capitis superior
M. splenius capitis

Atlas, Arcus posterior

M. splenius capitis M. splenius cervicis

Proc. mastoideus
M. longissimus capitis

M. splenius cervicis M. digastricus, Venter posterior

Proc. styloideus
M. longissimus capitis
M. obliquus capitis inferior
M. semispinalis capitis
M. longissimus capitis
Atlas, Tuberculum posterius

Axis, Proc. spinosus

M. semispinalis capitis

Mm. interspinales cervicis Mm. multifidi

M. semispinalis cervicis
M. longissimus cervicis

M. iliocostalis cervicis

Lig. supraspinale

M. semispinalis thoracis

Abb. 2.5 [Abb. 2.78] Rückenmuskeln, Mm. dorsi, und Nackenmuskeln, Mm. suboccipitales; Ansicht von dorsal.

Muscles of the back, Mm. dorsi, and muscles of the neck, Mm. suboccipitales; dorsal view.

10
Trunk Rumpf
2
Neck muscles Nackenmuskeln

M. semispinalis capitis M. rectus capitis posterior minor

M. rectus capitis posterior major

M. splenius capitis

M. obliquus capitis superior Membrana atlantooccipitalis posterior

M. longissimus capitis A. vertebralis, Pars atlantica

M. digastricus, Venter posterior Atlas, Proc. transversus

M. rectus capitis lateralis
Proc. styloideus M. obliquus capitis inferior
M. obliquus capitis inferior
M. longissimus cervicis
M. splenius cervicis
M. intertransversarius posterior cervicis

Axis, Proc. transversus

M. splenius cervicis
I = Tuberculum posterius des Atlas
II = Proc. spinosus des Axis
M. semispinalis capitis
I = Tuberculum posterius of the Atlas
Mm. multifidi
II = Proc. spinosus of the Axis

Abb. 2.6 [Abb. 2.79] Nackenmuskeln, Mm. suboccipitales; Ansicht von dorsal.

Muscles of the neck, Mm. suboccipitales; dorsal view.

M. splenius capitis

M. longissimus capitis

M. semispinalis capitis Lig. nuchae

M. splenius cervicis M. trapezius

M. levator scapulae

Vertebra prominens, Proc. spinosus

M. longissimus cervicis

M. scalenus medius
M. iliocostalis cervicis

M. scalenus posterior M. semispinalis thoracis

Costa I Costa II

Abb. 2.7 [Abb. 2.80] Rückenmuskeln, Mm. dorsi, und Halsmuskeln, Mm. colli; Ansicht von links

Muscles of the back, Mm. dorsi, and muscles of the neck, Mm. colli; viewed from the left side

11
 Rumpf Trunk
2
Brust- und Bauchwandmuskeln Muscles of the thoracic and abdominal wall

(Trigonum clavipectorale)
Mm. sternocleidomastoidei

Platysma

Fascia clavipectoralis

Fascia brachii
V. cephalica

M. deltoideus
Fascia axillaris

M. pectoralis major, Pars clavicularis

M. pectoralis major, Pars sternocostalis

M. serratus anterior

M. latissimus dorsi
M. pectoralis major, Pars abdominalis

Ligg. costoxiphoidea

Linea alba

M. obliquus externus abdominis

Vagina musculi recti abdominis,

Anulus umbilicalis Lamina anterior

Spina iliaca anterior superior

Fibrae intercrurales
Tela subcutanea; Panniculus adiposus

Crus mediale
M. obliquus externus abdominis,
Aponeurosis
M. cremaster

Funiculus spermaticus Lig. reflexum

Lig. suspensorium penis

Lig. fundiforme penis

Abb. 2.8 [Abb. 2.81] Oberflächliche Schicht der Muskeln der Brust- und Bauchwand, Mm. thoracis und Mm. abdominis; Ansicht von ventral.

Muscles of the thoracic and abdominal wall, Mm. thoracis and Mm. abdominis, superficial layer; ventral view.

12
 Trunk Rumpf
2
Muscles of the thoracic and abdominal wall Brust- und Bauchwandmuskeln

M. sternocleidomastoideus, Tendo

M. pectoralis major, Pars clavicularis (M. sternalis, Var.)

M. subclavius
M. intercostalis internus V. axillaris
M. deltoideus M. pectoralis minor

M. coracobrachialis Plexus brachialis,

Pars infraclavicularis

M. biceps brachii, Caput breve

M. pectoralis major A. axillaris

M. pectoralis minor M. serratus anterior

Costa III

M. latissimus dorsi

M. serratus anterior

M. pectoralis major, Pars sternocostalis

M. obliquus externus abdominis

M. pectoralis major, Pars abdominalis

Abb. 2.9 [Abb. 2.83] Muskeln der Brustwand, Mm. thoracis; Ansicht von ventral.

Muscles of the thoracic wall; Mm. thoracis; ventral view.

13
 Rumpf Trunk
2
Bauchmuskeln Abdominal muscles

Ligg. costoxiphoidea

M. pectoralis major,
M. serratus anterior
Pars sternocostalis

M. pectoralis major,
Pars abdominalis
Vagina musculi recti abdominis,
Lamina anterior

M. obliquus externus abdominis

M. rectus abdominis, Mm. intercostales interni

Intersectio tendinea

M. rectus abdominis
M. rectus abdominis

M. obliquus internus abdominis,

Aponeurosis
M. obliquus externus abdominis

Anulus umbilicalis

M. obliquus externus abdominis

Linea alba

Spina iliaca anterior superior

M. obliquus internus abdominis

M. obliquus externus abdominis,

Aponeurosis

Fibrae intercrurales

Crus laterale
Anulus inguinalis Funiculus spermaticus; M. cremaster
superficialis
Crus mediale M. pyramidalis Lig. reflexum

Abb. 2.10 [Abb. 2.88] Oberflächliche und mittlere Schicht der Bauchmuskeln, Mm. abdominis; Ansicht von ventral.

Superficial and intermediate layer of the abdominal muscles, Mm. abdominis; ventral view.

