Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
BYZANTINE SIGILLOGRAPHY
STUDIES IN
BYZANTINE SIGILLOGRAPHY
FOUNDED BY
NICOLAS OIKONOMIDES
EDITED BY
JEAN-CLAUDE CHEYNET
AND
CLAUDIA SODE
Vorwort V
Preface VII
Abbreviations IX
Werner Seibt
Probleme mit mittelbyzantinischen Namen (besonders
Familiennamen) auf Siegeln 1
John Cotsonis
Saints & Cult Centers: Α Geographie & Administrative
Perspective in Light of Byzantine Lead Seals 9
Ioanna Koltsida-Makre
The Iconography of the Virgin through Inscriptions on Byzantine
Lead Seals of the Athens Numismatic Museum Collections 27
Valerij Stepanenko
An Anonymous Russian Seal (Xllth/ XHIth c.): The Image of
St. George as Horseman in the Byzantine and Russian
Sigillography 39
John W. Nesbitt
The Orphanotrophos: Some Observations on the History of the
Office in Light of Seals 51
Ivan Jordanov
The Katepanate of Paradounavon according to the Sphragistic
Data 63
Nikolay Alekseenko
Les relations entre Cherson et l'empire, d'apres le temoignage
des sceaux des archives de Cherson 75
Jean-Claude Cheynet
Les sceaux byzantins de Londres 85
Christos Stavrakos
Unpublizierte Bleisiegel der Familie Maniakes: Der Fall
Georgios Maniakes 101
Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou
Neue Metropoliten- und Bischofssiegel aus Kleinasien und der
östlichen Ägäis 113
Elena Stepanova
New Finds from Sudak 123
Peter Schreiner
PREFACE
IX
ABBREVIATIONS
Χ
ABBREVIATIONS
XI
ABBREVIATIONS
XII
ABBREVIATIONS
XIII
Werner Seibt
1
Es empfiehlt sich, hier doch etwas sorgfältiger zu unterscheiden als es in der
Vergangenheit oft geschah. Von "Familiennamen" sollte man nur dort sprechen,
wo tatsächlich mehrere Personen mit diesem Namen in den Quellen nachweisbar
sind. Andererseits entwickelten sich viele Herkunftsnamen später zu Familien-
namen. Aber so mancher "Spitzname" (sobriquet) kam offenbar nur einer einzigen
Person zu bzw. wurde von dieser wie ein offizieller Beiname akzeptiert und sogar
auf das Siegel gesetzt. Zu dieser Problematik, besonders in der früheren Entwick-
lungsphase der mittelbyzantinischen Beinamen, vgl. W. Seibt, "Beinamen,
"Spitznamen", Herkunftsnamen, Familiennamen bis ins 10. Jahrhundert: Der
Beitrag der Sigillographie zu einem prosopographischen Problem," SBS 7 (2002)
119-136.
2
Es ist allerdings fraglich, ob bei Namen wie etwa "Anatolikos", "Iberopulos"
usw. mit Fug verwandtschaftliche Beziehungen zwischen den einzelnen Na-
mensträgern postuliert werden dürfen. In Fällen wie "Antiochites" gehen wir
jedoch schon davon aus, nehmen also an, dass ab dem Zeitpunkt, zu dem ein
Zweig der städtischen Aristokratie von Antiocheia diesen Beinamen annahm, er
gewissermaßen für diese Familie "reserviert" war.
3
Vor vorschnellen Identifizierungen sind wir heute viel eher auf der Hut als
noch vor wenigen Jahrzehnten, als der Vorwurf des "Identifizierungsrausches" oft
berechtigt war. Schon im späteren 11. Jahrhundert dürfte es so manche Personen
gegeben haben, die nicht nur den gleichen Vor- und Familiennamen hatten,
sondern auch eine ähnliche Karriere einschlugen. Es ist eine der vordringlichen
methodologischen Aufgaben, Kriterien zur Trennung solcher Homonymoi zu
erarbeiten.
1
WERNER SEIBT
dort, wo wir nur ungenügend eng datieren können, ja selbst die Methode
der relativen Chronologie nur unzureichend zur Verfügung steht, weiterhin
so manche Fragen offen bleiben - was besonders für viele Dukas- bzw.
Komnenos-Siegel des 12. Jh. gilt.
In so mancher Hinsicht reizvoller wird die Arbeit bei anderweitig selten
oder gar nicht griechisch belegten Namen. Selbst wenn die entsprechen-
den Zeilen gut erhalten sind (was leider viel zu selten der Fall ist, da bei
nicht-metrischen Siegeln der Familienname am Ende der Legende steht,
und die Randpartien besonders anfällig für Beschädigungen sind bzw.
infolge von Dezentrierung nur partiell auf dem Schrötling abgedruckt
waren), erschweren Abkürzungen (nicht nur am Ende des Wortes4),
weitere Kürzel,5 orthographische Sorglosigkeit, vor allem im Bereich des
Jotazismus oder bezüglich einer exakten Unterscheidung von Omikron
und Omega, schließlich auch der Usus, Doppelkonsonanten mehrheitlich
nicht auszuschreiben, die Arbeit des Sigillographen und haben somit zu
manchen Fehlinterpretationen geführt. Andererseits wissen wir beim
Beta oft nicht, ob ein B - oderV - Wert dahintersteckt, ja auch zwischen
Y und U gibt es Schwankungen (Chrysos/Chrusos, Chrusographos/Chry-
sographos, Astukomites/Astykomites usw.). Falls diese Probleme durch
das bekannte Phänomen mehrdeutiger oder weitgehend zerstörter
Buchstaben entsprechend gesteigert werden, wird die Ausgangslage
recht ungünstig. Schließlich sei darauf hingewiesen, dass es manchmal
gar nicht klar ist, ob am Ende ein Familienname, ein geographischer
Terminus oder nur ein Amt bzw. Kommando stand.6
Wenn wir aus der Gruppe der seltenen oder sonst nicht belegten Gentilia
eher durchsichtige Herkunftsnamen (etwa Asprakanites/Ba(a)sprakanites
von Vaspurakan, Anthemiotes vom hauptstädtischen Viertel τά Άνθεμίου,
Arkadiupolites) oder von bekannten fremdstämmigen Individualnamen
(etwa Strazimeros, Asotes, Artabasdos, Tzorbaneles, Chosrobeos, Aples-
phares, Arsakenos) oder von Ämtern bzw. Rangtiteln, Truppenkörpern
usw. (ζ. B. Allagitzes) abgeleitete Formen ausscheiden, bleibt immer
noch viel rätselhaftes Material übrig.
4
Es fällt erstaunlicherweise auf, dass gerade der Vokal, auf dem die Betonung
liegt, in vielen Fällen weggekürzt wurde.
5
Etwa Α für Προ- oder Πρώτο-, S für και- oder κε-, für Χρυσό-, oder auch
Zahlzeichen für den entsprechenden Terminus (beispielsweise bei Hexamilites).
6
Wenn etwa nach dem Terminus "Strategos" der Artikel nur mit Tau abgekürzt
ist und ein - ebenfalls abgekürzter - Terminus folgt, der sowohl einen Themen-
namen als auch den davon abgeleiteten Herkunfts - bzw. Familiennamen bedeuten
kann, ist eine gewisse Vorsicht am Platz. Andererseits stellte sich so manche
Hypothese bei genauerem Zusehen als Lapsus heraus: Der Oikonomos Ioannes
Neuag... von Speck, Bleisiegel, Nr. 114 beispielsweise ist in Wirklichkeit ein
οικονόμος των ευαγών οίκων, wie schon in RN VI 29 (1987) 273 festgehalten
wurde.
2
PROBLEME MIT MITTELBYZANTINISCHEN NAMEN AUF SIEGELN
BALATZERTES
Im 2. Band seines mit A. Veglery erarbeiteten Kataloges las G. Zacos
auf einem Siegel den Namen Βλαδτζέρτης und vermutete als Siegler
einen Angehörigen der bulgarischen Aristokratie, die nach der Unterwer-
fung des Landes in die byzantinische integriert wurde.9 Die auf das Beta
7
Auch manche geläufigen christlichen Namen wurden von Nachbarvölkern
gelegentlich anders transliteriert; so weist Δαβίθ statt Δαυίδ bzw. Δαβίδ primär
auf armenische (oder georgische) Herkunft, Ίβανέ statt 'Ιωάννης auf georgische
(oder allgemeiner "kaukasische" ?) usw. Zum Siegel eines Δαβήθ βέστης vgl. W.
Seibt, "Armenische Persönlichkeiten auf byzantinischen Siegeln," Armenian
Perspectives. 10th Anniversary Conference of the Association Internationale des
Etudes Armeniennes, ed. N. Awde (Richmond, 1997) 271.
8
Die Frage, wie lange derartige Familien, etwa die Skleroi, noch als "arme-
nisch" bzw. ab wann sie bereits eher als "byzantinisch" anzusprechen sind, wird
zumeist zuwenig beachtet. In einer gewissen "Übergangszeit" mögen manche
Personen zwischen beiden Positionen auch immer wieder geschwankt haben.
Vgl. dazu W. Seibt, "Stärken und Schwächen der byzantinischen Integrations-
politik gegenüber den neuen armenischen Staatsbürgern im 11. Jh.," The Empire
in Crisis (?). Byzantium in the llth Century (1025-1081) (Athen, 2003), 331-347.
9
Zacos, Seals II, Nr. 1059 (auf 1. Hälfte 11. Jh. datiert, das Siegel stammt aber
sicher aus der Mitte dieses Jahrhunderts).
3
WERNER SEIBT
PARZIRESES
In der Sammlung Zarnitz11 findet sich das Siegel eines Michael mit
dem sonst nicht belegten Beinamen Παρζιρέσης, der sicher zu lesen ist.
Die Herausgeberinnen haben überzeugend die Verbindung zum Armeni-
schen hergestellt, wo parzeres "offen und klar, unverblümt, schuldlos"
bedeutet.12
ACHLIMANOS
Auf dem Siegel eines Konstantinos Kommerkiarios in der Sammlung
Orghidan transkribierte V. Laurent einst das Ende: TÖAI..-...13 Lambda
und Iota sind tatsächlich sicher, das als Omikron-Ypsilon-Ligatur inter-
pretierte Zeichen davor scheint aber eher ein Chi zu sein; und der erste
Buchstabe dieser Gruppe ist recht unklar, ein Tau wäre jedoch wenig
wahrscheinlich. Eine Möglichkeit der Rekonstruktion wäre ΑΧΛΙΙΊΑ-
NU, ein Name, der auf einem Siegel der Ermitaz eindeutig zu lesen ist.14
Dieser Name ist wohl mit arabischem ahl al-imäm bzw. persischem ahl-i
imäm, "Leute des (wahren) Glaubens," zu verbinden.
BEREBOES
Von einem Theodoros Βερηβόης, Protospatharios und Strategos, sind
sehr viele Bullen erhalten geblieben,15 die wir etwa in das 2. Viertel des
11. Jh. datieren würden. Ein unediertes Siegel der Sammlung Zacos
10
Vgl. W. Seibt, "Probleme der historischen Geographie Bulgariens im späteren
10. und 11. Jahrhundert - ein sigillographischer Beitrag," Izvestija N. Muzej Varna
2003 (in Druck) (dort Nr. 6). Zur Sitte, besonders in Byzanz nicht gebräuchliche
Vatersnamen als Familiennamen zu verwenden, vgl. J.-Cl. Cheynet, "Du prenom
au patronyme : les etrangers ä Byzance (x e -xn e siecles)," SBS 1 (1987) 57-66.
11
Jetzt in der Staatlichen Münzsammlung München.
12
A.-K. Wassiliou - M. L. Zarnitz, "Fünf unedierte byzantinische Bleisiegel
mit metrischen Legenden," BZ 92 (1999) 86, Nr. 5, Taf. 3, Nr. 5. Mit Recht wurde
hier auch betont, dass "es sich noch um keinen Familien, sondern eher um einen
Beinamen handeln dürfte".
13
Laurent, Orghidan, Nr. 248 (früheres 11. Jh.). Av.: Büste des hl. Theodoros.
14
M-6698. Bulle des Georgios Achlimanos, Dishypatos (2. Hälfte 11. Jh.). Av.:
Büste des hl. Nikolaos.
15
In Dumbarton Oaks allein 18 Stück, in der Ermitaz 4, in der Sammlung
Zacos eines, somit sind bislang 23 Bullen bekannt. Vgl. dazu N. Oikonomides,
"The Usual Lead Seal," DOP 37 (1983) 149f., Taf. lf.
4
PROBLEME MIT MITTELBYZANTINISCHEN NAMEN AUF SIEGELN
BERIDARES
Der Name Βεριδάρης ist für die byzantinische Zeit mit einer einzigen
Ausnahme 19 nur sigillographisch belegt. Eine gute Zusammenstellung
der Belege, insbesondere zu einem Leon Beridares des 12. Jh., verdan-
ken wir wiederum A.-K. Wassiliou und M.-L. Zarnitz.20
Griechisch βερηδάριος/βεριδάρις, von lateinischem veredarius, be-
zeichnet den "Kurier".21 Obwohl in dieser Familie auf dem bislang ältesten
Beleg Baasakios als Vorname erscheint,22 wäre u. E. eine Etymologie aus
Südkaukasien wenig wahrscheinlich, wie etwa die Verbindung der geor-
gischen Negativwurzel ver mit dar "jemand gleichkommen, ebenbürtig
sein", also der ganze Name im Sinne von "der Unvergleichliche".
BLANGAS
Der Familienname Βλάγγας ist für das 11. Jh. mehrfach sigillo-
graphisch belegt. Ein Leon war Strategos und Anagrapheus von
Seleukeia,23 ein Michael Protospathar, Asekretis und Krites,24 auch ein
Ioannes ist bezeugt, der allerdings keine Würde nennt.25
Man ist versucht, den Namen mit einem Viertel der Hauptstadt (ή
Βλάγκα) zu verbinden, das allerdings erst ab dem 12. Jh. bezeugt ist;
sollte der Familienname die ältere Form sein? Andererseits bedeutet
16
Skylitzes 373, 13; hier wird allerdings kein Vorname angegeben.
17
Kekaumenos 256, 20f. (Litavrin); 118 (trad. Beck).
18
So nach F. Miklosich, Die Bildung der slavischen Personennamen.
Denkschriften d. kaiserl. AdW, phil.-hist. Classe 10 (Wien, 1860) 246 u. 258. G.
G. Litavrin verbindet (nach I. Dujcev) das Vorderglied des Namens mit b-rati,
"kämpfen". Vgl. auch M. Fasmer, Etimologiceskij slovar' Russkogo jazyka. I
(Moskau, 1986) 159 (u. a. Verbindung mit φέρω) u. 334f. - Wir danken Heinz
Miklas für die Bestätigung der slawischen Herkunft obigen Namens.
19
ΡLP II 2656, ein für 1265 belegter Paröke auf der Chalkidike.
20
Wassiliou-Zarnitz (wie Anm. 12) 80-82.
21
LBG 1/2, 274.
22
Vgl. Wassiliou-Zarnitz 81 mit A. 5-7. Auf einem nur wenig jüngeren Stück
findet sich der Vorname Gudeles.
23
Vgl. ζ. B. Cheynet, "Antioche," 426, Nr. 57; drei weitere Exemplare erhalten.
24
Fogg 735.
25
Ermitaz, M-10511.
5
WERNER SEIBT
BULIKAS
Von einem Markos Βουλίκας kennen wir drei unedierte Siegeltypen
ohne Rangtitel, einen mit dem Rang Protospatharios (2. Hälfte 11. Jh.);27
ein Konstantin Bulikas (11./12. Jh.) hat sich mit einer metrischen Legende
verewigt;28 auch in zwei weiteren Fällen wäre dieser Familienname
zumindest möglich. - Sollte hier etymologisch eher mit mittelgriechi-
schem βολίκιν, franz. volige, kalabrisch vulice, "dünnes Brett,
Schindelbrett", mit slawischem vülkü, "Wolf', verbunden werden?
CHRYSOTZEPHUDES
Auf einem Siegel der Sammlung Zarnitz,29 dessen Rv.-Seite zu erheb-
lichen Teilen plattgedrückt ist, vermuteten die Editoren als Familien-
namen Τζεφ[ρε]δίν[τ|];30 mit Hilfe des besser erhaltenen Parallelstückes
Fogg 2401, das wir in der Zwischenzeit entdeckten, lässt sich der Name
als Kaie Chrysotzephudina rekonstruieren (11./12. Jh.). Sigillographisch
sind auch ein Nikephoros Chrysotzephudes Kuropalates (spätes 11. Jh.)31
und ein Konstantinos Chrysotzephudes (letztes Drittel 11.- 1. Drittel 12.
Jh.)32 nachweisbar. - Türkisch gifit bedeutet den "(gerissenen) Juden",
übertragen "Geizkragen"; als τσιφοΰτης gelangte das Wort ins Neugrie-
chische und bedeutet dort auch den "Geizhals".
CHORMANAKES
Auf einem Siegel der Sammlung Thierry (Etampes) findet sich als
Beiname eines Niketas Protospatharios und Tagmatophylax ein sonst
nicht belegtes Χωρμανάκης. 33 Da sich keine griechische Etymologie
anbietet, xor- ("chor" auszusprechen) jedoch im Armenischen eine häufige
26
Vgl. LBG 1/2, 281.
27
Letzteres Siegel Ermitaz, M-6070.
28
DO 58.106.902 u. 4149.
29
Heute Staatliche Münzsammlung München.
30
Seibt-Zarnitz 1.2.3.
31
Vgl. zuletzt St. Bilik, Nepublikuvani vizantijski molivdovuli s otpeöatani
familni imena. Num. i sfrag. 5/2 (1998) 59f., Nr. 14; 65, Abb. 15. Wir kennen 7
Exemplare, davon stammen 5 aus Bulgarien.
32
DO 55.1.2976.
33
Auf dem Avers ruht die Theotokos auf einem Thron mit hoher, rechteckiger
Rückenlehne. Ob sie das Kind auf dem Schoß oder ein Medaillon Christi vor der
Brust hält (im Sinne eines Nikopoios-Typus), lässt sich aufgrund der Beschädi-
gungen nicht eindeutig beantworten. Das Siegel stammt sicher aus der 2. Hälfte
des 11. Jahrhunderts.
6
PROBLEME ΜΓΓ MITTELBYZANTIN1SCHEN NAMEN AUF SIEGELN
TOPALITES
Auf zwei relativ ähnlichen Siegeltypen, wohl aus dem 3. Viertel des
11. Jh., führt ein Michael Hypatos den Beinamen Τοπαλίτ(ης) bzw.
Τωπαλίτ(ης). 35 Hier liegt offensichtlich das türkische Wort topal, "hin-
kend", zugrunde, das bis in neugriechische Namenbildungen hinein-
wirkt.36
34
H. L. Torossian, Handwörterbuch. Π. Band: Armenisch-Deutsch (Wien, 1989)
129f.; vgl. D. Froundjian, Armenisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch. (München, 1952
[Ndr. Hildesheim 1997]) 204.
35
Ersteres Stück gehört der Sammlung Zacos an, letzteres der Sammlung
Theodoridis. Ich danke Dimitri Theodoridis und Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou
für den Hinweis auf diesen Typus. Av.: Büste des Erzengels Michael.
36
Zu Τοπάλης vgl. M. Triantaphyllides, Τα οικογενειακά μας ονόματα
(Thessalonike, 1982) 75; Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou erwähnte auch Τοπά-
λογλου.
7
John Cotsonis
The cult of saints has received much scholarly attention. The relative
popularity and prestige of holy figures has usually been examined through
hagiography,1 imagery 2 and in the context of pilgrimage or loca sancta?
Less attention, however, has been paid to the medium of Byzantine lead
seals. 4 Thousands of lead seals survive that bear figures of saints in con-
junction with inscriptions indicating their owners' title of office and the
geographical locations associated with these positions. Such datable
sphragistic evidence provides a unique means of investigating chrono-
logically the dispersion of numerous saints' cults through various regions
of the empire. This paper draws upon the database that I have created and
* Portions of this paper were originally presented at the 25th Annual Byzantine
Studies Conference, University of Maryland, 1999 and at the 20th International
Congress of Byzantine Studies, College de France-Sorbonne, 2001. I wish to
thank John Nesbitt for his valuable criticism concerning various aspects of this
paper. Funds for the accompanying photographs were kindly provided by Holy
Cross Greek Orthodox School of Theology.
1
For a recent example, see Byzantine Defenders of Images: Eight Saints'
Lives in English Translation, ed. A.-M. Talbot (Washington, D.C., 1998).
2
For example, see H. Maguire, The Icons of Their Bodies: Saints and Their
Images in Byzantium (Princeton, 1996).
3
See G. Vikan, Byzantine Pilgrimage Art (Washington, D.C., 1982); The Blessings
of Pilgrimage, ed. R. Ousterhout (Urbana and Chicago, 1990); Les saints et leur
sanctuaire a Byzance: textes, images et monuments, ed. C. Jolivet-Levy, M. Kaplan
and J.-P. Sodini (Paris, 1993); and E. Malamut, Sur la route des saints byzantins
(Paris, 1993).
4
For example, see C. Walter, "St. Demetrius: The Myroblytos of Thessalonike,"
Eastern Churches Review 5 (1973) 157-178 (reprinted in his Studies in Byzantine
Iconography [London, 1977]); idem, "Theodore, Archetype of the Warrior Saint,"
REB 57 (1999) 163-210; V. Sandrovskaja, "Obraz svjatogo Georgija na vizantijskich
pecatjach," Referat zum II. int. Symposium Uber georgische Kunst (Tbilisi, 1977)
1-11; A.-K. Wassiliou, "Der heilige Georg auf Siegeln: Einige neue Bullen mit
Familienamen," REB 59 (2001) 209-224; I. Koltsida-Makre, "Μολυβδόβουλλα
μέ απεικόνιση σκηνής άπό τό βίο του άγιου Δημητρίου," ΔΧΑΕ 23 (2002) 149-
154; and J.-Cl. Cheynet, " Par saint Georges, par saint Michel," TM 14 (2002)
115-134.
9
JOHN COTSON1S
5
For the study of Christian Ephesos, see C. Foss, Ephesus After Antiquity:
A Late Antique, Byzantine and Turkish City (Cambridge, 1979); W. Brandes,
"Ephesos in byzantinischer Zeit," Klio 64 (1982) 611-622; Ephesos, Metropolis
ofAsia: An Interdisciplinary Approach to its Archaeology, Religion, and Culture,
ed. H. Koester (Valley Forge, PA, 1995); and Efeso Paleocristiana e Bizantina-
früchristliches und byzantinisches Ephesos, ed. R. Pillinger, Ο. Kresten, F.
Krinzinger and Ε. Russo (Vienna, 1999).
6
Foss, Ephesus After Antiquity, 52-54 and 87-93, respectively, discusses these
two structures; M. Andaloro, "La decorazione pittorica degli edifici cristiani di
Efeso: La chiesa di Santa Maria e il complesso di San Giovanni," Efeso, 54-70;
S. Karwiese, "Die Marienkirche und das dritte ökumenische Konzil," Efeso, 81-85;
and M. Falla Castelfranchi, "Π complesso di San Giovanni ad Efeso nel quadro
dell'architettura giustinianea dell'Asia Minore," Efeso, 89-99.
7
For a discussion of the Synod, the cult of the Virgin and the subsequent poli-
tical significance of the city, see V. Limberis, "The Council of Ephesos: The
Demise of the See of Ephesos and the Rise of the Cult of the Theotokos,"
Ephesos, Metropolis of Asia, 321-340.
8
M. Duncan-Flowers, "A Pilgrim's Ampulla from the Shrine of St. John the
Evangelist at Ephesus," The Blessings of Pilgrimage (Urbana, El., 1990) 125-139.
10
SAINTS & CULT CENTERS
9
For the lists of Ephesos' suffragan dioceses over time, see Darrouzes, Notitiae,
206-207, 219, 233, 252, 274-275, 296-97, 310-311 and 354-355. See also
P. Culerrier, "Les eveches suffragants d'Ephese aux 5e-13e siecles," REB 45 (1987)
139-164 and DOSeals 3, 29-30.
10
This number represents 10 different individuals.
11
DOSeals 3.14. 9.
11
JOHN COTSONIS
The chart also indicates that, after the Virgin, a variety of other sphra-
gistic images were used by the suffragans. In some instances, the cult
of the local saint took priority over that of the more distant metropolis.
For example, the figure of Antipas, the early Christian martyred bishop
of Pergamon, is found on a seal belonging to a bishop of that city.13
Similarly, the martyr Kodratos is depicted on two seals of bishops from
the city of Magnesia.14 Sometimes, the name of the owner of the seal
determines iconographic choice. Andrew, the bishop of Hypaipa, prefer-
red his homonymous saint,15 as did Nicholas of the same diocese.16
Overall, the prestige of the saintly founder of the metropolitan see of
Ephesos, according to the sphragistic evidence, did not extend to its
suffragan jurisdictions. No iconographic allegiance bound subordinate
dioceses to their mother church. Local cults may take precedence over
12
Ibid., no. 20.1. The other seal is listed in Laurent, Corpus V/l, no. 299.
13
Laurent, Corpus V/l, no. 289.
14
Ibid., no. 270 and Seyrig, no. 257.
15
Laurent, Corpus V/l, no. 264.
16
Ibid., no. 265.
12
SAINTS & CULT CENTERS
those associated with more distant authority. The role of the homony-
mous saint is also a factor in determining a bishop's sphragistic imagery,
testifying to some degree of personal choice within the established office
of the episcopacy. In the absence of any local cult, the image of the Virgin
is the most popular sphragistic iconography for ecclesiastical leaders.
The second metropolitan see that proves instructive is the Peloponne-
sian city of Patras. Chart II represents a list of the seals bearing religious
figural iconography that belonged to its metropolitans and suffragan
bishops.17 A number of seals bear the image of the apostle Andrew, who
according to tradition, was there martyred and buried.18 The city boasted
a church dedicated to this saint and his figure appears on the seals of
seven different metropolitans (Fig. 3).19 As was true of Ephesos, the local
saint's image is limited to the seals of the metropolitan see. Here, none of
the suffragan bishops employed Andrew's portrait. Among these dependent
dioceses, the image of the Virgin is also encountered most frequently.
17
For the list of Patras' suffragan dioceses, see Darrouzes, Notitiae, 284, 303,
325-326, 362 and 421. For a history of the metropolis, see V. Laurent, "Les
metropoles de Patras et de Lacedemone," REB 21 (1963) 129-141 and DOSeals 2,
62 and 90.
18
For a discussion of the association of Andrew with the city of Patras, see F.
Dvomik, The Idea of Apostolicity in Byzantium and the Legend of the Life of the
Apostle Andrew (Cambridge, MA, 1958) 208-222.
19
DOSeals 2.34.4.
13
JOHN COTSONIS
For the suffragan see of Methone, six seals, belonging to three different
bishops, depict John the Theologian. 20 A church with this dedication
existed in this city21 and hence the local cult receives more attention than
that based in the metropolis.
A third metropolitan city for discussion is Corinth. Chart III offers
iconographic seals belonging to hierarchs of this see and to its suffra-
gans.22 The metropolitan church of Corinth was dedicated to the two
Saints Theodores (Teron and Stratelates).23 Two metropolitan seals bear
the image of the patron saints (Fig. 4)24 while three others display an
image of just one of the Theodores. 25 Only one suffragan bishop, that of
Argos, selected an image of Theodore for his seal.26 Again, the image of
the Virgin is most frequently encountered. Among the various other
saints represented, two appear for reasons of homonymity: Nicholas 27
and Gregory the Theologian. 28
20
Ibid., nos. 30.1, 30.2a, b and c, 30.3 and 30.4.
21
Ibid., 85.
22
For the list of the suffragan dioceses of Corinth, see Darrouzes, Notitiae, 222,
244-245, 282, 302, 323, 361, and 420 and DOSeals 2, 77-93. For the medieval
city, see J. Finley, "Corinth in the Middle Ages," Speculum 7 (1932) 477-99 and
T. Gritsopoulos, 'Εκκλησιαστική 'Ιστορία και Χριστιανικά Μνημεία Κορινθίας,
I (Athens, 1973) 45-204, passim.
23
Gritsopoulos,'Εκκλησιαστική 'Ιστορία, 166 and 203-204 and DOSeals 2, 78.
24
DOSeals 2.25.2 and Laurent, Corpus V/l, no. 564.
25
DOSeals 2.25.4a & b and Laurent, Corpus V/l, no. 562.
26
Laurent, Corpus V/l, no. 576.
27
I. Koltsida-Makre, Μολυβδόβουλλα, no. 49 (Latin).
28
Laurent, Corpus V/l, no. 566.
14
SAINTS & CULT CENTERS
29
For discussion of the cult of Demetrios, see C. Bakirtzis, "Le culte de Saint-
Demetrios," Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum 20 (1995) 58-68.
30
For discussion of the saint's shrine within the basilica, see A. Mentzos,
To Προσκύνημα τοΰ 'Αγίου Δημητρίου Θεσσαλονίκης στα Βυζαντινά Χρόνια
(Athens, 1994).
31
C. Bakirtzis, "Byzantine Ampullae From Thessalonike," The Blessings of
Pilgrimage, 140-149, Figs. 48-54.
32
For the list of the suffragan dioceses of Thessalonike, see Darrouzes,
Notitiae, 278-279, 299, 316-317, 358 and 420 and DOSeals 1, 50-89.
33
DOSeals 1.18.86.
15
JOHN COTSONIS
She had her own basilica, the Acheiropoietos,34 and her image appears
several times in surviving mosaics in the church of St. Demetrios itself.35
The one seal bearing the image of Basil belonged to a certain Metro-
politan Basil,36 demonstrating again the factor of homonymity in icono-
graphic choice. The same principle can explain the figure of George.37
As great as the cult of Demetrios was for Thessalonike and the fre-
quency with which his portrait is found on Byzantine seals in general
(273 examples), it is somewhat surprising to find only one suffragan, that
of Tourkoi, that employed the saint's image for his seal.38 The remaining
dependent bishops preferred the image of the Virgin. Again, suffragans
appear to act independently of their ecclesiastical authorities in the realm
of sphragistics: the metropolitan cult tends not to migrate into the sur-
rounding provinces.
Space does not permit the inclusion of material from other metropolitan
sees but the sphragistic data consistently exhibit similar trends. Metro-
politans most often selected the image of the indigenous saint for their
seals whereas their dependent bishops usually did not adopt the icono-
graphy of their superiors.39 Many preferred some type of Marian imagery
34
Ε. Κουρκουτίδου-Νικολαίδου, "' Ο Ναός της Άχειροποιήτου," Ή Θεσσα-
λονίκη και τά Μνημεία της, ed. Χ. Μαυροποΰλου-Τσιοΰμη (Thessalonike,
1985) 59-67.
35
R. Cormack, Writing in Gold: Byzantine Society and Its Icons (London,
1985) 87-89. For the links between the cult of Demetrios and that of the Virgin
in Thessalonike, see idem, "The Making of a Patron Saint: The Powers of Art and
Ritual in Byzantine Thessaloniki," World Art: Themes of Unity in Diversity, Acts
of the XXVth International Congress of the History of Art, III, ed. I. Lavin
(University Park, PA and London, 1989) 550-551.
36
DOSeals 1.18.80.
37
Laurent, Corpus V/3, no. 1610.
38
DOSeals 1.26.1.
39
J.-CI. Cheynet and C. Morrisson, "Texte et image sur les sceaux byzantins:
les raisons d'un choix iconographique," SBS 4 (1995) 22, state in general terms
that metropolitans and bishops customarily place images of the city's patron saint
on their seals but they do not discuss iconographic choices in light of metro-
politans and their subordinate suffragan bishops.
16
SAINTS & CULT CENTERS
40
Ibid., 24-25 and 32.
41
Ibid., 24, where a similar observation is made drawn upon a smaller sample.
42
G. Rhalles and M. Potles, Σύνταγμα των Θείων και Ιερών Κανόνων, II
(Athens, 1852) 122. See also, R. Rhalles, "Περί τοΰ 'Αξιώματος των Μητρο-
πολιτών," Πρακτικά της 'Ακαδημίας 'Αθηνών 13 (1938) 762-763.
43
G. Rhalles and Μ. Potles, Σύνταγμα, III (Athens, 1853) 140-141. See also,
Rhalles, "Περί τοΰ 'Αξιώματος των Μητροπολιτών," 757.
44
Ibid.
45
G. Rhalles and Μ. Potles, Σύνταγμα, II, 169-170.
17
JOHN COTSONIS
46
Ibid., 265.
47
Ibid, 45, "Ουτω γαρ ομόνοια έσται, και δοξασθήσεται ό Θεός..." For the
English, see A Select Library ofNicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian
Church, ed. P. Schaff and H. Wace, Second Series, XIV (New York and Oxford,
1900 [reprinted Grand Rapids, 1952]) 596.
48
A. Crabbe, "The Invitation List to the Council of Ephesus and Metropolitan
Hierarchy in the Fifth Century," Journal of Theological Studies, n.s. 32/2 (1981)
394-396 and Limberis, "The Council of Ephesos," 332.
49
G. Rhalles and M. Potles, Σύνταγμα, II, 280-281. For discussion of this
canon and its ecclesiological consequences, see J. Darrouzes, Documents inedits
d'ecclesiologie byzantine (Paris, 1966) 11-53, with the middle Byzantine texts
and French translations following at 107-249 and P. Karlin-Hayter, "Notes sur
quatre documents d'ecclesiologie byzantine," REB 37 (1979) 249-258.
50
Listes, 51, 143-145 and 269.
51
Darrouzes, Documents inedits, 11-53 and 107-249; Karlin-Hayter, "Notes,"
249-258; and J. Hussey, The Orthodox Church in the Byzantine Empire (Oxford,
1986) 318-326.
52
Darrouzes, Documents inedits, 16-19, 24-27, 42-53, 108-115, 116-159 and
176-249 and Hussey, The Orthodox Church, 311, 320 and 322-323.
