Sie sind auf Seite 1von 49

Waffen – Gewalt – Krieg

Kolloquien und Publikationen


der Arbeitsgemeinschaft Eisenzeit
Beiträge zur Ur- und Frühgeschichte
Mitteleuropas 79

Waffen – Gewalt – Krieg

Beiträge zur Internationalen Tagung der AG Eisenzeit und


des Instytut Archeologii Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego –
Rzeszów 19.-22. September 2012

Herausgegeben von
Stefanie Wefers, Maciej Karwowski, Janine Fries-Knoblach,
Peter Trebsche & Peter C. Ramsl

BEIER & BERAN. ARCHÄOLOGISCHE FACHLITERATUR


LANGENWEISSBACH 2015
Es ist nicht gestattet, diese Arbeit ohne Zustimmung von Verlag, Autoren und
Herausgebern ganz oder auszugsweise nachzudrucken, zu kopieren oder auf
sonst irgendeine Art zu vervielfältigen !

Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP-Einheitsaufnahme

Bibliographische Information Der Deutschen Bibliothek.


Die Deutsche Bibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation
in der Deutschen Nationalbibliographie; detaillierte bibliographische
Daten sind im Internet über <http://dnb.ddb.de> abrufbar.

Gedruckt mit Unterstützung durch das Instytut Archeologii Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego.

Nähere Informationen zur AG Eisenzeit und ihren Mitgliedern


sowie zu Tagungsprogrammen finden Sie auf: www.ag-eisenzeit.de .

Impressum

Verlag: Beier & Beran. Archäologische Fachliteratur


Thomas-Müntzer-Str. 103, Weißbach, D-08134 Langenweißbach
Tel. 037603 / 3688. Fax 3690
Internet: www.beier-beran.de, Email verlagbeier@aol.com
Redaktion: Hans-Jürgen Beier und Herausgeber
Englischlektorat: Hazel Person
Satz/Layout: Lektorat Susanne Kubenz, Halle/Sa.
Druck: Verlag
Herstellung: Buchbinderei Reinhardt
Weidenweg 17, 06120 Halle/Sa.
Preis: 44,50 EUR
Vertrieb: Verlag
oder jede andere Buchhandlung
online unter www.archaeologie-und-buecher.de

C: Copyright und V. i. S. d. P. für den Inhalt liegen bei den jeweiligen Autoren

ISBN 978-3-95741-042-9

hergestellt in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland / printed in Germany

Vorsatz: silberne Beinschiene aus Agighiol in Rumänien (s. Beitrag Rustoiu & Berecki).
Inhalt

Stefanie Wefers / Maciej Karwowski u. a.


Vorwort. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5

Frühe Eisenzeit

Ines Beilke-Voigt. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7–27


Ritualisierte Bestattungen in der frühen Eisenzeit. Eine vergleichende
Betrachtung zu den Befunden von Lossow (Brandenburg) und Gzin (Polen)

Jacek Gackowski. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29–36


Waffen und Jagdausstattung der Einwohner der befestigten Siedlung
der Lausitzer Kultur in Mirakowo-Grodno (Fundstelle 6) bei Toruń

Alexandra Ghenghea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37–44


Verbreitung und Bedeutung der Waffenfunde vom Typ Ciumbrud

Späte / jüngere vorrömische Eisenzeit

Vladimír Salač. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45–52


Zu Spuren der Gewalt in keltischen Oppida und offenen Siedlungen

Andrej Vrtel. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53–69


Bemerkungen zum Katastrophenhorizont des Bratislavaer Oppidums

Jan Kysela. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71–82


Wherefore the Walls

Martin Schönfelder. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83–91


Sklaven und Sklavenketten in der jüngeren Latènezeit:
zu neuen Nachweismöglichkeiten

Florian Klimscha. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93–109


Spearheads, butt-spikes and fighting.
A source-critical perspective on Late Iron Age violence cultures

Ivan Drnić. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111–126


La Tène spearheads from the south-eastern Pannonia and the northern Balkans:
typology, chronology, ritual and social context

Aurel Rustoiu / Sándor Berecki. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127–148


Weapons as symbols and the multiple identities of the warriors.
Some examples from Transylvania

Josip Kobal’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149–159


Waffen aus dem keltischen Zentrum von Galliš–Lovačka (Transkarpatien, Ukraina)

Lisa Deutscher. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 161–174


Latènezeitliche Schwerter mit Stempelmarken

Piotr Łuczkiewicz. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175–207


Kriegergemeinschaften im Ostseebereich während der jüngeren vorrömischen Eisenzeit
Marko Dizdar / Ivan Radman-Livaja . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209–227
Continuity of the Late La Tène warrior elite in the
Early Roman Period in south-eastern Pannonia

Andrzej Maciałowicz / Marcin Woźniak . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 229–269


Vanishing weapons. The cemetery at Kleszewo and ‘pacifistic’ burial
customs in the Przeworsk Culture during the Late Pre-Roman Period

Bartosz Kontny . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 271–283


Was Tacitus right? On the existence of hitting weapons of organic
materials amongst the Balt tribes

Aktuelle Forschungen in Polen

Sylwester Czopek / Katarzyna Trybała-Zawiślak . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 285–301


Early Iron Age in south-eastern Poland

Andrzej Pydyn. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 303–315


Seeufersiedlungen der Frühen Eisenzeit aus Mittelwestpolen

Anna Strobin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 317–326


Die Oksywie-Kultur – Forschungsstand und Stand der Quellenerschließung

Gedankensplitter

Peter Ramsl. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 327–333


Gewalt und Krieg – grundsätzliche Überlegungen für die mitteleuropäische Eisenzeit

Anhang

Tagungsprogramm und Impressionen. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 335–xx


BUFM 79, „Vorwort“
5

Vorwort

Die 25. Sitzung der AG Eisenzeit fand in Rzes- Czopek, sowie mgr Joanna Ligoda, ebenfalls
zów, Polen, statt und zeichnete sich durch ein Archäologische Abteilung, für ihre organisatori-
umfangreiches und internationales Vortrags- sche Unterstützung vor Ort ein herzlicher Dank.
programm an insgesamt drei Tagen sowie Die ganztägige Exkursion, die uns zu der
einen Exkursionstag aus. Diese eigenständig UNESCO-Weltkulturerbestätte der Holzkir-
im Ausland organisierte Tagung verdeutlicht che in Blizne, sowie weiteren Kirchen in Hum-
in der Geschichte der AG Eisenzeit nun bereits niska, Czerteż, Mrzygłód, Hłomcza, Dobra und
zum siebten Mal, dass ihre Aktivitäten über die Ulucz und abschließend in das Freilichtmuseum
Grenzen Deutschlands hinweg wahrgenom- Muzeum Budownictwa Ludowego in Sanok
men werden und, wie die rege Beteiligung zeigt, führte, wurde durch die fachkundige Führung
ganz besonderen Zuspruch in der Arbeitsge- von mgr Marcin Krowiak und den dortigen
meinschaft finden. Die Idee in Rzeszów, einer abendlichen Empfang zu einem unvergesslichen
Stadt im Südosten Polens im Karpatenvorland, Ereignis. Ein großer Dank für die Gastfreund-
eine Sitzung abzuhalten, ging von Maciej Kar- schaft geht daher an den Direktor des Muzeum
wowski aus, einem Mitglied des Beirats der AG Budownictwa Ludowego, mgr Jerzy Ginalski.
Eisenzeit und Mitarbeiter des Instytut Archeo- Schließlich wäre die Publikation der Beiträge
logii Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego. Vor allem ohne die finanzielle Unterstützung des Instytut
seiner Organisation sowie seinem Engagement Archeologii Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego unter
vor Ort ist das tadellose Gelingen dieser Tagung seiner Direktorin prof. dr Małgorzata Rybicka
zu verdanken. nicht in der vorliegenden Art und Weise möglich
In insgesamt 34 Vorträgen wurde das gewesen, wofür die Herausgeber ihren Dank aus-
Tagungsthema „Waffen – Gewalt – Krieg“ aufge- drücken möchten. Auch die redaktionelle Unter-
griffen, weitere sieben Vortragende stellten aktu- stützung von Aneta Skrzypczak, BA, sei in die-
elle Forschungen zur polnischen Eisenzeit vor. sem Zusammenhang dankend hervorgehoben.
Für die finanzielle Unterstützung ist die AG Ein besonderer Dank gilt zudem den Studen-
Eisenzeit der Fundacja Rzeszowskiego Ośrodka tinnen Dominika Kulikowska, Monika Orszak
Archeologicznego mit ihrer Vorsitzenden mgr und Edyta Marek, die stets für das Wohl der
Joanna Berdowska sowie dem Prorektor der Vortragenden und Zuhörer sorgten und jegli-
Universität Rzeszów, prof. dr Sylwester Czopek, che Widrigkeiten von den Tagungsteilnehmern
verbunden. Zusätzlich gebührt mgr inż. Janusz unbemerkt im Hintergrund umschifften.
Marzygliński, dessen finanzielle Unterstützung Mit diesem Tagungsband etabliert sich die
zum außerordentlichen Erfolg der Tagung bei- Publikation der Sitzungen der AG Eisenzeit in
getragen hat, ein ganz herausragender Dank. der Reihe „Beiträge zur Ur- und Frühgeschichte
Für den herzlichen Empfang des Direktors Mitteleuropas“ einmal mehr. Dafür möchten wir
des Muzeum Okręgowe in Rzeszów, mgr Bog- Herrn Dr. habil. Hans-Jürgen Beier ausdrücklich
dan Kaczmar, und die Möglichkeit, in den bes- danken. Nicht zuletzt ist allen Autoren für ihre
tens ausgestatteten Räumlichkeiten des Muse- kompetente und zügige Zusammenarbeit zu
ums die Tagung abzuhalten, möchten sich die danken.
Herausgeber ganz besonders bedanken. Zudem
gilt der Leiterin der Archäologischen Abteilung
des Muzeum Okręgowe, dr Joanna Podgórska- Die Herausgeber
BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
229

Andrzej Maciałowicz, Marcin Woźniak

Vanishing weapons. The cemetery at Kleszewo and ,pacifistic’ burial


customs in the Przeworsk Culture during the Late Pre-Roman Period

Keywords: Przeworsk Culture / Late Pre-Roman Iron The appearance of both phenomena in the
Age / burial rite / ‚female oriented‘ cemeteries / Przeworsk Culture cannot be easily explained.
pars pro toto They could be somehow related to older tra-
Schlagwörter: Przeworsk-Kultur / jüngere vorrömi- ditions of the Early Iron Age. However, direct
sche Eisenzeit / Bestattungssitte / ‚frauenorien- relations with Germanic societies inhabiting the
tierte‘ Gräberfelder / pars pro toto Elbe basin are also to be taken into consideration
(esp. concerning ‘gender oriented’ cemeteries),
Summary as many other finds discussed in the text indi-
The vast cemetery of the Przeworsk Culture at cate similar connections. After all, most prob-
Kleszewo yielded over 100 graves dated to the ably these were two-way influences, as the prac-
Late Pre-Roman Period and ca. 150 graves dated tice of furnishing graves with only ‘fragmentary’
to the Early Roman Period. What is striking is military offerings, esp. shield fittings, seems to
the fact that only four burials were furnished appear in the Przeworsk Culture milieu earlier
with weapons or other warrior gear (a sword’s than in grave sites located in Central Germany.
belt elements). One of them contained only a sin-
gle shield rivet and a sword’s scabbard fittings. Zusammenfassung
None of the graves contained typical men’s tools, Das große Gräberfeld der Przeworsk-Kultur in
personal items or attire, while findings com- Kleszewo brachte über 100 in die jüngere vorrö-
monly associated with women are very frequent. mische Eisenzeit und über 150 in die frühe römi-
Moreover, all four graves with military objects sche Kaiserzeit datierte Gräber hervor. Es fällt
are dated chiefly to phase A2 (or A2/A3), thus auf, dass nur vier Bestattungen mit Waffen oder
representing the opening phase of the cemetery, kriegerischer Ausrüstung (Schwertgürtelteilen)
exclusively. In this respect two phenomena ausgestattet waren. Eine davon enthielt nur
concerning Przeworsk Culture burial rites are einen einzigen Schildniet und Schwertscheiden-
subject to analysis: the presence of cemeteries beschläge. In keinem Grab gab es typisch männ-
lacking weapon graves and the practice of fur- liche Werkzeuge, persönliche Gegenstände oder
nishing graves with only ‘fragmentary’ military Kleidung, während mit Frauen assoziierte Funde
offerings (sometimes interpreted as the pars sehr zahlreich waren. Darüber hinaus datieren
pro toto principle). The first one is represented alle vier Gräber mit kriegerischen Beigaben in die
mostly in what we distinguish as ‘children’ and Stufe A2 (oder A2/A3) und repräsentieren somit
‘female oriented’ cemeteries (as regards the social ausschließlich die Startphase des Gräberfeldes.
roles of buried individuals rather than their bio- In dieser Hinsicht werden zwei Erscheinungen
logical sex or age). We suggest that grave site die Bestattungssitten der Przeworsk-Kultur
at Kleszewo became ‘female oriented’ in phase betreffend analysiert: Gräberfelder ohne Waf-
A3. As for the second phenomenon, it is hard to fengräber und Ausstattung der Gräber mit nur
interpret; however, links with the exact pars pro militärischen Teilmitgaben (die man manchmal
toto rule are doubtful. Some of the graves of this als pars pro toto-Prinzip interpretiert). Die eine
kind also contained, apart from military items wird hauptsächlich durch hier unterschiedene
(esp. shield rivets), typically female objects or „Kinder“- und „Frauengräberfelder“ repräsen-
possible women’s remains, according to anthro- tiert (in genderorientierter Hinsicht, denn es geht
pological data. hier eher um die soziale Rolle des Verstorbenen
BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
230

als um das biologische Geschlecht oder Alter). Es począwszy od fazy A3. Trudniej zinterpretować
wird vorgeschlagen, dass das Gräberfeld in Kle­ drugie ze wspomnianych zjawisk, ale łączenie
szewo in der Stufe A3 „frauenorientiert“ wurde. go z zasadą pars pro toto wydaje się wątpliwe.
Das andere Phänomen ist schwer zu deuten, Niektóre z grobów, obok „zdekompletowanych”
jedoch scheinen Verbindungen mit dem genauen militariów (przede wszystkim nitów okuwają-
pars pro toto-Prinzip fraglich. Manche derartige cych tarczę), zawierały także typowo kobiece
Bestattungen beinhalteten, abgesehen von mili- zabytki lub – w świetle danych antropologicz-
tärischen Gegenständen (bes. Schildniete), auch nych – były pochówkami kobiet.
typisch weibliche Funde oder − nach anthropo- Nie jest łatwo wyjaśnić pojawienie się obu
logischer Analyse − Knochen. tych zjawisk funeralnych w kulturze przewor-
Beide Erscheinungen in der Przeworsk- skiej. Mogą one nawiązywać do wcześniej-
Kultur sind nicht einfach zu interpretieren. Sie szych lokalnych tradycji ze starszego okresu
können irgendwie auf frühere Traditionen der przedrzymskiego i wczesnej epoki żelaza. Z
älteren vorrömischen Eisenzeit zurückgegen. drugiej strony, w świetle omawianych w tek-
Allerdings sollen unmittelbare Beziehungen mit ście znalezisk, należy wziąć także pod uwagę
an der Elbe lebenden germanischen Völkern powiązania z germańskimi społecznościami
(bes. hinsichtlich „frauenorientierter“ Gräber- osiadłymi w dorzeczu Łaby (co szczególnie
felder) ebenfalls in Betracht gezogen werden, dotyczyć może użytkowania osobnych „kobie-
weil viele im Text besprochene Funde ähnliche cych” lub „męskich” cmentarzysk). Zresztą były
Verbindungen nahelegen. Jedenfalls waren es to zapewne wzajemne, obustronne wpływy,
rezi­proke Einflüsse, da die Sitte, militärische bowiem zwyczaj składania do grobu „zdekom-
Teilmitgaben (bes. Schildbeschläge) ins Grab zu pletowanych” militariów, przede wszystkim
legen, in der Przeworsk-Kultur früher als auf elementów tarczy, pojawia się wcześniej w śro-
Gräberfeldern in Mitteldeutschland aufgekom- dowisku kultury przeworskiej niż na cmenta-
men zu sein scheint. rzyskach w środkowych Niemczech.

Streszczenie * * *
Na rozległym cmentarzysku kultury przewor-
skiej w Kleszewie odkryto ponad 100 grobów Military items from Kleszewo
z młodszego okresu przedrzymskiego i ok. 150 Kleszewo is a village in northern Mazovia situ-
grobów z okresu wczesnorzymskiego. Uderza- ated approximately 3 km to the north of Pułtusk.
jące jest, że tylko cztery inwentarze grobowe The multiple culture site occupies the slope of a
zawierały broń lub innego rodzaju wyposaże- sandy elevation at the confluence of the Narew
nie wojownika (elementy pasa mieczowego). W and its tributary the Pełta (Fig. 1). The cemetery
skład jednego z nich wchodził pojedynczy nit tar- was discovered in 1961 during sand extraction by
czy oraz okucia pochwy miecza. Ponadto w żad- the local population. Two years later the site was
nym z pozostałych grobów nie odkryto typowo inspected and the remains of few ancient graves
męskich narzędzi, przedmiotów codziennego were identified. Another inspection, made in the
użytku, ani elementów stroju, podczas gdy zna- summer of 1964, confirmed the presence of the
leziska zwyczajowo wiązane z pochówkami grave pits, fast eroding in the crumbling face of
kobiecymi są na cmentarzysku bardzo liczne. the sand pit and the decision was taken to make
Wszystkie cztery groby zawierające militaria a rescue excavation. Nine seasons of regular
należy datować na fazę A2 (ewentualnie na sta- fieldwork supervised by Stefan Woyda, then
dium A2/A3), a więc reprezentują one wyłącznie the Voivodeship Conservator of Archaeologi-
najwcześniejszy horyzont użytkowania nekro- cal Monuments, were completed in 1964–1972.
poli. W związku z tym, analizie poddano dwa Some 7600 m2 were investigated and over 1000
zjawiska dotyczące obrządku pogrzebowego features revealed. Over a half were graves of the
kultury przeworskiej: występowanie cmenta- Przeworsk Culture and Wielbark Culture dat-
rzysk, na których brak jest grobów z bronią oraz able to between phase A2 of the Late Pre-Roman
zwyczaj składania do grobów „zdekompletowa- Period and the Early Migration Period. Next
nych” elementów uzbrojenia (niekiedy interpre- to them a few hundred Bronze Age settlement
towany jako świadectwo stosowania zasady pars features were identified (mostly of the Trzciniec
pro toto). Pierwsze z tych zjawisk reprezentują Culture) and a few score early medieval inhu-
przede wszystkim cmentarzyska zinterpreto- mation graves (Woyda 1965; 1968; 1969; 1970;
wane przez nas jako „dziecięce” i „kobiece” (co 1971; 1972; 1973).1
należy rozumieć w aspekcie nie tyle ściśle bio- What is striking about the cemetery at
logicznym, co kulturowym, związanym ze spo- Kleszewo is the virtual absence in the grave
łeczną rolą pochowanych osób). Nekropola w assemblages of military items and equestrian
Kleszewie stała się cmentarzyskiem „kobiecym” gear. This situation does not surprise in Wiel-
BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
231

Fig. 1. Location of the cemetery at Kleszewo.

bark Culture inventories dated to the Late Grave 147 (cremation pit burial) (Fig. 2)2
Roman Period but is definitely very unusual for A pit of oval plan, ca. 150 cm × 70 cm, extended
the Przeworsk Culture, which is represented at NE-SW; basin-like section, with an uneven bot-
Kleszewo by at least 250 grave assemblages. Out tom and a maximum depth of 30 cm. Dark grey
of approximately 100 inventories dated to the fill, black in N and S area of pit, with pyre debris.
Late Pre-Roman Period only four held objects Within the pit, scattered burnt human bones and
interpreted as military ones (graves 147, 402, potsherds; in N area, a rivet, at centre, several
409A, 655). Moreover, in ca. 150 graves dated to iron object fragments. Bones determined as a
the Early Roman Period none was found at all. maturus female.3
Inventory (inv. no. MSHM/A/126):4 1. Iron
rivet with a round head and a rectangular-sec-