14
 Trunk Rumpf
2
Abdominal muscles Bauchmuskeln

M. pectoralis major
M. serratus anterior

M. latissimus dorsi

M. obliquus externus abdominis

M. obliquus externus abdominis

Intersectiones tendineae

Mm. intercostales externi

Vagina musculi recti abdominis,
Mm. intercartilaginei Lamina anterior

Cartilago costalis X

M. rectus abdominis

M. obliquus externus abdominis

Vagina musculi recti abdominis,

M. obliquus internus abdominis Lamina anterior

Spina iliaca anterior superior

Lig. inguinale

Anulus inguinalis superficialis

Funiculus spermaticus; M. pyramidalis

M. cremaster

Abb. 2.11 [Abb. 2.89] Mittlere Schicht der Bauchmuskeln, Mm. abdominis; Ansicht von ventral.

Intermediate layer of the abdominal muscles, Mm. abdominis; ventral view.

15
 Rumpf Trunk
2
Bauchmuskeln Abdominal muscles

M. rectus abdominis

Mm. intercostales
externi M. pectoralis major
Mm. intercartilaginei
M. latissimus dorsi

Cartilagines costales
M. obliquus externus
abdominis

Intersectiones tendineae
Costae IX; X

Vagina musculi recti

abdominis,
Lamina anterior
Vagina musculi recti
M. rectus abdominis
abdominis,
Lamina posterior
M. obliquus internus
abdominis
Linea semilunaris
M. transversus abdominis

Intersectio tendinea
M. transversus abdominis

M. obliquus internus
abdominis
M. obliquus internus
abdominis

M. obliquus internus
abdominis,
Aponeurosis
Anulus inguinalis
superficialis,
Crus mediale
Linea arcuata

Anulus inguinalis
superficialis,
Vagina musculi recti Crus laterale
abdominis,
Lamina anterior
M. pyramidalis
Fascia transversalis

M. rectus abdominis
Funiculus spermaticus

Abb. 2.12 [Abb. 2.90] Tiefe Schicht der Bauchmuskeln, Mm. abdominis; Ansicht von ventral.

Deep layer of the abdominal muscles, Mm. abdominis; ventral view.

16
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 More generous were the caciques of two towns at the other end
of the valley, who brought a few golden trifles and eight female
slaves.[278] The revelations of the Cempoalans and of Marina
concerning the wonderful power of the Spaniards, and the honors
paid them by Montezuma’s envoys, had the effect of making Olintetl
also more liberal with provisions at least. Being asked about the road
to Mexico he recommended that through Cholula, but the
Cempoalans representing the Cholultecs as highly treacherous, and
devoted to the Aztecs, the Tlascalan route was chosen, and four
Totonac chiefs were despatched to ask permission of the republican
rulers to pass through their lands. A letter served as mystic
credentials, and a red bushy Flemish hat for a present.[279]
After a stay of four days the army proceeded up the valley,
without leaving the customary cross, it seems, with which they had
marked their route hitherto; the reason for this was the objection of
Padre Olmedo to expose the emblem to desecration in a place not
wholly friendly to them.[280] The road lay for two leagues through a
densely settled district to Iztacmixtitlan, the seat of Tenamaxcuicuitl,
a town which Cortés describes as situated upon a lofty height, with
very good houses, a population of from five to six thousand families,
and possessing comforts superior to those of Xocotlan. “It has a
better fortress,” he writes, “than there is in half Spain, defended by a
wall, barbican, and moats.” The cacique who had invited the visit
made amends for the cold reception of the previous chief, and the
Spaniards remained for three days waiting in vain for the return of
the messengers sent to Tlascala. They then passed onward,
reinforced by about three hundred warriors from the town.[281] Two
leagues’ march brought them to the boundary of Tlascala,
conspicuous by a wall of stone and mortar nine feet in height and
twenty in breadth, which stretched for six miles across a valley, from
mountain to mountain, and was provided with breastworks and
ditches.[282]
Between latitude 19° and 20° ranges of hills cut the plain of
Anáhuac into four unequal parts. In the centre of the one eastward
stood the capital of Tlascala. The state so carefully protected was
about the same small territory which we now see on the map,[283]
with twenty-eight towns, and one hundred and fifty thousand
families, according to the rough census taken by Cortés.[284] A
branch of the Teo-Chichimec nation, the Tlascaltecs had, according
to tradition, entered upon the plateau shortly before the cognate
Aztecs, and, after occupying for a time a tract on the western shore
of Tezcuco Lake, they had tired of the constant disputes with
neighboring tribes and proceeded eastward, in three divisions, the
largest of which had, late in the thirteenth century, taken possession
of Tlascala, ‘Place of Bread.’ The soil was rich, as implied by the
name, but owing to the continued wars with former enemies,
reinforced by the Aztecs, they found little opportunity to make
available their wealth by means of industries and trade, and of late
years a blockade had been maintained which deprived them of many
necessaries, among others salt. But the greater attention given in
consequence to agriculture, had fostered temperate habits and a
sinewy constitution, combined with a deep love for the soil as the
source of all their prosperity. Compelled also to devote more time
and practice to warfare for the preservation of their liberty than to the
higher branches of culture, they presented the characteristics of an
isolated community, in being somewhat behind their neighbors in
refinement, as well as in the variety of their resources.
In government the state formed an aristocracy, ruled by a senate
of the nobility, presided over by four supreme hereditary lords, each
independent in his own section of the territory. This division extended
also to the capital, which consisted of four towns, or districts,
Tizatlan, Ocotelulco, Quiahuiztlan, and Tepeticpac, ruled respectively
by Xicotencatl, Maxixcatzin, Teohuayacatzin, and Tlehuexolotl.[285]
It was before this senate that the messengers of Cortés
appeared, informing them in the name of the Cempoalan lord of the
arrival of powerful gods from the east, who having liberated the
Totonacs from Montezuma’s sway, now desired to visit Tlascala in
passing through to Mexico, and to offer their friendship and alliance.
The messengers recommended an acceptance of the offer, for
although few in number the strangers were more than equal to a
host. They thereupon depicted their appearance, their swift steeds,
their savage dogs, their caged lightning, as well as their gentle faith
and manners. The messengers having retired, the senate proceeded
to discussion. Prudent Maxixcatzin, lord of the larger and richer
industrial district, called attention to the omens and signs which
pointed to these visitors, who from all accounts must be more than
mortal, and, if so, it would be best to admit them, since resistance
must be vain. Xicotencatl, the eldest lord, replied to this that the
interpretation of the signs could not be relied on. To him these beings
seemed monsters rejected by the sea-foam, greedy of gold and
luxuries, whose steeds devoured the very ground. To admit them
would be ruinous. Besides, should the invincible Tlascaltecs submit
to a mere handful? The gods forbid! It was further argued that the
amicable relations of the strangers with Montezuma and his vassals
did not accord with their protestations of friendship. This might be
one of the many Aztec plots to obtain a footing in the country. Nor
did the destruction of idols at Cempoala increase the confidence of a
people so jealous of its institutions. The discussion waxing warmer,
senator Temilotecatl suggested the middle course of letting the
Otomí frontier settlers, who were thoroughly devoted to their
Tlascaltec patrons, make an attack on the invaders, aided by their
own general Axayacatzin Xicotencatl, son of the old lord, and known
by the same name. If successful, they could claim the glory; if not,
they might grant the victors the permission they had desired, while
casting the blame for the attack on the Otomís. This was agreed to.
[286]