18
SAINTS & CULT CENTERS
53
N. Oikonomidcs, "Un decret synodal inedit du Patriarche Jean VIII Xiphilin,"
REB 18 (1960) 75-76 and Hussey, The Orthodox Church, 326.
54
Oikonomides, "Un decret," 55-78 and Hussey, The Orthodox Church, 326.
55
For the Thrakesian theme, see R.-J. Lilie, " 'Thrakien' und 'Thrakesion',"
JOB 26 (1977) 7-47; Foss, Ephesus After Antiquity, 195-196; and DOSeals 3, 2.
56
DOSeals 3.99.9.
19
J O H N COTSONIS
57
DOSeals 3.2.5, 2.9a & b, 2.13, 2.18, 2.20 and 2.28.
58
Cheynet and Morrisson, "Texte et image," 31 state that military saints are a
minority among images of the civil functionaries but make no mention of those
holding military office.
59
For discussion of the Peloponnesos and Corinth, see A. Bon, Le Peloponnese
byzantin jusqu'en 1204 (Paris, 1951); P. Lemerle, "Une province byzantine : le
Peloponnese," Byzantion 21 (1951) 341-354; G. Huxley, "The Second Dark Age,"
LakSp 3 (1977) 84-110; and DOSeals 2.62 and 78.
60
Konstantopoulos, no. 73 and Corinth XII, nos. 2764 and 2785.
61
Schlumberger, Sig., 189, no. 7, and DOSeals 2.8.19a, b and c.
20
SAINTS & CULT CENTERS
'Homonymous Saint
Fig. 7- Lead Seal of Basil, krites of the Peloponnesos & Hellas, 11th c.
(DO 55.1.2242): Mark (photo: Dumbarton Oaks)
Fig. 8- Lead Seal of Basil Xeros, krites of the Peloponnesos & Hellas, 11th c.
(DO 55.1.3407): Mark & Theodore (photo: Dumbarton Oaks)
62
Laurent, Corpus II, no. 339.
63
DOSeals 2.8.17b. The other five are: Konstantopoulos, no. 398; Seyrig,
no. 179; and DOSeals 2.8.16a and b and 8.17a.
64
DOSeals 2.8.19a. The others are listed in note 61, supra.
21
JOHN COTSONIS
65
"The Usual Lead Seal," 147-157.
66
DOSeals 2.8.16-2.8.19.
67
For Byzantine Thessalonike, see A. Vacalopoulos, A History of Thessaloniki
(Thessalonike, 1972) and DOSeals 1, 50-51.
68
Konstantopoulos, no. 7; Zacos-Veglery, no. 115; Dated Seals, no. 91; and
DOSeals 1.18.37.
69
Schlumberger, Sig., 728, no. 3; Pancenko, Katalog, no. 418; Zacos, Seals II,
no. 594; Dated Seals, nos. 63 and 85; and DOSeals 1.18.25a and b.
22
SAINTS & CULT CENTERS
70
J. Herrin, "Realities of Byzantine Provincial Government: Hellas and Pelo-
ponnesos, 1180-1200," DOP 29 (1975) 258-259.
71
Ibid., 253-284.
72
Μιχαήλ 'Ακομινάτου του Χωνιάτου τά Σωζόμενα, ed. S. Lampros, II
(Athens, 1880 [reprinted Groningen, 1968]) 147.
73
Ibid., 244, Εί γαρ καΐ πατήρ ουκ έγενόμην, ά λ λ ' οίδα τά έπι τοις παισι
των πατέρων σπλάγχνα...
23
JOHN COTSONIS
74
H. Glykatzi-Ahrweiler, "Recherches sur 1'administration de l'Empire
byzantin aux ixe-xie siecles," BCH 84 (1960) 17, 36-52. See also R. Morris, "The
Powerful and the Poor in Tenth-Century Byzantium: Law and Reality," Past and
Present 73 (1976) 3-27; J. Haldon, "Military Service, Military Lands, and the
Status of Soldiers: Current Problems and Interpretations," DOP 47 (1993) 28-29,
38-39, 50 and 56-57; N. Oikonomides, "The Social Structure of the Byzantine
Countryside in the First Half of the Xth Century," Symmeikta 10 (1996) 105-125;
and E. McGeer, The Land Legislation of the Macedonian Emperors (Toronto,
2000)25-31.
75
PG 107, 684, "Άφιλάργυρον δέ. Kai γαρ ή άφιλαργυρία τοΰ στρατηγού
δοκιμάζεται, δταν άδωροδοκητως και μεγαλοφρόνως προΐσταται των πραγ-
μάτων, και δι' άρετήν μόνην δωρεάν προβάλλεται τάς άρχάς τοΰ ΰπ' αυτόν
θέματος" and Glykatzi-Ahrweiler, "Recherches," 45.
76
For Novels 18, 20, and 21, see Zepos, Jus I, 247-248, 253-256. For discussion
concerning this legislation, see P. Lemerle, The Agrarian History of Byzantium
(Galway, 1979) 100-103 and 128-131; Glykatzi-Ahrweiler, "Recherches," 16-23;
and Haldon, "Military Service," 50-53, esp. note 122. For the recent English
translation and discussion, see McGeer, Land Legislation, 86-103.
77
Epitome historiarum, ed. M. Pinder and M. Büttner-Wobst, III (Bonn, 1897)
505-506 and Glykatzi-Ahrweiler, "Recherches," 16-23.
78
Epitome historiarum, 505, "... άλλά καν έτεθνήκει έπίσκοπος, βασιλικον
ϋπηρέτην εις την χηρεΰσασαν έκκλησίαν έξέπεμπε και γλίσχρως παρ' έκείνου
των άναγκαίων γινομένων άναλωμάτων, αυτός ώκειοΰτο τά περιττεΰοντα."
79
Ibid., "ού διέλιπον δ' έν ταΐς χώραις άπάσαις αύτοΰ βασιλεύοντος
άπογραφεΐς στελλόμενοι έπόπται τε και στρατευται και οί κεκλημένοι
24
SAINTS & CULT CENTERS
25
JOHN COTSON1S
remained in the city during the Norman invasion while the governor,
David Komnenos, fled for safety.89
Zonaras' criticisms and the correspondence of Choniates, along with
that of other such metropolitans, offer a textual parallel to our sphragistic
evidence. The seals exhibit little or no association with the local cults on
the part of the military and civil officials of a region in contrast to the
ecclesiastical officials who appear to be more connected to their metropoli-
tanates and to the needs of the local inhabitants. The lack of iconographic
congruence between the ecclesiastical, civil and military bureaucracies
within a particular region reflects the absence of any indigenous cohe-
rence among these provincial structures of authority. The competing and
divisive elements of provincial rule present a fractured system lacking
any sense of social cohesion and this is reproduced in the sphragistic
iconography. No single saint's image appears to function as an all-
encompassing emblem of unity for the population of the region. Saints'
cults are rather geographically restricted, often even individualized by
the selection of homonymous figures, or taken up for motives that remain
unknown to us. The Virgin's image alone is consistently present. By choo-
sing different sphragistic images, therefore, officials within the various
bureaucracies of the provincial administration provide visual expression
to these independent and often antagonistic spheres of authority as well
as to the display of their owners' personal piety.
89
Angold, Church and Society, 181. For this archbishop's administration, see
Opuscula, ed. T. Tafel (Frankfurt am Main, 1832 [repr. Amsterdam, 1964]) and
The Capture of Thessaloniki, trans. J. Melville Jones (Canberra, 1988).
26
Ioanna Koltsida-Makre
The study of the iconography of the Virgin through byzantine lead seals
has been recently very much developed, together with the great historical
interest shown for these tiny monuments, almost neglected in the past.
The praiseworthy effort of the dear departed Professor Nicolas Oikono-
mides to focus on this significant historical source has actually become
fruitful. Professor George Galavaris was the first to give emphasis to the
fact that images engraved on lead seals play an important role in the
study of byzantine iconography, since they reproduce items of worship,
icons or paintings and mosaics decorating the churches of the Empire,
which are not preserved to our days.1 Eversince many scholars have dealt
with this topic, offering a vast bibliography for reference, nevertheless
the subject is not yet exhausted. As far as the iconography of the Virgin
is concerned, there is a big variety of registered iconographic types, some
of which remain still confusing.
These types have been grosso modo grouped and distinguished one
from another: thus, when referring to the Hodegetria type, we all have in
mind the famous icon, reputed to be the work of Luke the Evangelist,
housed in the Monastery of Hodegon in Constantinople, depicting the
Virgin holding Christ on her left hand.2 This must also have been the type
represented in the church of Hagia Sophia, described by Photius in his
1
Galavaris, Seals: G. P. Galavaris, "Seals of the Byzantine Empire," Archaeology
12 (1959) 264-270, 268.
2
N . Kondakov, Ikonograflja Bogomateri, 1-2 (St. Petersbourg, 1914-1915);
Seibt, Darstellung: W. Seibt, "Die Darstellung derTheotokos auf byzantinischen
Bleisiegeln, besonders im 11. Jahrhundert," SBS 1 (1987) 35-56; Nersessian, Two
images: S. Der Nersessian, "Two images of the Virgin in the Dumbarton Oaks
Collection," DOP 14 (1960) 71-86; Μπαλτογιάννη, Μήτηρ Θεού: Χρυσάνθη
Μπαλτογιάννη, "Η Παναγία στις φορητές εικόνες", Μήτηρ Θεοϋ, Απεικονίσεις
της Παναγίας στη βυζαντινή τέχνη, Μουσείο Μπενάκη (Αθήνα, 2000) 139-
151, 143.
27
IOANNA KOLTSIDA-MAKRE
seventeenth Homily delivered in March the 29th of the year 867 A. D., a
type very much used in Constantinople after the iconoclasm: Ή παρ-
θένος τον κτίστην χερσιν ώς βρέφος βαστάζει..., παρθένος μήτηρ
ά γ ν α ΐ ς ά γ κ ά λ α ι ς τον κοινον φέρουσα πλάστην..., ώς βρέφος ά ν α κ λ ι -
νόμενον..., και γάρ... τή μεν στοργή των σ π λ ά γ χ ν ω ν την δ ψ ι ν προς τό
τεχθέν συμπαθώς έπιστρέφουσα. 3 A variant of this representation is the
so-called Dexiokratousa Hodegetria, that is the Virgin holding the Child
on the right hand.
When talking about the Blachernitissa type, we imagine the Virgin
praying with outstreched hands, having the medallion of Christ before
her. This is a replica of an icon or possibly of several sacred images once
housed in the monastery of the Blachernai Church in Constantinople.
This is also an iconographic type often labeled with the invocation
enic^e^ic.4
The Nikopoios type is related with the representation of the Virgin
holding the medallion of Christ before her breast, 5 while the Kyriotissa
type is the one depicting the Virgin standing, having the Child before her
chest, as she is represented on the lead seal of the eparchos Epiphanios
Kamateros in the 2nd half of 11th c. 6
Finally, the Hagiosoritissa type depicts the Virgin standing in three
quarters profile with both hands extended out from her chest in prayer.
This image reflects probably an original in a church with a holy soros or
reliquary chest, which enshrined a widely venerated relic, the girdle of
the Virgin. This church is probably identified with the Soros chapel,
either in the Constantinopolitan monastery of Blachernai, or the church
3
Λαοΰρδα: Φωτίου Όμιλίαι, έκδ. Βασιλείου Λαούρδα (Θεσσαλονίκη,
1959),'Ομιλία δεκάτη έβδομη· Τοΰ αΰτοΰ άγιωτάτου Φωτίου, πατριάρχου
Κωνσταντινουπόλεως ομιλία, λεχθεΐσα έν τω άμβωνι της μεγάλης έκκλησίας
τω μεγάλω Σαββάτω έπι παρουσία των φιλοχρίστων βασιλέων, δτε της
Θεοτόκου έξεικονίσθη και άνεκαλΰφθη μορφή, 164-172, 17024"25, 1777 8 .
4
Hunger, Heimsuchung: Η. Hunger, "Heimsuchung und Schirmherrschaft über
Welt und Menschheit: Μήτηρ Θεοΰ ή Επίσκεψις," SBS 4 (1995) 33-42, Μπαλτο-
γιάννη, Μήτηρ Θεοΰ, 139.
5
W. Seibt, "Der Bildtypus der Theotokos Nikopoios. Zur Ikonographie der
Gottesmutter-Ikone, die 1030/31 in der Blachernenkirche wiederaufgefunden
wurde," Δώρημα στον I. Καραγιαννόπουλο, Βυζαντινοί 13 (1985) 549-564.
The writer refers to a lead seal, dated ca. 1050, inscribed "Νικοποιός," which he
accepts to be the copy of the homonymous icon of the Virgin, Μπαλτογιάννη,
Μήτηρ Θεοΰ, 139.
6
Konstantopoulos, no. 345; Laurent, Corpus Π, no. 1028; Seibt, Darstellung,
46, ft. 31.
7
Seibt, Darstellung, 49, Τ. Bertele, "La Vergine aghiosoritissa nella numis-
matica bizantina," REB 16 (1958) 233-234, Μπαλτογιάννη, Μήτηρ Θεοΰ, 147,
G. Touratsoglou, "Εγκόλπιο στεατίτη από τη Βέροια," Ευφρόσυνον, Αφιέρωμα
στον Μανώλη Χατζηδάκη, t. 2, (Athens, 1992) 601-606.
28
THE ICONOGRAPHY OF THE VIRGIN
of the Chalkoprateia, near Hagia Sophia.7 This image bears the name
Hagiosoritissa first on seals from the 1040s and on coins from the 12th c.
This iconographic type is closely related to the Virgin Paraklesis, except
that the Virgin here does not carry a scroll. Images of this type also may
be labeled the Virgin Paraklesis, Kecharitomene or Episkepsis on wall
paintings.8
So far things seem to be clear enough with the above referred types,
which are depicted on plenty of lead seals, provided that Virgin Mary is
the most venerated person of the Orthodox Church, as the principal inter-
cessor of the mankind to God. However, thorough research shows that in
several cases there is considerable discrepancy between the type depicted
and the invocation of the Virgin, usually an epithet, attached to it: even
identical images are accompanied by quite different epithets or designa-
tions.9 This is clearly shown from several lead seals of the Athens
Numismatic Museum Collections, on which various invocations appear,
stating classical iconographic types of the Virgin.
Fig. 1
8
Nersessian, Two Images, 81, E. Tsigaridas, "Η Παναγία στη μνημειακή
ζωγραφική'," Μήτηρ Θεοΰ, Απεικονίσεις της Παναγίας στη Βυζαντινή τέχνη,
Μουσείο Μπενάκη (Athens, 2000) 125-137, 125.
9
Α. Grabar, "L'Hodigitria et l'Eleousa7b. Lik. Umet 10 (1975) 3-14,
Galavaris, Kanikleion: G. P. Galavaris, "The Mother of God of Kanikleion,"
Greek Roman and Byzantine Studies 2 (1959) 179-182, pi. 9, 182.
10
Konstantopoulos, no. 415, Laurent, Corpus Π, no. 1033. The figures presen-
ted are plastercasts of the original lead seals.
11
Laurent, Corpus V/l, no. 806, DOSeals 2.52.2.
12
Laurent, Corpus V/3, no. 1778, Zacos, Seals II, no. 551.
13
Laurent, Corpus Π, no. 147.
29
IOANNA KOLTSIDA-MAKRE
The epithet was probably used to designate the icon of the Virgin in
the famous monastery of Bassou in Constantinople.14 According to
Nicephoros Gregoras, who wrote the life of princess Theophano, wife of
Leo VI, this icon was located in the right part of the church.15
b) Ευεργέτις, R-P-§V |H|6|V|e|P-r|6|T|l|C on the seal of Konstantinos
Melissenos (Fig. 2).16 The person is known by a series of published seals
Fig. 2
showing the Virgin Hodegetria: in the Seyrig Collection17 and the Dum-
barton Oaks Collection18 with different metrical inscriptions, all bearing
the same invocation to the Virgin. The Athens specimen differs showing
the inscription in the field of the obverse reproducing thus the original
icon of the Virgin kept in the homonymous monastery in Constanti-
nople.19 Constantine Melissenos considered the Virgin Evergetis his
protector, as assumed by his seals. This iconographic type is identical to
that of the Virgin Vassiotissa.
c) Τράίανουπολίτισσα, [ΓΪ-Ρΐ-ΘΝ/ |[HTPAIANt)]-no|Al|TIC|CA on the seal
of Michael Varis, metropolitan of Traianoupolis, dated to the 11th c., depic-
ting a standing Hodegetria (Fig. 3).20This epithet does not exist anywhere
Fig. 3
14
Janin, Eglises, 61-62.
15
Vita Theophano, Memoires de l'Academie imperiale des sciences de Saint-
Petersbourg, VHIe serie, ΙΠ, Ed. E. Kurtz, 2 (1898) 1-24, 16.
16
Konstantopoulos, no. 661a.
17
Seyrig, no. 311.
18
John W. Nesbitt, "Overstruck Seals in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection," SBS
2 (1990) 67-93, 73, Laurent, Bulles metriques, no. 212.
19
Janin, Eglises, 178-183.
20
Konstantopoulos, no. 12, Laurent, Corpus V/l, no. 692.
30
THE ICONOGRAPHY OF THE VIRGIN
else, but only recalls a toponyme and brings in mind the iconographic
type of the Virgin Atheniotissa, worshipped in the ancient Parthenon. 21
d) Αθήναις, FFP-0V |HA-0|hl|NAl|C on the seal of the metropolitan
Nicholas Hagiotheodorites, w h o died in Athens in 1175, representing the
Virgin Hodegetria in bust (Fig. 4). 22
Fig. 4
Fig. 5
21
Seal of Michael Choniates, metropolitan of Athens, Laurent, Corpus V/l,
no. 607.
22
Konstantopoulos, no. 58 reads "Αθηνιώτισσα." Similar from different boullo-
terion in DOSeals 2.9.7, Laurent, Corpus V/l, no. 605, Galavaris, Seals, 267 no. 6.
23
Konstantopoulos, no. 963.
24
Eustratiades: S. Eustratiades," Ή Θεοτόκος εν τί; ύμνογραφψ" (Paris, 1930)20.
25
Konstantopoulos, no. 397α, β, Laurent, Corpus II, no. 828. A similar speci-
men in the Ermitage Collection, no. Μ 26, Sandrovskaja, Sfragistika, no. 797.
The inscription "ΒΟΗΘΙΑ" appears on the seal of the clergy of St. Sophia in
Constantinople assigning the standing three quarters Virgin (13th-14th c.), cf.
Laurent, Vatican, no. 156, and the inscription "βοηθιτική δέσποινα" on a similar
seal kept in the Royal Library of Belgium, cf. V. Tourneur, "Quelques bulles
byzantines du Cabinet des Medailles de la Bibliotheque royale de Belgique,"
Revue beige de numismatique et de sigillographie 86 (1934) 89-96.
31
IOANNA KOLTSIDA-MAKRE
Fig. 7
Fig. 8
26
Eustratiades, 13.
27
Laurent, Corpus Π, no. 900.
28
Laurent, Corpus II, nos. 251-252.
29
Konstantopoulos, no. 747, Laurent, Corpus V/2, no. 1156.
32
THE ICONOGRAPHY OF THE VIRGIN
Fig. 9
30
Janin, Eglises, 193-194, "Μονή της Θεοτόκου των Κΰρου."
31
Mirjana Tatic-Djuric, L'icöne de Kyriotissa, Actes du XVe Congres Inter-
national d'etudes byzantines, Athenes, Septembre 1976, II Β (Athenes, 1981)
759-786, 778.
32
Galavaris, Kanikleion, pl. 9.
33
Konstantopoulos, no. 428, Laurent, Corpus II, no. 209.
34
Laurent, Corpus V/3, no. 1785, DOSeals 2.21.2, llth/12th c.
35
Hunger, Heimsuchung, passim.
36
Konstantopoulos, no. 136, Laurent, Corpus V/2, no. 1275.
33
IOANNA KOLTSIDA-MAKRE
Fig. 10
Fig. 11
37
Λαοΰρδα, 'Ομιλία δεκάτη • Τοΰ αύτοΰ άγιωτάτου Φωτίου άρχιεπισκόπου
Κωνσταντινοπόλεως ομιλία, ρηθείσα ώς εν εκφράσει τοΰ έν τοις βασιλείοις
περιωνύμου ναοΰ, 99-104. The homily was delivered in the period between 12
April 864 and 21 April 866. The matter of the identification of the church
described by Photius remains still a problem, cf. Λαοΰρδα, 60, 102, στ 28: Ή δ'
από τοΰ θυσιαστηρίου ανεγειρόμενη άψίς τη μορφή της παρθένου περια-
στράπτεται, τάς άχραντους χείρας υπέρ ήμών έξαπλοΰσης και πραττομένης
τφ βασιλεΐ την σωτηρίαν και τά κατ' έχθρων ανδραγαθήματα.
38
Konstantopoulos, no. 184.
39
Janin, Grands centres, 28. Ν. Oikonomides, "Le serment de l'imperatrice
Eudocie (1067). Un episode de l'histoire dynastique de Byzance," REB 21 (1963)
10128, 128.
34
THE ICONOGRAPHY OF THE VIRGIN
b) The same type of the Virgin orans but standing, appears on the seal of
some person called Andronikos 4 0 with the inscription: MP-0V|HAX[6I]-
ΡΟΠΟΙ (Fig. 12).
Fig. 12
40
Konstantopoulos, no. 949a.
41
Ξυγγόπουλος, Αχειροποίητος: Ά. Ξυγγοποΰλου, " Ή λατρευτική είκών
τοΰ ναοΰ της Άχειροποιήτου Θεσσαλονίκης," 'Ελληνικά 13 (1954) 256-62.
42
Ε. Κουρκουτίδου-Νικολαίδου, Α. Τούρτα, Περίπατοι στη βυζαντινή Θεσσα-
λονίκη (Αθήνα, 1997) 185, Θεσσαλονίκη: Βυζαντινά και μεταβυζαντινά
μνημεία Θεσσαλονίκης (Thessaloniki, 1997) 61.
43
Cf. below the lead seal of Kerameus, where a standing Hodegetria is labeled
as Acheiropoietos.
44
Θεσσαλονίκη, 61.
45
Ξυγγόπουλος, Αχεφοποίητος, 260.
IOANNA KOLTSIDA-MAKRE
in the late 5th or 6th c., and therefore called the monastery of Abramites.
It was very probably destroyed in 1204, because it is not mentioned in
the late-byzantine sources. However, the invocation has survived on the
lead seal of Kerameus, imperial official, dated to 13th c.46 The Virgin is
represented standing holding the Child on her right hand. The effigy is
inscribed "Άχειροποίητος". Xygopoulos points out that this type of the
Virgin on this seal reproduces the icon of the Acheiropoietos Monastery
in Constantinople. 47
Fig. 13
Fig.14
46
Schlumberger, Sig., 157.
47
Ξυγγόπουλος, Αχειροποίητος, 261. Morover, two seals of Nikolaos monk
of Acheiropoietos (Seibt-Zarnitz, no. 5.3.5 and Zacos, Seals II, no. 622) dated to
11th c. represent the Virgin enthroned holding the medallion of Christ. W. Seibt
assigns this representation to the Monastery of Abramites in Constantinople,
where was kept one of the icons of the Virgin painted by Luke.
48
Konstantopoulos, no. 335.
49
Konstantopoulos, no. 599a.
36
THE ICONOGRAPHY OF THE VIRGIN
Thus, it is clear that the above referred designations are not icono-
graphic in character, since there are four types accompanied by various
invocations, among which the Virgin Hodegetria presents the biggest
variety of epithets. Attempting, therefore, to detect the reasons for this
discord between inscription and conventional image, we conclude to the
following arguments:
1. A replica of a famous icon in one sanctuary, such as the Hodegetria,
is made for a different sanctuary taking the name of its new home with-
out any alteration in the image. Thus, the Bassiotissa, the Evergetis, the
Traianoupolitissa and the Athenais refer to the famous original of the
Hodegon Monastery. This original must had variants such as the Dexio-
kratoussa Hodegetria, the standing Hodegetria or the Hodegetria in bust.
2. The sanctuary has more than one icons, probably two, of the same
or different iconographic type, replicas of both, even if they are quite
different in appearance, may both bear the name of that sanctuary or a
qualitative epithet, provided that uniqueness and authenticity was not a
prerequisite for a "special" icon.50 On the other hand these two iconogra-
phic types may signify the same theological spirit with a slight variation,
as far as the Holy Union is concerned. For example the close theological
conception of the Holy Incarnation, between Kyriotissa and Nikopoios
may have resulted the interchange of the two epithets.
3. The production of some variants of the same iconographic type, have
resulted from the increased vividness of the liturgical poetry, especially
from the attempts to bring certain traditional images closer to the poetic
50
N. Oikonomides, "The Holy Icon as an Asset," DOP 45 (1991) 35-44, 43.
IOANNA KOLTSIDA-MAKRE
38
Valerij Stepanenko
1
V. S. Janin, P. D. Gajdukov, Aktovye pecati Drevnej Rusi X-XVw. 3 (Moscow,
1998) no. 212; Μ. V. Sedova, "Aktovye pecati knjazja Vsevoloda ΙΠ," Dmitrievskij
sobor. Κ 800 letiju pamjatnika (Moscow, 1997) 274-279.
2
V. S. Janin, Aktovye pecati Drevnej Rusi X-XVw. 1 (Moscow, 1970) 99-102.
VALER1I STEPANENKO
name of Vsevolod's III father, the Great Prince of the Kiev Rus' Jurij
Dolgorukij (1098-1157) and of Vsevolod's ( I V ) father, Jurij Vsevo-
lodovic (1188-1238), was George. A s a result, the seal might be dated
anywhere between 1154 and 1238.
A l l scholars noted that this seal is distinguished from other Russian
seals by the quality of the images. In my opinion this might be connect-
ed with the personality of the probable owner of the seal, the Great
Prince Vsevolod. According to information from Russian chronicles,
Great Prince Vsevolod was a son of Byzantine princess from the
Comnenoi family, the second w i f e of the Great Prince of Rus' Jurij
Dolgorukij. After the death of his father Vsevolod, his mother and broth-
ers were exiled to Byzantium and lived in Constantinople, and perhaps
also in Salonica, between 1162 and 1169.3 H e returned to Russia after the
death of his stepbrother and predecessor Andrej in 1169.
During his rule in Vladimir (1176-1212) the contacts between North-
Eastern Rus' and Byzantium were very close, and culture of the
Vladimiro-Suzdalian Rus' was under strong Byzantine influence. The
church of St. Demetrios of Salonica, the patron saint of the prince, was
built in Vladimir. A n icon of St. Demetrios was transferred from Salonica
to Vladimir in 1997 and Byzantine artists were invited for the painting of
frescoes in the church.4
The image of St. Demetrios on the icon of 1197 is very traditional in
the art of Salonica (Fig. 3, 4). Iconographically it is a copy of a famous
Byzantine icon probably in the basilica of the saint in Salonica.
1950) 468.
4 E. S. Smirnova, "Culte et image de St. Demetre dans la principaute de
40
AN ANONYMOUS RUSSIAN SEAL
5
E. S. Smimova, "Hramovaja ikona Dmitrievskogo sobora," Dmitrievskij sobor,
221, 223, 224, 233,111.132, 134, 135, 140.
6
E. S. Smirnova, "Culte et image de St. Demetre", 233, ill. 140.
41
VALERIJ STEPANENKO
Fig. 4- Sts. Demetrios and George. The steatite icon from Cherson.
Xllth c. State Hermitage. SPb.
7
See: E. Künzl, Der römische Triumph (München, 1988); A. Grabar, L'empereur
dans I'art byzantin (London, 1971) 31-43.
8
The Roman prototypes see, for example, on the coins of Constantine I and
Crispus (31-326) - (Rom und Byzanz. Schatzkammerstücke aus bayerischen
Sammlungen [München, 1998] 97, no. 3rv) and of Magnentius (350-353) -
(K. Shelton, "Usurper's Coins, The Case of Magnentius," Byzantinische
Forschungen 8 (1982) 211-213, PI. XXV-XXX).
42
AN ANONYMOUS RUSSIAN SEAL
The second type of representation of the saint with the traditional spear
in the right hand and with the dragon (St. George) - or Diocletianus
(Miracles of St. Demetrios) under the hooves of the horse - was very
popular in the art of the states of the Byzantine cultural circle (Russia,
Bulgaria, Serbia, Georgia and others).
Representations of holy warriors are very different and very common
in Byzantine art. Nevertheless, concerning the iconography of
St. George, V.N. Lazarev noted the rarity of the image of the saint as a
triumphant horseman both in Byzantium and in the states on the Byzan-
tine cultural circle. As examples he named the fresco of the church of
St. George in Staraja Ladoga near Novgorod (1167), and the steatites
with the image of St. George in Bargello (Florence) and in the museum
of Angers. The same iconography can be found in the steatite of the
St. Demetrios of Thessalonica in the Moscow Kremlin Armory.9
Compared with the multitude of the representations of St. George
spearing a dragon and St. Demetrios defeating a pagan in monumental
painting, icons, sculpture and applied art, the images of holy warriors as
triumphant horseman are very rare. We can find them, for example, on
the Xlth c. frescoes of the cave churches of Cappadocia: the images of
St. Theodore and St. George in the church St. Barbara, St. Theodoros in
Dzhulanli Kilise in Göreme.10
It is possible to complete this list with the images of holy warriors as
triumphant horsemen and hunters. Such twin images can be found in
numerous examples: on three stone plates from Kiev, dated to 1068,
which were copied from Byzantine originals,11 on the Pala d'Oro from
9
V. N. Lazarev, "Novyj pamjatnik stankovoj zivopisi XII v. i obraz Georgija ν
Vizantijskom i drevnerusskom iskusstve," V. N. Lazarev, Russkaja sredneveko-
vaja zivopis' (Moscow, 1970) 79. Unfortunately the time of the creation of the
last icons is disputable. V. N. Lazarev dated all steatites to the Xllth c., as did M.
Alpatov (Μ. V. Alpatov, "Barel'ef Dimitrija Solunskogo ν Oruzejnoj Palate," M.
V. Alpatov, Ocerki istorii russkogo iskusstva 1 [Moscow, 1967] 52), Α. V. Bank
to the Xlth c. (Α. V. Bank, Prikladnoe iskusstvo Vizantii IX-XII vv. [Moscow,
1978] 97-98), I. Kalavrezou-Maxeiner to the XIVth c. (I. Kalavrezou-Maxeiner,
Byzantine Icons in Steatite [Vienna, 1985] 198-200), H. Wentzel to the XHIth c.
(H. Wentzel, "Die Kamee mit dem hl. Georg im Schloss zu Windsor," Festschrift
Fr. Gerke [Baden Baden, 1962] 108-110), as did V. Putsko (St. Demetrios) (V. G.
Putsko, "Rannepaleologovskij steatit s izobrazeniem Ioanna Predteci," ByzSl 50
[1989] 209).
10
See: De Jerphanion, Les eglises rupestres en Cappadoce III (Paris, 1934) PI.
189, ill. 2; Μ. Restle, Die byzantinische Wandmalerei in Kleinasien, II
(Recklinghausen, 1967) no. XXIII, PI. 246-247.
11
Gosudarstvennaja Tretjakovskaja Galereja. Katalog 1: Drevnerusskoe
iskusstvo X-nacalo XV v. (Moscow, 1995) 195-196, no. 91; V. Putsko, "Kievskie
rel'efy svjatyh voinov," Starinar 27 (1977) 111; G. V. Sidorenko, "Mihailovskie
reliefnye plity XI v.," The Iconastasis. Original-Evolution-Symbolism
(Moscow, 2000) 243-266.
43
VALERIJ STEPANENKO
12
See: Omaggio a San Marco, Tesori dall'Europa (Milano, 1994) 174-176.
13
V. Zalesskaja, "Fessalonikskie ikony evlogii i obrazki epohi Latinskoj imperii,"
Piligrimy. Istoriko-kul'turnaja rol' palomnicestva (Saint Petersburg, 2001) 79.
Although in my opinion the date and the attribution of the icon is questionable,
it certainly comes from the period of the Latin Empire (1204-1261).
14
See: Τ. V. Nikolaeva, "Kamennaja ikonka, naidennaja ν Novgorode," PKNO
1974 (Moscow, 1975) 225 ill. V. P. Solomina, "O dvuh pamjatnikah novgorodskoj
melkoj plastiki," PKNO 1977 (Moscow, 1978) 202-205. Most recently see: N.
Chatzidakis, "Saint George on horseback "in Parade". A fifteenth century icon in
the Benaki museum," ΘΥΜΙΑΜΑ I (Athens, 1994) 61-62.
15
V. P. Darkevic, Svetskoe iskusstvo Vizantii (Moscow, 1975) 80 ill; Sokro-
visca Verhnei Obi. Katalog vystavki Ermitaza (Saint Petersburg, 1996) 142.
44
AN ANONYMOUS RUSSIAN SEAL
16
Z. Licenoska, "Les influences byzantines dans l'art medieval en Mace-
donie. La sculpture sur bois," ByzSl 49 (1988) 42, Fig. 4; The icons with the
image of the St. Georgios as horseman triumphant. - G. N. Cubinasvili,
Gruzinskoe cekannoe iskusstvo 1 (Tbilisi, 1959) 354-355; II, 111. 245; See, too: S.
Amiranasvili, Les emaux de Georgie (Paris, 1962) 84-85-XIIIth c.
17
V. S. Sandrovskaja, "Obraz sv. Georgija na vizantijskikh pecatjah," II mez-
dunarodnyj simpozium po gruzinskomu iskusstvu, Resümees (Tbilisi, 1977) 7; V.
S. Sandrovskaja, "Izobrazenija svjatyh voinov ν Vizantijskoj sfragistike i numiz-
matike," Vizantija i Bliznij Vostok (Saint Petersbourg, 1994) 70-89; I. I. Tolstoi,
"Slutcai primenenija vizantijskoj sfragistiki k voprosy po russkoj numizmatike,"
Trudy VII arheologitceskogo s"ezda ν Jaroslavle (1887) I, (Moscow, 1891) 73-
81; V. P. Stepanenko, "Obraz sv. Georgja vsadnika ν vizantijskoj i drevnerusskoj
sfragistike domongol'skogo perioda," Problemy istorii Rossii 3: Novgorodskaja
Rus'. Istoriceskoeprostranstvo i kul'turnoe nasledie. Κ 70 letiju akademika V. L.