3 Human bone remains were determined osteologically


1 Findings from Kleszewo are now being studied by by Assistant Professor A. Wiercińska; their present where-
M. Woźniak within the project financed by National Science abouts are unknown.
Centre (Narodowe Centrum Nauki) granted based on decis- 4 The finds from Kleszewo are now in the following muse-
ion no. DEC-2013/09/N/HS3/02882. ums: Museum of Ancient Mazovian Metallurgy in Prusz-
2 The number of a find in the drawing is the same as its ków, Regional Museum in Pułtusk, and State Archaeological
number in the catalogue. Museum in Warsaw.
BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
232

Fig. 2. Kleszewo, grave 147. 1–8 iron; 9–13 pottery (key to the drawing: see Fig. 3).

tioned shaft; rivet head D. 2.2 cm, surviving L. 0.8–2 cm; 7. 2 iron sheet fragments with a round
2 cm; 2. Iron rivet fragment, head damaged by hole (holes?); 8. Ca. 30 uncharacteristic iron object
corrosion; rivet head D. 1.2–1.5 cm, L. 1.5 cm; 3. fragments; 9. Sherds from a vase, Dąbrowska
Iron bar fragment, triangular-sectioned, lightly group IV,5 everted, thickened and facetted rim,
curved at one end; surviving L. 4.1 cm; 4. Iron
ring fragment, D. 1.7 cm; 5. 2 iron rod fragments,
curved (from a ring?), Th. ca. 0.2 cm; 6. 5 iron
bar fragments, triangular-sectioned; surviving L. 5 Vessel typology of T. Dąbrowska (1997, 101–104).
BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
233

Fig. 4. Kleszewo, grave 402.

point; scabbard fashioned from two pieces of


sheet, the back piece overlapping over the edges
of the front piece; on the scabbard mouth, an
incomplete S-shaped clasp;6 symmetrical loop
with lightly rounded plates; the chape incom-
plete; in its upper part, a decorative disc (one of
Fig. 3. Kleszewo, grave 402. the original two), with an ornament of circum-
ferential concentric grooves; total L. of sword
engraved ornament; smoothed; burnt; rim D. 105 cm, L. of hilt tang 14 cm, W. of blade at forte
ca. 17–18 cm; 10. Sherds from a bowl, thickened 5.5 cm; 2. Iron spearhead with laurel-shaped
and facetted rim; burnt; 11. Sherds from a bowl, blade and prominent rib; edges of lower part of
straight, unthickened rim; surface at the rim, blade deliberately disfigured (corrugated 7);near
smooth, lower down, rugged; 12. Sherd from a to socket base, iron round-headed rivet; total L.
cup, thickened and facetted rim; burnt; 13. Base of spearhead 23 cm, incl. L. of socket 6 cm, max.
sherd; smooth, glossy surface; burnt; base D. ca. blade W. 4.5 cm, socket base D. 1.8 cm; 3. Iron belt
18–20 cm; 14. A few dozen uncharacteristic pot- fitting, a strip of sheet folded onto a bronze ring,
sherds, some burnt. decorated with two iron rosette-shaped appli-
qués in openwork (?); markedly corroded; L. of
Grave 402 (cremation pit burial) (Figs. 3–7) strip 6.8 cm, D. of ring: 3.1–3.4 cm, Th. of ring
A pit of rectangular plan rounded at the corners, 0.5 cm; 4. Sherd from a jug, Dąbrowska group
130 cm × 100 cm, extended N-S; basin-like sec- V, thickened and facetted rim, engraved orna-
tion, maximum depth of 20 cm. Grey-black fill, ment; smoothed surface; burnt; rim D. 10 cm;
with pyre debris. Within the pit, scattered burnt surviving H. 18 cm; 5. Sherd from bowl, thick-
human bones (now missing), potsherds and ened rim; eroded surface; burnt; 6. Sherd from a
small fragments of iron sheet, possibly of the cup, thickened and facetted rim; coarse surface;
sword’s scabbard; within the pit bottom, by the
S pit margin, a concentration of metal objects: a
sword deliberately bent out of shape, partly still
resting inside its scabbard, with underneath, a 6 Evidently there was an attempt to remove the clasp by
spearhead and a belt mount. pushing it up the scabbard; this is suggested by the high
Inventory (inv. no. MSHM/A/326): 1. Iron position of the bar with the S-design and the edges of the
clasp which project over the scabbard opening (Figs. 3, 4,
double-edged sword inside scabbard; on the 5,1d).
blade, several irregular indentations, possibly 7 Similar traces of ritual destruction of spearheads – see
traces of an ornament (etched, chased?); rounded Czarnecka/Kontny 2009, 37–38 Fig. 7.
BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
234

7. Sherd from a large vessel; smoothed surface; a cup; thickened, facetted rim, engraved orna-
reconstructed base D. ca. 20 cm; 8. Base sherd; ment; facetted handle edges; smooth, blackened
smoothed surface; 9. Several dozen uncharacter- surface; rim D. ca. 14 cm; 5. Sherds from a cup
istic potsherds, some burnt, presumably belong- (?); thickened, facetted rim; smoothed surface;
ing to vessels nos. 4–8. burnt; rim D. ca. 15 cm; 6. Sherds from a bowl;
thickened, facetted rim; smoothed surface; burnt;
Grave 409A (cremation pit burial) rim D. ca. 23 cm; 7. Sherd from a jug, Dąbrowska
(Figs. 8 and 9) group III, thickened, facetted rim, engraved
A pit of irregular plan, cut in N area by grave ornament on body and handle; smoothed sur-
409B (from Early Roman Period); basin-like sec- face; burnt; rim D. 7.5 cm; 8. Sherds from a jug,
tion, maximum depth of 55 cm. Fill dark grey, in
places, black, with pyre debris. Within the pit,
scattered burnt human bones (now missing) and
artefacts.
Inventory (inv. no. MSHM/A/333): 1. Iron
ring-shaped belt hook; L. ca. 4 cm; ring D. 2.2 cm;
2. Iron ring; on its surface, several indentations,
possibly traces of ornament (?); D. 2.1 cm; 3. Sev-
eral iron sheet fragments, corroded; 4. Sherd from

Fig. 6. Kleszewo, grave 402. 2 iron; 3 bronze and


Fig. 5. Kleszewo, grave 402. 1 iron. iron.

Fig. 7. Kleszewo, grave 402. 4–7 pottery.


BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
235

Fig. 8. Kleszewo, grave 409A. 1–2 iron; 4–8 pottery.

Dąbrowska group III; smoothed surface; rim D. ened and daubed; rim D. 18 cm; base D. 10.5 cm;
ca. 20 cm; 9. Sherd from a jug, Dąbrowska group H. 11.5 cm; 12. Base sherds (possibly from no. 9
V, thickened, facetted rim, engraved ornament; jug); smoothed surface; base D. ca. 10 cm, surviv-
smoothed surface; burnt; rim D. ca. 10 cm; 10. ing H. 6.5 cm; 13. Sherds from a cup, thickened,
Sherds from a pot, Dąbrowska group VI, thick- facetted rim, engraved ornament; smoothed sur-
ened, facetted rim; blackened, smoothed sur- face; rim D. ca. 7 cm; 14. Rim sherds, thickened,
face; rim D. ca. 18 cm; surviving H. ca. 23 cm; 11. facetted; smoothed surface; 15. Ornamented
Sherds from a low pot, thickened, facetted rim; body sherd (from a jug, Dąbrowska group V?);
rough surface at rim, lower down, lightly rough- smoothed surface; 16. Ornamented body sherds
BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
236

Fig. 9. Kleszewo, grave 409A. 9–16 pottery.

(from vase Dąbrowska group IV?); smoothed long socket, decorated at base with two circum-
surface. ferential grooves, between which, a hole for the
nail, between two more diagonal incisions (form-
Grave 655 (cremation pit burial) ing the ‘eye’ design10), tip deliberately disfigured
(Figs. 10 and 11) (slightly bent); total L. of spearhead 27.4 cm, L. of
A pit of oval plan, ca. 100 × 70 cm, extended socket 11 cm, maximum W. of blade 3.5 cm; D. of
N-S; basin-like section, with an uneven bottom socket base 1.7 cm; 3. Iron knife with a straight
and maximum depth of 30 cm. The fill at cen- blade, handle with two rivet holes; surviving L.
tre in the top layer, dark grey, surrounded and 12.5 cm, max. W of blade 2.4 cm; 4. Cup, thick-
underlain by deep black, compacted, with pyre ened and facetted rim; smoothed, glossy surface;
debris. Within the pit, numerous potsherds and burnt; rim D. 14 cm, base D. 7 cm, H. 11.5 cm;
burnt human bones; in E area, a brooch, knife 5. Cup, everted, facetted rim; smoothed, glossy
and concentration of burnt bones; in W area, a surface; burnt; rim D. 12.5 cm, base D. 8 cm, H.
spearhead and a complete miniature cup (no. 7). 11 cm; 6. Jug, Dąbrowska group V, everted, fac-
Bones determined as infans II – iuvenis8 or etted rim, engraved ornament; smoothed sur-
iuvenis – adultus.9 face; burnt; rim D. ca. 11 cm; base D. 6 cm, H.
Inventory (inv. no. MSHM/A/515): 1. Iron ca. 15 cm; 7. Miniature cup, markedly everted
brooch of late La Tène construction with a flat- rim; burnt; rim D. 7 cm, base D. 4.5 cm, H. 4 cm;
tened, broadening bow; L. 5.2 cm; 2. Iron spear- 8. Pot, Dąbrowska group VI, thickened, facetted
head with a narrow, lancet-shaped blade and rim; smoothed surface; burnt; rim D. 17 cm; base
D. 12.5 cm; H. 24 cm; 9. Several uncharacteristic

8 Determination Assistant Professor A. Wiercińska.


9 Determination Doctor of Medicine J. Wronka. 10 Cf. Czarnecka/Kontny 2008, 37 Fig. 5.
BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
237

Fig. 10. Kleszewo, grave 655. 1–3 iron.

potsherds, some burnt, presumably belonging with a broad chronology that covers the entire
to vessels nos. 4–8. Late Pre-Roman Period (Bochnak 2005, 78;
Łuczkiewicz 2006, 119), but the brooch found in
Two of the graves listed here (nos. 402 and 655) the same assemblage (Fig. 10,1) helps to refine its
contained weapons. The spearheads from both chronology to the developed stage of phase A2,
these features are forms frequently encountered at the latest to stage A2/A311 (synchronised with
in Przeworsk Culture inventories. The speci- phase LT D1 and the very beginnings of LT D2).
men from grave 655 (Fig. 10,2) represents type This dating is compatible also with the pottery
7d of T. Bochnak or type H/1 of P. Łuczkiewicz, discovered in this grave (cf. Dąbrowska 1988,
BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
238

Fig. 11. Kleszewo, grave 655. 4–8 pottery.

28–36; 2008, 8). The spearhead from grave 402 86–88 Figs. 35 and 36). They are a widespread
(Fig. 6,2) represents type 7a of Bochnak, dated to Celtic form and the closest counterparts of the
phases A1–A2, or type F/1 of Łuczkiewicz with scabbard from Kleszewo (apart from a dozen or
a dating which covers the entire Late Pre-Roman so Polish finds) would be numerous finds from
Period (Bochnak 2005, 77; Łuczkiewicz 2006, 113, the eastern province of La Tène Culture and also
116). The chronology of this assemblage is nar- the territory of the Púchov- and Padea-Panagjur-
rowed down by the presence of the scabbard ski Kolonii Culture, where they are dated chiefly
with an S-shaped clasp and chape with a distinc- to LT D1.12 Therefore scabbards from Poland
tive ornament (Figs. 3–5). Similar scabbards are (together with their swords) are interpreted as
classified by Polish researchers as ‘type Parusze- imports from the Celtic milieu (Bochnak 2005,
wice’ and dated reliably to phase A2 of the Late 45–47, 158; Łuczkiewicz 2006, 182). It is safe to
Pre-Roman Period (Bochnak 2005, 38–39, 46; 2014, assume that the iron belt fitting with a bronze
ring, decorated with two iron rosette-shaped

11 This brooch has no parallels in the Przeworsk Culture


and cannot be classified conclusively. Its only relatively by their broadening, flattened bows – probably patterned
close analogy comes from the Oksywie Culture cemetery at on Celtic brooches of the Nauheim type, also known from
Bystrzec (former Weißhof), distr. Kwidzyn, grave 133 (Heym Mazovia and Pomerelia, where they are dated chiefly to
1961, 153 Fig. 8,4). Both specimens evidently resemble type stage A2/A3 (cf. Bochnak 2014, 45).
‘Kostrzewski, Fig. 17’, occurring in Pomerelia during phase 12 Łuczkiewicz/Schönfelder 2011, 172–182; Bochnak 2014,
A2 (cf. Kostrzewski 1919, 33, 261 List 11, Fig. 17; Pietrzak 86–87; cf. Meduna 1961, Pl. 31,1,7; Pieta 2010, Fig. 97,2;
1987, Pls. LXI,69b, LXIX,179b, XC,330a). They differ only Kotigoroško 2009, Fig. 22,4; 2010, Fig. 5,1.
BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
239

Fig. 12. Kamieńczyk, grave 156. Single-edged sword and the fittings of its scabbard.

appliqués in openwork (Fig. 6,3,3a) found in found among the scabbards with open-work
the same grave is also Celtic handiwork, even decoration, known both from the Lipica Culture
though it is impossible to pinpoint any paral- in Western Ukraine, identified with Dacians,
lel to this find. Some stylistic similarities can be and from Gaul (Cigilik 2003, 172 Fig. 14,Б,6; Fer-
BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
240

diere/Villard 1993, 206 Fig. 2–127).13 However, This type of custom, though recorded in Prze-
what needs to be emphasised is that the time worsk Culture cemeteries of the Late Pre-Roman
frame for manufacturing of scabbards decorated Period, has not been broadly discussed in Polish
in such a manner is substantially later than the literature.
chronology of grave 402 at Kleszewo as it cov- In summary, the four graves excavated at
ers phase LT D2 and the beginning of the Roman Kleszewo dated chiefly to phase A2 contained
Period (for further literature see Böhme-Schön- both confirmed (402, 655) and probable (147)
berger 2002; Bochnak/Czarnecka 2006; Istenič military items as well as pieces of warrior gear
2010). (409A). Given that a hundred or so Przeworsk
Two other objects possibly associated with Culture burials from the Late Pre-Roman Period
weapons would be the ring-shaped belt hook were discovered in the cemetery, this is an unex-
and the ring discovered together in grave 409A pectedly small percentage of weapon graves (ca.
(Fig. 8,1,2), used to fasten the belt to which a dou- 4 %). During this period warrior graves usually
ble-edged sword was attached (cf. Kostrzewski make up between ca. 10–20 % of all burials dis-
1919, 62 Fig. 48; Bochnak 2005, 57–60). This kind covered in cemeteries (Fig. 13).16 Also known
of belt hooks are believed to be Celtic imports, are grave sites where weapon graves make up
even though they are quite numerous in Poland ca. 30 %, and even as many as 40 % graves, and
(Bochnak 2014, 69 Fig. 26). Similar sets recorded the ‘record-holder’ among them is the cemetery
in Przeworsk Culture deposits date mainly to at Wesółki, distr. Kalisz, with a score of 48.1 %
phase A2 and this chronology of grave 409A – or (Fig. 13).17 Naturally, this is a static perspective
slightly later: A2/A3 – can be supported by its applied to the entire Late Pre-Roman Period
pottery inventory. while we know that the percentage of weapon
Less easy to interpret is the inventory of graves in cemeteries tended to increase with
grave 147. Out of several iron objects discov- each new phase (Bochnak 2005, 139).
ered in it more notable are fragments of iron In this context the cemetery at Kleszewo
triangular-sectioned bars (Fig. 2,3,6), reminis- (with ca. 4 % warrior graves) is clearly extraordi-
cent of C-shaped fittings of scabbards used nary among other large grave sites dated to the
with single-edged swords. As for the two iron Late Pre-Roman Period, although we do have
rings (Fig. 2,4,5), they could have been scabbard a similar situation at smaller sites like Wólka
attachments (Fig. 12; cf. Kostrzewski 1919, 102 Domaniowska (6.4 %), where some graves con-
Fig. 94; Bochnak 2005, 71 Fig. 20; Dąbrowska tained no more than a single shield rivet, and
1997, Pls. LXXXIV,156,2–8, CXLVII,323,9,10).14 possibly at Pełczyska, which also yielded very
The rivet with a large, round head (Fig. 2,1) fits few items of weaponry (Rudnicki 2009, 304–
the description of rivets used on shields very 305). However, the latter site is heavily devas-
well (Bochnak 2005, 124).15 Single-edged swords tated. It is also worth noting that all four buri-
(and elements of their scabbards) are seen in als from Kleszewo date to phase A2 (or perhaps
Przeworsk Culture graves starting from phase the stage of A2/A3), that is the opening phase of
A2 (cf. Bochnak 2005, 66 ff.; Łuczkiewicz 2006, the cemetery as used by the Przeworsk Culture
67 ff.). Dating of the assemblage from Kleszewo
to phases A2–A2/A3 is also indicated by its pot-
tery. If the ‘military’ interpretation of the small 16 The diagram lists only a selection of the better investiga-
number of small finds from grave 147 is correct, ted cemeteries (with at least 20 graves), mostly from Mazo-
we would have evidence of the practice some- via. We included all the assemblages datable to the Late
times called pars pro toto, related to the deposi- Pre-Roman Period and the transitional phase A3/B1 (that
is, the horizon of late geschweifte and O/A.2 brooches – cf.
tion of fragmentary military objects in graves. Dąbrowska 1988, 44–46; 2008, 9, 32), which should ex­plain
the difference in the number of graves listed in other pub-
lications. See: Cofta-Broniewska/Bednarczyk 1998 – for
Inowrocław, site 58; Bochnak 2005 and Dąbrowska 2008 – for
13 We are grateful to Katarzyna Czarnecka PhD for poin- literature on all other sites listed in Fig. 13. We also inclu-
ting out both analogies. ded data on unpublished material from Dzierzążnia Nowa
14 A few of these bars of iron and one of the rings (Fig. and Stupsk in northern Mazovia (kindly made available
2,5–6) may seem too small for weapon fittings. Neverthe­ by Tomasz Kordala PhD, Krzysztof Matusiak and Andrzej
less, equally small, analogical elements of scabbards have Grzymkowski; cf. Maciałowicz 2009) and left out some
surfaced in other Przeworsk Culture cemeteries in Mazo- grave sites from Silesia, relatively numerous but small and
via (e.g., Dąbrowska 1997, 40 Pls. LXXXIV,156,8; Czarnecka too poorly investigated, e. g., Bartodzieje (former Zeippern):
2007, Pls. LXXXV,76,2,3, CLXXIV,185,3–5, CLXXV,188,3, 5 out of 12 graves contained weapons (41.7 %), Wierzbice
CCVI,244,1–2). We also need to recall that some of these (former Konradserbe): 5/12 (41.7%), Kotowice (former Kott-
objects are corroded. witz): 3/16 (18.7 %), Kajęcin (former Kainzen): 1/8 (12.5 %)
15 Much less easy to interpret reliably is the second, smal- – cf. Pescheck 1939; Bochnak 2005.
ler rivet and the fragments of iron sheet with a rivet hole 17 A similar case is that of two small grave sites from Silesia
(holes?) found in the same assemblage (Fig. 2,2,7,8). None of (Bartodzieje, Wierzbice), in which the percentage of weapon
them resemble typical Late Pre-Roman Period shield fittings. graves was 41.7 % (cf. footnote 16).
BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
241