As the Spaniards halted before the great wall, speculating on the

strength of the people who had erected it, and upon the possible
traps it might hide, their late hosts again besought them to take the
Cholula route, but Cempoalan counsel prevailed. Waving aloft his
banner, Cortés exclaimed: “Behold the cross! Señores, follow it!” And
with this he led the way through the semicircular laps of the
entrance. The wall was not provided with sentinels, and the army
met with no obstacles.[287] Attended by ten horsemen, the general
advanced to reconnoitre. After proceeding about four leagues he
caught sight of fifteen armed Indians, who were pursued and
overtaken. A fight ensued, in which the natives, nerved by despair,
fought so fiercely that two horses were killed, and three horses and
two riders wounded.[288] Meanwhile a force of Indians came up,
estimated at from three to five thousand, and a horseman was at
once sent back to hurry forward the infantry, while the rest boldly
charged the enemy, riding through their ranks, and killing right and
left without being injured themselves. On the approach of the foot-
soldiers, and the discharge of a volley, the natives retired with about
sixty of their number slain.[289] Shortly afterward two of the
Cempoalan messengers returned with some Tlascaltecs, who
expressed their sorrow at the attack made by a tribe not belonging to
their nation. They offered to pay for the horses killed, and invited the
Spaniards in the name of the lords to proceed. The army advanced
for a league into more open country, and camped among some
abandoned farms, where dogs proved to be the only food left. Thus
ended the first day in Tlascalan territory, the first of September,
according to Bernal Diaz.
 In the morning the Spaniards met the two other messengers
returning from their mission to Tlascala, who told a harrowing story
of their seizure for the sacrificial stone, and of their escape by night.
It is probable that their detention by the Tlascaltecs for messenger
purposes had frightened them into believing that they were destined
to be sacrificed, for envoys enjoyed the greatest respect among the
Nahuas.[290] Shortly after a body of over one thousand warriors[291]
appeared, to whom Cortés, in presence of the notary Godoy, sent
three prisoners, with a formal assurance of his friendly intentions.
The only reply being showers of arrows, darts, and stones, Cortés
gave the “Santiago, and at them!” and charged. The enemy retreated
with the face to their pursuers, enticing them toward some broken
ground intersected by a creek, where they found themselves
surrounded by a large force, some bearing the red and white devices
of Xicotencatl. Missiles were showered, while double-pointed spears,
swords, and clubs pressed closely upon them, wielded by bolder
warriors than those whom the Spaniards had hitherto subdued.
Many were the hearts that quaked, and many expected that their last
moment had come; “for we certainly were in greater peril than ever
before,” says Bernal Diaz. “None of us will escape!” exclaimed
Teuch, the Cempoalan chief, but Marina who stood by replied with
fearless confidence: “The mighty God of the Christians, who loves
them well, will let no harm befall them.”[292] The commander rode
back and forth cheering the men, and giving orders to press onward,
and to keep well together. Fortunately the pass was not long, and
soon the Spaniards emerged into an open field, where the greater
part of the enemy awaited them, estimated in all, by different
authorities, at from thirty thousand to one hundred thousand.[293]
How long was this to continue, each new armed host being
tenfold greater than the last? Yet once again the Spaniards whet
their swords, and prepare for instant attack, as determined to fight it
out to the death, as Leonidas and his brave Spartans at the pass of
Thermopylæ. The cavalry charged with loose reins, and lances fixed
on a range with the heads of the enemy, opening a way through the
dense columns and spreading a confusion which served the infantry
well. Bernal Diaz relates how a body of natives, determined to obtain
possession of a horse, surrounded an excellent rider named Pedro
de Moron, who was mounted upon Sedeño’s fine racing mare,
dragged him from the saddle, and thrust their swords and spears
through the animal in all directions. Moron would have been carried
off but for the infantry coming to his rescue. In the struggle which
ensued ten Spaniards were wounded, while four chiefs bit the dust.
Moron was saved only to die on the second day, but the mare was
secured by the natives and cut into pieces, which were sent all over
the state to afford opportunity for triumphal celebrations. The loss
was greatly regretted, since it would divest the horses of their
terrifying character. Those previously killed had been secretly buried.
The battle continued until late in the afternoon, without enabling the
Indians to make any further impression on the Spanish ranks than
inflicting a few wounds, while their own were rapidly thinning under
the charges of the cavalry and the volleys of artillery and firelocks.
The slaughter had been particularly heavy among the chiefs, and
this was the main reason for the retreat which the enemy now
began, in good order.[294] Their actual loss could not be ascertained,
for with humane devotion the wounded and dead were carried off the
moment they were stricken; and in this constant self-sacrificing effort
the Tlascaltecs lost many lives and advantages. Robertson regards
with suspicion the accounts of the great battles fought during the
conquest, wherein Indians fell by the score while the Spaniards
stood almost unscathed, and Wilson ridicules the whole campaign,
reducing the Tlascalan population, for instance, to about ten
thousand, with a fighting force of less than one thousand men. Such
remarks certainly show a want of familiarity with the subject.[295] We
have often seen, in the New World wars, a thousand naked
Americans put to flight by ten steel-clad Europeans, and I have
clearly given the reasons. When we look at the Indians, with their
comparatively poor weapons, their unprotected bodies, their
inefficient discipline and tactics, whereby only a small portion of their
force could be made available, the other portion serving rather as an
obstruction, their custom of carrying off the dead, and other weak
points, and when we contrast them with the well armored Spaniards,
with their superior swords and lances, their well calculated
movements, and their concerted action carried out under strict and
practised officers, and above all their terror-inspiring and ravaging
fire-arms and horses—how can we doubt that the latter must have
readily been able to overcome vast numbers of native warriors? It