Janina (Ekaterinburg, 2000) 106-117.
18
The upper part of the seal in the collection of the Historical Museum Shumen.
Bulgaria. My gratitude to I. Iordanov for the photo and for his comments.
19
DOSeals 2.7.1.
20
Seibt -Zarnitz, 3.3.7.
21
Laurent, Corpus II, no. 1144.
22
L. Maksimovic, M. Popovic, "Les sceaux byzantins de la region Danubienne en
Serbie. Π. La collection du Musee National de Belgrade," SBS 3 (1993) 122, no. 8.
23
Zacos-Veglery, no. 2745 a, b.
24
J. Nesbitt, "Overstruck Seals in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection: Reused or
Counterstamped?," SBS 2 (1990) 71-72, no. 2.
25
We know three specimens from the collections G. Zacos (Byzantine seals
from the collection of G. Zacos. Spink Auction 127/1 [London, 1998], no. 79),
from Sofia and from Athens. Unfortunately we cannot identify the owner of the
45
VALERIJ STEPANENKO
seals with one of the Constantine Doukas of the Xllth c., known from the index
of Barzos.
26
Schlumberger, Sig., 502 regarded the saint as St. George, supposing the exis-
tence of the dragon under the hooves of the horse. This seal together with parts
of the Schlumberger's collection was bought by N. P. Lihacev and is today kept
in the State Hermitage (M-8759). Lihacev who noted the rarity of this image,
dated the seal to the Xlllth c. V. S. Sandrovskaja thinks that it can be one of
Theodore, either Teron or Stratelates. Our gratitude to the colleague for a photo
of the seal and for her comments.
27
Spink Auction 127/1 (London, 1998) Catalogue, no. 88.
28
N. Oikonomides, " Ό σεβαστός 'Ιωάννης Στειριόνης," Χαρακτήρ. Αφιέ-
ρωμα στη Μαντώ Οικονομίδου, (Athens, 1996)209-213.
29
Unpublished seal Μ-12291 from the Ν. P. Lihacev collection in the
Hermitage. Lihacev read the inscription on the rev. with the image of the ruler
horseman as "Comnenus Palaiologos."
30
The seal M-12374 from the Hermitage. (Sicily?) cf. E. Stepanova,
"Izobrazenija vostocno-hristianskih svjatyh na ital'janskih pecatjah XI-XII vv.,"
Vizantija i Hristianskij Vostok. Naucnaja Konferencija pamjati A. Bank.
Hermitage, Tezisy (Saint Petersbourg, 1999) 58.
31
V. N. Lazarev, Novgorodian icon-painting (Moscow, 1976) 20, ill. 21. A
parallel is found in the little stone statues of the Vladimiro-Suzdalian Rus'.
These are icons of the XlVth c. with twin images of Boris and Gleb, George
and Demetrios as horsemen. T. Nikolaeva, Drevnerusskaja plastika iz kamnja
(Moscow, 1983) nos. 283, 292, tabl. 49, 111. 5; Tabl. 51, 111. 51. A. Ryndina
thinks that this iconography developped under West-European influence. -
(Prikladnoe iskusstvo Velikogo Novgoroda. Hudozestvennyj metall X-XV vv.
[Moscow, 1997] 84). T. Nikolaeva saw here the episode of the Life of
St. George, when he is victorious in battle at Thessalonica with the help of a
banner, presented to him by an angel. (T. Nikolaeva, Zagorskij muzej zapovednik.
Proizvedenija melkoj plastiki XII-XVII vv. [Zagorsk, 1960] 137). In Georgia we
find the image of the triumphant St. George on a stone relief from the church
of Agara. - Materialy po arheologii Kavkaza 4 (Moscow, 1894) 40, Tabl. XVI.
The triumphant sense of this scene is obvious, as is the influence of the images
the emperor's triumph on this iconography.
46
AN ANONYMOUS RUSSIAN SEAL
Stratelates which were painted for the crusaders and are kept in the
Monastery of the St. Catherine on Sinai.32 The circle of such works may
be extended by the icons of St. Sergios and Bacchos and St. George with
the donor (XHIth c.) in the same cloister.33
St. George on our seal, however, represents a third type, halftriumphant
and halfhunter. It differs from the simple triumphant warrior by the allure
of the horse, presented in a flying gallop, and differs from the hunter by
the absence of the the spear in the hand and of the dragon under the
hooves of the horse (which is unique in the Byzantine iconography of
this saint). The closest iconographic analogues to the image of St. George
on our seal are the images of St. Demetrios on a Byzantine gold icon,
which now is kept in the Berlin Museum of Arts and Crafts34 (Fig. 6) and,
to a certain extent, a representation of St. George on the silver cup from
Berezovo, preserved in the Hermitage. Both date from the end of the
Xllth or to the beginning of the XHIth c. and are thougt to be provincial
works. On the first icon, St. Demetrios is depicted as a horseman without
weapons, with the reins in the right hand. On the cup from Berezovo,
St. George is depicted as warrior with a spear in the right hand, but with-
out the dragon under the hooves of his horse. On our seal the spear and
the dragon are absent.
The absence of the spear in the hand of the saint may be a mistake of
the craftsman, but it is more probable that it is a very rare type of repre-
sentation of the saint. It is known in Byzantine and Russian painting of
the XHIth-XIVth c. only on the Byzantine icon of St. George in the Life
of the XHIth c. in the Monastery of St. Catherine on Sinai (scene 14),35
and on the Russian icon of St. George in a life of the beginning of the
XlVth c. in the Novgorod Museum.36 It depicts the saint in the triumphal
scene after the binding of the dragon "by the God's word," but before of
its murder.
32
K. Weitzmann, "Crusader Icons and Maniera Greca," Byzanz und der Westen
(Wien, 1984) 148, Taf. LIII.
33
K. Weitzmann, "Icon Painting in the Crusader Kingdom," DOP 20 (1966)
71-72, fig. 49. It is significant that the image of the holy warrior horseman was
popular in Byzantium in the Xlllth c. The are not only the rare seals, but also a
great number of glass cameos with the image of St. Theodore as a horseman
spearing the dragon, both from Constantinople and Russia. M. C. Ross, Catalogue
of the Byzantine and Early Medieval Antiquities in the Dumbarton
Oaks collection, 1 (Washington, 1962) 89, nos. 106, 107; T. Nikol'skaja,"Redkaja
nahodka iz Serenska," Drevnosti slavjan i Rusi (Moscow, 1988) 45-51.
34
D. Kötzsche, "Der Welfenschatz im Berliner Kunstgewerbemuseum," Bilderheft
der Staatlischen Museen Preussischer Kulturbesitz 20-21 (Berlin, 1973) 65, no. 2.
35
Ε. S. Konstantinides, "Une icöne historiee de Saint Georges du XHIe siecle
au monastere de Sainte-Catherine du Mont Sinai," Drevnerusskoe iskusstvo.
Rus', Vizantija, Balkany. XIII v. (Moscow, 1997) 88 ill. (scene 14).
36
V. Ν. Lazarev, Novgorodian icon painting, 16, ill. 17.
47
VALER1J STEPANENKO
According to the "Life and the miracles of St. George," after the
binding of the dragon, the saint with or without spear (as on the our seal)
gallops in the wake of the princess, dragging the dragon to the town in
the presence of the townsmen (Byzantine fresco of 1167 in the church
of St. George in Staraja Ladoga). In the "Miracles" the saint is only the
instrument in the hands of God, and the dragon is defeated by "God's
word" and only after the triumph the dragon is murdered by the saint. In
the popular mind, this last event was the main achievement of the saint.37
For this reason this scene became very popular in the art of Byzantium
and the states of the Byzantine cultural circle, whereas the scene of the
triumph before the exploit of the saint was unintelligible to the crowd
and consequently very rare in Byzantine art.
37
Sanct Georg. - Der Ritter mit dem Drachen. Kataloge. (Freising-Lindenberg
i. Allgäu, 2001). My gratitude to Ν. Seibt for the indication of this catalogue.
AN ANONYMOUS RUSSIAN SEAL
38
As, for example, the lead icons of the Xllth c. with the standing St. George
as a triumphant warrior. - K. Totev, "Srednevekovye vizantijskie svincovye
ikony iz Severo-Zapadnoj Bolgarii (K ikonografii Sv. Georgija drakonobortca)",
MAIET 7 (2000) 362-369.
39
V. N. Zalesskaia, "Fessalonikskie ikony," 81 ill. 3: a Byzantine (?) lead
medallion of the end of the Xllth c.-lst half of the XHIth c. from Novgorod with
the image of St. George (or St. Demetrios) as horseman and of a youth behind
him.
40
V. S. Janin, P. D. Gajdukov, Aktovye pecati Drevnej Rusi X-XV vv. 3 (Moscow,
1998) no. 211-4.
49
John W. Nesbitt
1
R. Guilland, "Etudes sur l'histoire administrative de l'Empire byzantin.
L'orphanotrophe," REB 23 (1965) 205-221. But see now the more recent
researches of T. Miller, "The Orphanotropheion of Constantinople," in Throught
the Eye of a Needle: Judeo-Christian Roots of Social Welfare, ed. E. Hanawalt
and C. Lindberg (Kirksville, MO, 1994) 83-103. The school at the orphanage is
the subject of an excellent study by S. Mergiali-Falangas, "L'ecole Saint-Paul de
l'orphelinat ä Constantinople. Bref aper?u sur son Statut et son histoire," REB 49
(1991) 237-246.
2
It is a curious fact that in compiling his massive Corpus of Byzantine Seals,
Father Laurent failed to incorporate into his magnum opus the seals of the orphano-
trophoi and subordinate officials of his office. For this reason several important seals
have remained relatively unknown. One purpose of this paper is to spotlight them
and to restore them to their rightful place in the literature on Byzantine orphans.
3
Schlumberger, Sig., 380. The specimen is cited in Zacos-Veglery, no. 1261,
where it is observed that it was known to Bury (The Imperial Administrative
System in the Ninth Century [London, 1911] 103-104) who read the monogram
as IOVCTINOV KAI COilAC. Schlumberger had incorrectly assigned the seal to
the reign of Justinian I.
51
JOHN W. NESBITT
Fig. 1
4
and Scott). As Mango and Scott note, Theophanes implies that at the site
where the Church of Sts. Peter and Paul was erected the Orphanage already
existed and indeed we know from another source that the Orphano-
tropheion was already functioning in the later 5th century. In 472 the
emperor Leo promulgated a Novel guaranteeing privileges to charitable
institutions. It is expressly stated therein that the current holder of the
office of orphanotrophos is a priest named Nikon and that Nikon's
property shall enjoy the same protection as his "predecessor, Zotikos of
most blessed memory, who is said (dicitur)" to have first acquired the
office devoted to the sustenance and rearing of orphans.5 Whether the
building housing the Orphanage in 472 and the one referred to in 572 are
the same is of course problematic. The Novel's reference to "Zotikos of
most blessed memory" requires clarification.
4
Theophanes the Confessor, trans. C. Mango and R. Scott (Oxford, 1997) 361
(= Theophanes, 244 6 7 ): Τοΰτφ τφ ετει ήρξατο κτίζειν Ίουστΐνος την έκκλη-
σίαν των άγιων αποστόλων Πέτρου και Παΰλου έν τω ορφανοτροφεία).
The same information is transmitted (but in a more muddled form) in Scriptores
originum constantinopolitarum, ed. Th. Preger (Leipzig, 1901) 267 (and 235).
The name Zotikos is mentioned twice. In the first instance a Zotikos is referred
to as the person to whom Justin entrusted the direction of the Orphanage. In the
second a Zotikos is described as a person living in the time of Constantius and a
benefactor of individuals in need of food and clothing. In sum the Patria sepa-
rates Zotikos the leper saint from his role as an orphanotrophos - a recognition
that the two roles do not fit comfortably together? For a different view, see
T. Miller, "The Orphanotropheion of Constantinople," 87. The historian Joseph
Genesios describes the "church of St. Paul" as the place "where the funds for the
nourishment of the orphans are kept." Translation of A. Kaldellis, Genesios.
On the Reigns of the Emperors (Canberra, 1998) 12 (= Josephi Genesii regum
quattuor, ed. A. Lesmüller and I. Thum [Berlin, 1978] 9 78 " 79 ).
5
Codex Iustinianus, ed. P. Krueger (Berlin, 1929) 1.3.34.
52
THE ORPHANOTROPHOS
6
H. Delehaye, Propylaeum ad Acta Sanctorum Novembris (Brussels, 1902),
cols. 359-362.
7
The author's views are set forth in an article to be published by the Institute
for Byzantine Research (Athens) in memory of Prof. Nicolas Oikonomides.
8
I am referring here to the Vita of St. Zotikos published by M. Aubineau,
"Zoticus de Constantinople. Nourricier des pauvres et serviteur des lepreux,"
Analecta Bollandiana 93 (1975) 67-108. The edition is based on Walters Art
Gallery 521, a manuscript of the 11 th century. In a later Vita written by Constantine
Akropolites and edited by T. Miller, "The Legend of Saint Zotikos according to
Constantine Akropolites," Analecta Bollandiana 112 (1994) 339-376 there is
also no reference to Zotikos as an orphanotrophos.
9
Aubineau, "Zoticus de Constantinople," 83.
10
The need to control the movements of lepers is seen in Islam, as well.
Al-Walid is reported to have restricted the circulation of lepers in Medina. See
the interesting article of L. Conrad, "Did al-Walid I Found the First Islamic
Hospital?," ARAM 6 (1994) 225-244.
53
JOHN W. NESBITT
11
The specimen (DO 55.1.2650) has been published in Zacos-Veglery, no. 1268a.
A similar seal in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection is DO 58.106.4388.
12
Άκάκιος πρεσβύτερος καΐ όρφανοτρόφος: Nicephori archiepiscopi cons-
tantinopolitani opuscula historica, ed. C. de Boor (Leipzig, 1880; reprint New
York, 1975) 116. Akakios became patriarch of Constantinople in 472. Guilland,
"L'orphanotrophe," lists the patriarch Euphemios (498-495) as an ex-orphano-
trophos of Neapolis, but in the Nicephori opuscula historica (117 1 2 ) he is in fact
described as the former "ptochotrophos" of Neapolis.
13
The date is not wholly certain; for the latest discussion of the chronology of
Andrew's career see now A. Kazhdan, A History of Byzantine Literature (650-850)
(Athens, 1999) 38.
14
Zacos-Veglery, no. 3171.
15
Zacos-Veglery, no. 2395.
54
THE ORPHANOTROPHOS
spatharios and orphanotrophos (9th century, first half; fig. 3); 16 4) Sisin-
nios, imperial protospatharios and orphanotrophos (9th century); 17 and 5)
Damianos, imperial protospatharios and orphanotrophos (9th century). 18
We should note, however, that in the ninth century the office was on
occasion held by a cleric. At the 4th Council of Constantinople one of the
participants in 869-870 was a certain "George the Orphanotrophos". 1 9 He
may well be the "George, diakonos and orphanotrophos" w h o was the
recipient of a letter f r o m Photios. 2 0 We further observe that in 878 when
16
Zacos-Veglery, no. 1795a and b; specimen b = DO 55.1.743 (our fig. 3).
Fig. 3
17
Zacos-Veglery, no. 3181.
18
Zacos-Veglery, no. 1841a (late 9th/early 10th century) (= Fogg 668; our fig. 4)
and b (= DO 58.106.5385). Zacos and Vegleiy misdate these specimens; the form
of the beta shows that the specimens belong to the ninth century. Cheynet (SBS 6
Fig. 4
(1999) 11-12) has corrected Laurent's reading of a seal in Vatican, no. 89, pro-
posing that one substitute the reading Στεφάνω πατρικίφ και όρρειαρίψ των
Πετρίου for Στεφάνφ πατρικίφ και όρφανοτρόφφ. To the list of seals should be
added from texts the name of Paul the orphanotrophos. Paul, who was involved
with others in a plot against Romanos I, was exiled to the isle of Antigonos and
was tonsured (Skylitzes, 213.56; Guilland, "L'orpanotrophe," 211-212).
19
Guilland, 211. Guilland's reference is vague: see Mansi, Sacrorum conci-
liorum nova et amplissima collectio, XVI (Paris-Leipzig, 1902), col. 136AB.
Another person to be added is the orphanotrophos Leo, the recipient of a letter
from Theodore of Stoudios: see Theodori Studitae Epistulae, pars prior, ed.
G. Fatouros (Berlin, 1992) 80 (letter 29). Interestingly his wife is described as
χαρτουλαρέαν. Cf. the commentary on this letter, 170-171.
20
Photii patriarchae constantinopolitani epistulae et amphilochia, ed. B. Laourdas
and L. Westerink, I (Leipzig, 1983) 186 (letter 136). Following Bury, Guilland
repeats the suggestion that George might be a provincial orphanotrophos, but he
seems to be an important individual and for this reason should be counted among
the orphanotrophoi of the Great Orphanotropheion.
55
JOHN W. NESBITT
21
See the Vita Ignatii of Niketas Paphlagon: PG 105, col. 5735-6; cf.
G. Dagron, "Le traite de Gregoire de Nicee," TM 11 (1991) 346 and note 164.
Zacos-Veglery (no. 1776 = DO 58.106.3276; fig. 6) have published the ninth/
early tenth-century seal of a Basil grand orphanotrophos. On the obverse is a
cruciform invocative monogram (Laurent type V) and an inscription of five lines
on the reverse: P,ACIAei|UMe..AU|..tANOT.|.f > U: Βασιλείφ με[γά]λφ
[όρ]φανοτ[ρό]φφ. Obviously it is not possible to say if Basil was a layman or a
cleric.
22
Oikonomides, Listes, 51.9.
23
Ibid., 12323-27.
24
Bury, Administrative System, 103-105. We agree with Oikonomides (Listes,
319) that the administrative title of chartoularioi tou oikou can be profitably com-
pared with the term χαρτουλάριος των ευαγών οίκων.
25
Zacos, Seals II, no. 432.
56
THE ORPHANOTROPHOS
Neither specimen uses the phrase του οίκου or τοΰ οσίου, but we do
encounter the phrase τοΰ οσίου in a text of Theophanes Continuatus and
on a Dumbarton Oaks seal of the twelfth century (DO 55.1.5006 =
Laurent, Corpus V/3, no. 1916). 26 The seal's obverse features a repre-
sentation of St. Zotikos standing and as an orant; the inscription on the
reverse reads: .CtPAr.|AA8Atü.|T0V0CI0V|Z(JTIK0V: [+] Σφραγ[ν(ς)]
άδελφώ[ν] τοΰ οσίου Ζωτικού. It seems to the author that the seal is to
be associated with the leprosarium of St. Zotikos, but what is unclear is
the meaning of the term "brother". This could refer to a monastery of
monks, but it might also denote a lay diaconate. In this regard I note a
passage from the Itinerary of Antony of Novgorod which Prof. George
Majeska has translated for me into English from his forthcoming edition:
"St. Zotikos is buried in a hospital on a mountain beyond" the Golden
Horn.27 The manner in which Antony describes the leprosarium leaves the
question open as to whether its medical attendants were religious or lay.
On a Dumbarton Oaks seal of the 9th/early 10th century we encounter
the following inscription: Θεοτόκε βοήθει τφ σ φ δοΰλφ Βασιλείω
μεγάλω όρφανοτρόφφ (see fig. 6 and note 21). We further encounter the
Fig. 6
26
In Theophanes Continuatus there is mention (p. 449 4 ; cited by Oikonomides
{Listes, 319, note 186) of a "νοσοκομείου τοΰ όσιου". Originally this hospital
was small, but then later it was enlarged "in order to bring together all those
afflicted by so terrible a disease" and to cover all of their bodies with ointments.
Surely the disease alluded to is leprosy and this hospital "of the saint" is
Zotikos's leprosarium.
27
In Janin's "Listes des monasteres au concile de Nicee (787)," we find listed
"John, hegoumenos τοΰ άγιου Ζωτικού". See Janin, Grands centres II, 435,
no. 64.1 suggest that the Zotikos to whom this monastery was dedicated was not
the leper saint Zotikos, but another Zotikos, perhaps, for example, the Zotikos
remembered in the Synaxarium of Constantinople (cols. 913-915) under August
20 - a saint martyred in the reign of Maximian with St. Agathonikos and others.
The relics of a St. Zotikos are known to have been preserved and honored at
Daphnousia (sited along the Bithynian coast of the Black Sea): see the Vita
S. Andreae, PG 120, col. 221D (cited in M.-F. Auzepy, M. Kaplan, B. Martin-
Hisard, La chretiente orientate [Paris, 1996] 152), the same place where relics of
the martyrs Photios and Aniketos were located (Janin, op. cit., 104). Janin cites a
passage from the writings of Balsamon (G. Rhalles-M. Potles, Σύνταγμα των
θείων και ιερών κανόνων, II [Paris, 1852] 4467) in which there is specific
mention of a πρώτος τοΰ Όσίου. He is identified as a priest (ιερεύς), leaving us
to wonder if he might not be the spiritual head of a diaconate.
57
JOHN W. NESBITT
Fig. 7
the term is meant to indicate that two or more chartoularioi operated under
the direction of the orphanotrophos and that Constantine was superior in
rank. As for Basil and Niketas we note that Guilland calls attention to an
Athonite document of 942, the copy of a report to Thomas, epoptes of
Thessalonika. The document was drafted by the hand of one Demetrios,
who identifies himself as a cleric, kouboukleisios and orphanotrophos. I
agree with Guilland that Demetrios was a local ecclesiastical official
attached to the diocese of Thessalonika. 29 Demetrios's situation recalls
the fact that throughout the Empire there were numerous local orphano-
trophoi. By using the term "grand" Basil and Niketas are distancing
themselves from orphanotrophoi and subordinates who exercised their
duties in provincial settings. Niketas's seals show a revival in the 11th
century of the use of clerics to administer the Orphanage's affairs. The
most famous instance is of course that of the monk and orphanotrophos,
John, whose career and seals we will discuss below. To be sure, John's
career might easily be viewed in the light of a lay courtier, but we prefer
to categorize him according to the terminology which he employed on his
seals-namely, a monk. For the moment we simply note that in Niketas's
case we are confronted by an ecclesiastical personnage who held posts
both in the capital and in Paphlagonia (a crony of John the Orphano-
trophos?). If we assume that Niketas was actually resident in Ionopolis,
then we may conclude that he was "farming" the office of chartoularios.
Niketas is not, however, the only person we encounter who was an
official of the Orphanage and at the same time involved with provincial
administration. Nikephoros Ouranos addressed a letter to John, orphano-
28
See our note 25 and DOSeals 4.18.2, 3 (with bibliography).
29
Guilland, "L'orphanotrophe," 211.
58
THE ORPHANOTROPHOS
trophos and judge of the Armeniakoi.30 Recently there was published the
eleventh-century seal of Pothos Monomachos, orphanotrophos and judge
of the Armeniakoi (fig. 8 = DO 58.106.2211).31 It appears in both cases
that the occupants of the office of orphanotrophos used their influence in
imperial circles to obtain (or retain) the additional post of judge of the
Armeniakoi, an office which potentially offered much in the way of mone-
tary rewards.
Fig. 8
Fig. 9
30
See J. Darrouzes, Epistoliers byzantins du xe siecle (Paris, 1960), Letter 14
(p. 224); cited by Guilland, 211. Note the seal of John, protospatharios, orphano-
trophos and judge of the Armeniakoi published in Zacos, Seals II, no. 827.
31
DOSeals 4.22.18. The obverse is decorated with a half-length representation
of St. George. The inscription on the reverse has been completed from DO
58.106.861.
32
For a good biographical note and for examples of his seals, see Zacos-
Veglery, no. 2677 and 2677 bis. Cf. W. Treadgold, A History of the Byzantine
State and Society (Stanford, 1997) 586-588.
33
Concerning Byzantine copper tesserae in general, see J. Nesbitt, "Byzantine
Copper Tokens," SBS 1 (1987) 67-75.
59
JOHN W. NESBITT
and Veglery point out, the letters may stand for "indiction) 12" or
"i(ndiction) 2".34 It seems to me that the interpretation "i(ndiction) 2" is
the preferable reading since it was in the second indiction (1033/1034)
that John travelled to Myra, asking for St. Nicholas's help in curing an
ulcer.35 Copper tesserae were traditionally used as grain tokens. We recall
here that in the years of 1033 and 1034 the Empire experienced grain
shortages and it is tempting to see this tessera as part of a systematic
program on John's part to alleviate hunger.
At all periods the office of orphanotrophos attracted bureaucrats of
relatively high status. In the earlier period it was a rung on the ladder to
enthronement as patriarch. In the ninth and tenth centuries there was a
regular parade of orphanotrophoi who had been honored with the rank of
patrikios and protospatharios. In the case of John the Orphanotrophos it
was the office which he preferred to occupy while governing the Empire.
We submit that the reason why the office attracted these officials was that
the Orphanage controlled considerable wealth. The orphanotrophos admi-
nistered the holdings which belonged both to the Orphanage and to the
leprosarium. The holdings were sufficiently large that the office required
the services of chartoularioi, a treasurer and kourators. The post was
lucrative enough that a person as greedy as John the Orphanotrophos
wanted to secure and maintain control of the Orphanage's finances.
Where did all this wealth come from? Surely, some of it was generated
by imperial largess either in the form of donatives or tax privileges. This
imperial support was linked in part, one may assume, with the use of
orphans for the performance of choral music during imperial ceremo-
nies.36 But I suggest that the wealth of the Orphanage may well have
been rooted in the status of its clientele. Since the Orphanage of Sts. Peter
and Paul was the principal Orphanotropheion of Byzantium, it was here,
I submit, that were collected as adopted children the offspring of the
aristocracy-persons who as adults were in a position to show gratitude
for the rearing in the form of gifts and bequests. The Orphanage looked
after the property interests of the aristocracy, at least until the reign of
Alexios Komnenos and the institution's refoundation. Alexios of course
founded a school with a well-rounded curriculum wherein orphans were
instructed as well as the children of the poor. It also served as a place of
religious instruction for cathecumens of non-Christian background. It
could be that the Orphanage functioned after 1081 with a greater
percentage of imperial support than in the past, but from all appearances
34
Zacos and Veglery are quite correct that the letters might refer to a measure of
quantity. In such a case, I would expect the letters to be of larger size.
35
St. Nicholas regularly appears on John's seals - sometimes in bust and other
times standing and turned toward a manus Dei.
36
Oikonomides, Listes, 187.
60
THE ORPHANOTROPHOS
the Orphanage of Sts. Peter and Paul had been throughout its earlier
history an elitist institution and that it continued to be so until the con-
quest of Constantinople by the Fourth Crusade.
ADDENDUM
61
JOHN W. NESBITT
16. John, orphanotrophos and judge of the Armeniakoi (see our footnote
no. 30).
17. Melias, patrikios and orphanotrophos in 1030 (see Guilland,
"L'orphanotrophe," 212-213).
18. John, monk and orphanotrophos (see our footnote no. 32).
19. Pothos Monomachos, orphanotrophos and judge of the Armeniakoi
(see our footnote no. 31).
20. Nicholas Datos, vestarches and orphanotrophos (Ebersolt, Sceaux,
no. 566; I wish to express my gratitude to Dr. A.-K. Wassiliou for sending
me a photo of this specimen). The seal has on the obverse a half-length
representation of the Virgin holding Christ on 1. arm; the reverse bears an
inscription of six lines reading:
+9KeRQ'|NIK0AAU|fteCTAPXH|S0PtANU|TP0tUT<i)|AAT(1).
21. An anonymous orphanotrophos of the llth/12th centuries, as attested
by Fogg 1207 (fig. 10). On the obverse appears a bust of St. Paul turned
slightly to r. and holding a book. On the reverse is an inscription of five
lines preceded by a cross decoration:
-+-|CtPAriC|MATOVTl|CenTONOP|tANOTPO|tOV: +
Σφράγισμα τουτι σεπτόν όρφανοτρόφου.
F i g . 10
62
Ivan Jordanov
1. Κατακαλών Κεκαυμένος
The earliest mention of a governor's name of such a military-admini-
strative unit is 1043 and refers to Κατακαλών βέστης ό Κεκαυμένος,
άρχων ων των παρά τον "Ιστρον πόλεων και χωρίων, "who routed the
Russian troops on their return from Constantinople near Varna." There
is a great amount of data in the narrative sources about this Byzantine
dignitary. It is even supposed that more than one person bore this name
(See: Kazdan, Armjane, no. 8: 4).
Below is his cursus honorum:
1039: πρωτοσπαθάριος και τοΰ τάγματος άρχων των Άρμενιακών
distinguished himself in the defence of Messina (See: Skylitzes, 406-407).
63
IVAN JORDANOV
1043: βέστης και άρχων των παρά τον "Ιστρον πόλεων και χωρίων,
who routed the Russian troops on their return from Constantinople near
Varna (See: Skylitzes, 433 27 " 28 ).
1044-1048: βέστης και δούξ Άνίου και της 'Ιβηρίας fought along-
side with Aaron against the Seljuks (See: Skylitzes, 438 62 , 448 54 " 55 ).
1050: was referred to as στρατηλάτης της 'Ανατολής and sent to fight
against the Pechenegs in Northern Bulgaria (See: Skylitzes, 4674"5).
1056: μάγιστρος και δούξ 'Αντιοχείας (See: Skylitzes, 4832"3). His
seal dates from that time.1
1057: was referred to with the rank of κουροπαλάτης (See: Skylitzes,
500 86 ).
There is a lack of sphagistic monuments which could corroborate the
relation of Κατακαλών Κεκαυμένος to the Byzantine administration of
Paradounavon. No seeds of his are found on the territory of Para-
dounavon. An exception perhaps is the seal of Κατακαλών Κεκαυμένος
or Κατακαλών Καμέν, ανθύπατος, πατρίκιος και κατεπάνω, found in
Pliska2 which could perhaps be related to him. According to the text of
this seal, however, it belongs to a commander who was sent to the region
at the head of a tagma with a definite task but had no connection with the
government of the Paradounavon.
1
D. Swiencicky, "Byzantinische Bleisiegel in Sammlungen von Lwow," Izv.
na bulg. arheolog. d-vo 16-18 (1940) 434-441, no. 10.
2
S. Maslev, "Vizantijski olovni pecati ot Pliskai Preslav," Izvestija na arhe-
olog. Institut 20 (1955) 445-462, no. 3; I. Jordanov, "Vizantijski olovni pecati ot
Pliska," Pliska-Preslav 5 (1992) 281-301, no. 24.
3
A. Madgearu, "The Military Organization of Paradunavon," ByzSl. 60-2
(1999) 424.
64
THE KATEPANATE OF PARADOUNAVON
in Paradounavon was 1048 and at the time he had the title of patrician;
and in 1057 he was already magistros. Therefore, he must have been
vestarches before 1057 rather than in 1048. Through comparison with
other titularies of the Paradounavon, the seals can be dated to the 60s-70s
of the 11th century.
3. 'Ρωμανός Διογένης.
This refers to the future emperor Romanos IV Diogenes (1068-1071).
It is neither possible nor necessary to review his whole reign and life. But
still, we have to review what is known about him before he ascended to
the throne in order to determine his connection with the Paradounavon.
According to Attaleiates, Skylitzes Continuatus and Kekaumenos,
Romanos Diogenes had the following career before 1067:
a) άρχων των περί τον "Ιστρον πόλεων.
b) πατρίκιος και δούξ Σαρδικης.
c) βεστάρχης και κατεπάνω.
Several groups of seals are known with the name of Romanos Diogenes:
a) πατρίκιος και στρατηγός (50s of the 11th c.).4
b) πατρίκιος ανθύπατος, βέστης και στρατηγός (50s-60s of the
11th c.), according to a lead seal from the Athens Numismatic Museum
(See: Konstantopoulos, no. 622a and Stavrakos, Bleisiegel, no. 64).
c) βεστάρχης και κατεπάνω (7-1067), according to three lead seals
from different boulloteria.5
It could be that all the four groups of seals belonged to one and the
same person - Romanos Diogenes. Besides the identical names, there is
also a chronological succession in titles and positions from the 50s to the
60s of the 11th century. Can they be related to the future emperor? The
coincidences involve the names, time reference and last but not least the
titles and posts written on the seals.
The post of Romanos Diogenes in the three groups of seals is not con-
nected with a definite military or administrative unit. We are left with the
opinion that he was at the emperor's disposal and was sent at the head of
the tagma in a region where it was necessary.
One of his seals in his capacity of βεστάρχης και κατεπάνω, found on
the bank of the Danube near the present-day village of Vetren, appears to
be connected with reflect a certain mission of his in that part of the
Empire at the head of a tagma to which local troops were attached. Here
he appears in the capacity of άρχων των παρά τον "Ιστρον πόλεων.
4
Auction Spink 135 (october 1999), no. 283 and the unpublished seal Fogg A.
M„ no. 1396.
5
I. Jordanov - G. Atanasov, Srednovekovnijat Vetren na Dunav, (Shoumen,
1994), no. 116; Auction Hirsch, 177, 10-13/02/1993, no. 1419 and Zacos (BnF)
205.
65
IVAN JORDANOV
The conclusion to be drawn is that the data from the seals can be related
to the future emperor Romanos IV Diogenes, but no seal connects him
directly with the government of Paradounavon.
66
THE KATEPANATE OF PARADOUNAVON
13
Private collection (St. Bilik from Sofia). Findspot uncertain. Dim. 17-20 mm,
3.804 g. Good and well preserved imprint.