Fig. 13. Percentage of Late Pre-Roman Period graves containing military items in selected Przeworsk Culture
cemeteries (* the number of graves is approximate).

people. This means that starting from phase A3 in graves.19 In this context, we are less surprised
weapons were no longer found in grave furnish- to see no weapons in the almost 150 graves of
ings.18 The full body of evidence from Kleszewo the Przeworsk Culture at Kleszewo datable to
is still being subjected to analysis but even at the Early Roman Period. Nevertheless, how do
this early stage we can say that graves from the we explain the disappearance of weapons at this
final phases of the Late Pre-Roman Period (A3 cemetery already in the Late Pre-Roman Period?
and A3/B1) are at least as numerous as graves Hence, it is worth looking into both the exis­
from phase A2. Consequently we cannot explain tence of Przeworsk Culture cemeteries without
the vanishing of weapon graves in this horizon weapon graves dated to the Late Pre-Roman
in terms of a possible depopulation or a demo- Period and the custom of placing single, incom-
graphic crisis of the community which used plete weapon items into graves. Both phenom-
the cemetery. We need to note that an evident ena are not limited to Mazovia and to the time
change in the burial rite is observed in the north- around the birth of Christ. If explained they
ernmost Mazovia only during the Early Roman may assist our interpretation of the situation
Period, when military equipment is virtually no observed at Kleszewo.
longer seen in the grave furnishings – except for
an occasional scabbard mount, shield rivet (only Theoretical assumptions
spurs are more numerous, part of the outfit of Before we move onto the analysis, it is necessary
the mounted warrior). This phenomenon has to present the theoretical assumptions behind
been interpreted as the result of impact from the the interpretation of the phenomena related to
Wielbark Culture, then established in Pomera- the burial rites during the Iron Age. First of all,
nia, which has a taboo on depositing of weapons research carried out up to now on grave inven-
tories of both the Przeworsk Culture and its
partly contemporary Jastorf Culture/Elbian Cir-

18 In the case of Wólka Domaniowska and possibly of


Pełczyska the situation is just the reverse – there are no wea-
pons in the still relatively few assemblages from phase A2, 19 Okulicz 1965, esp. 265; 1968, 37; Godłowski 1985, 50–51,
and they enter the record only in phase A3, when there is also 64; Andrzejowski 1989, 106, 108, 118; 2001, 82; cf. Dąbrowska
an observable increase in the number of graves. 1976, 161.
BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
242

cle prove the existence of common tendencies societies social roles were mainly determined
in the furnishing of the buried, naturally within by sex.23 Recently, however, the trend to regard
some regional and chronological differences.20 particular categories of relics as ‘archaeologi-
Similar overall results of the previously con- cal indicators of sex’ and to clearly distinguish
ducted research allow us to compare the data women‘s and men‘s graves based on them is
analysed in this paper with the finds from the being criticized. The emphasis is being put on
territory of Germany. The archaeological data distinguishing ‘sex’ from ‘gender’ instead (e. g.
– supported by a series of ethnographic observa- Hofmann 2009). The custom of cremation that
tions – indicate that the choice of personal items was dominant during the periods in question
the dead were furnished with was determined makes the above interpretation difficult to verify
by the items‘ practical function in everyday use with use of anthropological analysis since the
(Derks 2012, 84–90). They could symbolise (or ability to determine sex based on burnt bone
idealize) social roles of the passed individuals or remains is rightly questioned.24 However, the
represent the belief that the items could also be principle of furnishing women‘s and men‘s
found useful in the afterlife. Both cases allow us (and to some extent children‘s) graves with a
to assume what role the buried held or was sup- partially different variety of items is confirmed
posed to hold as a member of a social group.21 by the finds from the cemetery at Inowrocław,
However, some objects connected to various site 58, distr. loco, where relatively numerous
kinds of magic rituals (e. g. apotropaic, anti-liv- inhumation graves of the Przeworsk Culture
ing dead) could also be found in the graves. As dated to the Late Pre-Roman Period and the
the meaning of those objects is always of a sym- very beginning of the Early Roman Period were
bolic nature and by that more or less far from found (Cofta-Broniewska/Bednarczyk 1998).
their everyday use, this category of grave offer- The diagram of the co-occurrence of findings
ings usually stands out from the burial context, shows two partially distinguishable clusters that
e. g. a single weapon item found in a woman‘s can, based on anthropological identification of a
grave (cf. Czarnecka 1990, 90–91). Naturally, few skeletons (unburnt), be connected with both
some of the factors that determined the burial sexes (Fig. 14). What needs to be emphasised is
rites and what the grave consisted of (e. g. that that, despite the small sample size, the resulting
some forms of death were viewed by the com- image confirms the previous conclusions related
munity as ‘unnatural’ or ‘bad’) are difficult to to furnishing models of women‘s and men‘s
register with archaeological methods (Czar- graves in the Przeworsk Culture (cf. Godłowski
necka 1990, 88–89, 102–103; Schultze 1992, 202 ff.; 1960; 1974; Czarnecka 1990; 2007; Dąbrowska
Hofmann 2009, 140 Fig. 4). 1997; 2008).25 Therefore the items associated
Despite these limitations, the view commonly with women‘s graves are mainly sets of brooches,
accepted in the literature is that the richness of brooches of Kostrzewski type G (including with
grave inventories in general – that is, bearing in their type H iron equivalents), bracelets, glass
mind all the reservations related to the possible and amber beads, spindle-whorls and possibly
deformation of the prehistoric reality – reflects tweezers.26 Belt hooks, stone polishers and iron
the social and to a certain degree also the mate-
rial status of the dead individuals.22 What needs
to be remembered is that one individual‘s social 23 Godłowski 1974, 64–67 Diagram; Czarnecka 1990, 37–42,
status could change significantly with increas- 99–118 Figs. 1, 2; Derks 2012, 32–54, 253 ff.; cf. Pawlik 2003,
ing age (Czarnecka 1990, 99–118; Derks 2012, 104; Falkenstein 2008.
175–193). 24 Cf. Godłowski 1974; Czarnecka 1990, 12–14; Eger 1999,
122 ff., 129; Derks 2012, 235–237. – In the latest research on the
Diagrams showing the correlation between correlation of ‘archaeological indicators of sex’ with anthro-
the characteristics of burial rites and relics from pological identification of bones from 758 Przeworsk Culture
the Late Pre-Roman and Roman Periods found graves, compatibility was reached only in 314 cases (41.4 %)
in Germanic graves create two more or less while in 189 (24.9 %) discrepancies appeared (Małysa 2007,
Table 1). The author has interpreted the results as reflecting
distinctive clusters. They are interpreted as a the prehistoric reality to a large extent, hence undermining
reflection of the rule, confirmed both by ethno- the efficiency of the ‘archaeological’ method. However, the
graphic and historical sources, that in traditional results were influenced not only by the limited reliability of
the anthropological identifications, but also by the highly
questionable choice of items recognised as ‘archaeological
indicators of sex’ in the quoted article (cf. Małysa 2007, 114).
25 Which, to a large extent, corresponds with the situation
20 Cf. Godłowski 1960; Czarnecka 1990; Schultze 1992; noted in the Elbe basin (cf. Derks 2012).
Derks 2012. 26 Correlation of tweezers with women‘s items is con-
21 Czarnecka 1990, 89–90; Schultze 1992, 208 ff.; Derks 2012, firmed by the finds from cemeteries analysed later in the
esp. 53, 84, 90, 193; cf. Krekovič 1993. article, but what needs to be stressed is that these objects
22 Godłowski 1960, 9–10; Czarnecka 1990, 69, 83–84; were also found in Przeworsk Culture graves containing
Schultze 1992, 212–214; Derks 2012, 95 ff. esp. 102. weapons (Dąbrowska 2008, 58–60).
BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
243

Fig. 14. Inowrocław, site 58. Co-occurrence of artefacts and osteological analysis results (red: ‘female’ cluster;
blue: ‘male’ cluster; ? – identification uncertain; * – inhumation burial).

fittings of wooden caskets, though not present ber, however, that these ‘archaeological indi-
at Inowrocław 58, should also be considered cators of sex’ (or rather gender; see below) are
as part of women‘s attire and accessories. On subject to changes in time and space (cf. Derks
the other hand the items connected with men‘s 2012, 33–44). For example, most of the typical
graves are primarily weapons, fire-striking tools, men’s tools, attire and personal items mentioned
crescent-shaped razors, whet-stones and the appear more frequently in grave inventories no
earliest iron belt buckles (esp. with round frame earlier than in stage A3. Thus, for phases A1–A2
and elongated spike). They usually contain only weapons are the most common grave offering
one brooch or none at all. In children‘s graves indicating men’s burials.
there is usually only one small brooch and possi- In this article, based on the above men-
bly a minor tool, with some exceptions of richly tioned sets of findings, designations
furnished burials, according to the furnishing “men‘s”/”women‘s” and “male”/”female” (or
model typical for one of the sexes. There is also “children‘s”) are going to be used with regard to
a group of objects indifferent to the sex of the materials discussed further. Since we will rarely
dead. This group consists mainly of straight and have anthropological identifications of (mostly
possibly crescent-shaped knives,27 punches/ burnt) bones at our disposal, then the designa-
awls (not found at Inowrocław), but also – quite
unexpectedly – needles.28 One should remem-

ries are particularly numerous in the cemetery at Oblin, distr.


Garwolin (Czarnecka 2007, 91 – graves nos. 53a, 66, 128a,
27 Crescent-shaped knives are divided into two main types: 163, 291, 298; cf. Dąbrowska 2008, 60–61). Similarly furnished
with a more or less profiled and straight, pointed tang. The graves are known from the Elbe basin (Peschel 1991, 146 Fig.
first one is correlated with women’s items, while the latter 7,12d; Eger 1999, 130; maybe also: Schmidt/Nitzschke 1989 –
begin to appear starting from phase A2/A3, and only in wea- however the identification of the objects from graves 75, 215
pon graves (Czarnecka 2007, 89; Dąbrowska 2008, 61–62 Fig. and 225 as sewing needles is uncertain). This phenomenon
20). We have decided not to distinguish between those two has not yet been interpreted in Polish literature. Occurrences
types for two reasons. First of all, many artefacts included in of single elements typical for the opposite sex (for example
the present paper are badly preserved and secondly, nearly spearheads in women-furnished graves) can be explained by
all of the identified ones represent the first type. various acts of a magical nature (see above). Therefore, those
28 Based on the finds from other Przeworsk Culture ceme- objects would not constitute gender (social role) attributes of
teries, the needles are strongly correlated to women‘s items the dead. K. Peschel (1991, 146) represents a different point of
and burials (Czarnecka 1990, 39, 43). However, from time to view: he interprets the find of a bronze needle and “leather
time, they are found in graves containing weapons, as for knives” next to weapons in grave 1911/87 at Großromstedt
example in grave 30 from Inowrocław, site 58. Such invento- as evidence that a saddler was buried here.
BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
244

Fig. 15. Przeworsk Culture cemeteries lacking weapon graves discussed in the text and the grave site at Kle­
szewo seen against the background of the maximum range of the Przeworsk Culture during the Late Pre-Roman
Period (in grey).

tions mentioned above will be – if not stated graves and 8 inhumations (Kokowski 1989);
otherwise – based on cultural (archaeological), Niedanowo, site 2, distr. Nidzica – 31 cremation
not biological (anthropological) data. Therefore, graves (Ziemlińska-Odojowa 1999); Suchodół,
we are dealing mostly with social (gender) role distr. Sochaczew – 139 graves (Maciałowicz
interpretations of the buried individuals rather 2006).30 Another one from Mazovia is only partly
than with strict determinations of their biologi- excavated: Dąbek, site 5, distr. Mława – with 31
cal sex. However, in the light of what was said cremation graves (Grzymkowski 1996, 180–185,
before, one could expect that the former resulted 187; Dąbrowska 2008, 130).31 The last necropolis
mostly from the latter. Few exceptions are to be
individually investigated, and not taken as evi-
dence of invalidity of this general rule.
29 Only cemeteries with at least 20 graves from the Late
Pre-Roman Period were included.
Cemeteries of the Przeworsk 30 From the cemetery at Suchodół we have a stray find of
Culture lacking weapon graves an iron point, presumably an arrowhead. Only a very small
Larger cemeteries from the Late Pre-Roman number of similar finds is recorded in other Late Pre-Roman
Period lacking weapon graves are found in the and Roman Period graves (Maciałowicz 2006, 303, 308 Fig.
4a). This makes the association of the arrowhead (?) with the
northern zone of Przeworsk Culture territory, cemetery uncertain but still not impossible. At the same time
notably in Mazovia, but also in Central Poland this is the only find of a weapon in a cemetery with 139 gra-
and Kuyavia (Fig. 15).29 Four of these sites ves. Thus, even if we accept that it did belong to a destroyed
appear to have been excavated to a full extent: grave it would still be an exception confirming the dissimila-
rity of all the inventories discovered here.
Gledzianówek, site 3, distr. Łęczyca – with 31 Andrzej Grzymkowski kindly let us inspect the finds
54 cremation graves (Nadolski 1951); Krusza from Dąbek and Anna Mistewicz supplied many details on
Zamkowa, distr. Inowrocław – 27 cremation their subject.
BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
245

Fig. 16. Selected features of Przeworsk Culture cemeteries lacking weapons analysed in the article (○ – low
presence of the feature; ● – high presence of the feature)

is located at Bodzanowo, distr. Radziejów – with the oldest ‘typical’ grave sites of the Przeworsk
18 cremation graves and possibly 3 inhumations Culture with many graves of warriors. Despite
(Zielonka 1958). Though inhumation grave no. 2 the fact that some of them were also used in
was furnished with, i. a. a spearhead, we include the Roman Period, further analysis will – if not
this cemetery in further analysis since the char- stated otherwise – only concern graves from the
acteristics of cremation graves discovered here Late Pre-Roman Period.
correspond closely to the finds recorded at Based on the comparison of most character-
Gledzianówek and Suchodół. The percentage istic traits it is safe to say that the cemeteries
of graves containing weapons in Bodzanowo mentioned above represent two different mod-
is only 4.7 %, hence it may be considered an els (Fig. 16). What they have in common is an
equally marginal phenomenon as in the case of absolute or almost complete lack of graves with
the cemetery at Kleszewo. weapons and other items typical of men. Cem-
Cemeteries where there are no weapons are eteries at Bodzanowo, Gledzianówek, site 3,
also known from other regions of Poland but and Suchodół yielded cremation, mostly pit
these establishments are small or excavated only graves with incredibly rare small finds, only a
to a very limited extent and sometimes devas- few vessels and a small amount of finely frag-
tated.32 This state of research persuaded us to mented bone remains. In burial sites at Krusza
focus in the coming section of the present arti- Zamkowa, Dąbek, site 5 and Niedanowo, site 2,
cle on the finds from the northern zone of Prze- numerous dress accessories, tools and some
worsk Culture territory. This is not to say, nev- personal items were found (mostly typical of
ertheless, that phenomena similar to the ones women‘s burials); moreover, in the case of these
discussed here could not have taken place also sites the large amount of urn graves should be
in other areas. mentioned. The cemetery at Kleszewo seems to
The cemeteries at Krusza Zamkowa and correspond with the latter model; however, for
Dąbek go back in their origin to the late stage of better understanding of the phenomenon, it is
phase A1 (essentially synchronised with LT C2), worth discussing both of them.
the other sites named above to phase A2. The
cemetery at Krusza Zamkowa, Niedanowo and ‘Children’s’ cemeteries
possibly Bodzanowo continued in use at least In the case of the Late Pre-Roman Period weap-
until the close of the Late Pre-Roman Period; ons, especially the sword, are one of the few
others had gone out of use before the end of markers of wealth and at the same time of the
phase A2.33 Thus, at least some of the weap- possible high social rank of the buried individual
onless cemeteries were set up equally early as (Godłowski 1960, 24–25, 52; Czarnecka 1990, 63,
66 – type 1b of inventories, 111; cf. Bochnak 2005,
143). Consequently the first possible interpreta-
tion of cemeteries without weapon graves would
32 E. g., Magnuszew Mały, site 4, distr. Maków Mazowie- be poverty of the community who buried their
cki – at least 22 graves (unpublished; cf. Dąbrowska 2008, dead here (Godłowski 1960, 24–25; Bochnak 2005,
155; Jarzec 2009; Rakowski 2006); Drohiczyn-Kozarówka,
distr. Siemiatycze – 15 or 19 graves (Dąbrowska 2008, 132);
140–141). At first glance this explanation appears
Stradów, distr. Kazimierza Wielka – 18 graves (Gajew- plausible in the case of the two largest cemeteries
ski/Woźniak 2000); Szlichtyngowa-Górczyna (former under discussion: Suchodół and Gledzianówek
Schlichtingsheim/Gurschen), distr. Wschowa – 13 graves (site 3). The vast majority of graves discovered
(Pfützenreiter 1933, 18–21; 1934).
33 Cemetery at Dąbek, site 5 was also used in the Roman
there were furnished only with fragments of a
Period, but at the current stage of exploration no graves from few pottery vessels (typically, 1–3 items), mostly
phase A3 are found. cups. Only a few burials contained – mostly one
BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
246

each – iron brooches, and, quite exceptionally, which could be analysed osteologically, also
tools (a single iron knife at Gledzianówek and inventories of these graves indicate that these
a single spindlewhorl at Suchodół). The poverty were mostly burials of children. This conclusion
of the grave inventories as compared to the ‘typ- is based on the results of the study of a longer
ical’ cemeteries of the Przeworsk Culture (ones series of Przeworsk Culture graves (from the
containing numerous finds of dress accessories, entire period of its duration) which reveal that
weapons and tools) could lead to the conclusion the most poorly furnished graves are burials
that individuals buried at Gledzianówek (site 3) mostly of juveniles, especially older children –
and Suchodół had low social status (Nadolski aged infans II (Czarnecka 1990, 49, 59 Fig. 10,4–
1951, 112; Godłowski 1960, 87; cf. Czarnecka 5). Moreover, it is also known that the number
1990, 69). However, it cannot be explained solely of infant graves in ‘typical’ cemeteries is usually
by economic factors. much lower than expected, suggesting that the
It is notable that apart from exhibiting an bodies of most children were treated using dif-
almost identical burial rite these two cemeter- ferent rules from those applied to adults (Czar-
ies are separated by a relatively small distance necka 1990, 87–88).
of ca. 50 km (Fig. 15) and have similar chrono- At the same time we should note that age can-
logical confines, limited presumably to phase A2. not be the only factor which dictated whether a
Almost analogical to them would be – located in dead individual was buried in a separate cem-
the nearby area – the grave site at Bodzanowo. etery such as the ones named here, according to
Preservation of the cremated bones in all three a different practice. First of all, it does not help
sites (mostly in the form of few very fine frag- us explain the presence of two adult male buri-
ments or dust) would suggest that mostly als in the two graves from Suchodół or the three
children were buried there (cf. Gładykowska- inhumations of adult (?) individuals recorded
Rzeczycka 1987, 213–214). This supposition is at Bodzanowo. Moreover, it is worth stress-
confirmed by the results of osteological analy- ing that some of the infant graves discovered
sis of the better preserved human remains from in the ‘typical’ Przeworsk Culture cemeteries
analogical graves, containing mostly just one had relatively rich and even very rich inven-
cup, discovered in a small number in ‘typical’ tories (Czarnecka 1990, 59 Fig. 10,4–5; cf. Mar-
cemeteries (Maciałowicz 2006, 321). The use of tyniak/Pastwiński/Pazda 1997, 95–96 Table
cups and other small pots as urns in children‘s I). Those graves could belong to children from
burials is supported by examples from the Oksy- more significant and influential families (elite)
wie Culture and the Jastorf Culture/Elbian Cir- and the rich furnishings (weapons included!)
cle (Gładykowska-Rzeczycka 1987, 213–214; could symbolize that it was hoped that the dead
Bokiniec 2008, 217, table 85; Krekovič 2007; were to hold an important social role in adult
Kasiński 2010, 51 Fig. 7, 8; Eger 1999, 140–141). life (Czarnecka 1990, 68, 101, 103; cf. Derks 2012,
Only the bone remains from two graves from 192). Consequently, while interpreting the cem-
Suchodół (nos. 5 and 6) were preserved well eteries at Suchodół, Gledzianówek (site 3) and
enough to explore and investigate them. In both Bodzanowo, we need to take into consideration
cases they were determined as adult burials also other factors than age.
(most likely both of them were men); no. 6 also It is now time to consider the previously
held a few bones of a child. Three inhumations mentioned, almost complete lack of weapons
discovered at Bodzanowo are also most likely to and tools, even as “cheap” and common as stone
be juvenile or adult burials.34 polishers or spindle whorls in the analysed cem-
The occurrence of not numerous but similar eteries (except for one find at Suchodół, grave
burials also in other Przeworsk Culture cemeter- 139). The lack of this kind of items suggests that
ies as well as the functioning at Gledzianówek the buried may not have (yet?) held any tradi-
of another, ‘typical’ grave site (site 1) with richly tional social roles, hence their socialization pro-
furnished graves (Kaszewska 1977), suggest that
the cemeteries at Bodzanowo, Gledzianówek
(site 3) and Suchodół had been used to bury only
a specific group of the dead from their respec- 35 This is also supported by the presence of inhumation
tive communities.35 Apart from the preservation graves at Bodzanowo, possibly partially contemporary to
cremation graves. Maybe a similar interpretation should be
of the bones and the limited number of samples applied to the space arrangement in the nearby cemetery at
Gąski, site 18, where numerous cremation graves of similar
characteristics (interpreted as “cremation burials with par-
ted (uncompleted) skeletons“ or “symbolic graves”) were
34 Which can be concluded based on some laconic refe- found among ‘typical’ Przeworsk Culture graves (Cofta-Bro-
rences found in the original publication (which, however, is niewska 2004, 193 Fig. 38). Due to lack of full publication of
lacking professional anthropological analysis) and pictures materials from that necropolis it was not taken into conside-
of skeletons presented there. ration.
BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
247