was soon so understood in Europe. For once when Cortés was in
Spain he scoffed at certain of his countrymen for having fled before a
superior force of Moors, whereupon one remarked: “This fellow
regards our opponents like his, of whom ten horsemen can put to
flight twenty-five thousand.” In the retreat of the Ten Thousand, who
under Cyrus had invaded Persia, we have an example of the
inadequacy of numbers against discipline. Though for every Greek
the Persians could bring a hundred men, yet the effeminate Asiatic
absolutely refused to meet the hardy European in open conflict.
Æschylus was inspired by personal experience in his play of the
Persians when he makes the gods intimate to the wondering Atossa,
the queen-mother, that free Athenians, unwhipped to battle, could
cope successfully with the myriads of despotic Xerxes. The poor
Americans had yet to learn their own weakness, and to pay dearly
for the knowledge.
“It well seems that God was he who fought for us to enable us to
get free from such a multitude,” says Cortés. He attempted no
pursuit, but hastened to take possession of Tecohuatzinco, a small
town on the hill of Tzompachtepetl,[296] where they fortified
themselves upon the temple pyramid, and proceeded to celebrate
the victory with songs and dances, a performance wherein the allies
took the leading part. The following day[297] Cortés sallied forth with
the horses, one hundred infantry, and seven hundred allies, partly to
forage before the enemy appeared, but also to inflict some damage,
and to show that they were as fresh as ever. “I burned five or six
small villages,” he says, “each of about one hundred families, and
returned with four hundred prisoners.”[298] After being consoled with
food and beads, the captives, including fifteen taken during the late
battle, were despatched to the camp of Xicotencatl, two leagues off,
with a letter to serve as credentials, and a message assuring him of
the friendly intentions of the Spaniards, although they had been
obliged to resort to severe measures. By no means impressed either
with his defeat or with the assurances, Xicotencatl replied that peace
would be celebrated at his father’s town with a feast on the
Spaniards’ flesh, while their hearts and blood were delighting the
gods. They would receive a more decisive answer on the morrow.
With this defiant message came the report that the Tlascalan army,
largely reinforced, was preparing to march on and overwhelm them.
“When we learned this,” says Bernal Diaz, “being men, we feared
death, many of us; and all made confession to the Merced father,
and the clergyman Juan Diaz, who all night remained present to
listen to the penitent; and we commended ourselves to God, praying
that we might not be conquered.” Cortés applied himself
energetically to supervise preparations and give the enemy a
welcome. A fresh supply of arrows, and of Indian shields of plaited
cane and cotton, were made, and the arms and accoutrements
inspected. He impressed upon the soldiers the necessity of keeping
close together, round the banner to be carried well aloft by Alférez
Corral, in order that they might not be cut off. As for the cavalry they
were to make repeated charges, without losing time in delivering
thrusts.
 Early in the morning of September 5th the Indian army could be
seen extending far over the field, terrible in war-paint, plumed
helmets, and gaudy shields, with their double-edged flint swords and
many-pointed lances gleaming in the sun, while the air resounded
with shrill yells, mingling with the melancholy tones of their drums
and the doleful blasts of conchs and trumpets.[299] It was the largest
and finest army yet seen by the Spaniards, numbering, according to
Gomara, one hundred and fifty thousand men, but according to
Bernal Diaz only fifty thousand,[300] in four divisions, representing
Tizatlan, Ocotelulco, Quiahuiztlan, and Tepeticpac, each
distinguished by its own banner and colors, the latter noticeable also
in the war-paint of the common soldier and in the quilted armor of the
officers. Far in the rear, indicative of hostile sentiment, rose the
standard of the state, bearing a bird with wings extended.[301]
Gomara relates that, confident of success, the Tlascaltecs sent
messengers to the camp with three hundred turkey-cocks and two
hundred baskets of tamales, each of one hundred arrobas, so that
they might not be taunted with having fought starved men, or having
offered such to the idols.
But this story, adopted by Herrera, Clavigero, Robertson, and
nearly every other writer, implies a generosity altogether too impolitic
for an enemy who had already suffered two severe defeats. It is
probable, however, that Xicotencatl may have sent small presents of
food in order to obtain an opportunity for his spies to examine the
camp.[302]
The Indians advanced in several columns up the sides of the hill,
and, despite the resistance offered, pressed onward into the very
camp, but were soon obliged to yield before murderous bullets and
cutting blades. Cortés allowed the Indians to become tired and
discouraged with repeated charges, and then with a ringing
“Santiago!” the Spaniards, followed by the allies, sallied forth,[303]
driving them in confusion to the plain, where the cavalry followed up
the advantage, leaving bloody paths in all directions. Checked and
reinforced by the reserve, the enemy turned with fresh courage on
their pursuers. The shock was overwhelming. The tired Castilians
yielded; their ranks were broken, and all seemed lost. Even Cortés
was seized with a terrible misgiving, but it was only for a moment.
Leading the cavalry to the rescue, he raised his voice above the din
of battle, and called on all to rally. Nerved by his words and deeds,
the men plied lustily their swords, and, driving back the enemy,
formed anew. “So ably and valiantly fought the horsemen,” writes
Bernal Diaz, “that next to God who protected us, they proved our
strength.” Following up their advantage, the Spaniards hewed down
the enemy in great numbers.
Victory might yet have turned against them but for a quarrel
between Xicotencatl and another captain,[304] one accusing the
other of mismanaging the late battle. The latter not only challenged
the other, it seems, but withdrew his troops, and induced another
division to follow him.[305] Thus left with only half his army, and that
shattered and discouraged, Xicotencatl retired before the handful on
whom his every effort seemed to have made no impression. He
retreated in good order, carrying off most of the dead, for the
opponents were too exhausted to pursue. Indeed, all the horses
were wounded, and fully sixty men, of whom it appears several must
have died soon after, though Cortés admits of no dead, and Bernal
Diaz of only one.[306]