Obv.: St. Demetrios standing, holding a spear (r. hand), his 1. hand resting on a
round shield set on the ground. Vertical inscription on either side: . .Γ 11 - Δ111Π11 J/
Rev.: Inscription of five lines: +KefVe-|NeCT0Pl|nPIKAl|nPen0CITU
14
I. Jordanov, "Neizdadeni vizantijski olovni pecati ot Silistra (IV)," Izvestija
na Narodnija muzei Varna 28 (1992) nos. 14-15 and Dated Seals, no. 95.
67
IVAN JORDANOV
f) πρωτονωβελλίσιμος (1103).
g) πρωτονωβελλίσιμος και μέγας δούξ και άναγραφεύς Κΰπρου
(after 1103).
h) πρωτονωβελλίσιμος (1103).
i) commander of the garrison in Devre during the war against the
Normans in 1108 (Alexiade III, 10418).
j) commander of an advanced guard during the war against the Seljuks
in 1116 (Alexiade III, 19314).
Since he was a eunuch, he was not honoured with the rank of sebastos
and probably completed his career as protonobelissimos. Because of the lack
of any seal of him as doux of Paradounavon we ask ourselves whether in
1091 Leon Nikerites was in reality doux of Paradounavon or was simply
sent as a commander of a tagma with the post of doux to keep watch on
the Danube region in face of the barbarians' invasion.
To sum up, the common denominator of the Byzantine dignitaries
under review who are named in the narrative sources as governors of the
cities on the Ister (άρχων των περι τον Ίστρον πόλεων και χωρίων) is
that they are not attested by their seals in this capacity. Certain seals
could be associated with them, but most frequently only in their capacity of
commanders of tagmata (katepano or doux), sent for definite military
operations and as such therefore in command of all Byzantine troops
there present.
15
Obv.: Bust of St. Demetrios holding a spear (r. had) and shield (l.hand).
Rev.: ...6ϊνθ<|ΔΗΜΗΤΒ'|.ΠΑΘΑΒ'ΚΑΝ|ΔΔ'5ΤΟΡΜΑΡ|Χ'ΤΟΚ.ΑΤΑ|Κ.ΑΛΟ
16
I. Jordanov, "Sceaux de deux notables byzantins de la fin du XT s.," Etudes
Balkaniques 3 (1981) 92-93.
17
Published in N. Bänescu, "Sceau de Demetrios Katakalon katepano de
Paradounavon,"£0 39 (1940) 160; I. Jordanov, "Neizdadeni vizantijski olovni
pecati ot Silistra (I)," Izvestija na Narodnija muzei Varna 19 (1983) no. 8;
DOSeals 1.67.1.
68
THE KATEPANATE OF PARADOUNAVON
18
1. Jordanov, "Neizdadeni vizantijski olovni pecati ot Silistra (III)," Izvestija
na Narodnija muzei Varna 24 (1988) no. 3.
19
A. Avramea et D. Feissel, "Inventaire en vue d'un recueil des inscriptions
historiques de Byzance," TM 10 (1987) no. 14, 370-371.
20
Ibid. 371.
21
Jordanov, Preslav, nos. 309-310.
69
IVAN JORDANOV
/ m
'STOBil
"mm
+ Κ(ύρι)ε β(οή)θ(ει) τω σώ δοΰ(λω) Θεοδώρρ π(ατ)ρν(κίω) άνθυπάτ(φ)
βέσττ) και κατεπάνω των Παραδουναβίτ(ων) τω Πηγονίτ(η).
c) μάγιστρος και δούξ 'Εδέσσης before 1066, according to a lead seal
from Dumbarton Oaks.22
Theodore Pegonites was katepano of Paradounaviton after Demetrios
Katakalon and before Symeon vestes.
jC93S90DBQaiSi
'ülMÖIIWS
i S E W K
22
DOSeals 4.73.2.
23
Jordanov, Preslav, no. 289 and Gh. Stefan -1. Barnea - M. Comsa, Dinogetia
1 (Bucarest, 1967) 323-325.
24
Jordanov, Preslav, nos. 195-196.
THE KATEPANATE OF PARADOUNAVON
71
IVAN JORDANOV
The third group of data comes from Byzantine seals found on the terri-
tory of the katepanate of Paradounavon and in particular in its capital city
Dristra.
Obviously we need to determine the boundaries of the katepanate - a
still open question. To the north - the river Danube, to the south - the
Balkan Mountains, to the east - the Black Sea (these are undisputed
boundaries, the western boundary is a moot point). Without entering into
a discussion, I support the argument that to the west the katepanate
Paradounavon reached as far as the Vidin eparchy.
On this territory over one thousand lead seals have already been found,
of which 250 are from the Dristra region.25 The data from them have
been discussed from different aspects and for the purpose of the present
study I shall focus on their chronology and in particular on their terminus
ante quem. The latest Byzantine seals found in Dristra and on the whole
territory of the katepanate date from the end of the 11th c. or the beginning
of the 12th century, i.e. from the reign of the emperor Alexios I Comnenos.
This is not surprising since we know that he was directly involved in this
region. What strikes us is that on the whole territory of present-day
Northern Bulgaria no Byzantine seals have been found from the 12th
century with the exception of one lead seal of Isaac II Angelos (1185-
1195), found in Noviodunum, and some from the vicinity of Turnovo,
dated to the last quarter of the 12th century. This is to be explained in the
context of the establishment of a new centre of the Bulgarian state.
Conclusion
Finally, let us try to answer the questions raised in the beginning: when
was the katepanate Paradounavon established?
In the literature there are two opinions:
a) The thema Paristrion was established after the conquest of the
Bulgarian lands by the Byzantines in 1018. (There is a variant of this
opinion held by Romanian researchers that the thema Paristrion existed
already in 971).26
25
I. Jordanov, "The Byzantine administration in Dobroudja (10th-12th c.),
according to sphragistic date," Dobroudzja 12 (1995) 214-223.
26
N. Skabalanovic, Vizantiiskoe gosudarstvo I cerkov' ν XI veke (Saint
Petersburg, 1884), 225-229; P. Mutafciev, "Sadbinite na srednovekovnijat
Drastar," Izbrani proizvedenija 2 (Sofia, 1973) 158-159; N. Bänescu, Les duches
byzantins de Paristrion (Paradounavon) et de Bulgarie (Bucarest, 1946), 45-98;
Madgearu, Paradunavon (as note 3), 422-423.
72
THE KATEPANATE OF PARADOUNAVON
27
K. Irecek, Istirija bolgar (Odessa, 1878) 264; V. Zlatarski, Istoria na balgar-
skata dargava prez srednite vekove II (Sofia, 1972) 111-114.
28
N. Oikonomides, "Un decret synodal inedit du patriarche Jean VIII Xiphilin
concemant Γ election et l'ordination des eveques," REB 18 (1960) 5729, 60-61,
62, η 1; I. Jordanov, "Pecati na arhiereii na Drastar ot XI vek," Dobroudja 2
(1992) 163-168.
73
IVAN JORDANOV
74
Nikolay Alekseenko
1
N. A. Alekseenko, "Provincial'nyj Herson ν sfere interesov vizantijskogo
dvora po dannym imperatorskih molivdovulov," Drevnosti - 1997/1998
(Kharkov, 1999) 146-149, nos 4-5, 8-9, fig. 1.
2
Ibid., 148, 149, no 10, fig. 10.
3
Ibid., 148, 149, no 11, fig. 1. 11.
4
Lihacev, Molivdovuly, 251-252; Zacos-Veglery, no 70c.
75
NIKOLAY ALEKSEENKO
Au droit, dans un cercle de feuillage fin, les bustes affrontes des saints
Pierre et Paul, tournes de profil l'un vers l'autre; au sommet du champ,
une croisette. Sans epigraphe ni legende.
Au revers, occupant le centre du champ, monogramme cruciforme
comportant au centre t>, au sommet Ρ sous Τ surmonte de V, ä la base A;
ä gauche 0 et ä droite Ν. Solution assuree: όρφανοτροφίου. A la circon-
ference, inseree entre deux cercles de feuillage fin, court la legende,
commen^ant au sommet, precedee d'une croisette: +T0V€VAr0VC-
tierAAOV. Τοΰ εΰαγοΰς μεγάλου.
La presence de ce plomb temoigne des relations de l'Eglise de Cherson
avec l'une des principales institutions de bienfaisance du patriarcat, et
revele aussi l'etablissement sur place de services analogues. En effet, le
5
Ν. A. Alekseenko, "Pecat' patriarha Nikolaja Mistika iz Hersonesa," Drevnosti-
1999/2000 (Kharkov) [sous presse],
6
Ν. Α. Alekseenko, "Pecati bosporskih cerkovnych ierahov iz Hersona,"
Problemy religij stran cernomorsko-sredizemnomorskogo regiona (Sebastopol,
2001) 132-133.
7
Ν. A. Alekseenko, Pecat' kievskogo mitropolita Kirilla iz Hersonesa," Rossij-
skaja arheologia 1 (1999) 186-190.
76
LES RELATIONS ENTRE CHERSON ET L'EMPIRE
Parmi les bureaux centraux, les services financiers sont les mieux
representes. Les archives conservent en effet une cinquantaine de sceaux
de logothetes du genikon. Nous retiendrons notamment les sceaux de
fonctionnaires honores de hautes dignites, ainsi le patrice Sisinnios, le
magistre Nicolas, Yanthypatos Jean.
8
1. V. Sokolova, "Vizantijskie pecati iz Hersonesa," ADSV 26 (1992) 192-194; N.
I. Hrapunov, "Administracija ευαγείς οίκοι ν Hersone," MAIET 8 (2000) 357-361;
V. V. Latysev, "Greceskie i latinskie nadpisi, najdennye ν Juznoj Rossii ν 1895-1898
gg.," Materialy po arheologii Rossii 23 (1899) 30-31, no. 42; L. G. Kolesnikova,
"Hram ν portovom rajone Hersonesa," Viz. Vrem. 39 (1978) 172, fig. 13.
9
Zacos-Veglery, no. 2372.
10
Laurent, Corpus II, no. 284.
11
Theophanes Continuatus, ed. I. Bekker (Bonn, 1838), 470.
77
N1KOLAY ALEKSEENKO
12
Zacos, Seals II, no. 242 bis; Laurent, Corpus II, no. 317.
13
1. V. Sokolova, "Les sceaux byzantins de Cherson," SBS 3 (1993) 104-105,
no. 2.
14
K. D. Smyckov, "Novye nahodki molivdovulov glavnyh logofetov X v. ν
Hersonese," Numizmatika i Faleristika 2 (14) (Kiev, 2000) 28-29, no. 1-3.
78
LES RELATIONS ENTRE CHERSON ET L'EMPIRE
15
Ν. A. Alekseenko, "Pecati cinovnikov balkano-maloazijskogo regiona iz
Hersonskogo arhiva," Izvestija N. Muzej Varna 45 (Varna, 2003) no. 1-2, fig. 1
1-2 (sous presse).
16
Ibid., no. 3, fig. 1.3; Id. "Molivdovuly adressantov Hersona," Drevnosti
1996 (Kharkov, 1997) 122-124, no. 1-2, pi. 1. 1-2.
79
N1KOLAY ALEKSEENKO
17
Id., "Molivdovul komita Opsikija naCala VIII v. iz Hersonesa," ADSV 30
(1999) 65-82.
18
Id, comme n. 16, 124, 126, no. 3, pi. 1. 3.
19
Ibid., 124, 127-128, no. 4-5, pi. 4-5.
20
Ibid., 124, 128-129, no. 6, pi. 1-6.
21
Id., "Cherson i goroda Maloj Azii po dannym sfragistiki," ADSV 31 (2000)
99, no. 1.
22
Id., comme n. 15, no. 4, fig. 3. 1 (sous presse).
23
De adm. imp., 286.
80
LES RELATIONS ENTRE CHERSON ET L'EMPIRE
24
N. A. Alekseenko, comme n. 15, no. 5, fig. 3. 3.
25
Id, comme n. 16, 124, 129, no. 7, pi. 1. 7; Id., "Herson i goroda Maloj Azii
po dannym sfragistiki," ADSV 31 (2000) 99, 101, no. 2.
26
Id., comme n. 16, 124, 129, no. 8, pi. 1. 8.
27
Id., comme n. 15, no. 7, fig. 4. 2.
28
N. A. Alekseenko, A. Romancuk, I. V. Sokolova, "Die neuen Funde an
Bleisiegeln aus Cherson," SBS 4 (1994) 142, no. 3; N. A. Alekseenko, "Stratigi
Chersona po dannym novyh pamjatnikov sfragistiki," MAIET6 (1998) 710, 722-
724, fig. 5. 9, 24-27.
29
N. A. Alekseenko, "Molivdovuly adressantov Hersona," Drevnosti 1996
(Kharkov, 1997) 124, 130, no. 9, pi. 1. 9.
30
Id., comme n. 15, no. 6, fig. 4. 1.
31
N. A. Alekseenko, "Un tourmarque de Gothie sur un sceau inedit de
Cherson," REB 54 (1996) 271-275; Id., "Gotija ν strukture vizantijskoj adminis-
trativnoj sistemy ν Tavrike vo vtoroj polovine X veka", Hersonesskij sbornik IX
(Sebastopol, 1998) 230-235.
32
Id., "Novye nahodki pecatej predstavitelej gorodskogo upravlenija Hersona,"
Μ AI ET \ (1996) 156-159, no. 1-6; Id., "Arhontija Hersona ν νίΠ-ΙΧ vv.", MA1ET
9 (2002) 455-500.
33
Id., "Les sceaux des proteuontes de Kherson au Xe siecle", SBS 7 (2002) 79-86.
34
Id., comme n. 32, 160, no. 9.
35
Id., "Stratigi Hersona po dannym novyh pamjatnikov sfragistiki", MAIET 6
(1998) 701-743.
36
Id., "Tamoznja Hersona i pecati kommerkiariev VIII-IX vv.," [sous presse].
37
Id., comme η. 32, 162-163, no. 11-12.
81
NIKOLAY ALEKSEENKO
38
Ibid., 164, no. 13.
39
Id., "Κ voprosu ο suscestvovanii sluzby notariev ν Hersone," ADSV 29
(1998) 221-227.
40
Id., comme n. 32, 157-158, no. 4-6.
41
Id., comme n. 33.
42
Id., "Hersonskaja rodovaja znat' X-XI vv. ν pamjatnikah sfragistiki,"
MAIET 8 (2000) 256-266.
43
Id., "Tamoznja Hersona i pecati kommerkiariev VIII-IX vv.," no. 74. 1-3
[sous presse].
44
Liutprandi Cremonensis Opera omnia, ed. Ρ .Chiesa [Continuatio Mediaevalis
CLVI] (Turnhout, 1998), Relatio de Legatione Constantinopolitana, § 64110°-1140;
G. Schlumberger, Un empereur byzantin au dixieme siecle: Nicephore Phocas
(Paris, 1890) 662.
45
N. A. Alekseenko, "Novye nahodki pecatej roda Culy iz Hersonesa," Drevnosti
1995 (Kharkov, 1995).
46
Alekseenko, comme n. 32, 161, no. 10.
47
N. A. Alekseenko, A. Romancuk, I. V. Sokolova, "Die neuen Funde an
Bleisiegeln aus Cherson," SBS 4 (1994) 146-147, no. 10.
48
N. A. Alekseenko, "Pecati cerkovnyh ierarhov iz Hersona," Nomos 28/29
(Cracovie, 1999/2000) 101-102, fig. 6-7.
82
LES RELATIONS ENTRE CHERSON ET L'EMPIRE
83
Jean-Claude Cheynet
1
Alexiade, I, 92, 98, passim.
2
V. Laurent, "Byzance et l'Angleterre au lendemain de la conquete normande.
A propos d'un sceau byzantin trouve ä Winchester," NCirc 71 (1963) 93-96.
3
A. W. Dunn, A handlist of the Byzantine lead seals and tokens (and of Western
and Islamic seals) in the Barber Institute of Fine Arts (Birmingham, 1983) 9, no. 43.
4
Toutes references dans Vera von Falkenhausen, La dominazione bizantina
nell'Italia meridionale dal IX all'XI secolo (Bari, 1978) 97.
5
Sur la presence des Francs et notamment des Anglo-Saxons, cf. J. Shepard, "The
Uses of the Franks in Eleventh-Century Byzantium," dans Anglo-Norman Studies
15 (Woodbridge, 1993) 275-305 et J.-Cl. Cheynet, "Le röle des Occidentaux
dans l'armee byzantine avant la Premiere Croisade," dans Byzanz und das
Abendland im 10. und 11. Jahrhundert, ed. Ε. Konstantinou (Cologne, 1997)
[cite ensuite Cheynet, Occidentaux p] 111-128.
85
JEAN-CLAUDE CHEYNET
6
V. Laurent, "Un sceau inedit du patriarche de Jerusalem Sophrone II trouve
ä Winchester," NCirc 64 (1964) 49-50.
7
Ph. Grierson, "The dates of Patriarch Sophronius II of Jerusalem (post 1048-
1076/1083)", REB 43 (1985) 231-235.
8
S. Bendall, "A Thirteenth Century Byzantine Seal Found in England," NCirc
102 (1994) 356-357.
9
Ph. de Jersey, "An Imperial Byzantine Seal from Lincolnshire," Oxford
Journal of Archeology 15.3 (1996) 349-351.
10
G. Egan m'a egalement donne le texte de sa communication: "New archaeo-
logical Evidence for the 11th Century Links between England and the Byzantine
World." Cet article m'a ete precieux, car il fait aussi etat de recentes trouvailles
de monnaies byzantines ä Londres.
11
Les sceaux sont classes en ordre chronologique.
86
LES SCEAUX BYZANTINS DE LONDRES
12
Laurent, Corpus II, no. 320.
87
JEAN-CLAUDE CHEYNET
Inv.: V 21-26.
Dia.: 30. Des.: Casse dans la partie gauche du flan et partiellement ecrase dans la
partie superieure du champ.
Inedit.
13
Dated Seals, nos. 80,81.
14
Laurent, Corpus II, no. 817.
15
Vente Spink 127 (Londres, octobre 1998) no. 51. Piece parallele inedite:
DO 58.106.4902. Sceau du meme personnage, lorsqu'il occupait la meme fonction
alors qu'il n'etait qu'hypatos: DO 55.1.3411.
16
W. Seibt, "Drei byzantinische Bleisiegel aus Ephesos," Litterae numismaticae
Vindobonenses Roberto Goebl dedicatae (Vienne, 1979) 152-154. Piece parallele:
DO 55.1.2094.
88
LES SCEAUX BYZANTINS DE LONDRES
17
Ebersolt, no. 320.
18
La dignite A'hypatos est conferee de nouveau dans le second quart du
Xle siecle, puisque la premiere attestation datee est de 1039 (Oikonomides,
Listes, 296).
19
A titre d'exemple, W. Seibt a publie le sceau de Constantin Kourtikios,
protospathaire, hypatos et taxiarque de Möxegaz [W. Seibt, "Ταξίαρχος
Μωξηγάζ - Ein byzantinischer Kommandant in Mokk' um die Mitte des
11. Jahrhunderts?," Handes Amsorya (1993) 145-148], L'editeur propose de
dater le plomb des annees 1060.
20
Laurent, Corpus II, nos. 384-387.
89
JEAN-CLAUDE CHEYNET
Inv.: V 14-15.
Dia.: 29: Des.: Double frappe. Flan trop petit et rogne.
Inedit.
Xle siecle (seconde moitie). Les juges de cette epoque portent les
dignites d'anthypatos et de patrice. Au debut du regne d'Alexis
Comnene, les juges sont generalement titres magistres, mais quelques-
uns sont honores du seul titre de patrice.21 Le decentrage et l'usure du
sceau nous privent du nom de son proprietaire. Remarquons toutefois le
motif, rare, de saint Marc. II est associe ä toute une serie de sceaux appar-
tenant ä un Basile Xeros ou ä des contemporains homonymes qui, tous,
furent aussi des juges exergant dans les grands themes.22 Sur l'un de ses
sceaux, Basile mentionne ses fonctions de chartulaire du genikon et de
21
Cf. J.-Cl. Cheynet, "La resistance aux Turcs en Asie Mineure entre Mantzikert
et la Premiere Croisade," dans ΕΥΨΥΧΙΑ, Melanges offerts ä Helene Ahrweiler,
ed. Μ. Baiard et alii (Paris, 1998) 131-147.
22
Sur ce personnage, cf. DOSeals 2.8.16.
90
LES SCEAUX BYZANTINS DE LONDRES
Au droit, buste d'un saint tenant le livre des Evangiles, mais le visage est
oblitere. A gauche de l'effigie, caracteres diposes en colonne : ®|M|A|P.
Les lettres, gravees en colonne ä droite, sont totalement ecrasees, mais
on peut restituer avec vraisemblance: K-|o|C; le nom du saint ne fait
aucun doute, il s'agit ä nouveau de saint Marc: Ό ά(γιος) Μάρκος. Au
pourtour, le debut de la legende circulaire est partiellement lisible; les
lettres: ...ΑΝΤΙ sont süres, mais les deux hastes verticales qui suivent
peuvent etre interpretees comme un Ν ou comme ΙΠ. Dans le premier cas
on pourrait penser au prenom Constantin, dans le second ä la fonction,
rencontree sur un sceau precedent, d'antiprosopön, et cette face corres-
pondrait alors au revers du plomb.
Au revers, nous rencontrons, dans une disposition analogue, une effigie
en buste, celle d'un saint ou de la Vierge, aujourd'hui detruite. Au pour-
tour, traces d'inscription dont les seules lettres distinctes sont V Π Α Τ,
soit ΰπατ[ος], mais les traces des lettres precedentes n'interdisent pas
l'hypothese [άνθ]ΰπατ[ος]. Le terme designe ä coup sür une dignite,
aussi pouvons-nous, sans hesiter, dater le sceau du Xle siecle, sans doute
de la seconde moitie.
91
JEAN-CLAUDE CHEYNET
Dernier tiers du Xle siecle.23 II se trouve qu'on peut restituer avec une
quasi-certitude le nom de famille du proprietaire du plomb, quoiqu'il ne
le mentionne pas, car nous connaissons deux plombs d'un Etienne
Xeros, logothete du genikos, qui presentent des caracteristiques trop
proches du nötre pour que le lien entre ces plombs ne soit pas etabli.
a) Au droit, saint Marc en pied, au revers une legende en six lignes:
Στέφανος πατρίκιος, βεστάρχης, κριτής του βήλου και γενικός
λογοθέτης ό Ξηρός.24
b) Au droit, saint Marc en pied, au revers une legende sur six lignes:
Στέφανος, προνοία Θεοΰ πρόεδρος, κριτής τοΰ βήλου και γενικός
λογοθέτης ό Ξηρός.25
23
On notera que la legende comporte un ö, et non un d, comme c'etait la mode
quasi exclusive ä cette date.
24
Vente Spink 127 (Londres, octobre 1998), no. 52. Piece parallele inedite:
DO 55.1.3410.
25
Sceau inedit du musee archeologique d'Istanbul no. Ist. 657-147 (le cata-
logue de la collection est prepare par Τ. Gökyildirim, V. Bulgurlu et moi-meme).
92
LES SCEAUX BYZANTINS DE LONDRES
Inv.: V 17-28.
Dia.: 31. Des.: Fortement et volontairement ecrase sur les deux faces.
Inedit.
26
"The Usual Lead Seal," 147-157.
27
Laurent, Corpus II, no. 327: Basile Xeros, proedre et logothete du genikon.
93
JEAN-CLAUDE CHEYNET
2S
SBS 3 (1993) 196, no. 296.
29
Une liste dejä ancienne et incomplete des logothetes du genikon a ete donnee
par R. Guilland, "Les Logothetes. Etudes sur l'histoire administrative de l'Empire
byzantin," REB 29 (1971) 20-24. Lorsque le texte utilise par R. Guilland pour ses
references a fait l'objet d'une nouvelle edition, celle-ci est donnee.
30
Βυζαντινά έγγραφα της μονής Πάτμου, Α - Αυτοκρατορικά, ed. Ε. Vra-
noussi, Athenes 1980, no. 46, 330 11 .
31
Ibid., no. 48, 338 2 1 8 .
32
Ibid., nos. 48 et 49.
33
Laurent, Corpus II, no. 329.
34
Les noms sont donnes par un document imperial de 1109 edite par Zepos et
traduit par C. Morrisson, "La Logarike: reforme monetaire et reforme fiscale
sous Alexis Ier Comnene," TM 7 (1979), repris dans Monnaie et finances a
Byzance: analyses, techniques, no. VI (Aldershot, 1994). Les logothetes sont
mentionnes p. 431 et 436. Les dignites respectives des differents logothetes ne
sont pas notees.
94
LES SCEAUX BYZANTINS DE LONDRES
Sceaux 8 et 9
Je n'ai pas vu de photos des deux autres sceaux, mais l'avers de l'un
d'eux est reproduit dans un ouvrage sur Londres ä l'epoque medievale. 37
On voit nettement que le sceau a ete contremarque avec un grand Β, le
reste du flan paraissant oblitere. D'apres G. Egan, les quelques lettres
visibles seraient Γ6ΝΙ, ce qui est peu mais suggere qu'il s'agit encore
d'un sceau emis par le bureau du genikon. Le dernier plomb, tres corrode,
comportait ä l'avers un buste, mais la legende est devenue illisible.
Commentaire
Nous avons dejä donne les raisons qui nous invitent ä a t t r i b u e r la pre-
miere serie aux Xeroi: la C h r o n o l o g i e et s u r t o u t la rarete du m o t i f de s a i n t
Marc sur trois de ces bulles, emises dans un laps de temps resserre.
Six plombs furent frappes par des fonctionnaires du genikon, dont trois
par le logothete lui-meme. Deux autres relevent probablement du meme
bureau, meme si la lecture des legendes est desormais lacuneuse.
35
Ce Nicephore est connu par ailleurs, car il participa ä un complot vers 1050.
II fut pardonne et reprit sans doute une carriere de fonctionnaire qui le mena ä la
fonction de logothete du genikon (Skylitzes, ed. Thurn, 471; Vie de Lazare le
Galesiote, 541).
36
Laurent, Corpus II, no. 328.
37
N. Bateman, Gladiators at the Guildhall. The story of London's Roman
amphitheatre and medieval Guidehall (Londres, 2000) 61.
95
JEAN-CLAUDE CHEYNET
38
Pour Cherson, le catalogue est prepare par N. Alekseenko. Pour Sougdaia,
cf. V. Sandrovskaja, "Die Funde der byzantinischen Bleisiegel in Sudak," SBS 3
(1993) 90-93 et E. Stepanova, "New Seals from Sudak," SBS 6 (1999) 55.
39
Ch. G. Chotzakoglou, "Byzantinische Bleisiegel aus Ungarn," SBS 6 (1999)
62-63.
40
V. Bulgakova, "Vizantijskij molivdovul 10. v. iz Sestovicy," in F. A. Androscuk
(ed.), Normany i slov'jany ν Podesenni (modeli vzaimodu kul'tur doby rannjogo
serednjoviccja) (Kiev, 1999) 109-117.
41
Je dois ce renseignement ä P. L. Gatier que je remercie vivement. Le sceau
aurait ete trouve ä Kandahar. Ce n'est pas la premiere fois que des objets byzan-
tins auraient ete transportes jusqu'en Asie Centrale, mais c'etait ä plus haute
epoque, cf. M. Mundell Mango, "Byzantine Maritime Trade with the East,"
ARAM Periodical 8 (1996) 157-158.
96
LES SCEAUX BYZANTINS DE LONDRES
42
Le vestiarion fut parfois directement engage dans ce type d'echange. On a
trouve deux exemplaires, datant de la premiere moitie du IXe siecle, du sceau de
Theodose, patrice, protospathaire imperial et chartulaire du vestiarion dans les
comptoirs danois de Haithabu et de Ribes (Μ. McCormick, "Voyageurs, monnaies
et esclaves. Aux origines de l'economie europeenne," Dossiers d'archeologie
256 (sept. 2000) 44-47.
43
Je dois toutes les informations sur les monnaies ä G. Egan, sauf celle du
miliaresion de Constantin X, qui m'a ete signalee par C. Morrisson. Qu'ils soient
tous deux remercies de ces precieuses indications.
44
Les references sont donnees dans la communication de G. Egan, "Byzantium
in London? - New Archaelogical Evidence for 11th Century Links between
England and the Byzantine World."
97
JEAN-CLAUDE CHEYNET
45
Th. Curtis, "A Byzantine Coin with a London Provenance," NCire (1989) 116.
46
G. Egan precise que les sceaux ont ete decouverts dans les deblais du Thames
Exchange, l'une des rares places qui permette la conservation d'objets de plomb.
47
Κ. N. Ciggaar, Western Travellers to Constantinople. The West and Byzantium,
962-1204: Cultural and Political Relations (Leiden, New York, Cologne, 1996)
[desormais Ciggaar, Travellers] 130-131.
48
J. Shepard, "Marriages towards the Millenium," in Byzantium in the Year
1000, ed. by P. Magdalino (Leyde - Boston, 2003) 1-33.
49
Cheynet, Occidentaux, 113.
50
Ciggaar, Travellers, 135, qui donne la bibliographie anterieure.
98
LES SCEAUX BYZANTINS DE LONDRES
51
Byzantium: Treasures of Byzantine art and culture from British collections,
ed. by David Buckton (Londres, 1994) no. 166, Silk from the tomb of Edward
the Confessor.
52
Ciggaar, Travellers, 36 et Cheynet, Occidentaux, 115.
53
Cheynet, Occidentaux, 115-116.
54
Cf. N. Oikonomides, Fiscalite et exemption fiscale ä Byzance (IXe-XIe s.)
(Athenes, 1996) 269, 301.
55
lis sont rassembles avec la bibliographie anterieure dans Ciggaar, Travellers,
138-148.
99
JEAN-CLAUDE CHEYNET
56
Pour un exemple de cette formation militaire acquise ä Constantinople et de
la propagande faite par les beneficiaires latins des largesses imperiales, cf. E.
Amsellem, "Les Stigand: des Normands ä Constantinople," REB 57 (1999) 283-
288.
100
Christos Stavrakos
1
K. Amantos, "Πόθεν το δνομα Μανιακής;" Hell 8 (1935) 246; vgl. ODB III
2098.
2
V. Krsmanovic - A. Loma, "Georgije Manijakis, ime Γουδέλιος i Pselova
'skitska autonomija'," ZRVI36 (1997) 233-263.
101
CHRISTOS STAVRAKOS
Αν.: Büste der Gottesmutter vom Typus virgo orans mit Christus-
medaillon. Die übliche Beischrift ist ligiert: M-P - 0V.
Rv.: -+-|ΘΚ6ΚΘ^|ενΔ0ΚΙΑ|ΑΠΡ06ΔΡΐ|0ΑΤΙΜΑΝΐ|ΑΚΗΝΑ
Θ(εοτό)κε β(οή)θ(εν) Ευδοκία (πρωτο)προεδρίσ(σ)α τι Μανιακηνα.
Die Person ist anderweitig nicht belegt.
Sammlung Better.
Kein Parallelstück bekannt.
Unediert.
102
UNPUBLIZIERTE BLEISIEGEL
4*€3ϊ
Αν.: Büste des hl. Georgios. Er trägt den Speer in der rechten und den
Schild in der linken Hand. Die Beischrift: © r | e - ,.|..|.C. Ό α(γιος)
Γε[ώργιο]ς.
Rv.: +Κ€ΚθΊΓ6υΡΠΊτυΐ1ΑΝ.|ΑΚ.Η
Κ(ΰρι)ε β(οή)θ(ει) Γεωργί(ω) τ<ρ Μαν[ι]άκτ|.
Mit der Person Georgios Maniakes ist eine Reihe von sigillographischen
und prosopographischen Problemen verbunden. Es liegt nicht nur an den
mehreren voneinander verschiedenden Siegeltypen, an den vielen Informa-
tionen von verschiedensprachigen historiographischen Quellen des 11. Jhs.,
sondern auch an der Bedeutung und den Aktivitäten des bekanntesten
Mitgliedes dieser Familie, des Strategen Georgios Maniakes. Dieser zeich-
nete sich um die Mitte des 11. Jhs. einerseits als erfolgreicher Kämpfer
gegen Feinde sowohl an der Ost- als auch an der Westfront aus, anderer-
seits trat er als gefährlicher Usurpator auf.
Außer diesem Siegeltypus kennen wir zwei weitere, die einen Georgios
Maniakes aufweisen und aus dem 2. Viertel des 11. Jhs. stammen, wobei
allerdings der Vorname beim letzteren Typus nicht mit Sicherheit zu
lesen ist.3
3
Ein unpubliziertes, beschädigtes Siegel aus der Sammlung des Fogg Art
Museums (Fogg Art Museum XXXIX 1123) nennt zwar Maniakes πρωτο-
σπαθάριος καν κατεπάνω Βασπαρακανίας, der obere Teil der Inschrift ist aber
so beschädigt, daß man den Vornamen nur vermuten kann. Auf der Vorderseite
bringt es eine Büste der Gottesmutter mit dem Kind vom Typus Hodegetria,
einen ikonographischen Typus, der laut Seibt (W. Seibt, "Die Darstellung der
Theotokos auf byzantinischen Bleisiegeln, besonders im 11. Jh.," SBS 1 (1987) 47;
im folgenden: Seibt, Darstellung der Theotokos) zeitlich nicht begrenzt werden
kann. Es läßt sich nicht mit Sicherheit sagen, ob der Vorname Theodoras oder
auch Georgios ist. Er könnte ein Neffe des bekannten Strategen sein, der kurz
nach Georgios κατεπάνω Βασπρακανίας wurde.
103
CHRISTOS STAVRAKOS
Der erste bringt eine Büste des Erzengels Michael mit Szepter und
Globus und nennt ihn als πρωτοσπαθάριος καΐ άρχηγέτης της
'Ανατολής. 4
Der dritte Typus wird von zwei identischen Siegeln vertreten, die in
Auktionskatalogen bekanntgemacht wurden 5 (datiert eher vor der Mitte
des 11. Jhs.). Hier ist wie im vorigen der Vorname beschädigt, es handelt
sich aber um einen Georgios Maniakes πατρίκιος και κατεπάνω Βα-
σπρακανίας (die Darstellung der Vorderseite ist ziemlich beschädigt,
hochwahrscheinlich handelt es sich um eine Büste des Erzengels
Michael oder eines Militärheiligen).