cess had not been over. They are likely to have Consequently, the use of cremation grave sites,
held an inferior, insignificant social position separate from ‘typical’ (kin?) cemeteries, with
within their societies. This could mainly con- an exceptionally poor model of furnishings in all
cern children who died before reaching puberty, three sites is evidence of the practice of a special
which was usually confirmed by suitable initia- rite, especially with regard to children (domi-
tions, but also some adults, for example, handi- nant criterion of age), but also to some adults,
capped or taken by a ’bad‘ death (cf. Czarnecka who for obscure reasons were not subject to the
1990, 88–89, 102–103; Derks 2012, 175–193).36 ‘typical’ burial rite.
While on the subject of inhumation graves Common use of cups alongside the relatively
in the cemetery at Bodzanowo it is also worth modest furnishing of the graves can be related to
addressing the issue of the burial of individu- some earlier traditions dated to the beginnings
als of ‘foreign’ origin. Many researchers have of the Late Pre-Roman Period (phase A1 corre-
observed that some of the inhumation graves sponding with LT C). It is from that period that
from the turn of the Late Pre-Roman Period and the singular graves of the eastward spreading
the Early Roman Period were situated outside Jastorf Culture derive. Relatively often they con-
the Przeworsk Culture cemeteries or on their tained a larger or smaller cup (often preserved in
outer edges.37 It is worth stressing at this point pieces), sometimes accompanied by a larger pot
that one of the most closely analysed inhuma- – an urn (cf. Grygiel 2013, 28, 39–40 Footnotes
tions, from grave 9/2002 at Pełczyska, belonged 39–41, 54 – for further lit.). The graves contained
to a woman of Mediterranean anthropological some iron finds (single brooches, from time to
type (Rudnicki 2005). Evidently, she was some- time minor tools) and the buried were adults or
one ‘foreign’ in the Przeworsk Culture milieu children. What is worth adding is that the cups
and this could have found expression not only in (formally very similar to vessels of the Prze-
the different burial rite (inhumation) but also its worsk Culture), occurring either individually or
location – similarly to other inhumation graves as one of a few grave pots (often as an urn) are
found here – on the outer edge of the cremation also found in cemeteries of the Gubin Group of
cemetery. the Jastorf Culture by the middle Oder, and par-
We can assume therefore that the cemetery ticularly of the Oksywie Culture in Pomerania
at Bodzanowo, where all the cremation graves (Domański 1975, 40–41; Strobin 2011, 32, 94–96
dated to the Late Pre-Roman Period were very Map 8). In the case of the latter unit cups were
poorly furnished and where a handful of inhu- often used to bury the children (see above). Per-
mation burials appeared, diverged in each of haps the origins of this particular model of fur-
these rites from burial practices typical in the nishing the graves noted both in cemeteries of
Przeworsk Culture, was intended for individu- the Przeworsk and Oksywie Culture are com-
als who – probably for various reasons38 – could mon for both of them and should be sought in
not be buried in the ‘typical’ cemetery and were the earlier Jastorf Culture materials from the Pol-
symbolically excluded from the ‘community’ of ish Lowland? This explanation corresponds well
the dead. If we take into account the analogi- with the recently advocated course of cultural
cal character of the cremation graves, and also changes on Polish territories at the beginning of
observations made earlier, it seems that to some the Late Pre-Roman Period (Grygiel 2004; 2013).
extent this conclusion can be applied to the cem- According to it, it was not until the intensifica-
eteries at Gledzianówek (site 3) and at Suchodół. tion of the ‘latènization’ process around the turn
of phases LT C1 and C2 that accelerated the
significant changes within the societies of the
Jastorf Culture in the Polish Lowland that the
36 Here it is worth mentioning some interesting ethnogra-
phic observations made by J. J. Pawlik (2004, 38) on the sub-
ject of the Basari people in Togo. He mentions that children
that died after weaning are intended to be buried modestly
in a special grave site called kuceeu. Adults that were, for 37 Bykowski 1976, 142–143; Niewęgłowski 1981, 40; Rud-
some reason, refused the right to be buried traditionally nicki 2005, 200–201; 2009, 305 Fig. 3; cf. Zielonka 1958, Pl. I;
within the family farm were also buried there. This is only Kokowski 1989, Fig. 28. – A similar phenomenon may be
one of the known examples that illustrate how the low social observed also in other regions with early inhumation graves
position is reflected in the funeral acts. It is still interesting in Central Europe (cf. Lichardus 1984, 48–49, 56; Rudnicki
that this ’special‘ cemetery was also used to bury that cer- 2005, 200–201; Droberjar 2011, 16). The situation is diffe-
tain type of adults. This phenomenon, however distant in rent, for example, in the cemetery at Gąski, site 18, where
time and space from the Przeworsk Culture, supports the the group practising inhumation was buried in between the
possibility of separate grave sites, functioning away from cremation graves (Cofta-Broniewska 2004, Fig. 38).
kin cemetery, that were meant for a special group of dead. 38 That is, some factors (e. g., age, low social status) might
Cemeteries of similar character (as it is interpreted) are also be responsible for the presence in the same cemetery of
known in the Lusatian Culture from the Bronze or Early Iron poorly furnished cremation burials, while others (e. g., ‘for-
Age (Żychlińska 2011, 301 ff.). eign’ origin) for the inhumations.
BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
248

Przeworsk Culture emerged. One of the charac- addition, we cannot rule out other, earlier ori-
teristic traits of the newly arisen culture was the gins of this phenomenon as similarly structured
undoubtedly Celtic custom of furnishing graves cemeteries are also known in the Lusatian Cul-
with weapons, tools and other personal items, ture (Żychlińska 2011).
together with numerous broken and burnt pots.
The changes were thus related to beliefs, but ‘Female oriented’ cemeteries
most likely also to social order as they resulted In the case of the remaining cemeteries in ques-
in a highly explicit emphasis of the social roles tion, without weapon graves, and the grave site
by furnishing the graves with suitable attribute at Kleszewo the age of the buried as a domi-
items (which mainly concerns males – warriors). nant factor should be ruled out. The results of
Thereby, the presence of graves lacking those anthropological analysis of the bones from these
objects and merely containing single vessels grave sites have shown numerous adult remains,
(mostly cups) can be related to the continuity of which contradicts that theory.41 The possi-
the older Jastorf cultural (social?) model.39 This ble low social/material status of the deceased
hypothesis could also coincide with a possible should also be found highly unlikely. In the
continuation of the Pomeranian and Cloche- case of the title cemetery it is exactly in phases
Grave Culture’s tradition, as in the Early Iron A3 and A3/B1, when the weapons were already
Age cemeteries children were also buried in a vanished from grave furnishings, that we find
cup or a small jug (cf. Andrzejowska/Andrze- items of Celtic and East-Alpine origin, among
jowski 1997, 92). Concerning the Przeworsk Cul- them decorative and luxury objects (bronze
ture, however, those ties are considerably harder brooches, Knotenringe, glass beads, bronze
to notice than the ones with the Jastorf Culture. mirror) and luxurious pottery (wheel-thrown
The act of setting up separate ‘children’s’ cem- painted ceramics). This leads to the conclusion
eteries is also hard to explain. This phenomenon that the people using the cemetery in that time
seems to be regional, because sites like these are were clearly in a period of prosperity. Therefore,
mostly found on a fairly small territory in Cen- there is no ground to interpret the lack of weap-
tral Poland (Fig. 15). In the light of hundreds of ons in graves as a sign of poverty or low social
Przeworsk Culture grave sites known up to now status. The three remaining grave sites were not
it does not seem to be merely an effect of the state as rich in showy findings and they feature less
of research. Hence, future findings should not wealth than grave inventories at Kleszewo.42
change this picture drastically. The distinguish- However, in their case, the lack of spearheads,
able spreading of ‘children’s’ cemeteries may for example – one of the most common pieces
support the above mentioned hypothesis on the of weaponry, even in modestly furnished graves
origins of the model of poor grave furnishing. (Czarnecka 1990, 65) – cannot be explained by
They are located in areas of distinct concentra- economic circumstances. While manufacturing
tion of earlier Jastorf Culture settlements in the a sword or a shield-boss required a considerable
Polish Lowland (cf. Grygiel 2013, Figs. 9 and 10). amount of iron, only slightly more material was
It may be added that among the ceramics from needed to create a small spearhead than to make
Suchodół we find a bowl with ‘hanging’ handles, a belt hook or a set of brooches and minor tools
of clear Jastorf tradition (Maciałowicz 2004), (straight or crescent-shaped knife, punch/awl),
while the pottery of this culture is also known which were frequently discovered at Dąbek,
from unidentified features found on the site Krusza Zamkowa and – to a lesser extent – at
at Bodzanowo (Zielonka 1958, Figs. 15, 19a,b,e, Niedanowo. Thus, despite the fact that the grave
20a; cf. Grygiel 2013, Figs. 12, 13, 16). Therefore inventories point towards differences within the
the functioning of ‘children’s’ cemeteries in this levels of wealth – or rather access to luxurious,
part of Poland may be associated with the pres- imported goods – between the societies using
ervation of the Jastorf tradition, stronger here
than elsewhere. On the other hand, however,
there are no such grave sites among the finds of
the mentioned unit in the Polish Lowland.40 In 41 Cf. Wiercińska 1965; Kokowski 1989; Ziemlińska-
Odojowa 1999. – Anthropological analysis of bones from
Dąbek cemetery was performed by Łukasz M. Stanaszek
PhD and we are very grateful to Anna Mistewicz, who works
39 It somehow corresponds with the fact that in the case on the findings from this necropolis, for sharing the results
of the less ‘latènized’ and more subject to Jastorf influence, with us.
Oksywie Culture, the number of pots deposited in graves is 42 However, chronological differences have to be remem-
evidently lower than in Przeworsk Culture cemeteries. bered – e. g., the cemetery at Dąbek lacks graves from phase
40 What needs to be remembered is that we have no know- A3 (at Krusza Zamkowa this time horizon is similarly poorly
ledge of any larger Jastorf Culture cemeteries in the Polish represented), when the people of the Przeworsk Culture
Lowland; only some single graves were found (Grygiel 2013, gained access to the previously mentioned goods from the
39–40). South, known from Kleszewo.
BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
249

Fig. 17. Krusza Zamkowa. Co-occurrence of artefacts and osteological analysis results (? – identification uncer-
tain; * – ihumation burial).

all four cemeteries, the lack of weapon elements only weapons, but also elements of attire and
(at Kleszewo starting from phase A3), if only in tools characteristic for men‘s graves (Fig. 16).
the form of single spearheads, must have been On the other hand, there are many graves con-
caused by some other factors. taining female findings. Further analysis will
It can be concluded that the grave sites at revolve around grave sites at Dąbek (site 5),
Kleszewo, Dąbek (site 5), Krusza Zamkowa and Krusza Zamkowa and Niedanowo (site 2), as
Niedanowo (site 2) differ notably from the three they are more thoroughly examined than the
previously discussed ‘children’s’ cemeteries one at Kleszewo, and also – as presented in
in terms of their characteristics, wealth level of Fig. 16 – they represent the second of the distin-
most of the inventories (in respect of both metal- guished models of weaponless cemeteries in a
lic and ceramic findings) and, in the case of the more holistic manner. Then, the Kleszewo cem-
three latter, the significant number of urn buri- etery will be compared with them.
als (Fig. 16). The latter constitute the majority of Diagrams showing co-occurrence of findings
graves in cemeteries at Dąbek and Niedanowo, from those three grave sites take into account
while at Krusza Zamkowa close to 40 % of cre- data from 48 graves accompanied by charac-
mation graves are urn grave burials43 (apart teristic small finds (Figs. 17–19).45 The sex of 21
from them some inhumation graves were also buried individuals (ca. 44 %) was anthropologi-
found). On the other hand, also within their area, cally determined: 10 women and 11 men. In the
numerous graves typical of ‘children’s’ cemeter- light of previously expressed doubts in regard to
ies were found, but more frequently they con- identification of sex based on burnt bones, it is
tained single, minor metallic findings.44 A com- worth emphasising the importance of 5 inhuma-
mon trait for both groups of sites is the presence tion graves found at Krusza Zamkowa.
of inhumation graves at Bodzanowo and Krusza In the co-occurrence diagram of findings
Zamkowa, which is not surprising due to them from Krusza Zamkowa two clusters emerge and,
being located in Kuyavia, where inhumations cross-checked with anthropological bone iden-
were noted relatively often (Dąbrowska 1988,
142 ff. Map 18; Łuczkiewicz 2009, 352–353 Fig. 8
– with wrong map description).
What is striking in the case of this group of 45 In the case of each site ca. half of the graves dated to
the Late Pre-Roman Period were taken into consideration.
cemeteries is the almost complete lack of not The diagrams omitted uncharacteristic finds, (e. g. single
iron rings) and the ones raising serious doubts (e. g. “iron
bracelet” from grave XXVIII at Krusza Zamkowa – Kokow-
ski 1989, 85 Fig. 42,5; cf. Dąbrowska 2005, where this find
was also omitted). Moreover, from many collective graves
43 This type of burial is not clearly correlated with any at Krusza Zamkowa cemetery only three were included
other trait, which is why it was not taken into consideration (nos. XXI, XXVII and XXIX). In all of those cases the diagram
in further analysis. shows only the burial that the findings may be associated
44 In the case of Dąbek, Krusza Zamkowa and Niedanowo with (e.g. based on bones of one individual being placed
this kind of burials constitute little over 40 % of all the crema- with other findings in the same urn or presence of findings
tion graves. At the current state of study on Kleszewo mate- close to a skeleton). However, we cannot be 100 % sure that
rials it is impossible to estimate the number, but they are ‘assemblages’ of findings reconstructed in such a way were
definitely there. actually connected with a particular burial.
BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
250

Fig. 18. Niedanowo, site 2. Co-occurrence of artefacts and osteological analysis results.

tifications, they confirm the existence of distinct Three anthropologically identified as male buri-
furnishing models for women‘s and men‘s graves als contained only one single brooch and a set
(Fig. 17). Since the cemetery lacks unambiguous of two or three minor tools: punch/awl – indif-
‘archaeological indicators’ of male gender, men ferent to gender of the buried; crescent-shaped
are usually accompanied by findings regarded as knife – basically indifferent, while findings from
indifferent or only slightly correlated with males graves 39/94 and 12(51)/96 had profiled tangs,
(no more than one brooch, straight or crescent- hence forms characteristic to female graves (cf.
shaped knife, bronze pendant). What is unique footnote 27); and a stone polisher (only in grave
about this grave site is that straight knives were 39/94) – also a typical female object. The buri-
never found in either women‘s graves or in als anthropologically identified as female were
graves of the female furnishing model (i. a. no usually accompanied by a set of dress accesso-
dress accessories were found with them); it may, ries and/or the above mentioned tools, as well
however, be a coincidence. Consequently, if it as needles.
was not for the anthropological analysis of the In four cases the presence of burnt male bones
bones, it would be hard to identify the cluster of was detected in graves of a furnishing model typ-
male grave inventories. On the other hand, wom- ical for women‘s burial (Dąbek, grave 39/94 and
en‘s graves contained a series of dress accesso- 12(51)/96, Krusza Zamkowa, grave XXIX and
ries and tools connected to female gender. Niedanowo, grave 52).46 Those relatively rare
Two clusters are also visible in the dia- (19 %) discrepancies can be explained by a pos-
gram showing co-occurrence of findings from sibly wrong anthropological identification of the
Niedanowo, site 2 (Fig. 18). In this case the ‘male’ burnt human remains, or alternatively – which
cluster consists mainly of elements of attire and seems less probable – by an actual difference
personal items typical for this gender (early between the biological sex of the buried person
belt buckle, fire-striking tools, crescent-shaped and their thus manifested gender (social) role.47
razor), which distinguishes this cemetery from
all the others. However, it is represented by
merely two graves. Meanwhile the women‘s
46 Bad preservation of crescent-shaped knives from graves
graves – as in the case of Krusza Zamkowa – are VIII and X at Krusza Zamkowa and 20/93 at Dąbek does not
manifested by a series of items correlated with allow us to say if their shape was typical for female or male
female gender. findings (cf. footnote 27), hence the graves were omitted in
The diagram showing co-occurrence of find- the list above.
47 In the case of the collective grave XXIX at Krusza Zam-
ings from Dąbek, site 5 (Fig. 19) looks different. kowa we may be dealing with female findings wrongly con-
Based solely on an analysis of the grave invento- nected with a male burial deposited in the same urn (cf. foot-
ries, male graves are completely ‘invisible’ here. note 45). In the neighbouring urn from the same grave burnt
BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
251

Fig. 19. Dąbek, site 5. Co-occurrence of artefacts and osteological analysis results