FOOTNOTES
[265] ‘Y todos â vna le respondimos, que hariamos lo que ordenasse, que echada
estaua la suerte de la buena ò mala ventura.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 40.
[266] Bernal Diaz states, 65, that on reaching Mexico City ‘no llegauamos á 450
soldados,’ intimating that they must have amounted to fully this figure on leaving
Villa Rica. This would allow fully 120 men to Escalante, which appears a large
garrison, even after making allowances for the old and infirm. Gomara places the
force at 400 Spaniards, with 15 horses, 6 guns, and 1300 Indians, including
Cubans and carriers. Conq. Mex., 67; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. i.; Torquemada,
i. 411, 517. Ixtlilxochitl increases this to 7 guns, 1300 warriors, and 1000 carriers.
‘Con quince de caballo y trescientos peones.’ Cortés, Cartas, 52. Cortés refers
later on to 400 Cempoalans. He mentions merely 200 carriers. Clavigero has 415
Spaniards, a figure resulting from a misreading of his original. Storia Mess., iii. 36.
Solis, Hist. Mex., i. 216-17, followed of course by Robertson, changes the figures
to 500 men, 200 carriers, and 400 Indian troops. A page, twelve years old, was left
with the lord of Cempoala to learn the language. ‘Tomaron un indio principal que
llamaban Tlacochalcatl para que los mostrase el camino,’ taken from the country
by Grijalva, and brought back by Cortés. Sahagun, Conq. Mex., 16. Shortly before
beginning the march, says Duran, a messenger arrived from Mexico in the person
of Motelchiuh, sent by Montezuma to serve as guide, and to provide for the proper
service and hospitality on the way. Being told that no guide was needed, he
returned, leaving orders with the caciques en route to tender good reception to the
strangers. Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 405-10.

[267] Meaning ‘Spring in the Sand.’ Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. app. 7. ‘Y la primera
jornado fuimos â vn pueblo, que se dize Xalapa.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 41.
But the road was too long for one day’s march. I may here observe that Bernal
Diaz is remarkably faulty in his account of this march and of the campaign into
Tlascala, and this is admitted by several writers, who nevertheless follow him
pretty closely. The place is known the world over for its fairs and productions,
particularly for the drug bearing its name, and is famous in the neighboring
districts for its eternal spring and beautiful surroundings.

[268] Identified with Naulinco. Lorenzana, Viage, p. ii.

[269] Cortés refers to a friendly chat with the governor, who mentioned the orders
he had received to offer the Spaniards all necessities. Cartas, 57.

[270] ‘Por ser el primero que en estas tierras habíamos pasado. El cual es tan
agro y alto, que no lo hay en España otro.’ Cortés, Cartas, 57. ‘Hoy se llama el
Paso del Obispo.’ Lorenzana, ubi sup. ‘Ay en ella muchas parras con vuas, y
arboles cõ miel.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 68.

[271] ‘Hoy se nombra Ixhuacán de los Reyes.’ Lorenzana, Viage.

[272] ‘De Nauhcampa, quatre parties, et tepetl, montagne.’ Humboldt, Vues, ii.
191. Equivalent to the Spanish name of Cofre de Perote.
[273]Lorenzana believes it to be the later Sierra de la Agua. A map with profile of
the route is given in Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 201; and a still better map by
Orozco y Berra, Itinerario, in Noticias Mex., 233.

[274] The name must not be confounded with Zacatlan, as Ixtlilxochitl calls it, for
this lies north of Tlascala. ‘Este valle y poblacion se llama Caltanmi.’ ‘Tenia las
mayores y mas bien labradas casas que hasta entonces ... habiamos visto.’
Cortés, Cartas, 58. Lorenzana says, ‘the present Tlatlanquitepec,’ in the lower
lying portion of which stood the palace of Caltanni, ‘house below;’ and there
stands the big tree to which the natives say that Cortés tied his horse. Viage, pp.
iii.-iv. ‘Llamase ... Zaclotan aquel lugar, y el valle Zacatami.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex.,
68; Oviedo, iii. 260. Cocotlan. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 41.

[275] Gomara intimates that the Spaniards were well received, and had 50 men
sacrificed in their honor. Hist. Mex., 68. The native records state that bread
sprinkled with the blood of fresh victims was offered to them, as to idols, but this
being rejected with abhorrence, pure food was brought. Before this sorcerers had
been sent to use their arts against them, by spreading diseases, casting spells to
prevent their advance, and otherwise opposing them. But everything failed before
the magic influence shed perhaps by the banner of the cross. Duran, Hist. Ind.,
MS., ii. 401-8; Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 14; Acosta, Hist. Ind., 518; Torquemada, i.
417-8.

[276] ‘Tenia Montezuma en este pueblo, y su comarca, cinco mil soldados de

guarnicion.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. ii.

[277] Conq. Mex., 42. ‘A muchos valientes por ventura desmayara,’ says to the
contrary Gomara, Hist. Mex., 69.

[278] Cortés, Cartas, 59. Bernal Diaz assumes that Olintetl was persuaded by the
Cempoalans to conciliate Cortés with four slaves, a few paltry pieces of jewelry,
and a load of cloth.