Hier sei auch auf einen weiteren Siegeltypus hingewiesen, der bis jetzt
fehlerhaft als Georgios Maniakes πατρίκιος και κατεπάνω Βασπρα-
κανίας gelesen und dem nahmhaften General zugewiesen wurde. 6 Eines
der drei Parallelstücke ist ein Siegel der Sammlung Zacos 7 mit einer
stehenden Theotokos Dexiokratusa auf der Vorderseite, das allerdings
einen Georgios Monomachatos πατρίκιος και κατεπάνω Βασπρακα-
νίας nennt. Die Legende der Rückseite lautet: +0KefVQ-|TUCUAÜ/V
|reupr>npi |sKATen|f\AcnPAKi\H"ru.QNO.|..T-
Letzterer Siegeltypus steht einem anderen nahe, der einen Georgios
Monomachatos πρόεδρος και δοΰξ belegt und sich zwischen 1078-1081
datieren läßt.8 Es handelt sich um den Georgios Monomachatos, der als
Dux von Dyrrachion Alexios Komnenos seine Unterstützung gegen
Nikephoros III Botaneiates verweigert hatte, daher ist er in Unguade
geraten und hat sich zu den Serben von Bodin begeben. Später aber, als
ihm durch ein Chrysobullon von Alexios I. Komnenos Sicherheit
garantiert wurde, kehrte er nach Konstantinopel zurück.9
Will man den cursus honorum des Georgios Maniakes rekonstruieren,
hat man sich mit Ereignissen auseinanderzusetzen, die sich fast im
ganzen Territorium des byzantinischen Staates abspielten, von den ent-
ferntesten kleinen Grenzprovinzen des Ostens bis zur italienischen
Halbinsel. Dementsprechend breit ist auch das Spektrum der Quellen,
die uns über ihn informieren; einerseits die byzantinische
Geschichtsschreibung, andererseits die armenische und die lateinische
4
DOSeals 3.99. 1.
5
Auktion Künker 20 (30. 09. 1991 - 02. 10. 1991) Nr. 1089; Münz Zentrum
Köln, Auktion 73 (22.-24. 04. 1992) Nr. 2056.
6
V. Sandrovskaja, "K istorii ferny Vaspurakan," W 5 5 (1994) 155-156 (im fol-
genden: Sandrovskaja, Vaspurakan).
7
Spink Auction 135, Byzantine Seals from the collection of George Zacos,
Part III with ancient and islamic coins, London (06. 10. 1999) 274; Parallelstück
dazu in der Sammlung Seibt (vgl. auch SBS 3 [1993] 189, Nr. 1089).
8
Seyrig, Nr. 210.
9
Siehe: Skoulatos, Personnages, 97-98; Cheynet, Pouvoir, 90-91.
104
UNPUBLIZIERTE BLEISIEGEL
10
Vgl. S. Vryonis, The Decline of Medieval Hellenism in Asia Minor and the
Process of Islamization from the Eleventh through the Fifteenth Century (Los
Angeles, 1986) 25 A. 132.
11
Siehe: Seibt, Skleroi, 76-85.
12
Skylitzes, 427 57 " 60 .
13
Kl. Belke - Μ. Restle, Galatien und Lykaonien. (TIB 4) (Wien, 1984) 218
(im folgenden: TIB 4); Kl. Belke - N. Mersich, Phrygien und Pisidien (TIB 7)
(Wien, 1990) 366 (im folgenden: TIB 7).
14
Ioannes Kinnamos (ed. Meineke) 13-17; vgl. auch: Seibt, Skleroi, 11 mit A.
280; TIB 7, 366; TIB 4,218.
15
Skylitzes, 427 6 5 6 8 ; Zonaras III, 621 11 - 1 «; III, 6222"3.
16
Skylitzes, 387 3 .
17
Psellos, II l 1 " 17 .
105
CHRISTOS STAVRAKOS
Die erste Information über seine Karriere haben wir von Ioannes
Skylitzes, wo er als Stratege des Themas Τελοΰχ (süd-östlich von
Germanikeia an der anatolisch-syrischen Grenze)18 erwähnt wird19. Dies
ist etwas, wovon die anderen Quellen nicht berichten. Dort rettete er die
Stadt Teluch von Arabern, deren Nasen und Ohren er dem Kaiser
Romanos III. Argyros (1028-1034) als Trophäe sandte; letzterer kehrte
zu dieser Zeit (1030) von einem mißglückten Syrienfeldzug gegen die
Araber nach Konstantinopel zurück. Auch nur von Skylitzes erfahren
wir, daß er deshalb zum κατεπάνω της κάτω Μηδίας befördert wurde.
Sowohl als Stratege von Teluch als auch als Katepano von Kato Media
erscheint er ohne Rangtitel.
Kurz danach, als er Edessa eroberte (1031), wird er als Stratege των
πόλεων20 καν έν Σαμοσάτφ τάς οικήσεις εχων bei Skylitzes21 erwähnt,
wobei er bei Zonaras22 nur als Stratege των παρευφρατιδίων πόλεων
vorkommt. Zur Datierung sei hier darauf hingewiesen, daß er in beiden
Passagen bereits mit dem Rangtitel des πρωτοσπαθάριος erscheint, was
ein Jahr vorher, als er Teluch von den Arabern rettete, nicht der Fall war.
Ein vor kurzem publiziertes Siegel aus der Sammlung in Dumbarton
Oaks nennt einen Georgios πατρίκιος και στρατηγός των Σαμουσάτων
(Avers: Büste des hl. Georgios) ohne Familiennamen.23 Die Identifizierung
dieser Person mit dem berühmten Strategen, die die Editoren vorgenom-
men haben, ist sehr wahrscheinlich. Von seiner weiteren Laufbahn an der
Ostgrenze berichtet uns nur Ioannes Skylitzes; Georgios wird vom Kaiser
Michael IV. (1034-1041) zum Strategen "Ανω Μηδίας της και Βαασπρ-
18
Dazu siehe: Ο DB III, 2023; W. Felix, Byzanz und die islamische Welt im
früheren 11. Jahrhundert. Geschichte der politischen Beziehungen von 1001 bis
1005 (Wien, 1981) 90 mit A. 145 (im folgenden: Felix, Islamische Welt) Georgios
Maniakes scheint der erste bekannte Stratege von Teluch zu sein.
19
Skylitzes, 381, § 6.
20
Dieses Thema läßt sich anhand dieser Passage von Skylitzes in der Nähe von
Samosata lokalisieren. Die Frage aber der Lokalisierung des Themas Kato Media,
das W. Seibt in der Gegend von Samosata (oder Edessa) sucht, soll offen bleiben
(siehe: W. Seibt, "Miszellen zur historischen Geographie von Armenien und
Georgien in byzantinischer Zeit," Handes Amsorya 90 [1976] 641-642). Die
Annahme allerdings von Felix (dazu: Felix, Islamische Welt, 91, A. 147), daß Kato
Media und Euphratstädte ein und dasselbe Thema sind, ist mit Vorsicht zu betra-
chten, denn der sonst über die Kompetenzen des Mannes gut informierte Ioannes
Skylitzes macht keine Andeutung über eine potentielle Verbindung der beiden
Termini Technici. Honigmann verbindet alle diese drei Verwaltungseinheiten
(siehe: E. Honigmann, Die Ostgrenze des byzantinischen Reiches. Von 363 bis
1071 nach griechischen, arabischen, syrischen und armenischen Quellen
[Brüssel, 1935] 134-135. Im folgenden: Honigmann, Ostgrenze).
21
Skylitzes, 387 86 " 89 .
22
Zonaras, II 5806"8.
23
DOSeals 4.69.1.
106
UNPUBLIZffiRTE BLEISIEGEL
ακανίας, er hatte schon den Rangtitel des πατρίκιος (schon seit seiner
Amtszeit in Samosata) inne; Sandrovskaja datiert diese Amtszeit zwischen
1035 und 1036/37.24
Michael Psellos, der Maniakes persönlich kennengelernt und bewundert
hatte,25 behauptet, Georgios sei nach dem Erfolg in Edessa öffentlich
angeklagt worden, etwas, was die anderen Quellen nicht wissen und
Psellos nicht weiter erklärt.26 Dies war bis jetzt auch kein Thema für die
Wissenschaftler, die seinen cursus honorum rekonstruierten. Was ist
nach der Eroberung von Edessa mit Georgios Maniakes passiert? Der
einzige Beleg, der zum Verständnis der Bemerkung von Psellos beitragen
könnte, stammt von einer armenischen Quelle; nach Matthaios von Edessa
wurde Georgios Maniakes, nachdem er all diese Schwierigkeiten und
Qualen hatte durchmachen müssen, von einem Apokapes abgelöst.27 Es
wäre denkbar, daß Kaiser Romanos III. Argyros (1028-1034), weil er die
immer stärker werdende Position des Maniakes abschwächen wollte,
nicht den erfolgreichen Strategen, sondern einen anderen als Statthalter
von Edessa verwendete. Jedoch scheint diese Frage ohne eine zufrieden-
stellende Antwort zu bleiben, weil der sonst gut informierte Ioannes
Skylitzes sogar zweimal deutlich anführt, daß Georgios Statthalter in
Edessa gewesen war, als der Kaiser Michael IV. Leon Lependrenos an
seiner Stelle schickte.28 Dieser Amtswechsel läßt sich 1034 datieren.29
Was ist in den Jahren zwischen 1031 und 1034 passiert? Die von Felix
aufgestellte Hypothese, daß Georgios vom Kaiser Romanos III. Argyros
abberufen wurde, um an einem möglichen Friedensschluß mit Arabern
mitzuwirken, muß mit Skepsis betrachtet werden.30 Michael Psellos ist
klar; von dem oben erwähnten Amtswechsel erzählt er in engem
Zusammenhang mit dem Übel und Pech, welches Maniakes in seinem
24
Sandrovskaja, Vaspurakan, 153; 155.
25
Psellos, II 118-19: Τοΰτον έγώ τον άνδρα και τεθέαμαι και τεθαΰμακα.
26
Psellos, II Ii 5 : "Εδεσσα ήλω και έν γραφαΐς ήν.
27
Armenia and the Crusades. Tenth to twelfth Centuries: The Chronicle of
Matthew of Edessa. Translated from the Original Armenian with a Commentary
and Introduction by A.E. Dostourian (Lanham, Md., 1993) 55. Es läßt sich nicht
mit Sicherheit sagen, bis wann Apokapes als Statthalter von Edessa amtierte.
Felix (Felix, Islamische Welt, 145 mit A. 40) und Seibt (W. Seibt, Rez. zu: P.
Lemerle, Cinq etudes, in: ByzSl 40 [1979] 53-54) behaupten, Apokapes wäre bis
zum Tod Romanos' III. Argyros (1034) in Edessa geblieben, was allerdings eine
Rückkehr von Georgios Maniakes als Statthalter in die Stadt nicht ausschließt.
Zur Familie Apokapes siehe: M. Grünbart, "Die Familie Apokapes im Lichte
neuer Quellen," SBS 5 (1998) 29-41.
28
Skylitzes, 39749-5i; 39 9 2 0 - 2 3 .
29
Siehe: Honigmann, Ostgrenze, 138; Α. P. Kazdan, Armjane ν sostave
gospodstvujuscego klassa vizantijskoj imperii ν XI-XII vv., Erivan 1975, 67 mit
A. 4; Seibt, Bleisiegel, Nr. 190.
30
Felix, Islamische Welt, 145-146 mit A. 40.
107
CHRISTOS STAVRAKOS
Leben hatte. 31 Außerdem war Maniakes, so wie wir ihn von seinem
Wirken im Osten und Westen kennen, kein Diplomat, sondern ein tapferer,
effizienter, oft skrupelloser Militärkommandant, der alle Mittel in Gang
setzte, um seine Ziele zu erreichen. Abschließend wäre als Lösung dieser
Frage anzunehmen, daß Georgios Maniakes zwischen 1031 und 1034 als
Statthalter nach Edessa zurückgekommen ist, um später wieder von Leon
Lependrenos ersetzt zu werden. Wenn man dazu die militärische Effek-
tivität des Mannes und die zu dieser Zeit existierende Unstabilität an
diesem Teil der Ostgrenze berücksichtigt, wäre so eine Entwicklung
nicht auszuschließen. 32 In diesem Zusammenhang erhält vielleicht auch
die voherwähnte Aussage des Psellos einen Sinn. Cheynet läßt in der
Liste der Statthalter von Edessa, die er anhand der Informationen des
Matthaios von Edessa zusammenstellte, eine Lücke zwischen den Jahren
1031 und 1034/35 und erwähnt für diese Zeitspanne keinen anderen
außer Georgios Maniakes und Leon Lependrenos. 33
Aufgrund dieser Bemerkungen möchten wir die erhaltenen Siegel-
typen datieren. Auf dem Siegel, das Georgios άρχηγέτης της 'Ανατολής
nennt, hatte er bereits den Rangtitel eines πρωτοσπαθάριος. Infolge
dessen stellen sich die Eroberung von Edessa (1031), als er πρω-
τοσπαθάριος und Stratege των παρευφρατιδίων πόλεων war, und
spätestens seine Versetzung nach Vaspurakan (1035), wo er bereits den
Rangtitel des πατρίκιος innehatte, jeweils als definitive terminus post
und ante quem. Der άρχηγέτης wird dem όπλιτάρχης gleichgestellt; es
handelt sich um den Oberkommandierenden der gesamten in einem Feld
stehenden Infanterie, der auch für die nächtliche Sicherheit eines ver-
schantzten Marschlagers verantwortlich ist.34 Er sollte auch sogar der
Oberkom-mandant der Infanterie einer operierenden Armee gegen einen
bestim-mten Feind sein. Nach seinen Erfolgen gegen die Araber könnte
wohl Georgios Maniakes sogar als Stratege der Euphratstädte zugleich
Oberkommandant der operierenden Infanterie sein, die zu dieser Zeit die
Araberstreifzüge ins Byzantinische Reich abwehrt. 35 Das Siegel ist der
einzige Beleg für das Kommando des άρχηγέτης της 'Ανατολής, bis
jetzt war nur das Kommando des άρχηγέτης τής Δΰσεως bezeugt. 36
31
Siehe Α. 23.
32
Siehe: G. Ostrogorsky, Geschichte des Byzantinischen Staates (München,
1963) 266-267.
33
J.-Cl. Cheynet, Sceaux de la collection Zacos (Bibliotheque nationale de France)
se rapportant auxprovinces orientates de l'Empire byzantin (Paris, 2001) 59.
34
Listes, 335; H.-J. Kühn, Die byzantinische Armee im 10. und 11. Jahrhun-
dert. Studien zur Organisation der Tagmata (Byzantinische Geschichtsschreiber
2) (Wien, 1991) 270-272 (im folgenden: Kühn, Armee).
35
Vgl. Felix, Islamische Welt, 144ff.
36
DOSeals 1.1.3; Kühn, Armee, 271.
108
UNPUBLIZIERTE BLEISIEGEL
Sammlung Zacos.
Kein Parallelstück bekannt.
Unediert.
37
N. Svoronos, Recherches sur le cadastre byzantin et la fiscalite aux XIe et
XIIe siecles : le cadastre de Thebes (Athen, 1959) 12, A.35.
109
CHRISTOS STAVRAKOS
38
W. Seibt, A.-K. Wassiliou, Rez. zu I. Koltsida-Makre, Βυζαντινά μολυβδό-
βουλλα συλλογής Ορφανίδη-Νικολαίδη Νομισματικού Μουσείου Αθηνών. In
BZ 91 (1998). Auch J.-Cl. Cheynet in der Rezension desselben Buches hält die
Lesung Χαρντιάτη für unwahrscheinlich [siehe: REB 56 (1998) 309].
39
I. Jordanov, "Lead Seals from the Village of Melnitza (District of Elhovo,
Bulgaria)," Nr. 35 (noch nicht publiziert). Die Notiz wurde mir durch Prof.
W. Seibt bekannt.
40
R Gautier, "Le synode des Blachernes (fin 1094). Etude prosopographique,"
REB 29 (1971) 217; 239.
110
UNPUBLIZffiRTE BLEISIEGEL
Αν.: Stehende Theotokos; sie hält das Kind aber nicht im Medaillon
vor der Brust.41 Von der Beischrift ist nur rechts ein Θ zu sehen.
Rv.: +Κ6ΚΘ|ΜΙΧΑΗΛ|Τ(ι)ΜΑΝΐ| ΑΚΗ
Κ(ύρι)ε β(οή)θ(ει) Μιχαήλ τω Μανιακή.
Laurent hat in seinen Notizen über die Siegel der Sammlung Shaw
irrtümlich den Vornamen 'Ιωάννης gelesen, was aufgrund des Parallel-
stückes aus der Sammlung in Dumbarton Oaks mit Sicherheit zu Michael
zu korrigieren ist.
Die Person ist sonst nicht bekannt.
41
W. Seibt, "Darstellung der Theotokos", 45-46.
111
Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou
Av.: + Cl|CINNl|OV +
Rv.: en!CK|OnOVMl|TVAIN|* HC *
Σισιννίου έπισκόπου Μιτυλίνης.
Auf der Αν.-Seite am Beginn und am Ende der Legende ein Kreuz mit
verdickten Enden. Auf beiden Seiten der letzten Zeile des Rv. ein Stern.
Dieses Stück ist wohl jenem autokephalen Erzbischof von Mitylene
auf Lesbos zuzuweisen, der unter anderen als έλάχιστος έπίσκοπος
πόλεως Μιτυλήνης της Λεσβίων νήσου im Jahre 691/92 in Konstanti-
nopel die Beschlüsse des Quinisextum subskribierte.1 Der kirchliche Rang
von Mitylene schwankte im Laufe der Jahrhunderte. Die Rückstufung
der um 536 zur Metropolis erhobenen Stadt auf ein autokephales Erzbistum
dürfte, gestützt auf die Notitiae Episcopatuum2, spätestens im frühen 7. Jh.
erfolgt sein.3 Im 10. Jh. ist Mitylene erneut Sitz eines Metropoliten.4
Ungefähr aus der gleichen Zeit, vielleicht um wenige Jahre jünger, ist
ein Wiener Stück, das einen Oberhirten von Mitylene namens Christo-
dulos erwähnt. In seiner Bescheidenheit bezeichnet er sich auf dem
Siegel ebenfalls als Episkopos und nicht als Archiepiskopos, wie einst
Laurent konjizierte.5
Av.: Büste des Evangelisten Ioannes, mit kurzem, die Ohren nicht
bedeckendem Haar und spitz zulaufendem Bart. In der linken Hand hält
er das Evangelium, die rechte im Segensgestus, wobei die große Hand-
fläche auffällt. Beischrift: + ete-+COV Εφέσου.
Die Verbindung von Ephesos/Theologos, eine der frühesten, größten
und bedeutendsten Metropolen überhaupt, mit dem Evangelisten
1
PmbZ IV 6719; VI 6719.
2
J. Darrouzes, Notitiae, 7; not. I 5 1 .
3
J. Köder, Aigaion Pelagos (Die nördliche Ägäis), TIB 10, (Wien, 1998) 231
("nach dem 7. Jh. Rückstufung auf Bistum").
4
Darrouzes, Notitiae 7 4 9 · 6 7 8 .
5
Wien, Münzkabinett 149, ed. Laurent, Corpus V/1, Nr. 751.
114
NEUE METROPOLITEN
Inv. 38. Mittelgraues Siegel, Spuren einer sandfarbenen bis bräunlichen Patina.
Schachtelhalmrand. Av. nach links dezentriert, untere Kanalmündung ausgebro-
chen. Av. gut bis mittelmäßig, Rv. sehr gut erhalten. 0 23, 5 (tot.), 21 (F.)
6
W. Braunfels (Hrsg.), Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie VII (Rom,
Freiburg, Basel, Wien, 1974) 109ff. (M. Lechner). Im folgenden LCI.
7
P. M. Fräser - E. Matthews (Hrsg.), Α Lexikon of Greek Personal Names.
I-IIIA (Oxford, 1987-1997), I 470 (Astypalaia, Kreta, Euboia, Delos, Lesbos);
II 460 (Athen); IIIA 461 (Argolis, Epiros, Lakonien, Italien). Speziell für den
ägyptischen Raum s. F. Preisigke, Namenbuch enthaltend alle griechischen,
lateinischen, ägyptischen, hebräischen, arabischen und sonstigen semitischen und
nichtsemitischen Menschennamen, soweit sie in griechischen Urkunden (Papyri,
Ostraka, Inschriften, Mumienbildem usw.) Ägyptens sich vorfinden (Heidelberg,
1922) Sp. 464.
8
G. Fedalto, Hierarchia Ecclesiastica Orientalis. Series episcoporum eccle-
siarum christianorum orientalium. I-II (Padua, 1988). Hier I, 15.1.2.
9
DOSeals 3.14.6 und 14.7.
w
PmbZ IV 7343. Irrtümliche Datierung von DOSeals 3.14.6 (692).
"PmbZIW 6929.
115
ALEXANDRA-KYRIAKI WASSILIOU
12
Siehe unten Nr. 8.
13
PmbZlll 5217.
14
L. Robert, Villes d'Asie Mineure (Paris, 1962 2 ) 273-278. Demgemäß ist die
von Bürchner in RE XI (1921) 264 vorgeschlagene Lokalisierung im Osten
Lydiens, zwischen Bageis und Mesotimolos, zu revidieren. Die Stelle bei Nonnos
(Dionys. 13, 470) erwähnt, dass die Stadt diesen Namen von Dionysos bekam
(πόλιν δ όνόμηνε Κεράσσας), weil er dort in einem Becher zum ersten Mal
Wein mit Wasser vermischt hatte (κέρασσε).
15
L. Robert, "Inscriptions et reliefs d'Asie Mineure," Hellenika 9 (Paris, 1950)
24, A. 5.
16
Für die Informationen sei P. Herrmann/Hamburg herzlichst gedankt.
17
Synek. 671, 2.
18
Fedalto 19.3.3.
19
Darrouzes, Notitiae l 1 6 6 .
20
Fedalto 19.3.3.
21
Ebenda.
116
NEUE METROPOLITEN
Inv. 600. Hellgraues Siegel, mit sandfarbener Patina. Ausbruch an der unteren
Kanalmündung des Reverses. Av. nach links, Rv. nach rechts dezentriert. Schach-
telhalmrand. Ausgezeichneter Erhaltungszustand. 0 30 (tot.), 26 (F.)
Inv. 956. Ein Parallelstück dazu in der Sammlung Zacos (unediert). Hellgraues
Siegel, Av. nach links unten, Rv. nach rechts unten dezentriert. Av. zudem links
stellenweise etwas plattgedrückt. Av. partielle Randverluste. Sonst sehr gut erhalten.
0 23 (tot.), 21 (F.)
22
DOSeals 3.14.5.
23
Seibt-Zarnitz, 5.2.6 (nach Nummern zitiert).
24
Lihacev, Molivdovuly, LXVIII 4.
25
DOSeals 3.14.8; Fedalto 15.1.2. Vgl. PmbZ IV 8209.
26
PmbZ III 4838.
27
Konstantopoulos 240; Laurent, Corpus V/1, Nr. 256.
117
ALEXANDRA-K YRI Α KI WASSILIOU
if&mi * Ai
i fcRKSwiV.'
28
Ph. Grierson, Catalogue, ΙΠ/2 (Washington, D.C., 1973) 742, PI. LLX. Der
Autor datierte diese Typen in die späte Regierungszeit Konstantins IX. (ca. 1054-
1055).
29
1. Keil - P. Herrmann, Tituli Lydiae. I. Regio septentrionalis ad Orientem
vergens (Tituli Asiae Minoris V) (Wien, 1989) 439-440.
30
Plinius, Nat. hist. V 126.
31
Keil-Herrmann, a. O., 439-443. Vgl. G. Petzl - H.W. Pieket, "Inschriften aus
Lydien," Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 34 (1979) 28 Iff.
32
Keil-Herrmann, a. 0 . , 441-442, Nr. 1234-1235.
33
Darrouzes, Notitiae l 1 7 0 , 2190, 3225> 4180, 7218> 9116 i 0 133.
34
G. D. Mansi, Sacrorum consiliorum nova et amplissima collectio. 53 Bde
(Paris, Arnheim, Leipzig, 1901, ND 1927), Bd. 13, col. 389, Bd. 17/18 col. 376
(Νικηφόρου Έρμοκάπου). Vgl. Fedalto 19.13.3.
118
NEUE METROPOLITEN
Den nächsten und bisher einzig bekannten Episkopos für die spätere
Zeit erwähnt obiger Siegeltypus, der zudem der einzige Beleg für die
Spätgeschichte der Stadt überhaupt ist.
Inv. 91. Ein Parallelstück dazu in der Sammlung Zacos (unpubliziert). Mittel-
graues Siegel, mit sandfarbener Patina überzogen. Av. nach links unten, Rv. nach
links oben dezentriert. Rv.-Feld oben verunstaltet. Allgemein gut erhalten. 0 24
(tot.), 17 (F.)
7. Lukas, Mönch und Metropolit von Anazarbos (2. Viertel 11. Jh.)
Inv. 750. Dunkelgraues Siegel, mit Resten einer bräunlichen Patina. Beide
Kanalmündungen leicht ausgebrochen. Av. nach links, Rv. nach rechts dezen-
triert. Rv. zudem leicht aufgewölbter Kanal. Allgemein gut bis sehr gut erhalten.
0 26 (tot.), 23 (F.)
35
Darrouzes, Notitiae, 7 6 8 9 , ΙΟ671, 13 744 .
119
ALEXANDRA-KYRIAKIWASSILIOU
36
LCI VIII (1976), 420 (C. Weigert).
37
F. Hild - H. Hellenkemper, Kilikien undlsaurien, (TIB 5), (Wien, 1990) 178ff.
38
Fedalto 71.1.2.
39
Zacos, Seals II, Nr. 528. Heute in Paris, BnF (Zacos) Nr. 3168 (für die
Information danke ich Jean-Claude Cheynet). Davon mehrere Fälschungen, dazu
vgl. A.-K. Wassiliou, "Siegel in Kopie und Fälschung," in: Chr. Gastgeber
(Hrsg.), Kopie und Fälschung (Graz, 2001) 129-131, Nr. 36.
40
Hild-Hellenkemper 179.
120
NEUE METROPOLITEN
41
C. Mango, The Brazen House (Kopenhagen, 1959) 108-135.
42
Α. Berger, Untersuchungen zu den Patria Konstantinupoleos, Ποικίλα
Βυζαντιν 8 (Bonn, 1988) 252-255.
43
Zacos-Veglery, Nr. 117; M. Hendy, Catalogue of the Byzantine Coins in the
Dumbarton Oaks Collection and in the Whittemore Collection. IV/2. (Washington,
D.C., 1999) PI. XXXIII 42.1.
44
Zacos-Veglery, Nr. 111.
ALEXANDRA-KYRIAKI WASSILIOU
dargestellt ist? Dann hätte man als Text Χριστός σφραγις Κλήμεντος
ποιμένος Κερασούντος („Christus ist das Siegel des Klemes, des Hirten
von Kerasus"), was keinen Zwölfsiber, sondern eine „rhythmisierende
Legende", bestehend aus 14 Silben (7 + 7)45, ergäbe.
Das Schriftbild besteht aus breiter (H, Ii) und schmäler (Ε, Ο, Π, C)
geschnittenen Buchstaben. Zudem ist das Τ in der letzten Zeile hochge-
stellt (auf dem Original klarer zu erkennen). Das Μ in der zweiten Zeile
kommt bereits dem der Palaiologenzeit nahe.
Das Siegel stammt aus der Zeit des Kaiserreiches von Trapezunt (1204-
1461), in dem Kerasus (heute Giresun),46 an der südöstlichen Küste des
Schwarzen Meeres und westlich von Trapezunt, als zweitwich-tigste Stadt
bzw. Verwaltungszentrum schlechthin fungierte. Dort befand sich auch
der Flottenstützpunkt der Großkomnenen. In der nahen Umgebung lagen
die Minenwerke von Chalybia.
Kerasus ist seit dem 4. Jh. als Episkope47 von Neokaisareia belegt, bis
sie im späteren 11. Jh. zur selbstständigen Metropole48 erhoben worden ist.
Aus der Zeit der Großkomnenen sind nicht viele Oberhirten von
Kerasus49 bekannt. Aus der 2. Hälfte des 12. Jh.s stammt das Siegel eines
Metropoliten Manuel, das eine ikonographische und inhaltliche Ähnlichkeit
zu jenem von Klemes aufweist: Den Av. ziert auch ein Standbild Christi,
den Rv. füllt der Vers "Σφραγις Μανουήλ ποιμένος Κερασούντος".50
45
Vgl. dazu Ε. McGeer, "Discordant Verses on Byzantine Metrical Seals," SBS
4 (1995) 64f.
46
A. Bryer - D . Winfield, The Byzantine Monuments and Topography of the
Pontos (Washington, D.C., 1985) 126-137.
47
Darrouzes, Notitiae 12 35 .
48
Darrouzes, Notitiae l l 6 7 .
49
Fedalto 9.3.3; PLP 3748 (Gerasimos, Hieromonachos und Metropolit von
Kerasus, 1341) und PLP 14038 (Kyrillos, zwischen 1349 und 1355).
50
Lihacev, Molivdovuly, LXXXI 7.
122
Elena Stepanova
1
See articles of V. Sandrovskaja and E. Stepanova in SBS 3 (1993) 6.
ELENA STEPANOVA
D. 27 mm.
2
Zacos-Veglery, nos. 2366 (650-750), 2367 (first half of the Vlllth c.), 3047
(first half of the Vlllth c.), the closest one is no. 3048 (first half of the Vlllth c.).
3
Zacos-Veglery, no. 1576 (type XXXVI, 650-750).
124
NEW FINDS FROM SUDAK
4
I.V. Sokolova, Monety i pecati vizantijskogo Hersona (Leningrad, 1983),
nos. 15, 15a, 59. N. Seibt, W. Seibt, "Pecati stratigov vizantijskoj femy Herson,"
Anticnaja drevnost' i srednie veka 27: Vizantija i srednevekovyj Krym (Sim-
feropol', 1995) 91.
125
ELENA STEPANOVA
5
Zacos-Veglery, no. 136.
6
Lihacev, Molivdovuly, 214-215, pi. LXXIII, 3.
7
Laurent, Corpus V/l, no. 499; DOSeals 4.30.1.
126
NEW FINDS FROM SUDAK
D. 18 mm.
w
w'-ilüj
D. 24 mm.
8
All references in I. Jordanov, "Byzantine Lead Seals from the Stronghold
near Dobri Dol, Plovdiv Region,"/JAf 157 (2001), no. 7.
127
ELENA STEPANOVA
Overstrike. Obv.: Remnants of four lines: IU|f\|V|U are in the left low
quarter.
Rev.: Traces of overstrike: C|H|U
D. 19 mm
9
Laurent, Corpus V/3, no. 2004.
128
NEW FINDS FROM SUDAK
It has to be stressed that the seal of Theodulos, the monk, is the first one
in the Sudak archive which belongs to the church representative excepting
the seals of Peter, archbishop of Sougdaia10.
12. Michael, archon of Matracha, Zichia and all Khazaria (Xlth c.)
10
E. Stepanova, "New seals from Sudak," SBS 6 (1999) 47-48, no. 1.
11
N. Bänescu, "La domination byzantine ä Matracha (Tmutarakan), en Zichie,
en Khazarie et en Russie ä l'epoque des Comnenes," Bulletin de la Section
Historique de l'Academie Roumaine 2 (Bucarest, 1941) 58.
12
In 1997 two more specimens from different boulloteria were found near
Kerch, Crimea (now in private collection). "Drevnerusskie vislye pecati, zaregis-
trirovannye ν 1997 godu," Novgorod i novgorodskie zemli (Novgorod, 1997)
340, nos. 28a, 29-2.
13
See G. G. Litavrin, "A propos de Tmutorocan," Byzantion 35 (1965) 222-223.
V. L. Janin, Aktovye pecati Drevnej Rusi X-XV vekov, I (Moscow, 1970) 26-29.
129
ELENA STEPANOVA
seal belonged to prince Oleg Svjatoslavic when he ruled this small terri-
tory, which included probably the Taman' peninsula, the lower course of
the river Cuban' and the East Crimea in 1083-1094. The Christian name
of this prince was Michael.
Valerij Stepanenko sums up this discussion in his article14 and
advances his own opinion which appears the most plausible. He assumes
that the influence of the Empire on the Kimmerian Bospor began to
revive when Oleg appeared there in 1083 after he had spent four years as
a prisoner in Byzantium. In this case the seal of Michael, archon of
Matracha, Zichia and All Khazaria can be identified as the seal of this
prince, a vassal of the Byzantine emperor.
The discovery of Michael's seal in Sudak testifies to close contacts
between Sougdaia and Tmutarakan' at the end of the Xlth century. This
territory was probably already incorporated in the Empire.
In addition, several years ago another seal of Michael was published in
the third volume of "Aktovye pecati Drevnej Rusi" by Valentin Janin and
Peter Gajdukov.15 The provenance of this object is unknown. Bearing the
figure of the Archangel Michael on the obverse the legend of this seal
runs: "Κΰριε βοήθει Μιχαήλ TUMATAPXU." Considering that the geo-
graphical name precedes the designation of office the publishers read
this legend as "God, help Michael, archon of Tmutarakan" and suggest
that Oleg Svjatoslavic was the owner of this seal. On the contrary, Drs.
M. Sotnikova and V. Sandrovskaja believe that this seal belonged to a
Byzantine official whose family name was MATAPXOC.16 I think that
this seal is an unofficial seal of Oleg Svjatoslavic.
The review of the seals described above allows us to understand the
character of the sphragistic archive of Sougdaia. It was initially assumed
that the archive contained sealed documents belonging to the customs
house because of a considerable amount of seals of kommerkiarioi and
genikoi logothetai. But now I think that it could be the city archive
because the collection includes various seals: of the city administration,
clergy, central officials, some with titles only, others private, etc.