The issue of children’s and juveniles’ graves the diagrams showing co-occurrence of findings
is interesting too. Among the 48 burials included (Figs. 17, 18). It is only in the case of Dąbek that
in Figs. 17–19, 13 (27 %) belonged to both these a children’s grave inventory cluster emerges
categories of age.48 Most of them were furnished (Fig. 19). This should be explained by the lack
with no more than one brooch, from time to of clear distinction between female and male
time accompanied by one minor tool, or rarely inventories in this cemetery together with the
two. Those findings were predominantly indif- fact that most of the children’s graves were dis-
ferent to gender49 and only in four cases, based tinguished by standardized inventories contain-
on brooch type H or stone polisher and spindle ing solely a single brooch, usually of type H.
whorl, are we able to reason that those were Based on the analysis above the follow-
graves of girls.50 Two children’s graves consti- ing conclusions can be drawn. First of all, the
tute exceptions: one furnished with items typi- credibility of the ‘archaeological indicators of
cal of adult men (Niedanowo, grave 209) and sex’ has been confirmed. Their inconsistency
one containing a rich set of typical female dress with anthropological identifications of bones
accessories (Dąbek, grave 13/93). The children’s occurred in 19 % of cases, all of which referred
and juveniles’ grave inventories, similarly to to cremation graves, which gives us further rea-
the previously discussed case of the cemetery at sons to recognise the primacy of the ‘archaeolog-
Inowrocław, site 58 (Fig. 14), are usually located ical’ method in identification of sex of the buried
between the two, ’female‘ and ’male‘, clusters on (in four cases of inhumation graves from Krusza
Zamkowa full compatibility was obtained, in
one case it is unresolved – cf. footnote 46). None-
theless, such ‘archaeological indicators’ appear
bones of a child were found. So maybe it was a girl and the only in some graves. All of the cemeteries of the
female findings should be connected with this burial?
48 The percentage was probably greater. We need to note
group discussed (together with Kleszewo) con-
a series of graves from Niedanowo and Dąbek that lack tained mostly grave inventories solely with find-
anthro­pological identification. It can be expected that at least ings indifferent to gender or with no small finds
part of them contained children’s burials, in which case bad at all. Second of all, based on the anthropological
preservation of the bone material made it impossible to per-
form the analysis.
analysis we should acknowledge that men had
49 More distinct correlation of straight knives with men‘s certainly been buried in the cemeteries in ques-
graves in the cemetery at Krusza Zamkowa may be coin- tion (over 50 % of identifications, two of which
cidental and it definitely does not depict the common ten- are based on inhumation graves). Taking only
dency. Thereby the knife found in grave XVIII does not have
to prove that a male child was buried there.
the analysis of grave inventories into considera-
50 Dąbek, graves 7(46)/96 and 11(50)/96, Niedanowo, gra- tion, they remain practically ‘invisible’, because
ves 11 and 469. they were furnished solely with findings indif-
BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
252

ferent to gender or correlated with women‘s To sum up, this clear deficit of male gender
graves. On the other hand, women‘s burials are (social) roles being exposed in grave invento-
both represented by numerous ‘archaeological ries, together with simultaneous emphasizing of
indicators’ of female gender (dress accessories, female gender attributes, allows us to consider
small tools and personal items) and confirmed the discussed group of cemeteries as ‘female
by anthropological bone remains‘ analysis. oriented’.53 Naturally, the aspect in which this
In the case of Kleszewo, 52 grave inventories term should be regarded is cultural (gender),
are included in the diagram showing co-occur- not biological (sex). Grave sites at Dąbek (site 5),
rence of findings, cross-checked with anthropo- Krusza Zamkowa and Niedanowo (site 2) are
logical bone identifications (Fig. 20).51 Like in models for this phenomenon, but it also applies
previous cases, it makes ca. 50 % of burials dated to the cemetery at Kleszewo. This ‘feminisation’,
to the Late Pre-Roman Period. Among them, the or rather ‘demasculinisation’, as seen through
sex of 9 buried individuals (ca. 17 %) was anthro- grave inventories is of a dynamic character.
pologically determined: 8 women and only 1 Therefore, in the case of Kleszewo we observe
man. In 5 graves (ca. 10 %) children or juveniles its intensification starting from phase A3 (when
were buried.52 In the co-occurrence diagram weapons completely vanished from grave fur-
several clusters could be distinguished. Three nishings and other small finds typical of men
of them represent what we would call ‘female’ were never to be found), while at Niedanowo,
clusters (which is to a certain degree confirmed site 2, it subsides starting from the verge of the
by osteological data). Their structure is quite Late Pre-Roman Period (when single, typically
parallel, as they include similar sets of findings male dress accessories and personal items start
typical of women, differing only in the number appearing).54
of brooches (3 or 2, 1, and none at all). The fourth The functioning of ‘female’ and ‘male ori-
cluster includes only four graves with weapons ented’, cemeteries of the Przeworsk Culture
or military items discussed above. Other possi- in northernmost Mazovia was repeatedly
ble men’s burials are completely ‘invisible’ based advocated by J. Okulicz (1965, 211–215; 1968,
solely on grave inventories. In two cases (graves 37; 1970, 427; 1971, 168; 1983, 179),55 while
147 and 351) anthropologically determined sex T. Dąbrowska – though she noticed the weap-
was other than expected. Whether these are a onless grave sites – avoided drawing conclu-
result of the anthropologist’s mistake or excep- sions like that (Dąbrowska 2008, 15–16, 107). As
tions from the rule, it is hard to judge. At least was mentioned before, the insufficient state of
in the case of grave 147, containing fragments excavation in many cemeteries does not allow
of weapons and possibly a woman’s cremated us to include them in the discussed group reli-
remains, one cannot definitely exclude any of ably. However, the small number of sites of
these options (see below). As for the children, this kind is probably not a matter of the state
two grave inventories (nos. 101 and 232) follow of research. Hence, while there could have been
the above mentioned pattern and contain only more ‘female oriented’ cemeteries of the Prze-
a single brooch. The other three children’s buri- worsk Culture, they were most likely relatively
als are furnished with more dress accessories small (Kleszewo seems to be the largest one at
(including luxurious ornaments), and a needle the moment). It is also worth mentioning that
in two cases. However, generally speaking, the almost all of the well excavated cemeteries of
cemetery at Kleszewo represents quite a similar this group are located in northern Mazovia, and
model to the sites discussed above, though its
grave furnishings are obviously richer. Apart
from weapons deposited in four graves dated
chiefly to the first phase of the cemetery, no 53 Four graves containing weapon or military items at
‘archaeological indicators’ of male gender are Kleszewo together with two graves with male dress acces-
present here. sories and personal items at Niedanowo, site 2, constitutes
such a small percentage (ca. 4 % and 6.4 % respectively) that
they should be treated as an exception from an otherwise
dominating rule of grave furnishing in those cemeteries.
Also in strictly ‘gender oriented’ cemeteries in the Elbe basin
the number of graves differing from the rule reaches up to
51 Only anthropologically identified collective burials and 5 % (Derks 2012, 45–49).
those without characteristic furnishing were omitted. 54 What needs to be remembered is that the chronology of
52 The contradictory results of bone analyses concerning the emergence and spreading of certain types of findings in
grave 655 were omitted (see above). One must add that these the Przeworsk Culture is a crucial factor (see above). Later,
proportions look different having taken into account all gra- during the Roman Period, spurs are found in numerous gra-
ves from the cemetery (thus including also those dated to the ves at Niedanowo (Ziemlińska-Odojowa 1999, 120).
Early and Late Roman Period). From among 205 anthropolo- 55 However, a few of his interpretations on gender ‘orien-
gically analysed burials, 48 were determined as female and tation’ of particular sites are to be questioned, i. a. in the light
17 as male; children or juveniles were buried in 128 graves. of materials published in later times.
BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
253

Fig. 20. Kleszewo. Co-occurrence of artefacts and osteological analysis results.

only one in Kuyavia (Fig. 15). The chronology


of Dąbek, site 5 and Krusza Zamkowa indicates
that their use began already in phase A1, while
findings from Kleszewo and Niedanowo, site 2,
confirm they were operating also later in the 56 As was mentioned, there are no ‘archaeological indica-
Roman Period, with continuous ‘female orien- tors’ of male gender in Kleszewo cemetery from the Early
Roman Period. In the same time also the percentage of gra-
tation’.56 ves furnished with typical men’s findings at Niedanowo, site
The emergence of those – it may seem – few 2 does not change and amounts to ca. 5 %, while the value
and mostly small cemeteries on Polish territory concerning ‘female’ grave inventories amounts to ca. 32 %.
BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
254

is hard to interpret separately from the finds bers, while some groups of people used other
from the Elbe basin. In this area, starting from grave sites, following the custom of manifesting
the Early Pre-Roman Period, some vast grave male gender (social) roles in grave inventories.
sites lacking ‘archaeological indicators’ of one The emergence of a few sites in the Late
of the genders were in use (Eger 1999, 126 ff.; Pre-Roman Period in northern Mazovia and
Derks 1993; 2012 – see these works for further Kuyavia should probably be associated with the
literature). The extent of ‘demasculinisation’ or spreading of some burial principles from the
‘defeminisation’ of their grave inventories varies Jastorf Culture milieu, where ‘gender oriented’
a great deal, but the percentage of graves of the cemeteries were already in use. In this context
‘lacking gender’ amounts frequently to only 5 % one should mention a relatively high percentage
or less (Derks 2012, 45–49). However, anthropo- of cremation urn graves in cemeteries at Dąbek
logical analyses have revealed that even in those (site 5), Niedanowo (site 2) and Krusza Zam-
strongly ‘gender oriented’ cemeteries the dead kowa (see above). In the Przeworsk Culture bur-
of both sexes could have been buried, though in ials in urns are rare during that time, while they
different proportions (Eger 1999, 128). occur abundantly in Mazovia, especially in its
Everything seems to indicate that ‘female northern part (Dąbrowska 2008, 14; Maciałowicz
oriented’ cemeteries of the Przeworsk Culture 2009, 217 ff.). Moreover, in the case of the first
represent the same phenomenon that was regis- two cemeteries mentioned above, some of the
tered in the Elbe basin. What distinguishes them urn graves contained neither charcoals nor ashes
is that the territory of Poland seems to lack grave (funeral pyre debris),60 which is also not typical
sites from the Late Pre-Roman Period that could for the Przeworsk Culture. Meanwhile, the cus-
be called ‘male oriented’, although this aspect tom of burying the dead in urn graves without
has not yet been researched.57 One can point to a remnants of the funeral pyre is common for the
few ‘male oriented’ cemeteries in northernmost Jastorf Culture. Hence, it may be observed that
Mazovia being in use during the Early Roman the presence of the mentioned burial rite ele-
Period, e. g. at Gródki (former Grodtken), site 3, ments in northern Mazovia coincides with the
and possibly at Księży Dwór (former Niederhof), emergence of some ‘female oriented’ cemeteries.
site 2, both in distr. Działdowo (cf. Okulicz 1983; Parts of attire found at Krusza Zamkowa and
Brinkmann 1909).58 Both grave sites were estab- Dąbek, site 2 indicate the same connection.61
lished at the end of the Late Pre-Roman Period, To put it more broadly, many cultural features
but the scarcity of graves from that time makes of the Przeworsk Culture in northern Mazovia
it impossible to judge whether these were ‘male could be derived – directly or indirectly – from
oriented’ from the very beginning. We may add the Jastorf Culture, and these connections are
that ‘female oriented’ cemeteries predominate recorded in each phase of the Late Pre-Roman
over ‘male oriented’ ones in the Late Pre-Roman Period (Maciałowicz 2009, 225 ff.). A decorated
and Early Roman Period also in the Elbe basin bowl from grave 11 at Niedanowo (site 2), dated
(Derks 2012, 49, table 5). Moreover, both of the to stage A2/A3, is evident proof of direct rela-
cemetery types are found in the same areas of tions between inhabitants of northern Mazovia
Germany; however, the ‘female oriented’ ones and people of the Jastorf Culture/Elbian Circle
are slightly more common (Derks 2012, 46, figs. (Fig. 21,1). While the bowl‘s form is typical of
15.1,2). In Poland, the ‘female oriented’ cemeter- the Przeworsk Culture (it belongs to Dąbrowska
ies were sometimes located in the close vicinity group II), the vertical layout of the ornament
of contemporary ‘typical’ grave sites that con- covering the lower part of the belly and the use
tained many weapon graves.59 Therefore, in the of a diamond-shaped pattern do not find paral-
case of both areas ‘female oriented’ cemeteries lels in the local milieu. Similar ornaments are,
buried only some of the local community mem- however, commonly known among various
vessels (i. a. bowl-shaped) from the Elbe basin
(Fig. 21,2–6).62 It may be that the presence of
57 E. g. in spite of the high percentage of graves containing
weapons at the Wesółki site (Fig. 13), many female findings
were also found there.
58 There are also a few ‘female oriented’ cemeteries in nort- 60 Cf. Niedanowo, graves: 48, 52, 94, 134, 177, 211, 469,
hernmost Mazovia that were established in the Early Roman 470. Several such graves were also found in Dąbek cemetery
Period, e. g. Dąbek, site 29, and Bartki (former Bartkengut), (site 5).
distr. Nidzica (cf. Mistewicz 2005; Bohnsack 1938, 71–74). 61 This relates to bar-shaped belt hooks of Kostrzewski
59 Here are the distances between such pairs of cemeteries type IIa (Dąbek, grave 13/93, Krusza Zamkowa, graves VI,
(‘female oriented’ mentioned first): less than 1 km (Nieda- XVII, XXVII) and a brooch of Kostrzewski type F (Dąbek,
nowo, site 2 – Niedanowo, site 1), ca. 3.5 km (Dąbek, site 5 grave 20/93); cf. Kostrzewski 1919, 20–21, 50 Figs. 6 and 37;
– Stupsk), ca. 4.5 km (Krusza Zamkowa – Inowrocław, site Maciałowicz 2006, 304 Fig. 6; Domański 1975, 25–26, 98 Fig. 20.
58), ca. 8 km (Kleszewo – Kacice). For further literature on 62 E. g. Schmidt-Thielbeer 1967, Pls. 72/211a and 103/368;
Niedanowo, site 1 and Kacice, see: Dąbrowska 2008, 140, 158. Seyer 1976, Pls. 10h and 14f–h; Hingst 1959, Pls. 98,2 and 99,8.
BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
255

Fig. 21. Bowl from Niedanowo, site 2, grave 11 (1) and its stylistic counterparts from the Elbe basin: 2 Wuster-
witz; 3, 4 Döberitz, graves 9 and 13; 5 Wahlitz, grave 368; 6 Hammoor 6, urn 73.

two handles – unusual for bowls of Dąbrowska ing back home from the Elbe basin?). Another
group II – also corresponds with the pots known ‘ceramic’ proof of direct contacts between inhab-
from Jastorf Culture cemeteries (Fig. 21,4). Any- itants of the Elbe and Vistula basins is a minia-
way, the vessel was made by someone who knew ture ‘Plaňany Beaker’ (Trichterurne) found in pit
Jastorf Culture/Elbian Circle ceramic decoration grave 69 at Lemany, distr. Pułtusk, located only
patterns, but was also familiar with Przeworsk ca. 15 km from Kleszewo (Fig. 22,1). This kind of
Culture pottery (a newcomer or a man com- vessel is typical for the Großromstedt Culture in
BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
256

the last phase of the Late Pre-Roman Period (Fig. ness of the objects does not always have to indi-
22,2–5; see Droberjar 2006 for further lit.).63 Thus, cate that the items were in any way damaged or
it is reasonable to think that various ideas, e. g. fragmented (e. g. a scabbard deposited in a grave
concerning funeral rites, could be transferred without a sword). This article refers to findings
by individuals travelling between those cultural from Kleszewo, and in this case the only find-
zones. The change of character of Kleszewo ings seen as evidence of ‘fragmentary’ military
cemetery in phase A3 could have resulted from offerings are rivets or other shield fittings found
intensification of such direct contacts as is seen without a shield-boss or elements of scabbards
through the ceramics mentioned above. (regardless, for single- or double-edged swords)
To sum up, the emergence of ‘female oriented’ found without a sword. Single lance shoes are
cemeteries in the Przeworsk Culture milieu is omitted, since these objects could have been
most likely evidence of various burial customs used as spearheads as well (cf. Kontny 1999,
from the Elbe basin spreading eastward. This 132–133; Bochnak 2005, 87–88).
phenomenon began in phase A1 of the Late Pre- A few researchers noticed that a similar prac-
Roman Period and continued mostly in north- tice in which only individual rivets and elements
ernmost Mazovia in the Early Roman Period. of scabbards were deposited in graves is quite
Perhaps the idea developed, since starting from often documented in cemeteries at Ko­narzew,
the turn of both periods ‘male oriented’ grave distr. Łęczyca, Zagorzyn, distr. Kalisz, and
sites are also recorded. At the same time, a new Zakrzew, distr. Sieradz (Bochnak 2005, 124;
phenomenon appears in this region, concern- Kontny 2002, 63; Łuczkiewicz 2006, 231, 233–
ing a taboo on depositing of weapons in graves 234).65 A few other cemeteries from those
(also in ‘male oriented’ cemeteries). However, regions, i.e. Greater Poland and Central Poland,
graves are still furnished with typically male have delivered graves with similar inventories:
dress accessories, tools and personal items. The Niechmirów-Mała Wieś, distr. Sieradz, Wesółki,
accumulation of ‘gender oriented’ cemeteries in distr. Kalisz, Wymysłowo, distr. Gostyń
northern Mazovia seems interesting and should (Łuczkiewicz 2006, 311; Dąbrowscy 1967; Jas-
be analysed bearing in mind continuous rela- nosz 1952). Other, though less frequent, burials
tions with the Elbe basin. Mass vanishing of are also known from Mazovia and Lesser Poland,
weapons at the beginning of the Early Roman e. g. from cemeteries at Lemany, distr. Pułtusk
Period, however, should be seen as a separate (only ca. 15 km from Kleszewo), Oblin, distr.
phenomenon, even though it could be some- Garwolin, Błonie, distr. Sandomierz, and possi-
how related to the spread of previously emerg- bly Pełczyska, distr. Pińczów.66 Single invento-
ing tendencies for ‘demasculinisation’ of grave ries of this type are also known from Silesia and
inventories (cf. Dąbrowska 2008, 15). East Poland.67

Pars pro toto or ‘fragmentary’


offerings principle 65 For the original publications concerning these sites see:
Iron objects found in grave 147, interpreted as fit- Siciński 1990; Dąbrowski 1970. More detailed information
tings of a scabbard for a single-edged sword and on a few findings from Zagorzyn and Wesółki (mentioned
as a rivet used to fasten a shield-boss (Fig. 2,1,3– below) were kindly given to us by Sławomir Miłek. The
findings from the cemetery at Zakrzew have not been pub-
6), may be seen as a trace of a practice called by lished, but the weapons found together with other findings
many researchers pars pro toto. As the meaning were listed by Piotr Łuczkiewicz (2006, 327). However, for
of putting incomplete items to a grave (espe- the purpose of this article we have verified with him some of
cially weaponry elements) is not at all obvious, the data listed there (cf. Fig. 24).
66 The findings from Lemany have not been fully publis-
it is safer to call them ‘fragmentary’ offerings.64 hed. In further analysis we exclude grave 147, as it was parti-
What needs to be stressed is that the incomplete- ally destroyed and the original number of rivets is uncertain;
moreover, basing on the pottery the grave should be dated
to the Early Roman Period (cf. Narkiewicz 1990, 265–269
Pl. XXVIII,a–d; Dąbrowska 2008, 151–152). For the next
mentioned sites, respectively: Czarnecka 2007; Mycielska/
63 E. g. Píč 1905, Pl. LXIII,8; Eichhorn 1927, Figs. on p. 11: Woźniak 1988; Rudnicki 2009, 304. A series of weaponry
1908, E29, vor 1907,02, vor 1907,014; Müller 1985, Pl. 5,3; from Warszawa-Wilanów grave site also suggests the use
Schmidt/Nitzschke 1989, Pls. 22/87a, 49/195a and 66/242a. of the ‘fragmentary’ military offerings custom. However,
64 W. Adler (2002, 191 ff.) raises doubt over whether the we cannot rule out the theory that this state of affairs was
discovery of incomplete items (e. g. single shield rivets) in not due to burial rites, but the turbulent history of the fin-
grave inventories must necessarily mean that the pars pro toto dings during the Second World War (cf. Marciniak 1957, 7–8;
rule was in use. He points out that this term has a very spe- Jażdżewski 1995, 141–142).
cific meaning in religious studies and it happens to be over- 67 Wierzbice (former Konradserbe), distr. Wrocław, grave
used by archaeologists that call phenomena of an en­tirely 9 with single shield rivet, and Nosocice (former Noßwitz),
different character pars pro toto. Therefore, Adler suggests distr. Głogów, grave 74 with possible shield edge mounting.
using the term Teilmitgabe, which can be translated as “frag- In Zubowice, distr. Zamość, an urn burial in a bronze ves-
mentary offerings”. sel was found by chance, containing, i. a. three shield rivets.
BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
257

Fig. 22. Miniature ‘Plaňany Beaker’ from Lemany, grave 69 (1) and its counterparts from the Czech Republic
and Central Germany: 2 Plaňany; 3, 4 Schkopau, graves 87 and 195; 5 Groβromstedt “vor 1907, O2”.