[279] Camargo sends the letter from Cempoala, together with a sword, a
crossbow, and a red silk cap. Hist. Tlax., 145. But it is not probable that Cortés
would deprive himself of such needful articles, not overabundant with him, even if
he had no objection to let Indians examine them. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 42-3,
despatches two Cempoalans from a later station, and this on hearing that the
Tlascaltecs had risen to oppose them.

[280] Still Gomara, in his sweeping way, declares that Cortés ‘puso muchas
cruzes en los templos, derrocãdo los idolos como lo hazia en cada lugar.’ Hist.
Mex., 70; Tapia, Relacion, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 567. Twenty leading
warriors were taken from here, says Bernal Diaz.
[281] Clavigero calls them ‘un competente numero di truppe Messicane del
presidio di Xocotla,’ Storia Mess., iii. 41, which is unlikely.

[282] See Native Races, ii. 568, et seq.

[283] Fifteen leagues from west to east, ten from north to south, says
Torquemada, i. 276. Herrera extends it to 30 leagues in width.

[284] ‘Hay en esta provincia, por visitacion que yo en ella mandé hacer, ciento
cincuenta mil vecinos.’ Cortés, Cartas, 69. In the older edition of these letters by
Lorenzana, it reads, 500,000 families, a figure which in itself indicates an
exaggeration, but has nevertheless been widely copied. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 87.

[285] For further information about Tlascala, see Native Races, ii. and v.
Torquemada gives a detailed history of the state in i. 259-78. See also Prescott’s
Mex., 411-19; Soria, Istoria y Fundacion de la Ciudad de Tlaxcala, MS. in Aztec,
sm. 4o of 48 leaves.

[286] Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. iii., confounds the two Xicotencatls, and
Torquemada, in seeking to correct him, applies the title of general to Maxixcatzin,
i. 416, supposing besides, with Clavigero, that Temilotecatl may be another name
for Tlehuexolotl. Storia Mess., iii. 40; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv.
133. Jealous of the honor of his countrymen, and eager to vindicate them against
the charge of duplicity or enmity toward the Spaniards, Camargo lets the
messengers go back with a friendly invitation. After they had started on this
mission the idols were consulted, but remained mute; the temples were
overthrown by earthquakes, and comets appeared, creating a general panic. Hist.
Tlax., 144-6. The account of the conquest by this author is particularly interesting
since Diego Muñoz Camargo was a native of the valiant little republic of Tlascala,
a mestizo, says Veytia, Hist. Ant. Méj., ii. 91, who calls him Domingo, while
Clavigero gives him nobility. Storia Mess., i. 10. Born shortly after these events,
and in contact with the very men who figured therein, his stories are reproduced
from their lips, though colored with the spirit of a convert and patriot who, like
nearly all of his countrymen, was only too eager to curry favor with the dominant
race. This is apparent in nearly every line of his text, wherein the terms of praise
bestowed on the conquerors become not unfrequently absurd from the
contradictions implied by other passages. Nor does he neglect to hold forth on his
own people for their bravery and exploits in fighting the detested Aztecs, and their
unswerving devotion to the Spaniards. In the pursuit of this pleasing theme he
scruples not to sacrifice truth when it proves a stumbling-block. He leaves the
impression, for instance, that the Tlascaltecs never raised sword against Cortés.
Many of the misstatements are due to a non-critical acceptance of tales, for
Camargo was as simple and superstitious as any of his contemporaries. Although
acting as interpreter in the province, Torquemada, i. 523, he exhibits a not very
thorough acquaintance with Spanish, which is the cause of errors and repetitions.
The conquest forms but a portion of his narrative, which treats chiefly of aboriginal
history and customs, and touches lightly the events that passed before his eyes. It
was written in 1585, and lay for some time in the Felipe Neri convent archives,
where it was consulted by Torquemada. Taken afterward by Panes to Spain, it was
deposited by Muñoz with the Royal Academy of History at Madrid, from which
source copies were obtained, among others one by Ternaux-Compans, and a
faulty translation was published in the Nouvelles Annales des Voyages, xcviii.-ix.

[287] A short distance further they passed through a pine grove, wherein threads
and papers were fixed and scattered across the path, the work of Tlascaltec
sorcerers, who thus sought to cast a spell upon the invaders. Herrera, dec. ii. lib.
vi. cap. iv.

[288] ‘Segun algunos que lo vieron, cortaron cercen de vn golpe cada pescueço
con riendas y todo.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 71. ‘Io viddi che cõbattẽdosi vn dì, diede
vn Indiano vna cortellata a vn cauallo ... nel petto, che glielo aperse fin alle
ĩteriora, et cadde icõtanẽte morto, & ... che vn’ altro Indiano diede vn’ altra
cortellata a vn’ altro cauallo su il collo che se lo gettò morto.’ Relatione per vn
gentil’huomo, in Ramusio, Viaggi, iii. 305. According to Duran two warriors
stepped forth from a vast Tlascalan army before the regular battle, and issued a
challenge, which was accepted by two horsemen. After a short combat the
Indians, by deft movements, killed both horses, cutting off the neck of one, and
wounding the other in the pasterns. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 411-20; Tezozomoc, Hist.
Mex., ii. 255-6. This attack is the only resistance admitted by Camargo. The
assailants were all Otomís, who killed one Spaniard and two horses. Hist. Tlax.,
146.

[289] ‘Hirieron á quatro de los nuestros, y pareceme que desde alli á pocos dias
muriò el vno de las heridas ... quedaron muertos hasta diez y siete dellos.’ Bernal
Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 43; Cortés, Cartas, 61; Lorenzana calls the scene of this battle
the plain of Quimichoccan. Viage, p. viii.

[290] See Native Races, ii. 413; Solis, Hist. Mex., i. 230. According to Bernal Diaz
the messengers are met before the Tlascalan border is reached, and they deliver
the announcement that the Tlascaltecs will kill the Spaniards and eat their flesh, in
order to test their reputed strength. The Cempoalans shall suffer the same fate,
since they are assumed to be plotting in behalf of the Aztecs, loc. cit. Sahagun
supposes that the Cempoalan guide had treacherously led the Spaniards against
the Otomís. Conq. Mex. (ed. 1840), 40; Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 42-3.