14
V. Stepanenko, "K statusu Tmutarakani ν 80-90 gody XI veka," MAIET
(Simferopol', 1996) 254-263.
15
V. L. Janin, P. G. Gajdukov, Aktovye pecati Drevnej Rusi X-XV vekov, ΠΙ
(Moscow, 1998) 22, no. 29a.
16
M. P. Sotnikova, "Novye sfragisticeskie materialy XI-XV vekov ν sobranii
Ermitaza," Numizmatika ν Ermitaze (Leningrad, 1987) 158-160. V. S. Sandrov-
skaja, "Izvestnyj i neizvestnyj zakazcik pecati-Mihail Matrah," Desjataja numiz-
maticeskaja konferentsija (Pskov, 2002) 133-134.
130
Vera Bulgurlu - Ahmet Ilasli
1
Seals of Iznik, Tarsus, Antalya, Selfuk and Manisa Museums.
2
Seals of the Aphrodisias Museum.
131
VERA BULGURLU / AHMET ILASLI
Obv. (or rev.): Cruciform monogram with Ö above, A to the left, Ν to the
right, U at the bottom (monogram Zacos no. 249). Solution: Ιωάννου.
Wreath border.
Rev.: Destroyed.
Similar monogram in Laurent, Orghidan, no. 576 (plate LXVII),
Zacos-Veglery, nos. 360, 363, 364, 365A, 367, 368, 379.
132
SEALS FROM THE MUSEUM OF AFYON
Obv.: At the top, faded bust with short cross on either side. Legend on
two lines:
...TPVt|üNOC
Τρύφωνος
Rev.: Legend on four lines:
l|A/VS|AN0V|nAT0
ίλλ(ουστρίου) (καν) ανθυπάτου.
The name is quite rare, occurring only twice in the PBE and five times
in the PmbZ. This suggests the identification of the owner of the seal of
Afyon with the signatory of a seal published by Zacos and Veglery
(no. 1085) who bears the titles of stratelates and anthypatos. Another
example of such a seal is preserved in the museum of Selguk.3
3
J.-Cl. Cheynet, "Les sceaux byzantins du musee de Selguk (Ephese)," RN
155 (1999) no. 4.
133
VERA BULGURLU / AHMET BLASLI
3
Obv.: Cruciform monogram with Ρ above, Ν at the left, Β at right, A at
the bottom. Wreath border. Solution: Βαρνάβα.
Rev.: Other cruciform monogram with ö over Τ above, A at the left, X at
the right, A at the bottom. Solution: χαρτουλαρίου.
Similar seal was published by Zacos-Veglery, no. 291, but on the obv.
the monogram (no. 49) is slightly different, the Ν and Β are reversed, and
on the rev. our monogram is close to Zacos no. 495, but the Λ and X are
reversed.
134
SEALS FROM THE MUSEUM OF AFYON
Λ
, ι»
\.ϊ
4
DOSeals 3.88.2.
136
SEALS FROM THE MUSEUM OF AFYON
// Fogg 2408.
Ed: DOSeals 3.86.50.
- Sample 12:
Inv.: no. 3250. Prov.: Dinar (Apameia).
D.: 18. (6mm thick). Large hole on top half of the observe. Flan too small for the
- Sample 13:
Inv.: no. 4443.
D.: 25, 20 (6mm thick). Ran too small for the die. Hole at the top of the obverse.
137
VERA BULGURLU / AHMET ILASLI
Inv.: no. Ε 5068. Bought from a villager from Ilfehisar (Dokimea, ex Synada) in
1982.
D.: 27, 22. Worn, broken edges, flan slipped.
/ / D O 55.1.1131.
Ed.: Zacos-Veglery, no. 2315 (a); DOSeals 3.39.33a.
5
J. Haldon, Byzantine Praetorians, Ποικίλα Βυζαντινά 3, (Bonn, 1984) 360-
361, no. 14.
138
SEALS FROM THE MUSEUM OF AFYON
Obv.: Cross on base with short fleurons emerging, wreath like branch
on either side, in the square: IC - XC - Nl - ΚΑ. Ί(ησοΰ)ς Χ(ριστό)ς
νίκα. Wreath border.
Rev.: Legend on five lines, first two lines barely visible. Wreath border.
...|...Oe-|CE>OH0lt|UTeiNO|XAP/ +
... β]οήθι Φωτεινό χαρ(τουλαρίφ).
Inv.: no. 680. Excavation, survey of Prof. Calder, Ahatköy (Acmeia) 1933.
D.: 29, 24. A little worn.
// Zacos (BnF) 4305.
Unpublished.
140
SEALS FROM THE MUSEUM OF AFYON
It is also possible to read the third letter of the first line as an I, in which
case the name could be Staurakios.
The owner of the seal was the supervisor of state herds of horses and
mules used for the transportation of baggage and the cavalry. Zacos
refers to him as "minister of the Flocks and Herds."
The office is first mentioned in the mid IXth c. in the taktikon
Uspenskij (p. 105). According to the Klet. of Philotheos, as Guilland
states in (Logothetes, REB 29 [1971] 71) the logothete was responsible
for the great pastures of Western Asia Minor and thus Phrygia, as well as
the private domains of the emperor.
There are several seals of logothetes of the Herds in Laurent,
(<Corpus II, nos. 579-588) from the VIII and IXth centuries, but none
with the name Theophylaktos or Staurakios.
DOSeals 3.39.51, Theophylaktos, imperial spatharios and tourmarches
of the Opsikion (IXth c.): similar type of seal. Perhaps this belonged to
the same person (also published in Zacos-Veglery, no. 2550).
6
Zacos-Veglery, no. 3147.
141
VERA BULGURLU / AHMET ILASLI
Obv.: Patriarchal cross on four steps with fleurons on either side reaching
up to the bar of the second cross from the base. Legend on the circum-
ference: K6f\OI0HTUC(MOVA(i). Κ(ΰρι)ε βοίθη τφ σφ δούλφ.
Rev.: Legend on five lines, starting with a cross. Three large dots on
the last line. Border of dots.
+KÜNC|T/R^CnA0|..APTOV/V|..VAPOlHONAN.|···
Κωνστ(αντίνφ) β(ασιλικφ) (πρωτο)σπαθ(αρίω) [(και) χ)αρτουλ(αρίφ)
[το]ΰ δρόμ(ου) [τ]δν Άν[α(τολικών].
142
SEALS FROM THE MUSEUM OF AFYON
The basilikos was a tax officer well attested in the eleventh century.7
Obv.: Bust of St. John, holding a staff with cross in his left hand and
blessing with his right. Inscription in two columns: ®|l(i)|0 - ffi. Ό
α(γιος) Ίω(άννης) ό Πρ[όδρομος]. Border of dots.
Rev.: Legend on four lines, starting with a cross. Top and bottom
decoration of a pearl between two leaves. Border of dots.
-~|+K6Re'|iueniC|T/KAin.|..KJZ.|--
Κ(ύρι)ε βο(ή)θ(ει) Ίω(άννη) έπισ[κεπτίττ| καν ...
7
Ν. Oikonomides, Fiscalite et exemption fiscale a Byzance (IXe-XIe s.) (Athenes,
1996) 82, 105.
143
VERA BULGURLU / AHMET ILASLI
Obv.: Theotokos standing, turned slightly to the left, with hands half-
raised towards Manus Dei, in the upper left field. Sigla: MP - Θ V. Bead
border. Circular inscription, starting with a cross:
+eK6ft0HeT(i)C(M0VA(i). Θ(εοτό)κε, βοήθ(ει) τω σω δούλφ.
Rev.: Inscription on five lines, starting with a cross; at the top, a pearl
between two leaves, and two leaves on either side of the last letter. Bead
border.
— |+KÜN|CTANTl|NWTCi)KA|TAKAA(i)|-N-
Κωνσταντίνφ τφ Κατακαλών.
The Katakalones were an aristocratic family known from ca. 900 when
Leo Katakalon was domestikos of the scholae. During the X-XIth
144
SEALS FROM THE MUSEUM OF AFYON
Inv.: no. 679. Prov.: from the survey of Prof. Calder in 1933, found in Ahatköy
(Akmoneia, nr. Uhat).
D.: 34. Excellent, but perced.
8
N. Bänescu, "Sceau inedit de Katakalon, katepano de Paradounavon," EO 35
(1940); DOSeals 1.67.1
9
J.-Cl. Cheynet, "La patricienne ä ceinture, une femme de qualite," dans Au
cloitre et dans le monde. Femmes, hommes et societes (ix'-xv siecle). Melanges
en l'honneur de Paulette L'Hermite-Leclercq, ed. par P. Henriet et A.-M. Legras
(Paris, 2000) 179-187. The zoste is last mentioned in Skylitzes, 364 64 .
145
VERA BULGURLU / AHMET ILASLI
Inv. no. 3557. Prov.: Bought from a village in the Bolvadin area in 1976.
D.: 29, 23. State: Good.
Unpublished.
Obv.: Bust of St. John Prodromos, carrying a staff in his left hand, right
hand raised in blessing; bead border. Inscription in two columns: ®|IU -
0|rfl. Ό ά(γιος) Ίω(άννης) ό Πρ[όδρομος]. Border of dots.
Rev.: Legend in five lines starting with a cross; pearls at the top, and
four pearls in the shape of a cross between two leaves at the bottom; bead
border:
—-|+K^RQ'|NIICOAAO|ACnA0AP/|SKOMHT.|THCAA!l|-:·:-
Κ(ύρι)ε β(οή)θ(ει) Ννκολάφ (πρωτο)σπαθαρ(ίω) (και) κόμητ[ι] της
Λαμ(ίας).
The komes or komes of Lamias appears as a official of the genikon
logothesion in the Cletorologios of Philotheos.12
10
P. Gautier, "Monodies inedites de Michel Psellos," REB 36 (1978) 91-93,
112-126.
" Ch. Stavrakos, Die byzantinischen Bleisiegel mit Familiennamen aus der
Sammlung des Numismatischen Museums Athen (Wiesbaden, 2000) no. 216.
12
Oikonomides, Listes, 11335, comm. 313-314.
146
SEALS FROM THE MUSEUM OF AFYON
Obv.: Bust of saint with nimbus, facing front, unbearded, short curly
hair; indistinct gestures. Traces of an inscription written in a column,
of which can be read: ..I1|A|C. [ Ό α(γιος) Θω]μας. Inscription on the
circumference, between a double border of dots: ΑΚΟΗβΊ~ϋ-
AeAIUTUT... [ "Αγιε Θωμ]ά βοήθ(ει) Γ ο υ δ ε λ ί ω τω Τ[ζυκανδήλτ)].
Rev.: Metrical anonymous legend on six lines starting with cross.
Double border of dots. Last line starts and ends with a leaf. Iambic
triameter:
+OV|C?PAriC|eiMITHN|rPA«rHN|OPUNNO|veU
Ού σφραγίς είμι την γραφήν όρων νόει.
13
J. Haldon, "Comes Horreorum-Komes tes Lamias," Byz. and Mod. Greek
Studies (1986) 206.
14
C. Mango, Le developpement urbain de Constantinople (IV e -VII e siecles),
TM (1985) 54-55; Cheynet, SBS 6 (1999), 1-26.
15
Laurent, Corpus II, no. 1154; Zacos-Veglery, nos. 2929, 3066.
16
SBS 6 (1999), 138, 154.
147
VERA BULGURLU / AHMET ILASLI
Obv.: Two saints standing, facing front: on the right, a military saint
with a long chlamys, holding a long lance in his right hand, his left hand
resting on a small triangular shield. Inscription in two columns. On the
left: ®|Π|Α|Ν|Τ|& Ό α(γιος) Παντελε(ίμων). On the right:... ω|Ρ [ Ό
ά(γιος) Θεόδ]ωρ[ος].
Rev.: Metrical legend on four lines. Beaded border.
,APIANON|C.enOICMe|AblACAAP|TVPÜN
[Ά]δριάνον σ[κ]έποις με δυάς μαρτύρων.
148
SEALS FROM THE MUSEUM OF AFYON
31. Blank
στρατηγώ Θεσσαλονίκης.
10. = 5 5 5 6(1999) 73.
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153
SEALS PUBLISHED 1997-2001
A.P. Apostolides, "An unpublished Lead Seal of an archon of Cyprus from the
8th/9th Century," Cyprus Numismatic Society's "Numismatic Report" 31-32
(2000-2001), 33-42 (in Greek and in English).
Obv.: Cruciform invocative monogram (indeterminate type).
Rev.: [..] ΰπάτφ και άρχοντι Κύπρου.
Remarks: Found near the Polis Chrysochou.
154
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155
SEALS PUBLISHED 1997-2001
156
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158
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159
SEALS PUBLISHED 1997-2001
Possibly the same John as DOSeals 3.2.15. Another specimen was published by
Mouchmov, Izvestija Bull. Inst. Bulg. 8 (1934-1935) 722-723.
16. Proposed date: XI c.
Obv.: Half-length representation of St. Michael.
Rev.: Σφραγνς Λέωντος πρωτοσπαθαρίου και στρατηγού τοΰ Άποκαΰκου.
Remarks: Cf. Sig., 363, no. 1: Άποκάφκου.
17. Proposed date: VII c.
Obv.: Cruciform invocative monogram (type V), in the quarters: τφ δούλω σου.
Rev.: Eagle; above cruciform monogram: Λέοντι.
Remarks: Ex-Classical Numismatic Group, sale 31 (Sept. 1994), no. 1863
(555 6 [1999] 115).
18. Proposed date: XIII c.
Obv.: St. George standing.
Rev.: Σφραγΐδος έγμαεΐον άληθοΰς φέρων γραφάς έπισφράγιζε Μανικα'ίτου.
Remarks: Ex-Sternberg, Sale 26 (Nov. 1992), no. 510 = SBS 3 (1993) 207.
Note έγμαεΐον instead of έκμαγέΐον.
19. Proposed date: ΧΠ c.
Obv.: St. Merkourios standing, holding spear and shield.
Rev.: Μάρτυς Μανουήλ Κομνηνοδοΰκαν σκέποις.
Remarks: Parallel: Ebersolt, Musees, no. 169.
20. Proposed date: VI c.
Obv.: In the center, above, bust of the Virgin. Below, cruciform monogram;
inscription in a column: τις Θεοτόκου.
Rev.: 'Ρουφίνιον Περγάμου.
Remarks: D. Feissel ("Le Roufinion de Pergame au 6 e siecle d'apres un sceau
nouvellement publie," REB 57 (1999) 263-269) reads the monogram of obv:
'Ισιδώρου δούλου. It is not the seal of Rouphinios (bishop) of Pergamon, but of
the sanctuary of the Roufinion at Pergamon.
21. Proposed date: VII c.
Obv.: Eagle. Above, cruciform invocative monogram.
Rev.: Σεργίφ χαρτουλαρίφ και δισκοΰσσορι.
Remarks: Ex-Lanz, Auction 64 (June 1993), no. 1009 = SBS 6 (1999) 141.
22. Proposed date: XI c. (second half).
Obv.: Bust of St. Theodore.
Rev.: Κΰριε βοήθει Θεοδώρφ πρωτοσπαθαρίφ έπί τοΰ μαγλαβίου.
23. Proposed date: Χ c. (second half).
Obv.: Patriarchal cross, X at the crossing; tendrils. Circular invocative inscrip-
tion.
Rev.: Θεοφίλφ β. πρωτοσπαθαρίφ κέ έπάρχφ, αμήν.
Remarks: See Zacos, Seals II, no. 328.
24. Proposed date: VIII c.
Obv.: Inscribed cruciform invocative monogram (type V).
Rev.: .. -πω βασιλικφ σπαθαρίφ και κόμιτι της κόρτις τδν 'Ανατολικών.
25. Proposed date: IX c. (first half)'.
Obv.: Inscribe cruciform invocative monogram (type V).
Rev.: .. σι.νακίφ βασιλικφ σπαθαρίφ και κόμητι της κόρτης Σικελίας.
26. Proposed date: XI c.
Obv.: Bust of St. Nicholas.
Rev.: "Αγιε Νικόλαε βοήθει τω σφ δούλφ ...
In the upper part of the field, the seal is overstruck. Remains, obv.: Bust of St.
Stephen the Younger? Rev.: ... τφ σφ δοΰλφ Σ[τεφά]νφ μοναχφ.
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SEALS PUBLISHED 1997-2001
Rev.: Ζωή, χαρά, φως και κΰρος άγραφων εσο, Κόρη, χαρτοφύλακος τοΰ
Ξιφιλίνου.
Remarks: Lanz Auction 62 (Nov. 1992) no. 966; cf. SBS 6 (1999) 139.
13. Proposed date: VI/VII c.
Obv.: Rider saint, lancing a dragon.
Rev.: Cruciform monogram: 'Αλεξάνδρου.
14. Proposed date: VI c.
Obv.: Lupa Romana standing r., with Romulus and Remus.
Rev.: + PASCHALI +
"Byzanz. Das Licht aus dem Osten. Kult und Alltag im Byzantinischen Reich vom
4. bis 15. Jahrhundert. Katalog der Ausstellung im Erzbischöflichen Diözesan-
museum Paderborn," Paderborn 2001, hrsb. von Chr. Stiegemann (Mainz, 2001).
III. 3. Proposed date: Late XII c.
Obv.: Bust of the Virgin orans with Child.
Rev.: + Σκέποις με τον σον Άτοΰμην Νικηφόρον
σεβαστόν πανάμωμε τοΰ λόγου μήτερ.
Remarks: Photo. Recklinghausen, Ikonenmuseum Recklinghausen, inv.
no. 205. The last letters in the last line are mistakenly engraved MP6.
III. 4. Proposed date: XI c.
Obv.: The Virgin and Justinian holding a model of St. Sophia.
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J.-Cl. Cheynet, "Les sceaux byzantins du musee de Manisa," REB 56 (1998) 261-
267.
1. Proposed date: X c. (end)/XI c. (beginning).
Obv.: Bust of St. Nicholas. Circular invocative inscription: [Κ(ύρι)ε βοή]θει
τω σω δοΰλ(ω).
Rev.: Κων(στανχίνφ) σπαθ(αρο)κου(βι)κ(ουλαρίφ), άσηκρήτ(η),
έβδομαρ(ίφ) [(καν)] κριτ(τϊ) Καπ[π]αδοκ(ίας) τ[φ Μ]αδυτ(η)ν(ω).
Remarks: According to W. Seibt, the reading of the last name is uncertain.
2. Proposed date: Mid-XI c.
Obv.: [+ Βα]σιλεί(ω) [(πρωτο)σ]παθαρί(φ) [έπ]ι του χρ(υσο)(τρι)κλ(ίνου)
[κ(αι)] κριτή.
Rev.: [τ]οΰ βή[λ(ου) κ]αΙ έξά[κ]τορι τφ Χαλκοΰτζι.
3. Proposed date: XI c (second half).
Obv.: Bust of St. Nicholas. Circular inscription: Κ(ΰρι)ε βοήθ(ει).
Rev.: Bust of St. Niketas. Circular legend: Κων(σταντίνω) (πρωτο)-
σπαθ(αρίφ).
4. Proposed date: XI/XII c.
Obv.: Bust of St. Theodore holding spear and shield.
Rev.: + Σον Γρηγόριον οίκέτην σώσον, Λόγ(ε),
τον δοΰκα, λιταΐς μάρτυρ(ος) Θεοδώρου.
Remarks: Several parallel pieces, edited and proposed in auctions, cf. Sode,
Bleisiegel, no. 347, with a list of former editions.
5. Proposed date: ca. 1279.
Obv.: St. George standing, holding spear and shield.
Rev.: [Γ]ραφά[ς κυρ]ών μον Κω[νσταν]τίνω Τζιμ[π]έα
[έ]κ χρωμάτων [ρ]ΰου με σύ, στρατηλάτα.
Remarks: Private coll; Gorny Auction, 29.4.1997, no. 421 (reading W. Seibt).
J.-Cl. Cheynet, "Les sceaux byzantins du musee de Sel^uk," RN 155 (1999) 317-
352, pi. XLn-XLVI. Photos of all the seals.
1. Proposed date: 527-565.
Obv.: Bust of the emperor Justinian I.
Rev.: Winged Victory standing, between crosslets.
Remarks: List of parallel specimens and preceding editions.
2. Proposed date: ΙΠ-V c.
Obv.: Στρατονείκου άγορανόμου.
Uniface.
Remarks: Tessera.
163
SEALS PUBLISHED 1997-2001
164
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166
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J.-Cl. Cheynet, "Le role de la Pisidie entre Byzance et les Turcs aux Xle-XIIe
siecles," in Actes du Ier Congres International sur Antioche de Pisidie, ed. by
Th. Drew-Bear, M. Tajlialan, Ch. M. Thomas (Lyon, 2002) 447-457.
Proposed date: 1043-1054.
Obv.: The Virgin Hodegetria, standing, holding the Child on her 1. arm.
Rev.: Μιχαήλ άρχιεπισκόπφ Κωνσταντινουπόλεως Νέας 'Ρώμης.
Remarks: Photo. The patriarch is Michael I Keroularios.
J.-Cl. Cheynet, "Une famille meconnue : les Krateroi," REB 59 (2001) 225-238.
1. Proposed date: X c. (second half). Photo for all seals.
Obv.: St. Michael, standing. Circular invocative inscription.
Rev.: Νικ[...] βασιλικός πρωτοσπαθάριος και έπι των οίκειακών και χαρ-
τουλάριος του δρόμου των 'Ανατολικών ό Κρατερός.
Remarks: ΜΚ 420.
2. Proposed date: XI c. (first half)
Obv.: Bust of St. George. Remains of circular invocative inscription.
Rev.: [...] σπαθαροκανδιδάτφ και στρατιγφ τφ Κρατερώ.
Remarks: Cf. above Barnea-Seibt, no. 3.
3. Proposed date: XI c.
Obv.: Bust of St. Basil, blessing.
Rev.: + Κΰριε βοήθει τώ σφ δοΰλφ Βασιλείφ άνθυπάτφ πατρικίφ τω
Κρατερώ.
4. Proposed date: XI c. (last third).
Obv.: Bust of the Virgin orans, with medallion on her chest.
Rev.: Θεοτόκε βοήθει Κωνσταντίνω τω Κρατερώ.
5. Proposed date: ΧΙ/ΧΠ c.
Obv.: Bust of St. George.
Rev.: + Σφραγις Κρατερού του Νικηφόρου.
Remarks: DO 58.106.2717.
6. Proposed date: XI c. (end).
Obv.: St. Demetrios, standing.
Rev.: Σφραγις γραμμάτων Δημητρίου βεστάρχου τοΰ Κρατεροί).
Remarks: Coll. Zacos.
7. Proposed date: XII c. (first half).
Obv.: Bust of the Virgin Episkepsis, orans, with the medallion on her breast.
Rev.: Θεοτόκε βοήθει Μάξιμον μοναχόν τον Κρατερόν.
Remarks: Zacos BnF 1213; Vienna, ΜΚ 419; Istanbul, Archaiological Museum,
no. 490-1165gg.
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SEALS PUBLISHED 1997-2001
Obv.: Anastasis.
Rev. St. Georges and Alexios Komnenos standing.
Remarks: It is the seal of the founder of the Empire of Trebizond.
170
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SEALS PUBLISHED 1997-2001
172
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Obv.: Christ seated on a throne holding his r. hand in blessing and a book in
his 1. hand.
Rev.: The emperor Alexios Komnenos standing to front, holding labarum in
his r. hand, and globus cruciger in his 1. hand.
Remarks: Found in a field with a metal detector.
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SEALS PUBLISHED 1997-2001
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175
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176
SCHOLARY ARTICLES
An analysis of all Byzantine seals found in Preslav, dated from the IXth through
the Xlth centuries, is presented. Their find-spots are examined. An attempt is
made to relate them with the work of state institutions and offices from the
capital period of Preslav and the years of Byzantine rule.
177
SEALS PUBLISHED 1997-2001
I. Jordanov, "Pecat na Josif Vringa, namereni vüv Veliki Preslav [Seals of Joseph
Bringas found in Great Preslav]," Trudove na katedrite po istorija I bogoslovie
kam Sumenskija universitet 3 (Shumen, 1999) 51-57.
Proposed date: (X c.).
Obv.: + Κ(ΰρι)ε βοήθει τω σ[ω δοΰλω] 'Ιωσήφ πάτρικ(ίφ) πρ(αι)πωσ(ή)τ(ω).
Rev.: βασιλικφ πρωτοσπαθαρίφ (και) βασιλικ(ω) σακ(ε)λ(λ)αρ(ίφ).
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I. Jordanov, "Monetite i pecatite ot Pliska 1899-1999 [The Coins and Seals found
in Pliska 1899-1999], " Pliska-Preslav 8 (Shumen, 2000) 135-167.
Comprises a catalogue of 568 single coins (exclusively Byzantine) found in
Pliska and a list of the discovered 47 lead seals, out of which 6 are Bulgarian and
the others (41) Byzantine.
5. Proposed date: (886-889).
Obv.: The Virgin standing holding Christ in 1. arm. Circular inscription: +
Θεοτόκε βοήθει τω σω δοΰλφ.
Rev.: + Γεωργίφ άρχιεπισκόπφ Βουλγαρίας.
12. Proposed date (870-893).
Obv.: Patriarchal cross. Circular inscription: + Κ(ΰρι)ε βοήθη το σο δοΰλφ
Rev.: + Λέοντι β(ασιλικφ) καντι[δ]άτ9 έπι τον οίκ(ε)ιακ(ών).
14. Proposed date (?-893).
Obv.: Cruciform invocative monogram: Θεοτόκε βοήθει. In the quarters: τω σω
δούλω.
Rev.: + Προκοπίω πατρ(ικίω) β(ασιλικω) (πρωτο)σπαθαρίω) (και) χαρ-
τ(ουλαρίω) τ(οΰ) β(ασιλικοΰ) βεστ(ιαρίου).
28. Proposed date (XI c.).
Obv.: Bust of the Virgin with both hands open before her.
Rev.: + Κ(ύρι)ε β(οή)θ(ει) τω σω δοΰ(λω) Εΰσταθ(ίφ) (πρωτο)σπαθα(ρίω)
(και) τοποτηρητ(ή) Μοσυνουπόλ(εως).
37.Proposed date (Χ-ΧΙ c.).
Obv.: Bust of St. George. Circular incription: [+Κ(ΰρι)ε β(οή)θ(ει)] τω σω
δ(οΰλφ).
Rev.: . Ae|UN...|niKAA|PIO
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SEALS PUBLISHED 1997-2001
I. Jordanov, "Byzantine lead seals from the stronghold near Dobri Dol, Plovdiv
region," RN 157 (2001) 443-469, pi. XXXVII-XL.
1. Proposed date: XII c.
Obv.: St. George standing.
Rev.: + 'Αλεξίου σφράγισμα Κομνηνοκλάδου
πορφυρογενήτου έκ γένους κατηγμένου.
2. Proposed date: XII c.
Obv.: Bust of the Virgin orans, with medaillon on her chest.
Rev.: + Θεοτόκε βοήθει Άλεξίφ σεβαστώ τω Παλαιολόγφ.
Remarks: Cf. Jordanov, Plovdiv, nos. 2-3.
3. Proposed date: ca. 1200-1203.
Obv.: 'Αλεξίου σφράγισμα Παλαιολόγου
Κομνηνοφυοΰς δεσπότου την άξίαν.
Rev.: γαμβρού κρατούντος γης πάσης 'Ρωμαίδος
εις πρωτόπαιδα βασίλισσαν Είρήνην.
Remarks: Cf. Μ 8212; Fogg 1699; DO 58.106.3572; list of preceding editions.
4. Proposed date: ΧΠ c. (second half).
Obv.: + ΣφραγΙς σεβαστού των γράφων Άνδρονίκου.
Rev.: Κομνηνοδουκών Παλαιολόγων κλάδου.
Remarks: Cf. Jordanov, Plovdiv, no. 4.
5. Proposed date: XI c. (before 1092).
Obv.: Bust of St. Nicholas (?), blessing.
Rev.: + Τον σον οίκέτην Θεοΰ φυλάττοις
κουροπαλάτη Άργυρδ τω Καρατζά.
Remarks: No photo. Auction Vecchi (Sept. 1998), no. 1319.
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182
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183
SEALS PUBLISHED 1997-2001
C. S. Lightfoot and al., "The Amorium Project: The 1997 Study Season," DOP
53 (1999) 339.
Proposed date: 1067-78.
Obv.: Bust of the Virgin holding Christ.
Rev.: Θεοτόκε βοήθει Νικοφόρφ μαγίστρφ, βεστάρχη και κατεπάνω τφ
Μελισσηνφ.
Remarks: Photo. Found during excavations at Amorion.
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Lj. Mandic, R. Mihajlov, "A Xlth century byzantine seal from Heraclea near
Bitola," REB 58 (2000) 273-277.
Proposed date: Ca. 1072.
Obv.: St. Michael standing, holding scepter (r. h.) and cruciger globus (1. h.).
Rev.: + Κ(ΰρι)ε β(οή)θ(ει) [Μ]ιχ(αήλ) μαγίσ[τ]ρφ (και) δουκι [π]άσης
Δΰσε[ω]ς τφ Σαρ(ω)νίτη.
J. W. Nesbitt, "Byzantine lead seals from the vicinity of the governor's palace
and warehouses (CC and KK)," Caesarea Papers 2 (Portsmouth, Rhode Island,
1999) 129-135.
1. Date: 527-565.
Obv.: Bust of Justinian wearing a crown.
Rev.: Victory standing, holding a wreath in each hand, cross at 1.
Remarks: Similar specimens: Zacos-Veglery, nos. 3a-c.
2. Date: 638-641.
Obv.: Three emperors standing: Herakleios, Herakleios Constantine and
Heraklonas; each wears a crown and holds a globus (r. hand).
Rev.: Blank.
Remarks: Seal of customs on goods in transit.
3. Proposed date: VI-VII c.
Obv.: Cruciform monogram: Θεοδώρου.
Rev.: σχολαστικού.
4. Proposed date: VI c.
Obv.: Bust of the Virgin with medallion.
Rev.: Box monogram. Possibly: Λέοντος χαρτουλαρίου (?), or perhaps
Λέοντος μαγίστρου.
5. Proposed date: VI-VII c.
Obv.: Cruciform monogram: Γεωργίου.
Rev.: Cruciform monogram: κομμερκι[α]ρίου (?).
6. Proposed date: VI-VII c.
Obv.: Rider on horseback 1.
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Rev.: Blank.
Remarks: See F. Manns, "Les sceaux byzantins du Musee de la Flagellation,"
Liber Annuus 26 (1976) 213-271, no. 43.
22. Proposed date: VI-VII c.
Obv.: Bust of the Virgin with medallion; crosslet at 1.
Rev.: Portion of monogram (?).
23. Proposed date: VI-VII c.
Obv.: Bust of the Virgin with medallion.
Rev.: Remains of a cruciform monogram with letters e Θ Ρ Ü.
24. Proposed date: VI-VII c.
Obv.: Bust of the Virgin with medallion, between crosslets.
Rev.: Cruciform monogram with letters Ε Κ Ν Ο C TV Χ.
Remarks: If there is a A above the X, the reading Ευτυχίου or Εΰτυχι[α]νοΰ
σχολ[α]στικοΰ may be proposed.
25. Proposed date: VII c.
Obv.: The Virgin standing with medallion before her; cross at r.
Rev.: Remains of a cruciform monogram: ? with letters Κ,Τ,Χ ,U...
26. Proposed date: VI-VII c.
Obv.: Eagle standing to front, head r.; six-rayed star above.
Rev.: Remains of the lower part of a cruciform monogram, with Α Δ Κ...
below.
27. Proposed date: VI-VII c.
Obv.: Eagle standing to front, head r.; Christogram above.
Rev.: Cruciform monogram: ? Α Β Γ 6 Κ. Μ Ο Ρ V.
28. Proposed date: VI-VII c.
Obv.: Remains of a cruciform monogram: ? Α Ε K. OTV and perhaps Ν at 1.
Rev.: ETP0SCVME>-Cn.
Remarks: Perhaps στρα(τηγφ) συν Θ(εφ) β(ασιλικφ) σπ(αθαρίφ).
29. Proposed date: VI c.
Obv.: Partial remains of a box monogram, three six-rayed stars visible r. and
below.
Rev.: Partial remains of a box monogram, three six-rayed stars visible 1.
30. Proposed date: VI c.
Obv.: Faint outline of a box monogram based on a large Π ?
Rev.: Partial remains of a box monogram?
31. Proposed date: VI c.
Obv.: Box monogram, perhaps Έλπιδίου νοταρίου.
Rev: Another box monogram?
32. Proposed date: VI-VII c.
Obv.: Remains of a cruciform monogram?
Rev.: Remains of a box monogram?
33. Proposed date: VI-VII c.
Obv.: Ίεροσολΰμον.
Rev.: + ,C|O..TO|K,O.HC|e.. ..
Remarks: The good reading is given by D. Feissel, "Bulletin epigraphique," in
REG 114 (2001) 583: της Θεοτόκου της Νέας 'Ιεροσολύμων.
34. Proposed date: VI-VII c.
Obv.: ,ÖKU|ANÖC|XOAA|C..
Rev.: T O V | B O C r | P H C Ö
Remarks: Ίουλιανοΰ σχολαστικού τοΰ Βοστρηνοΰ (Ίουλιανοΰ better than
Λουκιανοΰ).
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188
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D. V. Penna, "The Mother of God on Coins and Lead Seals," in Mother of God,
Representations of the Virgin in Byzantine Art (Benaki Museum, 20 October
2000-20 January 2001) [in Greek too with the same page numbers] 209-217.
All the seals studied are already published.
D. V. Penna, "Η εκκλησία των Σερρών (11ος-12ος αι.) · Η μαρτυρία των μολυ-
βδοβοΰλλων." Πρακτικά Συνεδρίου "Οι Σέρρες και η περιοχή τους από την
Αρχαία στη Μεταβυζαντινή κοινωνία," Serres Sept. 29th-Oct. 3rd. Serres
(Municipality of Serres, 1998) II, 491-500.