While identifying ‘fragmentary’ military tice) or more, which corresponds with the size
offerings we should be careful as the preserva- of most of the rivets used to fasten a shield-boss
tion status of iron findings, susceptible to corro- in the Late Pre-Roman Period (cf. Adler 2002,
sion, is crucial to this matter.68 It is not uncom- 179–180 Fig. 1; Bochnak 2005, 124).69 Moreo-
mon to misinterpret it, e.g. if a shield-boss has ver, in the analysed group we also find excep-
degraded completely. Therefore, the assem- tionally large rivets measuring up to 3.5 cm in
blages including only single, poorly preserved head diameter, hence their use as shield fittings
objects whose ‘military’ identification raises seri- should not be questioned (cf. Adler 2002, 192).
ous doubts were excluded from the analysis (e. g. What also needs to be remembered is that the
Zagorzyn, graves 15 and 37). For example rivets, presence of ‘fragmented’ weaponry in graves
especially smaller ones, could have more pur- does not necessarily have to be a result of delib-
poses than only to fasten shield fittings. Hence, erate action. Some researchers point out that it
in further analysis we have only included rivets is possible that some single rivets could end up
with a head diameter of ca. 2 cm (1.7 cm in prac- in the graves by accident, having been scooped
together with debris of the funeral pyre from a
previous cremation that has taken place in the
same spot (Adler 2002, 193–194; Bochnak 2005,
However, since not all the artefacts were delivered by fin-
ders, we cannot take the lack of a shield-boss for granted
(for further literature for all three sites see Bochnak 2005, 225
Lists X and XI).
68 This concerns not only the state of preservation of the 69 Considerably smaller rivets are mainly found in uncom-
findings at the discovery moment, but also – or mainly – the mon forms of shield-bosses dated to the early phases of the
way they are secured in museums, which is particularly Late Pre-Roman Period, therefore to the times prior to the
important when it is taking decades before they are pub­ peak of the phenomena in question (cf. Bochnak 2005, 106–
lished... 108, 124).
BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
258

124–125). This theory can be supported – as it is together with grave 147 from Kleszewo, were
believed – by the fact that shield-bosses which also included (Fig. 23).
are discovered in the graves lack some rivets The comparison of 50 grave inventories
from time to time. Naturally, in some particu- (Fig. 24) containing ‘fragmentary’ military offer-
lar, single cases it seems plausible. However, ings shows that the most common type (78 %) was
the concentration of six cemeteries in Greater shield fittings found without a boss and, except
Poland and Central Poland mentioned above for one case of a grip, they were always rivets.
with their largest series of graves (over 40 alto- They usually occurred singly (21 cases), less
gether) containing ‘fragmentary’ military offer- often in twos (10 cases) or threes (3 cases), and
ings is a fact and it cannot be explained by the only in three graves were 7 rivets discovered.72
bad preservation state of the findings, random What is worth noting is that the latter number is
objects ending up in the graves or devastation still not greater than the number of rivets used
of the grave site.70 In the discussed cases of find- to fasten a boss, and if need be a grip, so they
ing rivets without a shield-boss we should also could have been parts of one shield. In the case
rule out the use of shields made entirely out of of the inventories containing rivets, as many as
organic materials, merely nailed together with 21 occurrences (ca. 55 %) were not accompanied
the metal rivets, as speculated by some research- by any other weaponry elements. Occasionally,
ers (Hachmann 1956, 15; Kontny 2002, 62; they occurred together with other shield parts
Bochnak 2005, 124, 141). First of all, as numerous (except for bosses), e. g. a grip or an edge mount.
finds from Scandinavia indicate, wooden shield- The other types of ‘fragmentary’ military offer-
bosses were usually fastened with rivets made ings are scabbards for double-edged swords (10
of the same material (Rosenberg 1937, 107–109; graves) and for single-edged swords (8 graves).
Martens 2001, 137 Fig. 5; =2011, 158 Fig. 9). It can be observed that in half of the cases of the
Moreover, the majority of the grave inventories first type only fragments of their lower parts,
in question contained just one iron rivet and it including chapes, were found. Only in 7 graves
is hard to assume that it was the only metallic (including one from Kleszewo) ‘fragmentary’
element the wooden shield-boss or grip was fas- both shield and sword were discovered, while
tened with. in the majority of cases they occurred separately.
Consequently the presence of solely single In general it can be noticed that the presence of
rivets and pieces of scabbards, instead of shield- shield fittings, without a boss, would rule out
bosses and swords in 41 graves at Konarzew, the occurrence of a sword, and respectively, the
Niechmirów-Mała Wieś, Wesółki, Wymysłowo, presence of a scabbard would rule out a shield-
Zagorzyn and Zakrzew, needs to be interpreted boss (only 5 such cases were observed, that is
as evidence of following of particular grave fur- 10 % of the inventories analysed). More often (in
nishing rules, not as a random occurrence (cf. 13 cases, which constitutes 26 %) ‘fragmentary’
Bochnak 2005, 141; Eger 1999, 151). Naturally, weapons were accompanied by a spearhead or
the sites represent only a selection of larger quite exceptionally a lance shoe.
Przeworsk Culture cemeteries from the Late The observed correlation allows us to assume
Pre-Roman Period, where the practice of ‘frag- that the composition of the inventories is not
mentation’ of military offerings was observed. coincidental and thereby it is not a result of
Undoubtedly, a thorough investigation would random factors, but evidence of practising spe-
make the list longer.71 In further analysis graves cial burial rites. They usually involved furnish-
from cemeteries at Lemany, Oblin and Błonie, ing graves with single shield rivets or (rather
than “and”) fragments of scabbards. The ritual

70 K. Dąbrowski explains the presence of merely single ele-


ments of weaponry at Zagorzyn by the devastation of the site wiec, graves: 46, 57a, 129), rivets found in fact outside the
due to ploughing (Dąbrowski 1970, 377–378). However, as grave pit (Dobrzankowo, grave 16, Karczewiec, grave 161),
neither shield-bosses nor swords missing in the graves were and the ones actually accompanied by fragments of shield-
found in the arable soil layer, it is hard to agree with it. In boss (Oblin, grave 95). Moreover, it is not clear why grave
addition, pit grave 31 – the only one that, among other items, 4 at Wrocław-Kuźniki (former Breslau-Schmiedefeld), distr.
contained an entire sword – was not distinctly deeper, hence Wrocław, was qualified as being of the Przeworsk Culture
preserved better than others. Unfortunately, as the publica- by T. Bochnak. Together with a small rivet a wheel-thrown
tion does not provide detailed pits descriptions, it is impos- Celtic vase and sherds of most probably a Jastorf Culture
sible to thoroughly analyse the extent of their damage. pot with fingerprints under the rim were found in it, while
71 A list of “assemblages containing possible shield rivets it lacked any findings of the Przeworsk Culture whatsoever
but without a shield-boss nor a grip fitting” was presented (Jahn 1931, 130–131 Pls. VI,4 and VII,6–11; cf. Grygiel 2013,
by T. Bochnak (2005, 225–226 List XI). However, it needs to Fig. 17,5–8).
be verified since it contains findings different from or smaller 72 This relates to the rivets found individually, excluding
than typical shield rivets from the Late Pre-Roman Period the ones still stucking in, for example, a shield-grip (as in
(e. g. Błonie, grave 175, Kamieńczyk, grave 115, Karcze- grave 82 at Wymysłowo).
BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
259

Fig. 23. Przeworsk Culture cemeteries with ‘fragmentary’ military offerings discussed in the text and the grave
site at Kleszewo seen against the background of the maximum range of the Przeworsk Culture during the Late
Pre-Roman Period (in grey).

would in fact exclude swords together with ings in question are usually needles and spindle-
shield-bosses from the grave inventory, even whorls, and those, especially the former, could
if the archaeologically confirmed phenomenon easily be found in warriors‘ graves at the end
of ‘fragmentation’ relates to only one type of of the Late Pre-Roman Period (cf. footnote 28).
weapon in a given case. When it comes to scab- Besides, in five cases female items were accom-
bards for double-edged swords made entirely panied by ‘archaeological indicators’ of male
out of metal we may assume that the highest gender (other than weapons). However, some
concentration of chapes is a result of a conscious typically female dress accessories or tool sets
selection. Unfortunately, due to the custom of found in the analysed graves cannot go unno-
burning the offerings on a funeral pyre we are ticed (Błonie, grave 214, Konarzew, grave 15,
unable to investigate the possible phenomenon Lemany, grave 53, Zagorzyn, grave 31). Those
of ‘fragmentation’ of shafted weapons. The pres- cases generally lacked any kind of male traits,
ence of lance shoe (without a spearhead) only in except for shears found in grave 53 at Lemany
one of the analysed graves can not confirm this (found together with a bronze bracelet) and
phenomenon; the doubts mentioned above must anthropological analysis of bones from grave 31
be taken into consideration. at Zagorzyn. The latter contained – alongside a
What is also very interesting is that in 14 set of weapons – a female belt hook,73 and grave
graves (28 %) ‘archaeological indicators’ of
female gender were discovered. The presence of
women’s burials in this group is also suggested 73 It is a unique form in the Przeworsk Culture, but it finds
by anthropological analysis (5 out of 9 sex iden- parallels in the Poieneşti-Lukaševka Culture (Babeş 1993,
tifications). On the other hand, the female find- 103 Pls. 9/84f and 15/27).
BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
260

Fig. 24. Selected Przeworsk Culture grave inventories with ‘fragmentary’ military offerings, i.e. lacking shield-
boss or sword, together with osteological analyses results (Klesze – Kleszewo; Konarz – Konarzew; Niechm –
Niechmirów-Mała Wieś; Wymys – Wymysłowo; green – ‘fragmentary’ shield; yellow – ‘fragmentary’ 1-edged
sword; orange – ‘fragmentary’ 2-edged sword; red/blue – female/male feature, other than weapons; * – object/
burial partially damaged or mixed; ... – only minimum number; ? – identification uncertain; ↓/↑ - scabbard’s
chape/mouth or suspension loop; B – bracelet; Be – belt hook; Bu – belt buckle; Ca – casket fittings; Cr –
crescent-shaped knife with profiled or pointed tang; DH – drinking horn fitting; FS – fire-steel; H – brooch of
Kostrzewski type H; N – needle; R – razor; Sh – shears; Sp – Spur; SW – spindle-whorl; Tw – Tweezers).
BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
261

214 at Błonie contained a belt hook, a bracelet arguments to identifying it with the pars pro toto
and a pair of brooches of Kostrzewski type H, rule, meaning furnishing graves with a part of
typical for female costume. While it is easy to an object that was supposed to symbolize the
imagine that a wife would furnish her husband‘s item in its entirety. First of all, in 21 out of 38
grave with a bracelet that belonged to her, could graves containing shield rivets without a boss
the same be done with a belt or a robe?74 There- (55 %) no other weaponry elements were found,
fore, in the light of the analysis of the findings which makes us question the merely military
and taking into consideration the – less reliable meaning of the rivets put to the graves (see
in this matter – anthropological data, we need to below). Second of all, this interpretation contra-
face the fact that ‘fragmentary’ military offerings dicts the presence of women‘s burials, that were
also occurred in women‘s graves. But – as Fig. not – as a rule – furnished with military items
24 shows – they were mainly shield rivets, since (apart from the possible, strictly symbolic func-
fragments of scabbards were rarely found in the tion of, for example, a spearhead; see above).
supposedly female graves (almost never as a Thirdly, extracting a rivet from a wooden shield
sole example of a ‘fragmented’ weapon). Hence – not to mention fragmenting an iron scabbard –
grave 147 at Kleszewo, in which – if we assume could weaken its durability, which made the
that the anthropological identification is correct – object less fit to be used later on (assuming that
a woman was buried, was unusual compared to this was the reason behind putting only part of
the other graves. It can also be mentioned that the item to the grave). The last mentioned argu-
in two of the analysed graves children‘s remains ment – as well as the fact that almost half of the
were found. They contained only one element of graves with shield rivets also contained some
a ‘fragmented’ weapon: a single rivet or a scab- other elements of weaponry – undermines the
bard’s chape. economic reasoning behind this custom which
Therefore, the rite of furnishing graves with is expressed by some researchers (e.g. Schultze
‘fragmentary’ military offerings is related not 1991, 182; 1992, 210; Bochnak 2005, 124; cf. contra
only to burials of men, but probably also of Kontny 2002, 63). What also counters this ‘eco-
women and children. In the case of the latter nomic’ theory is the fact that in two of the ana-
group it was mainly shield rivets that ended lysed graves drinking horn fittings were found,
up in the grave (not fragmentary scabbards, marking possibly a social elite, but mainly the
which are in general discovered less often). The presence of a bronze vessel in the urn grave at
presence of other military and civilian findings Zubowice, if it actually contain three rivets with-
correlated with men in the supposedly female out a shield-boss (cf. footnote 67).
graves also makes us wonder. This all seems to It is a well-known fact that single shield fit-
indicate ‘fragmentary’ military offerings stand tings are a typical element of the furnishing
out from the previously known patterns of in many graves in the Elbe basin (Weski 1982,
grave furnishing. Thus it is possible that there 29–34, 241–242 List 20, Map 20). In Central Ger-
is a complex funeral rite behind this archaeo- man cemeteries at Großromstedt and Schkopau
logical phenomenon and it is not easy to inter- at the end of the Late Pre-Roman Period and in
pret. Expanding the anthropological database the Early Roman Period – they appeared as the
would probably be helpful, since the numerous only element of military equipment in ca. half
co-occurrences of ‘archaeological indicators’ of of weapon graves (Hachmann 1956, 15 Table 3;
both genders make us speculate whether some Weski 1982, 118; Peschel 1991, 137, 139). In the
of the graves were not collective (containing first of the cemeteries mentioned 169 weapon
deceased of both sexes). graves were found, in the second over two
In the light of collected data the chronologi- times fewer – 79 (Schultze 1987, 98; Schmidt/
cal placement of the phenomenon in question Nitzschke 1989, Figs. 15–26). Among them the
sets it within phases A2–A3/B1, but the upper occurrence of graves with shield rivets only
limit is determined solely by this article‘s time constitutes ca. 22 % (37 graves) at Großromstedt
range, while it surely continues later in the Early and ca. 38 % (30 graves) at Schkopau (Eichhorn
Roman Period (cf. Weski 1982, 29–30, 40–42). 1927, 126–127; Schmidt/Nitzschke 1989, 32). In
When it comes to the character of the phe- the majority of the graves they occurred singly
nomenon itself, we can name a few counter- or in sets of 2–3 items; however, a few groups
consisting of 7–8 pieces were also found. In the
Elbe basin, especially in both of the mentioned
cemeteries, graves furnished with scabbard
74 Naturally we could assume that in those cases it did not elements (without a sword) were also discov-
concern rivets fastened to a shield, but to some other items.
However, such interpretation is not plausible in case of two
ered (Weski 1982, 20–21). Their occurrence in
of the burials (Lemany, grave 53 and Zagorzyn, grave 31) weapon graves at Großromstedt and Schkopau
which were also furnished with other weapons. is respectively ca. 11 % (18 graves) and ca. 10 %
BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
262

(8 graves).75 The chronology of both cemeteries with ‘fragmented’ shields could have had also a
can be correlated with times from the beginning magical or symbolic meaning.
of phase A3 (stage A2/A3), until the very begin- Maybe then the practice of ‘fragmentary’
ning of the Early Roman Period. Later on, this military offerings, which had most likely
rite of ‘fragmentary’ military offerings spreads emerged in Poland earlier on, spread in the area
in other areas in the Elbe basin (Schultze 1991). of Central Germany on the verge of phases A2
As we can see, the findings from Central Ger- and A3? This issue surely requires further study,
many are to a great extent consistent with the among others in terms of the possible Celtic ori-
results of the analysis of 50 Przeworsk Culture gins of the phenomenon. Because even though
graves. The main difference seems to be the pres- in phases LT C–D the model of furnishing La
ence of female ‘features’ in the latter ones. Their Tène Culture graves with shield elements only
lack at Groβromstedt and Schkopau, however, is is recorded, the marginal nature of this kind of
no wonder since both of them are strictly ‘male funeral rites is emphasised (Panke-Schneider
oriented’ cemeteries. Until now the phenom- 2013, 176–177, 196–200, 205).
ena of ‘fragmentary’ military offerings from the The lack of certain findings that can be dated
two regions were not put together. However, in to the beginnings of the Late Pre-Roman Period
terms of both character and chronology, they are does not allow us to conclude whether the ‘frag-
largely consistent. It may seem that the phenom- mentary’ military offerings in the Przeworsk
enon on Polish territories is attested in slightly Culture should be connected with rare occur-
earlier times (phase A2), but its peak is in phases rences of scabbard fittings for long battle-knives
A3–A3/B1, so the time when both of the German in the graves of the much older Pomeranian Cul-
cemeteries were in use. ture (cf. Fogel 1980, 92 ff., table I, map 1). How-
German researchers suggest that the choice ever, in the light of hitherto acquired knowledge
of weaponry elements deposited in graves was in terms of chronology of both cultures and ori-
one of the ways of manifesting the position gins of the former one, it seems unlikely.
of the dead warrior in the military hierarchy What needs to be stressed is that during
(Peschel 1991, 139; Eger 1999, 151–152). Thereby phases A3 and A3/B1 the contacts between
they assume that the weapons discovered in inhabitants of Polish territories and the popula-
graves in the Elbe basin correspond not so much tion from the middle Elbe basin intensified, and
to the assortment of weapons used by the par- the relations extended further to the territories
ticular warrior during his life (as is assumed by west of the Rhine. This is suggested by many
Polish researchers), but symbolically indicate findings – mostly weapons.76 In this context the
his rank in the hierarchy of warriors. Hence, presence of chair-shaped spurs (Stuhlsporen)
they are prone to interpreting the similar phe- that have numerous, close parallels in the mid-
nomenon of furnishing graves with single rivets dle Elbe, in two of the analysed cemeteries of the
as evidence of the warrior being a beginner in Przeworsk Culture, that is at Zakrzewo, grave
warfare, or in any case a warrior with no merit. 14 and Wesółki, grave 20A, is incredibly inter-
This assumption – having nothing to do with the esting (Bochnak 2004, 22 Fig. V,3; Łuczkiewicz
pars pro toto rule – may correspond well with the 2006, 216 Fig. 51,3; 2009, 349–351 Figs. 6 and
formerly mentioned fact of the weak correlation 7). What also needs to be emphasised is that
between ‘fragmented’ shield elements and other the area of Greater Poland and Central Poland,
weaponry objects in the comparison of 50 inven- where the cemeteries which provided the larg-
tories from Poland. Naturally, this interpreta- est series of graves with ‘fragmentary’ military
tion, though not impossible, does not explain offerings are located (Fig.  23), corresponds
the phenomenon in its totality, among others with the range of concentration of drinking
the expected presence of women and children horn metal fittings, frequently found also at
in graves furnished in this manner. We can also
recall the interpretations of T. Weski (1982, 199–
200) and T. Völling (2005, 171–172), who under-
lined the importance of a shield in Germanic 76 In the case of weaponry it mainly relates to some kinds
‘warrior-like’ society. Thus, furnishing graves of scabbards (together with their swords) with openwork
decoration (opus interrasile, grid pattern), with pointed-
chape (sporenförmiges Schwertscheideortband) and of Lud-
wigshafen type, but also various types of shield-bosses
with a spike. However, it should be emphasised that some
of the scabbard types mentioned above may be evidence
75 While at Großromstedt metal elements of scabbards of connections with the East Alpine zone (Bochnak 2005,
both for single- and double-edged swords were found especially 161–164; 2007; 2014; Bochnak/Czarnecka 2006;
(almost twice as many of the former type), at Schkopau only Böhme-Schönberger 2002; Bockius/Łuczkiewicz 2004, 127–
fittings of the latter ones were discovered (Eichhorn 1927, 132 Map 40; Łuczkiewicz 2000; 2006, 187–189, 201–204; 2009;
134, 139–141, 146; Schmidt/Nitzschke 1989, 32). Völling 2005, 168–171 Pl. 44).
BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
263