[291] Bernal Diaz says 6000.

[292] Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. v. A pious conquistador who was present, says
Duran, told me that many wept, wishing they had never been born, and cursing
the marquis for having led them into such danger. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 417.

[293] Tapia gives the higher and Herrera the lower figure, while Ixtlilxochitl makes
it 80,000.

[294] During the battle one of the late Cempoalan envoys recognized the captain
who had bound him for sacrifice, and with Cortés’ permission he sent him a
challenge. The duel was held in front of the armies, and after a tough struggle the
Cempoalan, with a feint, threw his opponent off guard, and secured his head,
which served as a centre-piece during the Cempoalan victory celebration. Herrera,
dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. vi. This author also relates that one of the final acts of the battle
was the capture by Ordaz, with 60 men, of a pass. ‘Les matamos muchos Indios, y
entre ellos ocho Capitanes muy principales, hijos de los viejos Caciques.’ Five
horses were wounded and fifteen soldiers, of whom one died. The other chronicles
admit of no dead. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 44.

[295] Robertson, Hist. Am., ii. 38-9; Wilson’s Conq. Mex., 360-70; Benzoni, Hist.
Mondo Nvovo, 51. It is seldom that I encounter a book which I am forced to regard
as beneath censure. He who prints and pays the printer generally has something
to say, and generally believes something of what he says to be true. An idiot may
have honest convictions, and a knave may have talents, but where a book carries
to the mind of the reader that its author is both fool and knave, that is, that he
writes only foolishness and does not himself believe what he says, I have not the
time to waste in condemning such a work. And yet here is a volume purporting to
be A New History of the Conquest of Mexico, written by Robert Anderson Wilson,
and bearing date Philadelphia, 1859, which one would think a writer on the same
subject should at least mention. The many and magnificent monuments which to
the present day attest the great number and high culture of the Nahua race, and
the testimony to this effect offered by witnesses on all sides, are ignored by him
with a contempt that becomes amusing as the pages reveal his lack of
investigation and culture. Indeed, the reader need go no further than the
introduction to be convinced on the latter point. Another amusing feature is that
the work pretends to vindicate the assertions of Las Casas, who, in truth, extols
more than other Spanish author the vast number and advanced culture of the
natives. In addition to this mistaken assumption, which takes away his main
support, he states that Prescott worked in ignorance of his subject and his
authorities, and to prove the assertion he produces wrongly applied or distorted
quotations from different authors, or assumes meanings that were never intended,
and draws erroneous conclusions. Thus it is he proves to his own satisfaction that
Mexico City was but a village occupied by savages of the Iroquois stamp, and that
Cortés was the boastful victor over little bands of naked red men. As for the ruins,
they were founded by Phœnician colonists in remote ages. Another tissue of
superficial observations, shaped by bigotry and credulous ignorance, was issued
by the same author under the title of Mexico and its Religion, New York, 1855,
most enterprisingly reprinted in the disguise of Mexico: its Peasants and its
Priests, New York, 1856. In common with Mr Morgan, and others of that stamp, Mr
Wilson seems to have deemed it incumbent on him to traduce Mr Prescott and his
work, apparently with the view of thereby attracting attention to himself. Such men
are not worthy to touch the hem of Mr Prescott’s garment; they are not worthy of
mention in the same category with him.

[296] Lorenzana, Viage, ix., wherein the appearance of the hill is described as the
bishop saw it. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 292; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 146. Other
authors differ. ‘Teoatzinco, cioè il luogo dell’acqua divina.’ Clavigero, Storia Mess.,
iii. 44. Duran assumes that the battle was for the possession of this place, which
he calls Tecoac. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 418, 422; Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., ii. 256. ‘Aldea
de pocas casas, que tenia vna torrezilla y tẽplo.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 74.

[297] So Cortés distinctly says. Bernal Diaz writes, however, that this day was
devoted to rest. Still, a later observation indicates that Cortés is right.

[298] Id. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 44, admits only twenty captives, and blames
the allies for firing the villages; but Cortés is frank enough about it.

[299] Prescott, Mex., 438-42, gives a pretty description of the army, but is so
carried away that he dons it with helmets glittering with gold and precious stones,
etc.; and this in spite of the efforts of the chroniclers to exhibit the Tlascaltecs as
very poor in anything but rude comforts.

[300] Under five captains, to whom he applies the names of the four lords, as he
understands them, and of the ruler of Huexotzinco. Hist. Verdad., 45; Gomara,
Hist. Mex., 75. 149,000 men, says Cortés, in his second letter, 62, but this
exactness is probably due to a printer’s mistake.

[301] For colors and banners, and how carried, see Native Races, ii. 411-12, and
Torquemada, i. 436.

[302] He was detected in this trick afterward. ‘Lo qual fue gran refrigerio y socorro
para la necesidad que tenian.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 76. Oviedo increases the gift
to 700 baskets. iii. 495. Gomara proceeds to relate that in sign of contempt for the
small number of the enemy, whom it could be no honor for his large army to
overcome, Xicotencatl detached 2000 warriors—200 says Oviedo—to seize and
bring him the strangers bound. They attacked, and were routed with an almost
total destruction of their number. ‘No escapo hombre dellos, sino los q̄ acertaron el
passo de la barranca.’ loc. cit. 76.
[303] Bernal Diaz states that they did not wait for the enemy to attack, but
marched forth and met them one eighth of a league from camp. Hist. Verdad., 45.
But Cortés says distinctly, ‘Otro dia en amaneciendo dan sobre nuestro real mas
de ciento y cuarenta y nueve mil hombres.’ Cartas, 62. Gomara and Herrera also
allow Indians to attack the camp first. Cortés is too fond of announcing when he
takes the initiative to have failed to say so had he done it in this case.

[304] ‘Son of Chichimeclatecle,’ says Bernal Diaz, a name which should read
Chichimeca-tecuhtli.

[305] That of Guaxolcingo—meaning Huexotzinco. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 45.