All seals studied are already published, mainly in DOSeals 1.42.
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4. Proposed date: XI c.
Obv.: + Κωνσταντίνος σπαθαροκανδιδάτος καν κουμερκιάριος.
Rev.: Δεβελτοΰ ό Συρόπουλος.
Remarks: Ermitage Μ 6141.
5. Proposed date: Χ c.
Obv.: + Κΰριε βοήθει 'Ιωάννη κουβουκλησίω.
Rev.: κομερκιαρήφ της Δεβελτοΰ ρωμαϊκού.
Remarks: Ermitage Μ 8442. Ed. Sig., 113, no. 5. Cf. I. Jordanov, "Pecatite na
kommerkiarijata Develt," Poselistsni proucvanija (Sofia, 1992) VI, 7. The end of
the legend is uncertain.
6. Proposed date: X c. (second half).
Obv.: + Κύριε βοήθει 'Ιωάννη κουμερκιαρίφ 'Ρωμανίας.
Rev.: τφ κουμερκιαρίφ Δεβελτοΰ των 'Ρωμαίων.
Remarks: Ermitage Μ 8456. Ed.: Sig., 113, no. 2. The reading is insecure.
7. Proposed date: X c. (second half).
Obv.: Cruciform monogram of a name.
Rev.: κουμερκιαρίφ (or κουμερκιάριος) Δεβελτοΰ.
Remarks: Ermitage Μ 7652.
8. Proposed date: X c.
Obv.: Syrian (?) inscription.
Rev.: Μιχαήλ σπαθαροκανδιδάτος και κουμερκίαριος Δεβελτοΰ.
Remarks: Ermitage Μ 8834.
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Remarks: Xusus, widow of the last king of Vaspurakan. No of the seal: Zacos
BnF 567.
p. 271. Proposed date: 1025-1050.
Obv.: Bust of the Virgin Nikopoios, holding medallion in front of her.
Rev.: + Θ(εοτό)κε [β]οήθει [τ]φ σφ δοΰ(λφ) [Δ]αβήθ βέστ[ή].
Remarks: = Zacos BnF 3534.
p. 272. Proposed date: ca. second third or third quarter of the XI c.
Obv.: Γραφάς σφραγίζ(ω) Δα(βι)δ π(ατ)ρι(κίου).
Rev.: + Daw-it' pa-trik (in Armenian letters).
198
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199
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200
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201
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202
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Seibt: ... κόμητι τοΰ Όψικ(ίου) υ(ί)οΰ τοΰ έξάρ.... Cf. Wassiliou (1999).
3.40.14. Θεοτόκε βοήθει Είρηνέφ διακόνφ αρχοντι τοΰ βλατίου και κομ-
μερκιαρίφ Άβΰδου. Seibt: ... αρχοντι τοΰ βλατίου και κόμητι Άβΰδου.
3.40.15. Θεοτόκε βοήθει 'Ιωάννη πρωτοσπαθαρίφ έπι τοΰ Χρυσοτρικλίνου
και κουμερκιαρίφ Άβίδου τ φ Χιονίδη. Seibt reads (with the help of Ermitage
Μ 6766): ... και κουμερκιαρίφ Άβίδου τω Κρομίδη.
3.40.35. Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σ φ δοΰλφ Νικολάφ β. κανδιδάτω και φορολογώ
Άβίδου. Seibt: ... και ύπολογίφ Άβίδου.
3.53.9. Ό Κυζίκου Στέφανος σπουδή με γράφι. Seibt: Ό Λιζίκου Στέφανος...
Cf. Zacos II, no. 712. Cf. Wassiliou (1999).
3.55.1. Κΰριε βοήθει Λέοντι αρχοντι τοΰ Λουπαδίου. Seibt: ... τοΰ Λοΰλου.
3.71.3. Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλω Νικολάου βασιλικοΰ σπαθαρίου και χαρ-
τουλαρίου τδν Όπτημάτον. Seibt: ... Νικολάου β. σπαθαρίου τόν Όπτημάτον
(?)
3.78.2. Σφραγις της Θεοτόκου της Χρυσοπολιτίσης. Seibt: ... της Χρυσοπόλεως.
3.86.27. Κΰριε βοήθει 'Ιωάννη πρωτοσπαθαρίφ, μυστογράφφ και μεγάλφ
χαρτουλαρίφ τοΰ γενικοΰ λογοθεσίου, κριτή έπι τοΰ 'Ιπποδρόμου και των
Άνατοληκών τω Προμουνδηνω. Seibt: ... κριτή έπι τοΰ 'Ιπποδρόμου και των
Κυκλάδων νήσων τω Προμουνδηνω. Cf. Wassiliou (1999).
3.99.12. Κΰριε βοήθει Νικ[ μα]γίστρφ, βέστη, βεστάρχη και στρατηλάτη
της Ανατολής τω Μουσαράφ. Seibt reads (with the help of a parallel specimen
in the Zacos collection): ... Νικηφόρω ... τφ Μουσαράφ. Cf. Wassiliou (1999).
3.100.1. Γεωργίρ έπισκόπφ Άδριανουπόλεως. Seibt: Γεωργίφ έπισκόπω
Άδρανοΰς.
W. Seibt, "Weitere Bleisiegel aus Ephesos," Steine und Wege. Festschrift für
Dieter Knibbe zum 65. Geburtstag (Vienna, 1999) 145-151.
1. Proposed date: VI c. (second half)-VII c. (first half).
Obv.: Indistinct.
Rev.: [στρ]α[τη]λάτου.
2. Proposed date: VI c. (end).
Obv.: Eagle facing, head turned r., above indistinct: cross or monogram.
Rev.: Block monogram: Έπιφανίου (?)
Remarks: If considering also Τ: possibly Στεφάνου, and υπάτου. So, maybe
Έπιφανίου or Στεφάνου, υπάτου.
3. Proposed date: VI C./VII c.
Obv.: Bust of the Virgin with the Infant before her, between crosslets.
Rev.: Cruciform monogram: 'Ρωμανοΰ.
Remarks: Also possible: Μαρώνου / Μαρωνίου.
4. Proposed date: VI c.(end)/VII c. (beginning).
Obv.: Cruciform monogram: Παΰλου.
Rev.: κανδιδάτου.
Remarks: Cf. Cheynet, RN 155 (1999) no. 42; Seibt, Coll. Köhler-Osbahr
(2001) no. 15.
5. Proposed date: VII c. (beginning).
Obv.: Cruciform monogram: 'Ιωάννου.
Rev.: Cruciform monogram: possibly κουβικουλαρίου.
Remarks: Cf. Zacos-Veglery, no. 376.
6. Proposed date: VIII c. (second third).
Obv.: 'Αγία Τριάς ό Θεός ήμών βοήθει.
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[W. Seibt], Sammlung Köhler-Osbahr, Band V/4. Byzantinische Münzen und ihr
Umfeld. Bleisiegel und -plomben sowie Gewichte aus dem östlichen
Mittelmeerraum (Duisburg, 2001).
1. Proposed date: 1056-1057.
Obv.: Bust of Christ Emmanuel.
Rev.: Bust of the emperor Michael VI (?). Circular inscription: Μιχαήλ (?)
αυτοκράτωρ.
2. Proposed date: 1143-1180.
Obv.: Bust of Christ Emmanuel.
Rev.: The emperor Manuel I Komnenos standing. Circular inscription:
Μανουήλ δεσπότης ό πορφυρογέννητος.
Remarks: Cast copy. Several other copies are known.
3. Proposed date: 1253-1268.
Obv.: St. Mark seated on a throne (on the right) and Doge Rainerius Ceno
standing (on the left). Inscription: Rainerius Ceno dux. Sanctus Marcus.
Rev.: Rainerius Ceno Dei gratia Venetie Dalmatie atque Chroatie dux.
204
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205
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206
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207
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208
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209
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210
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211
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212
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Ο. Tekin, "Byzantine Coins from Yumuk Tepe including a Lead seal," Anatolia
Antiqua 6 (1998) 273-278.
Proposed date: XI c., or XII c. (?).
Obv.: Bust of St. John the Baptist.
Rev.: Κύριε βοήθει Μιχαήλ πρωτοσπαθαρίφ.
A.-K. Wassiliou,' Ο άγιος Γεώργιος ό Διασορίτης auf Siegeln. Ein Beitrag zur
Frühgeschichte der Laskariden," BZ 90 (1997) 416-424.
1. Proposed date: Late ΧΙΙ-early XIII c.
Obv.: St. George standing holding a spear (r. hand), 1. hand resting on a shield
set on the ground. Inscription:' Ο άγιος Γεώργιος ό Διασορίτης.
Rev.: Σκέποις Κομνηνόν Λάσκαριν Κωνσταντΐνον
οΰ και γραφάς σφράγιζε, μαρτύρων κλέος.
Remarks: Former Zacos collection. Parallel specimens: Koltsida-Makri,
Μολυβδόβουλλα, no. 14 (partly read), Shaw 1176 (Dumbarton Oaks). Some
remarks on Constantine Komnenos Laskaris, who is to be identified with the
brother of Theodoras I Komnenos Laskaris, emperor of Nikaia (1208-1222).
2. Proposed date: Late XII - early ΧΙΠ c.
Obv.: St. George standing, holding a spear (r. hand), 1. hand resting on a shield
set on the ground. Inscription:' Ο άγιος Γεώργιος ό Διασορίχης.
Rev.: Σφραγις Λάσκαρη Κομνηνού Θεοδώρου
πρωτοβεστιαρίτου σεβαστού πέλω.
Remarks: Ed. J. Sabatier, "Plombs, bulles et sceaux byzantins," Revue archeo-
logique 15 (1858-1859) 82-100, pi. 1; cf. Sig., 21.
3. Proposed date: XIII c. (first half).
Obv.: St. George standing. Inscription: Ό άγιος Γεώργιος ό Διασορίτης.
Rev.: 'Ιωάννης ό Άλτοΰμης.
Remarks: DO 58.106.5396.
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300. Sode: Θεοτόκε βοήθει Τίρωνι ύπάτφ. Wassiliou: Τίμωνι. Cf. Seibt, JOB 48
(1998).
306. Sode: ... βοήθει τω σφ δούλω ... β. πρωτοσπαθαρίφ (?) ... και τοπο-
τηρητή Παφλαγονίας. Wassiliou: κριτή έπί τοΰ ιπποδρόμου. Cf. Seibt, JOB 48
(1998).
352. Sode: ...τον, Πάναγνε, ση ρώμη σκέποις. Wassiliou: Σον οίκέτην,
Πάναγνε, τήρει με, σκέποις. Cf. Oikonomides, BZ 92 (1999).
354. Sode: Σφράγισμα λόγων Πρόδρομος τοΰ ποιμένος φυλάττοι. Wassiliou:
Σφραγις λόγων Πρόδρομος, ου ποίμνης ίVAAT, (falsly for φύλαξ?). Cf. Seibt,
JOB 48 (1998).
360. Sode: Κΰριε βοήθει Γαβριήλ τοΰ δοΰλου Χριστοΰ. Wassiliou: Άγαπίφ or
Άγαπητφ.
373. Sode: Κύριε βοήθει Λέοντι νοταρίφ και άκτουαρίφ τφ Κρινίτη (?).
Wassiliou: τω Κρομμΰδη or Κραμβονίτη. Cf. Seibt, JOB 48 (1998).
423. Sode: 'Ιωάννης μάγιστρος ... την χάριν, στρατηγέτης, δούξ δοΰξ τε
πατρόθεν, Λόγε. Wassiliou: 'Ιωάννης μάγιστρος φέρει την χάριν, στρατηγέτης,
δούξ Δούξ τε πατρόθεν, Λόγε. Cf. Oikonomides, BZ 92 (1999).
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3.39.32. Θεοτόκε βοήθει Μαρίνφ κόμητι τοΰ Όψικίου τ[(φ) τ(οΰ)] έξάρ(χου?).
Wassiliou: κόμητι τοΰ Όψικ(ίου) τοΰ τοΰ έξάρ(χου). Cf. Seibt, BZ 92 (1999).
3.40.12. Seal of Constantine imperial protospatharios and kommerkiarios of
Abydos. Cf. N. A. Alekseenko, "Molivdovuly adresantov Chersona V I-XI vv."
(Drevnosty,1996) 125, no. 6.
3.40.15. Reading of Nesbitt-Oikonomides: Θεοτόκε βοήθει 'Ιωάννη πρω-
τοσπαθαρίφ έπι τοΰ Χρυσοτρικλίνου και κουμερκιαρίφ Άβίδου τω Χιονίδη.
Wassiliou reads (with the help of Ermitage Μ 6766): ... και κουμερκιαρίω
Άβίδου τφ Κρομίδη. Cf. Seibt, BZ 92 (1999).
3.53.7. Τον Κυζίκου με Μιχαήλ σκέποις. According to Wassiliou the inscription
is metrical and contained one more word, perhaps κόρη.
3.53.9. Ό Κυζίκου Στέφανος σπουδή με γράφι. Wassiliou: Ό Λιζίκου
Στέφανος σπουδή με γράφει; cf. Zacos II, no. 712. Cf. Seibt, BZ 92 (1999).
3.71.18. ...υν... βασιλικφ πρωτοσπαθαρίφ και δομεστίκφ των Όπτιμάτων.
Wassiliou: Αϋξεντίω (?)...
3.86.27. Κΰριε βοήθει 'Ιωάννη πρωτοσπαθαρίφ, μυστογράφφ και μεγάλφ
χαρτουλαρίφ τοΰ γενικοΰ λογοθεσίου, κριτή έπι τοΰ ιπποδρόμου και των
'Ανατοληκών τω Προμουνδηνφ. Wassiliou: ... κριτή έπι τοΰ ιπποδρόμου και
των Κυκλάδων νήσων τω Προμουνδηνφ; cf. Hirsch Auction 183 (20-24.9.1994)
no. 1779 [= SBS 6, 127]. Cf. Seibt, BZ 92 (1999).
3.86.35. Χριστέ φήδου Φλοΰλι (?) βασιλικοΰ πρωτοσπαθαρήου κέ κριτοΰ τδν
'Ανατολικών. Wassiliou: ... Λούλη.
3.86.43. Κΰριε βοήθει τω σφ δοΰλφ Θεοδώρφ βασιλικφ σπαθαροκανδιδάτφ
καΐ πρωτονοταρίφ των 'Ανατολικών. Wassiliou: ... [Νικ]οδ(ήμφ).
3.99.12. Κΰριε βοήθει Νικ[ μα]γίστρφ, βέστη, βεστάρχη και στρατηλάτη
της 'Ανατολής τφ Μουσαράφ. Wassiliou reads (with the help of a parallel spe-
cimen): Νικηφόρφ ... τφ Μουσαράφ.
A.-K. Wassiliou - Η. Winter, "Ein neues Bleisiegel des Kaisers Markianos (450-
457) aus Flavia Solva (Steiermark)," Mitteilungen der österreichischen
Numismatischen Gesellschaft 40 (2000) 92-96.
Parallel to Seibt, Bleisiegel, no. 5a,b.
A.K. Wassiliou, "Der heilige Georg auf Siegeln: einige neue Bullen mit
Familiennamen," REB 59 (2001) 209-224. All the seals are from the former
Zarnitz collection.
1. Proposed date: Last third of XI c.
Obv.: Bust of St. George, holding spear and shield.
Rev.: + Κ(ΰρι)ε β(οή)θ(ει) Βασιλείω βέστη τω Γελ(ω)τ(ή).
Remarks: Auction Künker 25 (Oct-Nov. 1993)'no. 568.
2. Proposed date: Last third of XI c.- beginning of XII c.
Obv.: Bust of St. George, holding spear and shield.
Rev.: Μάρτ(υς), φυλάτ(το)ις Νικηφόρ(φ) τω Ήνόχ(φ).
3. Proposed date: ΧΙ/ΧΙΙ c.
Obv.: St. George standing, wearing chlamys and himation.
Rev.: Κ(ΰρι)ε β(οή)θ(ει) τφ σω δοΰλ(φ) Νικηφόρ(φ) (πρωτο)νωβελλισίμ(φ)
τφ Κ(ο)τέρτζ(η).
4. Proposed date: XIII c.
Obv.: St. George standing, with spear and schield.
Rev.: Γραφάς γεωργεΐν ένδικους, μάρτυς, δίδου ώς Θ(εο)ΰ γεώργιον τω
Μετοχίτη.
Remarks: Exemplar of the auction Vecchi 13 (Sept. 1998) no. 1324; Münz
Zentrum 97 (Jan. 1999) no. 791.
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218
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220
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222
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223
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224
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225
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226
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227
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228
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229
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230
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232
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233
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234
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235
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236
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237
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238
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239
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240
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242
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243
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244
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Remarks: VII c.
- Leon (no photo).
- Repetition of Münz Zentrum 84, no. 879 (.... ek prosopou of Aigaion
Pelagos). Remarks: SBS 6 (1999) 155.
- Obv.: Patriarchal cross on four steps; circular inscription.
Rev.: ......IU β. κανδηδάτφ και δηυκιτή.
Remarks: Late IX c. The editor proposes as name Nikolaos.
- Perhaps repetition of Münz Zentrum 88, no. 1212 (Nikephoros II
Phokas).
415. Lot of six seals (XI-XII c.): e. g.
- Repetition of Münz Zentrum 88, no. 1211 (Basileios Apokapes, proto-
spatharios kai strategos).
- Obv.: Bust of St. Nicholas.
Rev.: Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλω Μιχαήλ άσικρΐτ(ις).
Remarks: Ca. second-third quarter of XI c.
- Obv.: Bust of St. George.
Rev.: Κΰριε βοήθει Μιχαήλ άνθυπ(άτφ)....
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636. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 81, no. 1526 (Philaretos Brachamios as sebastos).
Remarks: SBS 6 (1999) 154.
637. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 81, no. 1524 (John Alopos, kouropalates).
Remarks: SBS 6 (1999) 154.
638. Repetition of Hirsch 185, no. 1511 and Sternberg 26, no. 507 (Romanos
Philaretos, protonobelissimos).
Remarks: SBS 3 (1993) 207.
639. Lot of five seals, with three illustrations (mostly repetitions).
Obv.: Bust of St. Theodore.
Rev.: Κ(ΰρι)ε β(οή)<θ(ει)> τω σφ δ<οΰ(λφ)> Ίω(άνντι) (πρωτο)σπ<α>-
θαρ(ίφ) τ(φ) Κ(α)<ρ(α)>μάλ(λφ).
Remarks: The family name is uncertain. Date: XI c. (second quarter).
640. Lot of five seals, three illustrations (repetitions).
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Παφλαγον(ίας) τφ Κομνηνω.
Remarks: XI c. (last quarter). Repetition of Gorny 62, no. 722. Cf.
DOSeals 4.11.4 (another boulloterion).
667. Repetition of Hirsch 188, no. 1141 (Niketas, bishop of Hypaipa).
Remarks: SBS 6 (1999) 132.
668. Proposed date: Ca. 1090/1150. Anonymous iconographical seal.
Obv.: Bust of the Virgin orans.
Rev.: Bust of St. George.
669. Proposed date: Ca. 1250/1275.
Seal of the presbyteroi and ekklesekdikoi of Hagia Sophia.
Remarks: Many specimens.
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Rev.: Ή ρ α κ λ ε ί φ πατρικίφ.
Remarks: Parallel to Zacos-Veglery, no. 1490A.
342. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 100, no. 760.
343. Date: Early VIII c.
Obv.: Invocative monogram (type Laurent V), with the rare tetragram: τ φ
δοΰλω σου
Rev.: Θεοδώρφ πατρικίφ και στρατηγφ.
Remarks: Another specimen from the same boulloterion in Münz Zentrum
93, no. 578.
344. Proposed date: Ca. 770/810.
Obv.: Invocative monogram (type Laurent V).
Rev.: Ά λ ε ξ ( ί φ ) β. στρ(άτορι) κ(αί) ΔΤ> Κ^ΤΟ-Ν Κ· Εκ, perhaps δρουγ-
γ α ρ ί φ τοΰ Κόλπου των Κιβυρραιωτών.
Remarks: VHI/IX c. The editor proposed δομεστίκου των Κιβυρραιωτών.
345. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 100, no. 762 (Michael silentiarios and imp.
notarios).
346. Proposed date: Ca. 850/880.
Obv.: Patriarchal cross on three steps, circular inscription.
Rev.: Ε ΰ σ τ α θ ί φ β. πρωτοσπαθαρίφ καΐ έπη τ(ών) ύκηακ(ών).
Remarks: IX c. (second half).
347. Proposed date: Ca. 980/1150.
Obv.: Bust of the Virgin with both hands raised in front of her.
Rev.: Μον(ής) τις ύπεραγ(ίας) Θ(εοτό)κου τ(οΰ) Ξηρ(ο)χοραφ(ίου).
Remarks: XI c.
348. Proposed date: Ca. 1078.
Obv.: St. Theodore (1.) and St. Demetrios (r.) standing.
Rev.: Κων(σταντίνφ) μαγίστρω, βεστάρχτι (και) έθνάρχη τ φ Κ α τ α κ α λ φ .
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INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
254
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
255
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
256
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
257
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
258
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
259
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
260
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
Συμεών, 169,196
Φωκάς, 134
Χριστόφορος, 233
βασιλεύς Βουλγάρων, 'Ιωάννης, 180, 181
βασιλικός, Μιχαήλ, 143
Κύπρου, cf. διοικητής (?) Κύπρου, 198.
βασίλισσα, Ειρήνη, 180
Ευδοκία, 233
Βάσσος, 155
Βατάτζης, 'Ανδρόνικος, σεβαστός, 243
Βασίλειος, σεβαστός, 243
'Ιωσήφ, 240
Στέφανος, σεβαστός, 175
Συμβατίκιος, κουροπαλάτης, 200
Βεάτος, 207
Βεβαπτισμένος, Θεόδωρος, πρωτοσπαθάριος, ύπατος, στρατηγός, 244
Βελεβουσδίου, έπίσκοπος, 'Ιωάννης, 173
έπίσκοπος, Νικηφόρος, 173
Βελισάριος (?), σχολάριος, 166
Venetie, dux, Rainerius Ceno, 204
Βερβέρης, Γεώργιος, 245
Βερηβόης, Θεόδωρος, πρωτοσπαθάριος, στρατηγός, 4
Βεριδάρης, Βαασάκιος, 5
Γουδέλης, 5
Λέων, 5, 214
Βερροίας έπίσκοπος, 15
βεστάρχης, Άποκάπης, Βασίλειος 66
'Αρμενόπουλος, Παύλος, 178
Βούρτζης, Νικηφόρος, 239
Δάτος, Νικόλαος, 62
Διογένης, 'Ρωμανός, 65
Κατακαλός, Κωνσταντίνος, 246, 252
Κεδρηνός, Γεώργιος, 127, 156
Κρατερός, Δημήτριος, 168
Μανιακής, 199
Μανιάκης, 'Αλέξανδρος, 102
Μανιάκης, Κωνσταντίνος, 110
Μελισσηνός, Νικηφόρος, 184
Νικερίτης, Λέων, 67
Ξηρός, Στέφανος, 92
Όφεωμάχος, 'Ιωάννης, 177
'Ραδηνός, Χριστόφορος, 219, 234, 247
Σπανόπουλος, Γεώργιος, 156
Στουπειώτης, Μιχαήλ, 158
Βάρδας, 178
'Ιωάννης, 159
Μιχαήλ, 64, 71
Νικόλαος, 62
Στέφανος, 92
Συμεών, 70
βέστης, 90
Άλωπός, Λέων, 200
Άποκάπης, Βασίλειος, 66
Αρτάβασδος, 'Ιωάννης, 199
Γελωτής, Βασίλειος, 215
Γυμνός, Πέτρος, 200
Διογένης, 'Ρωμανός, 65
Έξαμιλίτης, Σέργιος, 165
261
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
262
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
Βριούλων έπίσκοπος, 11
263
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
264
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
265
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
266
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
268
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
269
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
270
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
271
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
272
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
273
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
274
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
275
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
276
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
277
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
278
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
279
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
280
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
281
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
282
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
283
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
284
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
285
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
Μαγγάνων,
πρωτονοτάριος, Στέφανος, 152
μαγλαβίου (έπί του ), Θεόδωρος, 160
Λέων,182
magister militum, Stefanos, 165
μάγιστρος, Άποκάπης, Βασίλειος, 66
Βούρτζης, Κωνσταντίνος, 178
Δοΰξ, 'Ιωάννης, 188, 214
Ίασίτης, Μιχαήλ, 169
Κατακαλός, Κωνσταντίνος, 246, 252
Κεγένης, 'Ιωάννης, 173
Κοντοστέφανος, Μιχαήλ, 169
Λέων, 185
Μελισσηνός, Νικηφόρος, 184
Ξένος, Θεοφύλακτος, 202
Περηνός, Λέων, 156
Πηγωνίτης, Θεόδωρος, 70
'Ραδηνός, Χριστόφορος, 219, 234
Σαρωνίτης, Μιχαήλ, 185
Σκληρός, Νικόλαος, 32
Ταπιπιόνης (?), Θεόδωρος,
Φραγόπουλος Έρβέβιος, 159
Στουπειώτης Μιχαήλ, 158
Νικόλαος, 155
Νικόλαος, ανθύπατος, πατρίκιος, πρωτοσπαθάριος, γενικός λογοθέτης, 190
Μαδυτηνός (?), Κ ω ν σ τ α ν τ ί ν ο ς , σπαθαροκουβικουλάριος, άσηκρήτις,
έβδομάριος, κριτής Καππαδοκίας, 163
μαγλαβίου (έπί τοΰ) Άρειανίτης, Κωνσταντίνος, 239
Θεόδωρος, 160
Κυριάκος, 242
Λέων, 182
Μαγΰδου (?) έπίσκοπος, Θεόδωρος, 199
Μαειμών (?), cf. 207
magister camerarius, Wilgelm (?), 212
μαίστωρ της σχολής τοΰ Κηρύκων, Λέων, 181
Μακεδονίας, κριτής, 'Ρωμανός, 227
Μακεδόνων (?), τουρμάρχης, 228
Μακρεμβολίτης (?), Μιχαήλ, β. βεστίτωρ, 200
Μαλέας, 'Ιωάννης, πρωτοσπαθάριος, στρατηγός Περσθλάβας, 197
Μαλέσης cf. Μαλέας, 197
Βασίλειος, κριτής έπί τοΰ 'Ιπποδρόμου, 238
Μάμαλος (?), μητροπολίτης Λαοδικείας, 202
Μαμγέν, Γεώργιος, 172
Μανασσής, 'Αλέξιος, 232
μανδάτωρ, Παντολέων, 209
Πέτρος, 231
Μανιάκηνα, Ευδοκία, πρωτοπροέδρισσα, 102
Μανιακής, βεστάρχης, στρατηγός, 199
'Αλέξανδρος, βεστάρχης, στρατηγός, 102
Γεώργιος, 103, 229,
Γεώργιος, πατρίκιος, κατεπάνω Βαασπρακανίας, 104
Γεώργιος, πρωτοσπαθάριος, άρχηγέτης της 'Ανατολής, 104
Κωνσταντίνος, 109
Κωνσταντίνος, πρωτονωβελισσιμοϋπέρτατος, 110
Μιχαήλ, 111
Μανικαϊτης, 160
Μιχαήλ, πατρίκιος, ύπατος, 228
286
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
Μανουήλ, 177
Ναρσάκης, β. πρωτοσπαθάριος, στρατηγός 'Ελλάδος, 198
Βοτανειάτης, σεβαστός, 175
Ζηαλάης (?), πρόεδρος, 181
Κομνηνός, 221
Κομνηνοδούκας, 160, 181
ποιμήν Κερασούντος, 122
πορφυρογέννητος, δεσπότης, 204
πρωτοσπαθάριος, έπι των οίκειακών, ρογάτωρ, 242
Μαντέλλης (?), Θεόδωρος, 202
Μάξιμος Κρατερός, μοναχός, 168
Marcellus, imperialis protonobilissimus, 212
Μαρία Δαλασσηνή, 201
Δούκαινα, σεβαστή, 226
Κομνηνή, σεβαστή, αύταδέλφη τοΰ βασιλέως, 195
Μαριανός cf. Μαρίνος, 196
έπαρχος, 227
Μαρίνος, Γαβράς, 201
Καζάνης, 197
δεσποτικός βουκάλιος, 218
δομέστικος, 226
έξκουβίτωρ, 183
κόμης τοΰ Όψικίου, υίοΰ τοΰ έξάρ..., 203, τοΰ τοΰ έξάρχου, 215
β. πρωτοσπαθάριος, κριτής έπι τοΰ 'Ιπποδρόμου, 196
Μάρκος, Βουλίκας, πρωτοσπαθάριος, 6
έπίσκοπος 'Εφέσου, 117
ποιμήν Άδριανουπόλεως, 230
Μαρούλης, Κωνσταντίνος, πρωτονωβελίσσιμος, 202
Martinos, protictor, 65
Μαρών, Μαρώνιος (?), 203
Ματράχου, Ζιχίας καί πάσης Χαζαρίας άρχων Μιχαήλ, 129, 130
Μαυρίκιος (?), 172, 188
βασιλεύς, 199
Μαυροζώμης, Κομνηνοφυής, 'Ιωάννης, 227, 239
Νικόλαος, 224
Μαυροκατακαλών, Γρηγόριος, 229, ανθύπατος, κατεπάνω, 157
Maurus, Alius Sergii, 212
Μαχητάριος, 'Ιωάννης cf. Κωνσταντίνος Μ., 201
Μεγάλης 'Εκκλησίας, διάκονος 'Ιωάννης, 159, 176
Μεγαλομμάτης, Νικόλαος, 214
Μέγιστος cf. Έλισσαΐος, 196
Μεθόδιος, έπίσκοπος Άκροινών, 238
Μελενίκου (?) έπίσκοπος, Θεόδωρος, 198, 201
Μέλης (?) έπίσκοπος, Θεόδωρος, 198
Μελίας, στρατηγός Περσθλάβας, 197
Μελίνων (?), έπίσκοπος, Θεόδωρος, 201
Μελισσηνός, Κωνσταντίνος, 30
Νικηφόρος, μάγιστρος, βεστάρχης, κατεπάνω, 184
Μελωνύμου, δοϋξ πόλεως, 221
Μεσημβρίας, κατεπάνω Συμεών, 70
κομμέρκια 183
έκ προσώπου, Κυριάκος, 242
Μεσοποταμίας, τουρμάρχης, Χαμρός (?, 'Amr ?), 225
Μεσοποταμίτης, Μιχαήλ, 158
Μετελλουπόλεως, (έπίσκοπος), Χριστόφορος, 240
Μετοχίτης, 215
Μηθύμνης, μητροπολίτης, Βουχής, Μιχαήλ, 29
Μηνδς ανθύπατος cf. Κωνσταντίνος πρωτανθύπατος (?), 200
287
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
288
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
Φαρμακαίτης, 201
Φιλοκάλης, έπαρχος, 29
Χασανόπουλος, 210
Χερσωνίτης, πατρίκιος, στρατηγός, 82,154
ανθύπατος, 248
αρχιεπίσκοπος Κωνσταντινουπόλεως Νέας 'Ρώμης, 168, 224
άρχων Βουλγαρίας, 232
άρχων Ματράχου, Ζιχίας και πάσης Χαζαρίας, 129, 130
άσηκρήτις, 248
αυτοκράτωρ, Μιχαήλ (VI?), 204
βεστάρχης, κατεπάνω Παραδουνάβου, 64, 71
διάκονος, 202
δοΰλος Χρίστου, 234
ζωγράφος, 194
ήγοΰμενος, 245
β. κανδιδατος, κόμης της κόρτης των Κιβυρραιωτών, 165
μονοστράτηγος, 196
πατρίκιος or σπαθάριος, 176
πατρίκιος, μέγας χαρτουλάριος τοΰ στρατιωτικού, 219
πατρίκιος, στρατηγός Θεσσαλονίκης, 81
(?), πρόεδρος Κρήτης, 201
πρώτος τών 'Ανάργυρων, 240
πρωτοσπαθάριος, 128, 213
β. πρωτοσπαθάριος, έπι τοΰ χρυσοτρικλίνου, στρατηγός Χερσώνος, 152
β. πρωτοσπαθάριος, κριτής Θρςίκης, Μακεδονίας, 236
β. πρωτοσπαθάριος, μονητάριος Σικελίας, 184
β. πρωτοσπαθάριος, στρατηγός Σελευκείας, 236
σιλεντιάριος, β. νοτάριος, 243
(?), σκρινιάριος(?), 236
β. σπαθάριος, έπι τών βαρβάρων, 191
β. σπαθάριος, κόμης της κόρτης Σικελίας, 211
β. σπαθαροκανδιδατος,... 167
σπαθαροκανδιδατος, βασιλικός, 143
σπαθαροκανδιδάτος, κομμερκιάριος Δεβελτοΰ, 193
στράτωρ cf. κουβουκλήσιος, 201
cf. Πέτρος, δήμαρχος, 200
Μόδεστος, (?) 248
πρεσβύτερος, 239
μοναχή, Δαλασσηνή, "Αννα, 190
Ευδοκία, 34
μοναχός, Κρατερός, Μάξιμος, 168
Τζαμπλάκων, 'Αρσένιος, 180
'Αλέξιος, 234
Βαρθολομαίος, 227
Γαβριήλ, 33
Γρηγόριος, 200
Δαβίδ, 201
Έφραίμ, 244
Θεόδουλος, 128
'Ιωάννης, 58-9, 224
Κυριάκος, 238
Λουκάς, 120
Νικόλαος, 36, 220
Στέφανος, 160
μονητάριος,
Μιχαήλ, 184
Σικελίας, 'Ιωάννης, 211
289
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
Μονομαχάτος (?), Βασίλειος, σπαθαροκανδιδάτος, κριτής έπι τοΰ 'Ιπποδρόμου και των
Κιβυρραιωτών, 198
Γεώργιος, πατρίκιος, κατεπάνω Βαασπρακανίας, 104
Γεώργιος, πρόεδρος, δοΰξ, 104
Μονομάχος, Πόθος, όρφανοτρόφος, κριτής των' Αρμενιακών, 59
μονοστράτηγος, Σαρακινόπουλος, Λέων, 196
Μιχαήλ, 196
Μόρτιτος, Γεώργιος cf. Γεώργιος, 202,
Μοσυνουπόλεως, τοποτηρητής, Ευστάθιος, 179
Muräd b. ..rsän, 202
Μουσαράφ, Νικηφόρος, μάγιστρος, βέστης, βεστάρχης, στρατηλάτης 'Ανατολής, 203,
215
Μουσήλιος, Δοξαπατρής, Φίλιππος, 29
Πακουριανός, πρόεδρος, 179
άσηκρήτις, 250
β. σπαθάριος, 184
σπαθάριος, έπι των οίκειακών, 141
β. σπαθάριος, χαρτουλάριος τοΰ Όψικίου, 140
Μυλασίτης, Λέων, 222
Μυρέλιος, Θεόδωρος, σεβαστός, 214
Μώρας και Φιλιππουπόλεως, έκ προσώπου, 195
(?) και Φιλιππουπόλεως, έκ προσώπου, Νικόλαος, 195
χαρτουλάριος, Λέων, 195
μυστογράφος, Θεόδωρος, 56
Κωνσταντίνος, 165
Μωξηγάζ, ταξίαρχος, Κουρτίκιος, Κωνσταντίνος, 89
Μώσις, Εύλόγιος, 181, 225
290
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
πρωτονοτάριος, 217
πρωτοσπαθάριος, δήμαρχος, 164
β. σπαθαροκανδιδάτος, τοποτηρητής, 220
σπαθαροκουβικουλάριος, χαρτουλάριος, 194
ύπατος, 190
Νικηφόρος, 176, 197
Άτούμης, σεβαστός, 162
Βοτανειάτης, βασιλεύς, 233
Βοτανειάτης, κουροπαλάτης, 206
Βοΰρτζης, βεστάρχης, 239
Δούκας, σεβαστός, 175,181
Ήνόχος, 215
Καρβωνδς, ανθύπατος, δευτερεύων στρατιωτικού, κριτής έπΐ τοΰ
'Ιπποδρόμου, Σελευκείας, Ποδανδοΰ, κουράτωρ Ταρσού, 161
Κομνηνός, 173-174
Κοτέρτζης, πρωτονωβελίσσιμος, 215
Κρατερός, 168
Μελισσηνός, μάγιστρος, βεστάρχης, κατεπάνω, 184
Μουσαράφ, μάγιστρος, βέστης, βεστάρχης, στρατηλάτης 'Ανατολής, 203,215
Συναδηνός, κουροπαλάτης, 194
Συναδηνός, πατρίκιος, ανθύπατος, στρατηγός Καππαδοκίας, 245
Τορνίκης, 179
Φωκάς, βασιλεύς, 158
Χρυσοτζεφούδης, κουροπαλάτης, 6, 158, 177
έπίσκοπος Βελεβουσδίου, 173
β. κανδιδάτος, έπι των βαρβάρων, 200
κληρικός της Μεγάλης 'Εκκλησίας, 201
πριμικήριος, 235
β. σπαθάριος, 225,251
σπαθαροκανδιδδτος, στρατηγός Χερσώνος, 153
τοποτηρητής, Συρακουσών (?), 247
υιός Εύθυμίου, πρόεδρος, γενικός λογοθέτης, 94, 95
Νικόδημος (?), β. σπαθαροκανδιδάτος, πρωτονοτάριος των 'Ανατολικών, 215
Νικόλαος, 177,197, 207
Άβυδηνός (?), 247
Άγιοθεοδωρίτης, 31, 36
Άπλισφάρης, 209
Άπλισφάρης, πρόεδρος, 209
Γυμνός, 158
Δάτος, βεστάρχης, όρφανοτρόφος, 62
Δερμοκαίτης, 241
Κουβουκλήσιος, σεβαστός, 232
Μαυροζώμης, 224
Μεγαλομμάτης, 214
Πρέτωρ, β. πρωτοσπαθάριος, στρατηγός Πελοποννήσου, 198
Σκληρός, μάγιστρος, 32
Φαρακόπουλος, 197
άπό έπάρχων, 166
αρχιεπίσκοπος Βοσπόρου, 76
έκ προσώπου Μώρας και Φιλιππουπόλεως, 195
έπίσκοπος 'Εφέσου, 117
έπίσκοπος Θεοβουλείας, 180
έπίσκοπος Ύπαίπων, 12
β. κανδιδάτος, ύπολόγιος 'Αβύδου, 203
κληρικός, 200, 247 (Άβυδηνός ?)