Großromstedt (Andrzejowski 1991, Map 31). The character of the cemetery changed in
This type of findings was also discovered in two the developed stage of phase A3 at the latest.
of the analysed graves (Fig. 24). One can men- The weapons were no longer to be found in
tion here also both discussed vessels of western the graves. They also lack any kind of tools or
origin or inspiration, found at Niedanowo and elements of men‘s attire that would typically
Lemany (Figs. 21 and 22). appear in other, closely located Przeworsk Cul-
The findings described indicate the enhanced ture cemeteries during that period. At the same
mobility of warriors and their elites on the east- time numerous graves of the female, from time
west axis. This activity has surely contributed to to time very rich, furnishing model were noted
the flow of ideas and cultural models over long at Kleszewo. Therefore, from that time the cem-
distances. Its peak coincides with the emergence etery represents a model that can be defined as
of numerous ‘fragmentary’ shields or swords ‘female oriented’. The phenomenon of this kind
in graves in Central German cemeteries, thus in of grave sites being in use occurs in northernmost
accordance with the custom formerly noted in Mazovia and in Kuyavia at the beginning of the
the Przeworsk Culture. It therefore seems likely Late Pre-Roman Period, and its origins should
that the spread of those particular funeral rites be sought in the Jastorf Culture milieu. Another
among the Germanic warriors was caused by trait which possibly associates the ‘female ori-
direct relations between them established possi- ented’ cemeteries from Polish territories with
bly during joint military activities over the Rhine, the Jastorf Culture is the relatively common
in Gaul, in the times around and after its conquest presence of cremation urn graves, sometimes
by Julius Caesar (cf. Rieckhoff 1995, 195–197). lacking ashes and funeral pyre debris (however,
at the current state of study not yet confirmed
Conclusions at Kleszewo). The direct relations between
The vast grave site at Kleszewo founded in inhabitants of northern Mazovia with Germanic
phase A2 was originally used as a ‘typical’ Prze- tribes from the Elbe basin in phases A2/A3–A3,
worsk Culture cemetery, where some (rather confirmed by occurrences of vessels of clear
few) warriors were also buried. Thus, grave 402 western provenance or inspiration, may have
containing a Celtic double-edged sword and a been highly conducive to the spread of some
spearhead can be dated to this phase. Next two ideas and customs connected with the broadly
burials with weapons or their fragments (147, defined sepulchral sphere, as was possibly the
655), together with grave 409A furnished solely case in Kleszewo. ‘Gender oriented’ cemeter-
with pieces of a warrior’s belt, may originate ies in northern Mazovia were also in use later,
from the same phase or from stage A2/A3 at the in the Early Roman Period (and it is not until
latest. In this particular time the phenomenon of this time that the functioning of ‘male oriented’
furnishing graves with only ‘fragmentary’ mili- burial sites is well documented). It is also in this
tary offerings was noted, as is indicated by grave period that another important burial rite change
147 containing, most probably, a shield rivet and occurs. Namely, weapons start vanishing from
iron fittings of a sword’s scabbard. This custom grave inventories in northernmost Mazovia and
– maybe as an adaptation of Celtic models – is this concerns ‘male oriented’ cemeteries as well.
most frequently registered in Greater Poland and However, their lack in the Early Roman Period
Central Poland, and it was probably from those at Kleszewo has earlier origins and reflects the
areas that it spread to the middle Elbe basin. It continuation of a different tradition, initiated
is interesting that the burnt bones from grave there already in phase A3.
147 were identified as those of an adult woman. The conducted analysis, with only four
Naturally, this may be the anthropologist‘s mis- Kleszewo graves as a starting point, made it pos-
take, but it needs to be remembered that a few sible to distinguish and characterise a number of
other graves with ‘fragmentary’ military items particular funeral customs practised by a part of
from the Przeworsk Culture area were also the Przeworsk Culture population in the Late
identified as containing female remains. Moreo- Pre-Roman Period. The phenomena discussed
ver, in a few inventories – alongside the weap- have already been indicated in the literature, but
ons – women‘s tools and attire were discovered. it is now safe to say that the issue of burial rites
Therefore, the phenomenon of furnishing graves of this cultural unit is much more complex than
with single shield rivets or scabbard elements previously assumed. Not only could they differ
does not have to apply to warriors‘ graves only. in various periods and locations, but they could
Thus its character may be different from that of just as well vary considerably within the same
the pars pro toto rule, usually assumed in such time and area. Some of the differences can be
cases. Hence, we need to consider also other explained by the reception of external influences,
symbolic meanings of ‘fragmentary’ weapons while others may be reminiscences from earlier
deposited in graves. local traditions. It can, therefore, be assumed
BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
264

that further study on the burial rites of the Prze- Bochnak/Czarnecka 2006 – T. Bochnak/K. Czar-
worsk Culture will allow us to diversify and necka, Iron scabbard-plates decorated in
enhance its image, which is often considered to openwork technique (opus interrasile) in Cen-
be thoroughly explored and described. tral Europe. Celtic import or locally made
copy? Anodos. Studies of the Ancient World
4–5/2004, 2005, 25–34.
References Bockius/Łuczkiewicz 2004 – T. Bockius/
Adler 2002 – W. Adler, Untersuchungen zu P. Łuczkiewicz, Kelten und Germanen im
den Schildnagel mit grossem, flachem Kopf. 2.–1. Jahrhundert vor Christus. Archäologi-
In: C. von Carnap-Bornheim/J. Ilkjær/ sche Bausteine zu einer historischen Frage.
A. Kokowski/P. Łuczkiewicz (eds), Bewaff- Monogr. RGZM 58 (Mainz 2004).
nung der Germanen und ihrer Nachbarn in Bohnsack 1938 – D. Bohnsack, Die Germanen im
den letzten Jahrhunderten vor Christi Geburt Kreise Neidenburg unter Berücksichtigung
(Lublin 2002) 179–197. der neuesten Funde. Alt-Preußen 3/3, 1938,
Andrzejowska/Andrzejowski 1997 – M. Andrze- 67–79.
jowska/J.  Andrzejowski, Wyniki ratowni- Böhme-Schönberger 2002 – A. Böhme-Schönber-
czych badań wykopaliskowych na stanowi- ger, Neue Forschungen zu den Schwertschei-
sku 6 w Starych Koczargach, gmina Stare den mit opus interrasile-Zierblechen. In: C.
Babice, województwo warszawskie. Wiado- von Carnap-Bornheim/J. Ilkjær/ A. Kokow­
mości Arch. 53/2, 1993–1994, 1997, 85–98. ski/P. Łuczkiewicz (eds), Bewaffnung der
Andrzejowski 1989 – J. Andrzejowski, Zagadnie- Germanen und ihrer Nachbarn in den letzten
nie kontynuacji cmentarzysk we wschodniej Jahrhunderten vor Christi Geburt (Lublin
strefie kultury przeworskiej. In: J. Gurba/ 2002) 199–209.
A. Kokowski (eds), Kultura wielbarska w Bokiniec 2008 – E. Bokiniec, Kultura oksywska
młodszym okresie rzymskim II (Lublin 1989) na ziemi chełmińskiej w świetle materiałów
103–123. sepulkralnych (Toruń 2008).
Andrzejowski 1991 – J. Andrzejowski, Okucia Brinkmann 1909 – A.  Brinkmann, Gräberfeld
rogów do picia z młodszego okresu przed­ bei Niederhof. Prussia 22/1900–1904, 1909,
rzymskiego i okresu wpływów rzymskich w 267–295.
Europie Środkowej i Północnej (próba klasy- Bykowski 1976 – K. Bykowski, Uwagi o szkie-
fikacji i analizy chronologiczno-terytorialnej). letowym obrządku pogrzebowym ludności
Mat. Starożytne i Wczesnośred. 6, 1991, 7–113. kultury przeworskiej w okresach późnolateń-
Andrzejowski 2001 – J. Andrzejowski, Wschod- skim i wczesnorzymskim. Acta Universitatis
nia strefa kultury przeworskiej - próba defi- Wratislaviensis 253. Studia Archeologiczne 7,
nicji. Wiadomości Arch. 54, 1995–1998, 2001, 1976, 139–161.
59–86. Cigilik 2003 – V. M. Cigilik, Pitannâ pohovalnogo
Babeş 1993 – M. Babeş, Die Poieneşti-Lukaševka- obrâdu naselennâ verhn’ogo Naddnistrov’â
Kultur. Ein Beitrag zur Kulturgeschichte im perših stolit’ našoï eri. Mat. i Spraw. 24, 2003,
Raum östlich der Karpaten in den Jahrhun- 151–182.
derten vor Christi Geburt. Saarbrücker Bei- Cofta-Broniewska 2004 – A. Cofta-Broniewska,
träge zur Altertumskunde 30 (Bonn 1993). Miejsca obrzędowe ludności kultury łużyc-
Bochnak 2004 – T. Bochnak, Zróżnicowanie typo- kiej i kultury przeworskiej na Kujawach.
logiczne ostróg oraz bojowe zastosowanie Część 1. Przegląd źródeł. Folia Praehistorica
konia w kulturze przeworskiej w młodszym Posnaniensia 12, 2004, 147–199.
okresie przedrzymskim. Zeszyty Naukowe Cofta-Broniewska/Bednarczyk 1998 – A. Cofta-
Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego 23/2004, -Broniewska/J. Bednarczyk, Miejsce obrzę-
Archeologia 1, 2004, 9–61. dowe z doby neolitu i schyłku starożytności
Bochnak 2005 – T. Bochnak, Uzbrojenie ludności w Inowrocławiu, st. 58. Studia i materiały do
kultury przeworskiej w młodszym okresie dziejów Kujaw 8 (Poznań 1998).
przedrzymskim (Rzeszów 2005). Czarnecka 1990 – K. Czarnecka, Struktura spo-
Bochnak 2007 – T. Bochnak, L’umbo à pointe cen- łeczna ludności kultury przeworskiej. Próba
trale d’Alise-Sainte-Reine (Côte-d’Or) dans rekonstrukcji na podstawie źródeł archeolo-
son contexte d’Europe centrale et septentrio- gicznych i analizy danych antropologicznych
nale. Ant. Nat. 38/2006–2007, 2007 67–76. z cmentarzysk (Warszawa 1990).
Bochnak 2014 – T. Bochnak, Importy celtyckie Czarnecka 2007 – K. Czarnecka, Oblin. Ein Grä-
w kulturze przeworskiej i oksywskiej na zie- berfeld der Przeworsk-Kultur in Südmaso-
miach polskich w młodszym okresie przed­ wien. Monumenta Archaeologica Barbarica
rzymskim. Zróżnicowanie - drogi napływu 13 (Warszawa 2007).
- kontekst kulturowy (Rzeszów 2014).
BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
265

Czarnecka/Kontny 2008 – K.  Czarnecka/ Droberjar 2006 – E. Droberjar, Plaňanská sku-


B. Kontny, Simply ornament or something pina grossromstedtské kultury. K chronolo-
more? Marks of undetermined function gii germánských nálezů a lokalit v Čechách
found on Barbarian lance- and spearheads. na sklonku doby laténské a v počátcích doby
In: L. Kocsis (ed.), The Enemies of Rome. řimské. In: E. Droberjar/M. Lutovský (eds),
Journal of Roman Military Equipment Stud- Archeologie Barbarů 2005 (Praha 2006) 11–90.
ies 16, 2008, 31–56. Droberjar 2011 – E.  Droberjar, Einige Bemer-
Czarnecka/Kontny 2009 – K.  Czarnecka/ kungen zur Körperbestattung bei den böh-
B. Kontny, Traces of combat or traces of rit- mischen Sueben in der älteren römischen
ual destruction? The damage to weapons in Kaiserzeit. In: E. Droberjar (ed.), Archeologie
the Przeworsk culture. In: Waffen in Aktion. Barbarů 2010. Hroby a pohřebiště Germánů
Xantener Berichte 16 (Mainz am Rhein 2009) mezi Labem a Dunajem (Olomouc 2011)
29–40. 13–22.
Dąbrowscy 1967 – I. K. Dąbrowscy, Cmentarzy- Eger 1999 – Ch. Eger, Die jüngere vorrömische
sko z okresów późnolateńskiego i wpływów Eisen- und römische Kaiserzeit im Luhetal
rzymskich w Wesółkach, pow. Kalisz (Wro- (Lüneburger Heide). Teil I, Text und Kata-
cław et al. 1967). log. Internationale Archäologie 56 (Rahden/
Dąbrowska 1976 – T. Dąbrowska, Początek Westf. 1999).
okresu wpływów rzymskich w Polsce Eichhorn 1927 – G. Eichhorn, Der Urnenfriedhof
Wschodniej. In: K. Godłowski (ed.), Kultury auf der Schanze bei Großromstedt. Mannus-
archeologiczne i strefy kulturowe w Europie Bibl. 41 (Leipzig 1927).
Środkowej w okresie wpływów rzymskich. Falkenstein 2008 – F.  Falkenstein, Geschlech-
Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Jagielloń- terrollen und Sozialstatus im Spiegel der
skiego 422. Prace Archeologiczne 22 (Kraków neolithischen Gräberfelder von Aiterhofen-
1976) 153–165. Ödmühle und Trebur. In: F.  Falkenstein/
Dąbrowska 1988 – T. Dąbrowska, Wczesne fazy S. Schade-Lindig/A. Zeeb-Lanz (eds), Kumpf,
kultury przeworskiej. Chronologia - zasięg - Kalotte, Pfeilschaftglätter. Zwei Leben für
powiązania (Warszawa 1988). die Archäologie. Gedenkschrift für Annema-
Dąbrowska 1997 – T. Dąbrowska, Kamieńczyk. rie Häußer und Helmut Spatz. Internationale
Ein Gräberfeld der Przeworsk-Kultur in Ost- Archäologie – Studia honoraria 27 (Rahden/
masowien. Monumenta Archaeologica Bar- Westf. 2008) 77–95.
barica 3 (Kraków 1997). Ferdiere/Villard 1993 – A. Ferdiere/A. Villard,
Dąbrowska 2005 – T. Dąbrowska, Bransolety z La tombe augustéenne de Fléré-la-Riviére
młodszego okresu przedrzymskiego w kul- (Indre) et les sépultures aristocratique de la
turach przeworskiej i oksywskiej. In: P. Łucz- cité des Bituriges (Saint-Marcel 1993).
kiewicz/M. Gładysz-Juścińska/M. Juściń- Fogel 1980 – J. Fogel, Uzbrojenie ludności kul-
ski/B. Niezabitowska/S. Sadowski (eds), tury wschodniopomorskiej. Przegląd Arch.
Europa Barbarica: ćwierć wieku archeologii 27, 1980, 87–123.
w Masłomęczu. Monumenta Studia Gothica Gajewski/Woźniak 2000 – L. Gajewski/Z. Woź-
4 (Lublin 2005) 79–90. niak, Cmentarzysko wczesnoprzeworskie ze
Dąbrowska 2008 – T. Dąbrowska, Młodszy Stradowa, pow. Kazimierza Wielka. Spraw.
okres przedrzymski na Mazowszu i zachod- Arch. 52, 2000, 231–327.
nim Podlasiu. Zarys kulturowo-chronolo- Gładykowska-Rzeczycka 1987 – J. Gładykowska-
giczny. Mat. Starożytne i Wczesnośred. 7, -Rzeczycka, Antropologiczna analiza mater­
2008, 3–246. iałów kostnych. In: Rumia. Cmentarzysko z
Dąbrowski 1970 – K. Dąbrowski, Cmentarzysko młodszego okresu przedrzymskiego i wpły-
z okresu późnolateńskiego w Zagorzynie, wów rzymskich (Gdańsk 1987) 213–263.
pow. Kalisz. Spraw. Arch. 22, 1970, 331–395. Godłowski 1960 – K. Godłowski, Studia nad
Derks 1993 – H. Derks, Geschlechtsspezifi- stosunkami społecznymi w okresach późno-
sche Bestattungssitten: ein archäologischer lateńskim i rzymskim w dorzeczu Odry i
Befund und ein ethnoarchäologischer Ansatz. Wisły. Próba interpretacji cmentarzysk. Pol-
Ethnogr.-Arch. Zeitschr. 34, 1993, 340–353. skie Towarzystwo Archeologiczne. Biblio-
Derks 2012 – H. Derks, Gräber und ‘Geschlechts- teka Archeologiczna 13 (Warszawa, Wrocław
fragen’. Studien zu den Bestattungssitten der 1960).
älteren Römischen Kaiserzeit. Archäologi- Godłowski 1974 – K. Godłowski, Konfrontacja i
sche Berichte 24 (Bonn 2012). ocena wartości archeologicznych i antropolo-
Domański 1975 – G. Domański, Studia z dzie- gicznych wyznaczników płci w odniesieniu
jów środkowego Nadodrza w III–I w. p.n.e. do grobów ciałopalnych z okresu późnola-
(Wrocław et al. 1975). teńskiego i rzymskiego. In: Metody, wyniki
BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
266