That of Tlehuexolotzin. Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 46. Solis exaggerates this into
an actual battle between the leaders and their followers. Hist. Mex., i. 255-8.
Herrera intimates that a secret arrangement had been formed between Cortés and
the seceding captain, the latter appearing with his officers at the camp, the
evening after the previous battle, and, declaring himself convinced that the
Spaniards were invincible, offered not only to remain neutral, but to aid them in
entering Tlascala. Cortés agreed. When the captain returned to Xicotencatl’s
camp he was so badly beaten that he came back to Cortés for medical treatment.
Certain signs were to be worn, so that the Spaniards might respect the neutral
troops. dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. vi. He also relates that one Tlascaltec maintained
himself so long and bravely against two Spanish soldiers that Láres, the smith,
rushed up, cried shame upon the twain, and lanced the warrior. Id., cap. vii.

[306] This soldier himself received two wounds, which did not prevent him from
fighting, however. ‘Nos mataron vn soldado,’ he says, and a few lines further
down, ‘y enterramos los muertos ... porque no viessen los Indios que eramos
mortales.’ Hist. Verdad., 45. Thus even the ‘True Historian’ reveals the common
weakness. Hazart, Kirchen-Geschichte, ii. 512-14; West-Indische Spieghel, 224-
35; Franck, Weltbuch, ccxxix.
 CHAPTER XIII.
ENTRY INTO TLASCALA.

September, 1519.

Native Chiefs Sent as Envoys to the Tlascalan Capital—Their Favorable

Reception—Xicotencatl Plans Resistance to Cortés—Sends out Spies
—Cortés Sends them back Mutilated—The Spaniards Attack and Defeat
Xicotencatl—Night Encounters—General Dissatisfaction and a Desire
to Return to Villa Rica—Envoys Arrive from Montezuma—Cortés
Receives Xicotencatl and the Tlascalan Lords—Peace Concluded—
Tlascala—Festivities and Rejoicings—Mass Celebrated—Cortés
Inclined to Extreme Religious Zeal—Brides Presented to the Spaniards
—Appropriate Ceremonies—Preparing to Leave Tlascala for Cholula—
Communications with the Cholultecs.

In the late battle three chiefs had been captured, and they
together with two others were sent, this time to the Tlascalan capital
direct, to carry an offer of peace, and to explain that the Spaniards
would not have harmed their warriors had they not been obliged to
do so. If peace was still declined they would come and destroy them
all. Meanwhile Cortés set out on another foraging and raiding
expedition, and “burned more than ten towns, one exceeding three
thousand houses,” retiring by the early afternoon, when the Indians
began to gather in aid of the raided neighbors.[307]
Tired of the fruitless fighting, attended with loss of life and
property only to themselves as it appeared, the peace party in
Tlascala had been gaining the ascendancy, with the efforts of
Maxixcatzin, supported as he now was by the powerful factions
which had quarrelled with the general. When the peace messengers
of Cortés arrived they were therefore received with favor. His
previous friendly offers were considered, also his kind treatment of
captives, so unusual with the natives, and the oracles and signs of a
coming race of rulers. Whether gods or men, they were evidently
invincible, and the friendship and alliance held out by them must be
desirable, and ought to be secured before the strangers, embittered
by further resistance, should pass on to join their enemies. An
embassy, headed by Costomatl and Tolinpanecatl,[308] was
accordingly despatched with provisions and some other trifling gifts
to open negotiations for peace. Humbly these men appeared before
Cortés, expressing the sorrow of the lords for the hostility shown,
and their desire for peace. With a grave reproval for their obstinacy,
Cortés said that he would admit their apology, and the envoys
departed, after leaving beside the other gifts a number of male and
female slaves.[309]
Smarting under the disgrace of his defeats, Xicotencatl had
meanwhile been laying plans to retrieve himself. Among other
counsellors he had summoned diviners to his aid, and they, calling to
mind the assumption that the Spaniards were children of the sun,
declared that as such the new-comers were invincible only when
animated by its beams, and at night, when deprived of this
invigorating power, they became mortals, who must bow to superior
force. Knowing the strength of the party opposed to him in the
Tlascalan capital, he does not appear to have submitted his projects
there, but to have ventured upon detaining the envoys as they were
returning from the Spanish camp until the result of his plans should
have been ascertained; and this in face of the command to desist
from hostility.[310] In order to make everything as sure as possible for
the intended blow, Xicotencatl sent fifty Indians to the camp, with
instructions to gather information concerning the approaches, the
condition of the soldiers, and other points. They appeared before
Cortés with the usual demonstrations of respect, and, placing before
him five female slaves, a quantity of food, and other presents, they
said: “Lord, behold these slaves! If you are fierce gods, eat their
flesh and blood, and more shall be brought; if gentle gods, take
these feathers and incense; if men, here are fowl, bread, and fruit.”
Cortés answered that they required no sacrifices of men. Had they
desired such they could have taken by force all the victims needed.
He rebuked their obstinacy and advised submission.[311] They were
then taken aside to receive the hospitalities of the camp, after which
they dispersed to satisfy their curiosity, and to question the allies.
This aroused the suspicions of Teuch, the Cempoalan chief, who
warned the general. Seizing the men he examined them singly, and
soon ascertained that their object was not only to spy, but to fire the
huts, and otherwise to aid the attack which would be made upon the
camp that very night. Finding that his friendly advances had been
scorned, Cortés resolved to inflict a lesson that would be understood
by a people so deeply intent upon war and sacrifices. This was to cut
off the hands of the leading spies, and the thumbs of others, and to
send them back with the message that this would be the punishment
of spies, and that the Spaniards were prepared, night or day, to face
their enemies.[312]
Fearing the confusion and danger of a night attack, when the
artillery and other means would be less effective, Cortés resolved to
anticipate the enemy by a counter charge, wherein the cavalry might
render particular service. Learning that Xicotencatl was hidden with
ten thousand or twenty thousand men behind a hill not far off, Cortés
did not despatch the mutilated spies till after dusk, in order to let him
approach nearer to camp.[313] When his messengers returned to
Xicotencatl and displayed their bleeding stumps, the general was
troubled, and throughout his army there was consternation, and