μάγιστρος, 155
μάγιστρος, ανθύπατος, πατρίκιος, πρωτοσπαθάριος, γενικός λογοθέτης, 78,190
μητροπολίτης Εύχανείας, σύγκελλος, 223
291
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
μοναχός, 36
μοναχός, έπίσκοπος Προίνων, 220
πατριάρχης, 76
πριμικηριος cf. κληρικός, 200
πρωτονοτάριος, διοικητής Θυνίας (?), 198
πρωτοσπαθάριος, κόμης τη' Λαμίας, 146
β. σπαθάριος, 156
σπαθαροκανδιδάτος, έπισκεπτίτης, 232
τουρμάρχης, 228
κληρικός, 247
Nikolau, cf. sigillum sanctu, 212
Νικομήδειας, μητροπολίτης, Γρηγόριος, 223
νομικός, Γρηγόριος, 196
Νόννος (?), χαρτουλάριος (?), 238
νοτάριος Δύσεως Νικήτας, 36
Κραμβονίτης, Λέων, 199
Ξηρός, Θωμάς, 230
Χερσώνος, 82
τοΰ βεστιαρίου, Βαάνης, 178
Αιγαίου Πελάγους cf. Πέτρος, πρωτονοτάριος Αιγαίου Πελάγους, 198.
'Αργυρόπουλος, 'Ρωμανός, 33
Βάρδας, 186
Έλπίδιος, 187
'Ιωάννης, 176, 178
Μιχαήλ, 243
cf. πρωτονοτάριος, Βασίλειος, 200
notarius, Anastasius, 231
Georgius, 235
Νΰσσης, έπίσκοπος, 244
νωβελίσσιμος, Καβάσιλας, 'Αλέξανδρος, 232
292
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
293
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
294
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
Άντίοχος, 183
Άρτάβασδος, 80,153
Βαρδάνης, 248
Βάρδας, 167, 237
Γεώργιος, 106, 108,220
Δομνιντζίολος, 237
Έπκράνιος, 210
'Ηλίας, 245
'Ηράκλειος, 243, 247, 251
Θεοδόσιος, 97
Θεόδωρος, 211, 231, 236, 252
Θεοφ.., 200
Θεοφάνης, 166
Θεοφύλακτος, 141, 165, 205
'Ιωάννης, 79, 186, 189, 210, (?) 242
'Ιωσήφ, 178
Κοσμάς, 135-6
Κωνσταντίνος, 123-4, 184
Λέων, 87, 166, 205, 244
Μιχαήλ, 81, 176,218
Νέστωρ, 67
Νικήτας, 210
Νικόλαος, 78, 190
Παγκράτιος, 176
Πανθήριος, 205
Παΰλος, 223
Πέτρος, (?) 200, 242
Πετρωνάς, 138
Πολύευκτος, 88
Πλουτΐνος, 184
Προκόπιος, 179
Σέργιος, 183
Σισίννιος, 77, 228, 234, 245
Στέφανος, 54, 55, 151, 161, 231, 235
Ταριανός, 246
Θεοφύλακτος, 165
Παΰλος, 191, 245, 249, 252
'Αρμενόπουλος, βεστάρχης, 178
αρχιεπίσκοπος 'Εφέσου, 117
άπό έπαρχων, κόμης 'Αβύδου, 151
άρχιατρός, 193
δούξ, 178
(?), έπαρχος (?), 235
κανδιδάτος, 167, 203, 206
κριτής (κρίνων) Αιγαίου πλόων, 205
πατρίκιος, β. πρωτοσπαθάριος (?), χαρτουλάριος (?), γενικός (?), 223
ύπατος, 170, (?) 227, 229
Paulus, 249
Παφλαγονίας, δούξ, Κομνηνός, Θεόδωρος,
κομμερκιάριος 'Αναστάσιος, 126
κριτής, 199
τοποτηρητής cf. κριτής, 199
Πάφος, cf. Πάρου (?) or Πόρου (?), ώρρειάριος, 198
Πεδιαδίτης, Βασίλειος, βέστης, κατεπάνω 'Αντιοχείας, 169
Πελοποννήσου, άναγραφεύς, Λέων, Νικερίτης, 67
κριτής, Βασίλειος, 21
κριτής, Ξηρός, Βασίλειος, 21
πραίτωρ, Καματηρός, Γρηγόριος, 198
295
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
296
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
298
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
299
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
300
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
301
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
302
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
303
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
Ύπάτιος, 243
Χαμρός (?, 'Amr ?), 225
σπαθαροκουβικουλάριος, Μαδυτηνός (?), Κωνσταντίνος, 163
Ξηρός, Βασίλειος, 200
Βάρδας, 247, 252
'Ιωάννης, 194, 200
Σπανόπουλος cf. Άδράλεστος, έκ προσώπου, 197
Γεώργιος, βεστάρχης, 156
Γεώργιος, πραίτωρ, 45
Σπηλαίου (?), ήγοΰμενος, Έφραίμ, 244
Σταυράκιος, 156
Σταυράκιος or Θεοφύλακτος, πατρίκιος, λογοθέτης των αγελών, 141
πρωτοσπαθάριος, κριτής τοΰ βήλου, έπΐ των βαρβάρων, 191
β. σπαθάριος, έπι των οίκειακών, έπι των βαρβάρων, 191
β. σπαθαροκανδιδάτος, πρωτονοτάριος, κομμερκιάριος Θεσσαλονίκης, 184
Στειριόνης,'Ιωάννης, σεβαστός, 46
Στενοΰ, στρατηγός, Χαγέ, Κωνσταντίνος, 219
Στεφανία, 202
Στέφανος, (?) 203, c.f Στεφανία, 202, 217, 225, 241, 248
Βαρδάλης, έπι της τραπέζης, 161
Βατάτζης, σεβαστός, 175
Ίωαννίτης (?), 219
Κοντοστέφανος, δεσπότης, 158, 177
Λίζιξ, Στέφανος, 203, 215
Ξηρός, πατρίκιος, βεστάρχης, πρόεδρος, κριτής τοΰ βήλου, γενικός λογο
θέτης, 92, 94
Σερβλίας, β. πρωτοσπαθάριος, κομμερκιάριος Λογγιβαρδίας, 182
Ψωδηνήτης, 219
άπό έπαρχων, 199
βεστάρχης, κριτής τοΰ βήλου, γενικός λογοθέτης, 92
έπι τοΰ Πανθέου, 196
κομμερκιάριος αποθήκης..., 218
κουβικουλάριος , όρφανοτρόφος, 54, 61
κριτής, αντιπρόσωπων έν τω σεκρέτω τοΰ γενικού λογοθεσίου, 88
μοναχός, 160
όστιάριος, 246
πατρίκιος, 231
πατρίκιος, γενικός κομμερκιάριος Καππαδοκίας πρώτης και δευτέρας, 161,
235
πρωτονοτάριος, 196
πατρίκιος, κομμερκιάριος 'Αβύδου (?), 151
πατρίκιος, όρφανοτρόφος, 54, 61
β. πρωτοσπαθάριος, έπι τοΰ χρυσοτρικλίνου, έπόπτης των Θρςικησίων καΐ
των 'Οπτιμάτων, 202, 214
β. πρωτοσπαθάριος, πρωτονοτάριος των Μαγγάνων και Χερσώνος, 152
σινάτωρ, 211
β. σπαθάριος, χαρτουλάριος, 211
Stefanos, magister militum, 165
Στηθάτος, Θεόδωρος, 176
Στοΰδιος, έπίσκοπος 'Ερυθρών, 166
Στουπειώτης Μιχαήλ, μάγιστρος, βεστάρχης, 158
Στραβοπόλεως, διοικητής, Βαάνης, 250
Στραβοτρηχάρης, Θεοφύλακτος (?), 196
στρατηγέτης, 'Ιωάννης, 85
στρατηγός, 81, 82, 187
Άναβάρζης, Τριχινωπόδης, Βασίλειος, 219
'Ανατολικών, 137,139
'Ανατολικών, Λέων, 244
304
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
Άρμενιακών, 218
Βάρνας, Άσώτιος, 245
Γερμανικείας, Θωμάς, 240
Δρίστρας, Βασίλειος, 195
'Ελλάδος, Ναρσάκης, Μανουήλ, 198
'Ελλάδος, Βασίλειος (?), 81
'Ελλάδος, Ν., πρωτοσπαθάριος, 151
Ζεβέλου, Βοτανειάτης, Ευστράτιος, 223
Θεσσαλονίκης, Γρηγόριος, 161
Θεσσαλονίκης, Ιωάννης, 81, 152
Θεσσαλονίκης, Μιχαήλ, 81
Θρρκησίων, 251
Θρςικησίων, Βαρδάνης, 248
Καλαβρίας, Γεωργιλάς, 170
Καππαδοκίας, Κοντοστέφανος (?), 197
Καππαδοκίας, Συναδηνός, Νικηφόρος, 245
Κασσηνών (?), Λέων, 197
παρευφρατιδίων πόλεων Γεώργιος, 108
Πελοποννήσου, Σισίννιος, Έξαμιλίτης, 198
Πελοποννήσου, Πρέτωρ, Νικόλαος, 198
Περσθλάβας, Άέτιος, 197
Περσθλάβας, Μαλέας, 'Ιωάννης, 197
Περσθλάβας, Μελίας, 197
Σαμοσάτων, Γεώργιος, 106
Σελευκίας, Βλάγγας, Λέων, 228
Σελευκείας, Μιχαήλ, 236
Σικελίας,... ατζίκα, 210
Σικελίας, Έπιφάνιος, 210
Σικελίας, Ευστάθιος, 210
Σικελίας, 'Ιωάννης, 210
Σικελίας, Λέων, 210
Σικελίας, Κωνσταντίνος, 184
Σικελίας, Νικήτας, 210
Σικελίας, Πετρωνας (?), 210
Στενοΰ, Χαγέ, Κωνσταντίνος, 219
Χαντιάρτη, 110
Χερσώνος, Καταφλώρος, Μιχαήλ, 192
Χερσώνος, Πρωτεύων, 'Ιωάννης, 191
Χερσώνος, Τζοΰλας, Γεώργιος, 154
Χερσώνος, Τζούλας, Λέων, 192
Χερσώνος, Έπιφάνιος, 152, 192
Χερσώνος, Θεοδόσιος, 152,153
Χερσώνος, Θεόδωρος, 152
Χερσώνος, Θεοφάνης, 152
Χερσώνος, 'Ιωάννης, 152
Χερσώνος, Κωνσταντίνος, 152, 192
Χερσώνος, Μιχαήλ, 152,
Χερσώνος, Νικηφόρος, 153
Άποκάπης, Βασίλειος, 233
Άπόκαυκος, Λέων, 160
Βεβαπτισμένος, Θεόδωρος, 244
Βερηβόης, Θεόδωρος, 4
Βλάγγας, Λέων, 5
Γλαβδς (?), Κατακαλών, 226
Δαδας, Θεόγνωστος, 156
Διογένης, 'Ρωμανός, 65
Κακίκης, Γεώργιος, 179
Καντζής (?), 197
305
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
Κατακαλών, Δημήτριος, 68
Κασσίτερος (?), 197
Κατακαλός, Κωνσταντίνος, 205
Κρατερός, 168
Κρατερός, Λέων, 156
Μανιακής, 199
Μανιακής, 'Αλέξανδρος, 102
Πηγωνίτης, Θεόδωρος, 69
Ταρχανιώτης, Μιχαήλ, 222
Χερσωνίτης, Μιχαήλ, 154
Γεώργιος, 220
Θεόδωρος, 231, 236, 252
Θεοφάνης, 166
'Ιωάννης, 128
Σέργιος, 183
Σισίννιος, 228
στρατηλάτης, 133, 203
Όφεωμάχος, 'Ιωάννης, 177
της 'Ανατολής, Φραγόπουλος, Έρβέβιος, 159
Κήρυκος, 186
Προκόπιος (?), 236
Σολομών,209
Τρύφων, 164, 237
Φίλιππος, 231
στρατιωτικού δευτερεύων, Καρβωνας, Νικηφόρος, 161
χαρτουλάριος, Μιχαήλ, 219
Στρατόνικος, άγορανόμος, 163
στράτωρ, 82
'Αλέξιος, 252
Κωνσταντίνος, 164
Στυλιανός, 242
Στρυμόνος, Άγιοπολυευκτίτης (?), Λέων, 200
Στρυφνός, Μιχαήλ, σεβαστός, 250
Στυλιανός, cf. Θεοφάνης
διοικητής, 226
β. στράτωρ, διοικητής, 242
σύγκελλος, Φαρισαΐος (?), Θεόδωρος, 202
Γεώργιος, 201
'Ιωάννης, 224
Κωνσταντίνος, 119
Νικόλαος, 223
'Ρωμανός, 243
Συμβατίκιος, Βατατζής, 200
Συμεών, Τετραγωνίτης, Συμεών, 202
βασιλεύς, 169,196
βέστης, κατεπάνω Παραδουνάβου, 70
βεστάρχης, κατεπάνω Άδριανουπόλεως και Μεσημβρίας, 70
πατριάρχης 'Αντιοχείας και πάσης 'Ανατολής, 232, 251
β. πρωτοσπαθάριος, άναγραφεύς των 'Ανατολικών, 245
Συμεώνιος cf. Συμβατίκιος, Βατάτζης,
συμπένθερος, cf. Δούκας, Παλαιολόγος, Θεόδωρος, 222
Συναδηνή, Ειρήνη, σεβαστή, 174
Συναδηνός, 'Ιωάννης, 157, 176
Νικηφόρος, πατρίκιος, ανθύπατος, στρατηγός Καππαδοκίας, 245
Συρακουσών (?), τοποτηρητής, Νικηφόρος, 247
Συρόπουλος, Κωνσταντίνος, σπαθαροκανδιδατος, κομμερκιάριος Δεβελτοΰ, 193
σχολάριος, 165
306
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
307
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
Θρςίκησίων, 166
Όψικίου, Θεοφύλακτος, 141
Μακεδόνων (?), 228
Μεσοποταμίας, Χαμρός (?, 'Amr ?), 225
Παραδουνάβου,'Ιωάννης, 71
Κατακαλών, Δημήτριος, 68
Γεώργιος, 45
Λέων (?) or Λύκαστος (?), 136
Νικόλαος, 228
Τραϊανουπόλεως, μητροπολίτης, Μιχαήλ, Βαρύς, 30
Τρακούλων, έπίσκοπος, Ευθύμιος, 159
Trani, archepiscopus, 216
τραπέζης (έπι της), Βαρδάλης, Στέφανος, 161
Βάρδας, 200
Θεοφάνης, 196
Τραπι... cf. Ταπιπιόνης, 200
Τρελλός cf. Πρέτωρ, 198
Τρίστρας cf. Δρίστρας, 195
Τριχινωπόδης, (or Άτριχινωπόδης ?), Βασίλειος, πρωτοσπαθάριος, ύπατος, στρατηγός
Άναβάρζης, 219
Τρύφων, ίλλούστριος, ανθύπατος, 133
στρατηλάτης, ανθύπατος, 164,167, 237
υιός, 234
'Αλέξιος Κοντοστέφανος, υίος Στεφάνου Κ.
τοΰ έξάρ..., 203
Εύπατερίου, 237
Θεοδώρου, 211
Καίσαρος τοΰ Δούκα, 202
Ύπάτιος, σπαθαροκανδιδάτος, άσηκρήτις, κριτής Καππαδοκίας, 243
ύπατος, 83, 125, 154, 165
Άβράμιος (?), 241
Άρτάβασδος, 'Ιωάννης, 199
Βεβαπτισμένος, Θεόδωρος, 244
Γεωργιλας, 170
Κατακαλός, Κωνσταντίνος, 205
Κουρτίκιος, Κωνσταντίνος, 89
Μανικαΐτης, Μιχαήλ, 228
Ξηρός, Θωμάς, 88
Τοπαλίτης, Μιχαήλ, 7
Τριχινωπόδης, Βασίλειος, 219
'Αναστάσιος, 205
'Αρτέμιος, 206
Βαάνης, 178
Γεώργιος, 237, 248
Γρηγόριος, 135
Θεόδωρος, 89, (?) 238
Θεόκτιστος, 161
Θεόπιστος, 165
Θεοφύλακτος, 164
Θωμάς, 240
Ίεζήθ, 170
'Ιωάννης, 167, 240, 250
Κίμων, 199
Κομιτάς, 220
Κοσμάς, 151
Κωνσταντίνος, 241, 246, 252
Λύκαστος, 226
308
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
Νικήτας, 190
Παύλος, 170, (?) 227, 229
Πολύευκτος, 88
Προκόπιος, 54
Σέργιος, 167
Σισίννιος, 124
Τίμων (?), 214
Φωτεινός, 250
ύπέρτιμος, 'Ιωάννης, 166
Ύπέτης (?- Ubayd ?), Δανιήλ, σπαθαροκανδιδάτος, 224
ύπολόγιος 'Αβύδου, 203, Νικόλαος, 203
υποστράτηγος Θρςικησίων, Λέων, 166
Ύψοΰ, έπίσκοπος, Δαβίδ, 193
309
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
Βαρνάβας, 134
Ευστάθιος, 196
Ηλίας, 242
Ιωάννης, 151, 154, 176, 192, (?) 233
Κοσμάς (?), 203
Κωνσταντίνος, 188, (?) 203, 249
Λέων, 185, 201
Μιχαήλ, 210
Νικήτας, 194
(?), Νόννος (?), 238
Παντολεων, 237
(?), Παΰλος, 223
Σέργιος, 160
Στέφανος, 211
chartularius, Sergius, 234
χαρτουλάριος (μέγας), 'Ιωάννης, 159, 205
χαρτουλάριος τοΰ β. βεστιαρίου, Θεοδόσιος, 97
Πανθήριος, 205
Προκόπιος, 179
χαρτουλάριος τοΰ γενικοί), Ξηρός, Βασίλειος, 90
χαρτουλάριος τοΰ δρόμου,
'Ανατολικών, Κρατερός, Νικ..., 168
'Ανατολικών, Κωνσταντίνος, 142
Μώρας, Λέων, 195
Όψικίου, Μουσίλιος, 140
χαρτουλάριος τοΰ ορφανοτροφείου, Θεόδωρος, 56
(μέγας) τοΰ ορφανοτροφείου, Κωνσταντίνος, 56, 58
χαρτουλάριος (μέγας), τοΰ στρατιωτικού, Μιχαήλ, 219
χαρτοφΰλαξ, Ξιφιλΐνος, 162
Χασανόπουλος, Δαυίδ, 210
Μιχαήλ, 210
Χεριάνων (?), επίσκοπος, Ευστράτιος, 198
Χερσωνίτης Μιχαήλ, πατρίκιος, στρατηγός, 82, 154
Χερσώνος, αρχιεπίσκοπος, Γεώργιος, 209
αρχιεπίσκοπος, Δαμιανός, 209
άρχων, Κωνσταντίνος, 153
άρχων, 123, Γρηγόριος, 153
άρχων, Νικηφόρος, 153
άρχων, Θεοδόσιος, 153
έκδικος, 81
κομμερκιάριος, 81,153
νοτάριος, 82
πρωτεύων, 81, 'Ιωάννης, 154
πατέρες πόλεως, 81-2
πρωτονοτάριος, Στέφανος, 152
στρατηγός, 81, 125
στρατηγός, Καταφλώρος, Μιχαήλ, 192
στρατηγός, Πρωτεύων, 'Ιωάννης, 191
στρατηγός, Τζοΰλας, Λέων, 192
στρατηγός, Έπιφάνιος, 152, 192
στρατηγός, Θεοδόσιος, 152
στρατηγός, Θεόδωρος, 152
στρατηγός, Θεοφάνης, 152
στρατηγός, 'Ιωάννης, 152, 192
στρατηγός, Κωνσταντίνος, 152, 192
στρατηγός, Μιχαήλ, 152,
Χιονίδης, 'Ιωάννης cf. Κρομίδης, 'Ιωάννης, 203,
Χοιροσφάκτης, 'Ιωάννης, πρόεδρος, 157
Μιχαήλ, κριτής Λογγιβαρδίας και Καλαβρίας, 231
310
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES AND TERMS
311
INDEX OF ICONOGRAPHY
Anastasis, 170
Angel (with Theotokos), 174
Annunciation, (?) 168, 211, 232
bird, 152, 241
Christ: bust, (Χαλκίτης) 121; 155, 158, 222, 224, 231, 232, 233; (Εμμανουήλ) 204; 221,
223,238; seated on a throne, 172,178, 190, 226, 227; standing, 163, 189, 233 (crowning
Romanos IV and Eudokia); (between two apostels?) 241
cross: 244, 247; on steps, 152, 210, 225, 227; withIC XC ΝΙΚΑ, 140; ornemental, 159, 171,
217,236; patriarchal, 78,79,123,142,151,152,153,160,162,165,167, 169,179,182,
189, 190, 193, 205, 206, 225, 226, 228, 232, 233, 235, 236, 238, 244, 245, 249, 251;
(potent) 209, 242, 252
cypress tree, 234
eagle, 160, 166, 178, 187, 188, 190, 191, 206, 207, 208, 213, 222, 231, 235, 237, 245, 248,
252
elm tree, 250
emperor, unidentified, 223; Andronikos II Palaiologos, 189; Basil II and Constantine VIII,
222; Constans II, 151, 161, 218, 235; Constantine IV, 151, 161, 218, 235, 246;
Constantine V, 161; Constantine IX Monomachos, 224, 238; Constantine X Doukas,
224; Gratian, 154, Herakleios, 151, 161; Herakleios and Tiberios, 218, 235, 246;
Herakleios, Herakleios Constantine and Heraklonas, 185; Honorius and Theodosius II (?),
247; Isaakios, 178; Isaakios I Komnenos, 223; Justinian, 163, 176, 185, 204, 218 (with
the Virgin), 223, 249; Justinian II, 231,236; Justinos I (?), 220; Justinos II, 243; Leon III,
126, 161; Leon III and Constantine V, 183, 205, 220, 246; Leontios, 204; Manuel I
Komnenos, 204, 221; Maurikios, 199; Michael VI (?), 204; Michael VII Doukas, 190,
226, 227, 233 (with Constantine and Andronikos); Nikephoros III Botaneiates, 233;
Phokas, 134; Romanos I with Christophoros and Constantine, 233; Romanos IV and
Eudokia, 233; Tiberios, 151, 161; (with Herakleios), 218, 235, 246; Valentinian, 154;
Valens, 154
empress: Eudokia, 233; Theodora, 222, 226, 228
griffin, 191
human figures: head (nimbed), 164; bust (nimbed), 165, 186; bust (with crown), 236; two
busts, 212; female bust, 235; female figure: Ευνομία, 234 (with crown and cross);
female figure, Provincia Europa (?) 241; female figure, Carthago (?), 241; female figure
standing, 207, 208, 240, 241; male figure orans, between two beasts, Daniel (?), 249;
male figure dancing, 249; horseman, 161, 162, 185, 240; three figures, Christ between
two apostels (?) 241; two persons standing: The Virgin (?), 170; Rainerius Ceno (with
St. Mark), 204; John Doukas, caesar, 221
hypapante, 248
lamb, 221
lion, 186, 233, 248
lupa romana with Romulus and Remus, 162
monogram (cruciform invocative), 55, 57, 77, 115, 117, 123, 124, 125, 135, 136, 137, 138,
139, 140, 141, 151, 152, 153, 154, 159, 160, 161, 164, 165, 166, 167, 170 (Χριστέ
βοήθει), 177, 179, 183, 184, 189, 190, 191, 193, 204, 205, 206, 207, 210, 211, 217, 218,
220,221,222, 225,226,227,228,230,231,234,235, 236,237, 238, 240,242, 243, 244,
245, 247, 249, 250, 252
313
INDEX OF ICONOGRAPHY
314
INDEX OF ICONOGRAPHY
Komnenos), 170; (with St. George) 42,49; (with St. Nicholas and St. John Prodromos),
221; (with St. Theodore), 189, 224
St. Hyakinthos, (with St. Theodore), 250
St. Jacob, (with St. Nicholas), 212
St. John (non specified), 154
St. John the Baptist (Prodromos), 143, 146, 159, 173, 207 (?), 213; (with St. Nicholas and
St. George), 221; 222, 224, 227, 229, 238, 239, 241
St. John the Theologian, 12, 114, 151, 154, 166, 245
St. John Chrysostomos, 159, 246
Sts. Kosmas, (with Damianos) 193, 194
St. Mardarios, 194 (cf. St. Eustratios)
St. Mark, 21; (with St. Theodore), 21; 90, 91, 92, 204;
St. Merkourios, 157, 160, 181
St. Michael, 71, 87, 102, 118, 128, 129, 154, 155, 156, 157, 160, 168, 169, 175, 185, 189,
191, 192, 206,207; (with St. Gabriel) 222; 223, 229, 231,232,233, 239, 240, 241, 246,
250
St. Nestor, (with St. Demetrios), 184
St. Nicholas, 59, 70, 144, 152, 155, 157, 160, 163, 167, 171, 172, 176, 180, 182, 192, 195,
207; (with the Virgin), 207; 209, 212; (with St. Jacob), 212; 213, 214, 218, 219, 221;
(with St. George and St. John Prodromos), 221; 222, 223, 224, 232, 234, 238, 240, 241;
(with St. Basil) 242; 251
St. Nikephoros, (?) 178; (του Ξηροχωραφίου), 221
St. Orestos, 194 (cf. St. Eustratios)
St. Panteleemon, (with St. Theodoras), 148; 151, 169, 190, 193, 194, 205, 218
St. Peter, (?) 251
St. Peter and St. Paul, together, 52, 54,76, 208, 212, 219, 221, 222, 224,225, 227, 229, 230
St. Prokopios, 222, 245
St. Stephen, 212, 219, 241
St. Thekla, 242
St. Theodore, 21, 56, 148, 152, 153, 157, 158, 160, 161, 163, 172, 175, 176, 177, 180, 181;
(Stratelates and Tiron), 15; (with St. George), 189, 195, (?) 207, 224, 228; (on a horse)
208, 243; (Stratelates), 15, 214, 228; (?) 220, 223; 228; (Tiron), 15, 182, 228; 235, 236,
240; 244, 245, 249; (with St. Hyakinthos), 250; (with St. Demetrios), 252; (with
St. Mark), 21; with St. Panteleemon), 148
St. Thomas, 147
shepherd, 233
Theotokos: bust, 159, 160, 169, 170, 191, 232; bust "minimalorantengestus," 196; bust
orans, 162, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 179, 197, 219, 229, 234, 250, 251, 252;
bust orans with the Child, 163, 168, 170, 206, 212; bust orans with medallion, 101, 102,
157, 169, 182, 190, 210; bust Blachermtissa, 28, 143, 225, 236, 238, 251; bust with
Christ before her, 203, 209, 217, 231, 233; bust, holding Child, 223, 239, 240; bust,
holding the medallion, 87, 166, 167, 171, 172, 180, 181, 185, 186, 187, 209, 219, 220,
231, 238, 252; bust Hodegetria, 153, 155, 161,183, 184, 205, (with Christ in the 1. arm),
227, 228, 230, 231, 232, 242, 251; bust, Episkepsis, 109, 119, 156, 168, 194, 195, 205,
220, 221 (Ξεροχωραφίτισσα), 224, 225, 227, 229, 232, 238, 241, 246; bust, holding the
Child in r. arm, with an Angel,174; bust, Nikopoios, 28, 131, 132, 162, 192, 194, 198,
219, 221, 225, 227, 234, 240, 244, 251; bust (ή Άγιοσορίτισσα), turned at right, 242,
251; Dexiokratousa Hodegetria, 28; half-length, holding the medallion, 167; half-
length, holding the Child in 1. arm, 20; Hagiosoritissa, 28; seated on a throne, 58, 159,
188, 209, 214 (Hodegetria?); 222 (holding the Christ in front of her), 226, 228; (holding
the medallion in front of her), 209, 232, (holding Christ or the medallion), 233; (holding
the Christ in her 1. arm), 243; standing, (between two monograms), 231; standing orans,
180; standing Blachernitissa, 224; standing Dexiokratrousa, 190, 206; standing Epi-
skepsis 232, 238, 243; Episkepsis (ή Άντίληψις) 224 ; standing Hodegetria, (holding
Christ in 1. arm) 168, 179, 207, 211, 224, 234; (between two cypresses), 247 (ή
Νικοποιός), 245 (with St. John Theologos); standing Theoskepastos, 189, 224; standing,
holding medallion, 134, 159, 175, 185; standing, holding the Child before her, 110;
standing holding the Christ in r. arm, 174, 175, 218, 228; standing, turned towards
315
INDEX OF ICONOGRAPHY
Manus Dei, 143, 168, 174; standing with the emperor Justinian, 163, 218, 219; standing
with St. Nicholas (?), 207, standing with another figure, 170. Άθηναίς or Άθηνιώτισσα,
31; Άγιοσορίτισσα, 209; Άχειροποίητος, 35, 36 36; Βασσιώτισσα, 29; Βοήθεια, 31;
βοηθητική Δέσποινα, 31; Βοηθός, 31; Ειρηνοποιός, 31; 'Επίσκεψις, 33; Εύεργέτις, 30;
Κανικλειώτισσα, 33; Κυριώτισσα, 32, 33; Νικοποιός, 32; 'Οδηγήτρια, 30, 32;
Όροβίτισσα, 33; Περίδοξος, 34; Τραϊανουπολίτισσα, 30
Transfiguration, 212
316