i konsekwencje badań kości z grobów ciało- wie, pow. Gostyń. Fontes Arch. Posnanienses
palnych. Materiały z sesji naukowej w dniu 2/1951, 1952, 1–284.
25 III 1972 roku. Uniwesytet im. Adama Jażdżewski 1995 – K. Jażdżewski, Pamiętniki.
Mickiewicza w Poznaniu, Wydział Biolo- Wspomnienia polskiego archeologa z XX
gii i Nauk o Ziemi, Seria Antropologiczna 2 wieku (Łódź 1995).
(Poznań 1974) 63–70. Kasiński 2010 – M. Kasiński, Bemerkungen zu
Godłowski 1985 – K. Godłowski, Przemiany kul- den Funden der Przeworsk-Kultur in Mittel-
turowe i osadnicze w południowej i środkowej deutschland in der jüngeren vorrömischen
Polsce w młodszym okresie przedrzymskim i Eisenzeit. Recherches Archéologiques N. S. 2,
w okresie rzymskim (Wrocław at al. 1985). 2010, 43–64.
Grygiel 2004 – M. Grygiel, Problem chronologii Kaszewska 1977 – E. Kaszewska, Cmentarzysko
i przynależności kulturowej materiałów o kultury przeworskiej w Gledzianówku (stan.
charakterze jastorfskim z Brześcia Kujaw- 1), woj. płockie. Prace i Mat. Muz. Łódź Ser.
skiego, woj. kujawsko-pomorskie, w świetle Arch. 24, 1977, 63–232.
ostatnich badań nad problematyką okresu Kokowski 1989 – A. Kokowski, Strefa sepul-
przed­rzymskiego w Polsce. In: H. Machajew- kralna cmentarzyska z późnego podokresu
ski (ed.), Kultura jastorfska na Nizinie Wiel- lateńskiego. In: A. Cofta-Broniewska (ed.),
kopolsko-Kujawskiej (Poznań 2004) 13–82. Miejsce pradziejowych i średniowiecznych
Grygiel 2013 – M. Grygiel, The Jastorf Culture praktyk kultowych w Kruszy Zamkowej,
on the Polish Lowland. In: Z.  Wozniak/ województwo bydgoskie, stanowisko 13. Stu-
M. Grygiel/H. Machajewski/A. Michalowski, dia i materiały do dziejów Kujaw 3 (Poznań
The Jastorf Culture in Poland. BAR Internat. 1989) 65–124.
S. 2575 (Oxford 2013) 23–46. Kontny 1999 – B. Kontny, Znaleziska toków z
Grzymkowski 1996 – A. Grzymkowski, Ziemia obszaru kultury przeworskiej. Światowit I
Zawkrzeńska w pierwszych wiekach naszej (XLII)/B, 1999, 128–137.
ery. In: K. Tański (ed.), Studia i materiały Kontny 2002 – B. Kontny, Diversification of Buri-
do dziejów Ziemi Zawkrzeńskiej II (Mława als with Weapons in the Przeworsk Culture
1996) 152–208. in the Late Pre-Roman Period. In: C. von
Hachmann 1956 – R. Hachmann, Zur Gesell- Carnap-Bornheim/J. Ilkjær/A. Kokowski/
schaftsordnung der Germanen in der Zeit um P. Łuczkiewicz (eds), Bewaffnung der Ger-
Christi Geburt. Arch. Geogr. 5, 1956, 7–24. manen und ihrer Nachbarn in den letzten
Heym 1961 – W. Heym, Drei Spätlatènegräber- Jahrhunderten vor Christi Geburt (Lublin
felder aus Westpreußen. Offa 17/18, 1959–61, 2002) 59–80.
1961, 143–170. Kostrzewski 1919 – J. Kostrzewski, Die ostger-
Hingst 1959 – H. Hingst, Vorgeschichte des Krei- manische Kultur der Spätlatènezeit. Man-
ses Stormarn. Die vor- und frühgeschichtli- nus-Bibl. 18–19 (Leipzig, Würzburg 1919).
chen Denkmäler und Funde Schleswig-Hol- Kotigoroško 2009 – В. Г. Котигорошко, Мало-
stein 5 (Neumünster 1959). копаньский некрополь (ур. Челленица).
Hofmann 2009 – K. Hofmann, Grabbefunde zwi- Карпатика 38, 2009, 58–133.
schen sex und gender. In: U. Rambuscheck Kotigoroško 2010 – В. Г. Котигорошко Резуль-
(ed.), Zwischen Diskursanalyse und Iso­ таты исследования малокопаньского горо-
topenforschung Methoden der archäologi- дища. Карпатика 39, 2010, 58–88.
schen Geschlechterforschung. Frauen-For- Krekovič 1993 – E. Krekovič, Pohrebný rítus a
schung-Archäologie 8 (Münster et al. 2009) sociálna štruktúra. In: E. Krekovič (ed.), Kul-
133–161. tové a sociálné aspekty pohrebného rítu od
Istenič 2010 – J. Istenič, Late Ta Tène scabbards najstarších čias po súčasnost’ (Bratislava
with non-ferrous openwork plates. Arh. 1993) 6–10.
Vestník 61, 2010, 121–164. Krekovič 2007 – E. Krekovič, Veľkosť urny, vek a
Jahn 1931 – M. Jahn, Die Kelten in Schlesien. pohlavie pochovaného na pohrebiskách doby
Quellenschriften zur ostdeutschen Vor- und rímskej na juhozápadnom Slovensku. Stud.
Frühgeschichte I (Leipzig 1931). Zvesti Arch. Ústavu 42, 2007, 113–116.
Jarzec 2009 – A. Jarzec, Materiały z cmentarzy- Lichardus 1984 – J.  Lichardus, Körpergräber
ska kultury łużyckiej i kultury przeworskiej der frühen Kaiserzeit im Gebiet der südli-
na stan. 4 w Magnuszewie Małym, pow. chen Elbgermanen. Saarbrücker Beiträge zur
Maków Mazowiecki. Unpublished MA the- Altertumskunde 43 (Bonn 1984).
sis. Institute of Archaeology, University of Łuczkiewicz 2000 – P. Łuczkiewicz, W kwestii
Warsaw (Warszawa 2009). genezy i rozprzestrzenienia umb z kolcem z
Jasnosz 1952 – S. Jasnosz, Cmentarzysko z okresu młodszego okresu przedrzymskiego. Prze-
późnolateńskiego i rzymskiego w Wymysło- gląd Arch. 48, 2000, 83–114.
BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
267

Łuczkiewicz 2006 – P. Łuczkiewicz, Uzbrojenie Meduna 1961 – J. Meduna, Staré Hradisko. Kata-
ludności ziem Polski w młodszym okresie log der Funde im Museum der Stadt Bos-
przedrzymskim. Archaeologia Militaria II kovice. Fontes Archaeologici Moravicae II
(Lublin 2006). (Brno 1961).
Łuczkiewicz 2009 – P. Łuczkiewicz, Elbgerma- Mistewicz 2005 – A. Mistewicz, Cmentarzysko
nisch geprägte Funde und Befunde in Polen ludności kultury przeworskiej z wczesnego
um die Zeitenwende. In: V. Salač/J. Bem- okresu wpływów rzymskich na stan. 29 w
mann (eds), Mitteleuropa zur Zeit Marbods Dąbku, pow. mławski. Wiadomości Arch.
(Praha, Bonn 2009) 341–360. 57/2004–2005, 2005, 197–239.
Łuczkiewicz/Schönfelder 2011 – P. Łuczkiewicz/ Müller 1985 – R. Müller, Die Grabfunde der
M. Schönfelder, Untersuchungen zur Aus- Jastorf- und Latènezeit an unterer Saale und
stattung eines späteisenzeitlichen Reiter- Mittelelbe (Berlin 1985).
kriegers aus dem südlichen Karpaten- oder Mycielska/Woźniak 1988 – R. Mycielska/
Balkanraum. Jahrb. RGZM 55, 2008 (2011) Z. Woźniak, Cmentarzysko wielokulturowe
159–210. w Błoniu. Część I. Mat. Arch. 24, 1988, 5–326.
Maciałowicz 2004 – A. Maciałowicz, Dwie inte- Nadolski 1951 – A.  Nadolski, Cmentarzyska
resujące misy z cmentarzyska kultury prze- z późnego okresu lateńskiego w Gledzia-
worskiej w Suchodole, powiat sochaczewski nówku i w Brzozówce w Polsce środkowej.
- ślad kontaktów wzdłuż tzw. szlaku bastar- Wiadomości Arch. 18/1–2, 1951, 85–136.
neńskiego? Barbaricum 7, 2004, 43–60. Narkiewicz 1990 – A.  Narkiewicz, Cmenta-
Maciałowicz 2006 – A. Maciałowicz, Cmenta- rzysko z okresu przedrzymskiego i okresu
rzysko kultury przeworskiej z młodszego wpływów rzymskich w Lemanach, woj.
okresu przedrzymskiego w Suchodole, pow. ostrołęckie. Unpublished MA thesis. Institute
sochaczewski. Wiadomości Arch. 58, 2006, of Archaeology, University of Warsaw (War-
283–369. szawa 1990).
Maciałowicz 2009 – A. Maciałowicz, Kultura Niewęgłowski 1981 – A. Niewęgłowski, Obrzą-
przeworska w dorzeczu Wkry i Orzyca w dek pogrzebowy ludności kultury przewor-
młodszym okresie przedrzymskim. Unpu- skiej na przełomie er (II wiek p.n.e. – II wiek
blished PhD thesis. Institute of Archaeology, n.e.) (Wrocław et al. 1981).
University of Warsaw (Warszawa 2009). Okulicz 1965 – J. Okulicz, Plemiona grupy ni-
Małysa 2007 – A. Małysa, Unstimmigkeiten dzickiej kultury grobów jamowych (w okresie
bei der Geschlechtsbestimmung der Toten od końca II w. przed naszą erą do V w. n.e.).
– Fehlanzeige, Symbol oder Grabsitte? Ein Część I: Analiza. In: W. Nowakowski/A. Szela
Deutungsversuch auf der Grundlage der (eds), Pogranicze trzech światów. Kontakty
Grabfunde der Przeworsk-Kultur. Przegląd kultur przeworskiej, wielbarskiej i boga-
Arch. 55, 2007, 109–144. czewskiej w świetle materiałów z badań i
Marciniak 1957 – J. Marciniak, Cmentarzysko poszukiwań archeologicznych. Światowit
ciałopalne z okresu późnolateńskiego w Supplement Series P: Prehistory and Mid-
Wilanowie koło Warszawy. Mat. Starożytne dle Ages XIV (Warszawa 2006 – published as
2, 1957, 7–174. attached CD-ROM).
Martens 2001 – J. Martens, Wooden Shield-Boss Okulicz 1968 – J. Okulicz, Niektóre zagadnie-
from Kvärläv, Scania. Some Remarks on the nia struktury osadnictwa późnolateńskiego
Weaponry of the Early Pre-Roman Iron Age in i rzymskiego w północno-wschodniej Polsce.
Northern Europe and the Origin of the Hjort- Studia z dziejów osadnictwa IV, 1968, 26–46.
spring Warriors. In: M. Meyer (ed.), „... trans Okulicz 1970 – J. Okulicz, Studia nad przemianami
albium fluvium”. Forschungen zur vorrömi- kulturowymi i osadniczymi w okresie rzym-
schen, kaiserzeitlichen und mittelalterischen skim na Pomorzu Wschodnim, Mazowszu i
Archäologie. Festschrift für Achim Leube Podlasiu. Arch. Polski 15/2, 1970, 419–497.
zum 65. Geburtstag (Rahden 2001) 135–159. Okulicz 1971 – J. Okulicz, Cmentarzysko z okre-
Martens 2011 – J. Martens, Weapons, armaments sów późnolateńskiego i rzymskiego w miej-
and society. The Pre-Roman Iron Age on scowości Dobrzankowo, pow. Przasnysz. Mat.
Zealand and in Scania. In: L. Boye (ed.), The Starożytne i Wczesnośred. 1, 1971, 127–168.
Iron Age on Zealand. Status and Perspectives. Okulicz 1983 – J.  Okulicz, Cmentarzyska z
Nordiske Fortidsminder Series C/8 (Copen- okresu rzymskiego na „Łysej Górze” i „Zwie-
hagen 2011) 147–174. rzyńcu” w Gródkach w województwie cie-
Martyniak et al. 1997 – G. Martyniak/R. Past­ chanowskim. Rocznik Olsztyński 14/15, 1983,
wiński/S. Pazda, Cmentarzysko kultury 73–182.
przeworskiej w Ciecierzynie, gmina Byczyna, Panke-Schneider 2013 – T. Panke-Schneider, Grä-
woj. opolskie (Wrocław 1997). ber mit Waffenbeigabe der Mittel- und Spät-
BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
268

latènezeit in Kontinentaleuropa. Monogr. Rudnicki 2005 – M. Rudnicki, A Late La Tène


RGZM 102 (Mainz 2013). inhumation grave form Pełczyska: Com-
Pawlik 2003 – J. J. Pawlik, Społeczno-pogrze- ments on the cultural situation in the upland
bowa rola płci w obrzędach pogrzebowych. area of Little Poland. In: H. Dobrzańska/
In: W. Dzieduszycki/J. Wrzesiński (eds), V. Megaw/P. Poleska (eds), Celts on the Mar-
Kobieta – śmierć – mężczyzna. Funeralia Led- gin. Studies in European Cultural Interaction
nickie. Spotkanie 5 (Poznań 2003) 103–108. 7th Century BC – 1st Century AD Dedicated to
Pawlik 2004 – J. J. Pawlik, Śmierć dziecka w Zenon Woźniak (Kraków 2005) 195–205.
Afryce. In: W. Dzieduszycki/J. Wrzesiński Rudnicki 2009 – M. Rudnicki, Besiedlungs- und
(eds), Dusza maluczka, a strata ogromna. Kulturveränderungen in Kleinpolen wäh-
Funeralia Lednickie. Spotkanie 6 (Poznań rend der späten Latènezeit und zu Beginn der
2004) 35–42. älteren Römischen Kaiserzeit. In: V. Salač/
Pescheck 1939 – Ch. Pescheck, Die frühwanda- J. Bemmann (eds), Mitteleuropa zur Zeit Mar-
lische Kultur in Mittelschlesien (100 vor bis bods (Praha, Bonn 2009) 289–330.
200 nach Christus). Quellenschriften zur ost- Schmidt/Nitzschke 1989 – B. Schmidt/W. Nitz-
deutschen Vor- und Frühgeschichte 5 (Leip- schke, Ein Gräberfeld der Spätlatènezeit und
zig 1939). der frührömischen Kaiserzeit bei Schkopau,
Peschel 1991 – K. Peschel, Zur Chronologie und Kr. Merseburg. Veröffentlichungen des Lan-
Struktur des elbgermanischen Gräberfeldes desmuseums für Vorgeschichte in Halle 42
Groβromstedt. In: F. Horst/H. Keiling (eds), (Berlin 1989).
Bestattungswesen und Totenkult in ur- und Schmidt-Thielbeer 1967 – E. Schmidt-Thielbeer,
frühgeschichtlicher Zeit. Beiträge zu Grab- Das Gräberfeld von Wahlitz, Kr. Burg. Ein
brauch, Bestattungssitten, Beigabenausstat- Beitrag zur frühen römischen Kaiserzeit im
tung und Totenkult (Berlin 1991) 131–155. nördlichen Mitteldeutschland. Veröffent-
Pfützenreiter 1933 – F. Pfützenreiter, Die vor- u. lichungen des Landesmuseums für Vorge-
frühgeschichtliche Besiedlung des Kreises schichte in Halle 22 (Berlin 1967).
Fraustadt (Schneidemühl 1933). Schultze 1987 – E. Schultze, Zur Verbreitung von
Pfützenreiter 1934 – F. Pfützenreiter, Ein neuer Waffenbeigaben bei den germanischen Stäm-
Grabfund auf dem Spätlatene-Friedhof von men um den Beginn unserer Zeitrechnung.
Gurschen Kr. Fraustadt. Altschlesien 5, 1934, Jahrb. Bodendenkmalpfl. Mecklenburg 1986,
227–231. 1987, 93–117.
Píč 1905 – J. L. Píč, Čechy na úsvitě dějin 3: Schultze 1991 – E. Schultze, Waffenteile als Grab-
Žárové hroby v Čechách a příchod Čechů. beigaben in der römischen Kaiserzeit. In:
Starožitnosti země české II (Praha 1905). F. Horst/H. Keiling (eds), Bestattungswesen
Pieta 2010 – K. Pieta, Die keltische Besiedlung und Totenkult in ur- und frühgeschichtlicher
der Slowakei. Jüngere Latènezeit. Archaeolo- Zeit. Beiträge zu Grabbrauch, Bestattungssit-
gica Slovaca Monographiae. Studia XII (Nitra ten, Beigabenausstattung und Totenkult (Ber-
2010). lin 1991) 177–186.
Pietrzak 1987 – M. Pietrzak, Cmentarzysko z Schultze 1992 – E. Schultze, Zu den Grab- und
młodszego okresu przedrzymskiego i wpły- Bestattungssitten in Mitteleuropa während
wów rzymskich w Rumi, woj. gdańskie. In: der ersten Jahrhunderte n. Chr. Prähist. Zeit-
Rumia. Cmentarzysko z młodszego okresu schr. 67/2, 1992, 201–219.
przedrzymskiego i wpływów rzymskich Seyer 1976 – R. Seyer, Zur Besiedlungsgeschichte
(Gdańsk 1987) 1–212. im nördlichen Mittelelb-Havel-Gebiet um
Rakowski 2006 – T. Rakowski, Materiały z cmen- den Beginn unserer Zeitrechnung. Schriften
tarzyska kultury przeworskiej w Magnusze- zur Ur- und Frühgeschichte 29 (Berlin 1976).
wie Małym, st. 4, gm. Szelków, woj. mazo- Siciński 1990 – W. Siciński, Cmentarzysko kul-
wieckie. Unpublished MA thesis. Institute of tury przeworskiej w Konarzewie, woje-
Archaeology, University of Warsaw (Wars- wództwo płockie, stanowisko 1. Prace i Mat.
zawa 2006). Muz. Łódź Ser. Arch. 35/1988, 1990, 103–111.
Rieckhoff 1995 – S. Rieckhof, Süddeutschland Strobin 2011 – A. Strobin, Ceramika naczyniowa
im Spannungsfeld von Kelten, Germanen kultury oksywskiej. Gdańskie Studia Archeo-
und Römern. Studien zur Chronologie der logiczne. Seria Monografie 2 (Gdańsk 2011).
Spätlatènzeit im südlichen Mitteleuropa. Völling 2005 – Th. Völling, Germanien an der
Trierer Zeitschr. 19 (Trier 1995). Zeitwende. Studien zum Kulturwandel beim
Rosenberg 1937 – G. Rosenberg, Hjortspring- Übergang von der vorrömischen Eisenzeit
fundet. Nordiske Fortidsminder 3/1 (Køben- zur älteren römischen Kaiserzeit in der Ger-
havn 1937). mania Magna. BAR Internat. S. 1360 (Oxford
2005).
BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
269

Weski 1982 – T. Weski, Waffen in germanischen Żychlińska 2011 – J. Żychlińska, Kilka uwag na
Gräbern der älteren römischen Kaiserzeit marginesie badań stosunków społecznych
südlich der Ostsee. BAR Internat. S. 147 ludności „łużyckiej”. Folia Praehistorica
(Oxford 1982). Posnaniensia 16, 2011, 299–310.
Wiercińska 1965 – A. Wiercińska, Analiza antro-
pologiczna ludzkich szczątków kostnych z
cmentarzyska ciałopalnego z okresu późno- References of figures
lateńskiego i wczesnorzymskiego w Klesze- Figs. 2, 4, 7–11: drawing P. Holub.
wie, pow. Pułtusk. Wiadomości Arch. 31/2–3, Fig. 3: photo S. Woyda.
1965, 216–224. Fig. 5: 1a–c drawing P. Holub; 1d archive of
Woyda 1965 – S. Woyda, Sprawozdanie z badań the Museum of Ancient Mazovian Metallurgy,
na cmentarzysku późnolateńsko-rzymskim Prusz­ków.
w Kleszewie, pow. Pułtusk. Wiadomości Fig. 6: drawing P. Holub; 3a photo W. Weker.
Arch. 31/2–3, 1965, 250–251. Fig. 12: after Dąbrowska 1997.
Woyda 1968 – S. Woyda, Kleszewo, pow. Puł- Fig. 14: based on Cofta-Broniewska/Bednarczyk
tusk. Informator Archeologiczny. Badania 1998.
1967, 1968, 161–162. Fig. 17: based on Kokowski 1989.
Woyda 1969 – S. Woyda, Kleszewo, pow. Puł- Fig. 18: based on Ziemlińska-Odojowa 1999.
tusk. Informator Archeologiczny. Badania Fig. 21: 1 after Ziemlińska-Odojowa 1999; 2–4
1968, 1969, 174–175. after Seyer 1976; 5 after Schmidt-Thielbeer 1967;
Woyda 1970 – S. Woyda, Kleszewo, pow. Puł- 6 after Hingst 1959.
tusk. Informator Archeologiczny. Badania Fig. 22: 1 drawing P. Holub; 2 after Píč 1905; 3, 4
1969, 1970, 193. after Schmidt/Nitzschke 1989; 5 after Eichhorn
Woyda 1971 – S. Woyda, Kleszewo, pow. Puł- 1927.
tusk. Informator Archeologiczny. Badania
1970, 1971, 121–122.
Woyda 1972 – S. Woyda, Kleszewo, pow. Puł- Dr Andrzej Maciałowicz
tusk. Informator Archeologiczny. Badania Instytut Archeologii, Uniwersytet Warszawski
1971, 1972, 135. Krakowskie Przedmieście 26/28
Woyda 1973 – S. Woyda, Kleszewo, pow. Puł- 00-927 Warszawa
tusk. Informator Archeologiczny. Badania E-Mail: amacialowicz@uw.edu.pl
1972, 1973, 147–148.
Zielonka 1958 – B. Zielonka, Cmentarzysko w Mgr Marcin Woźniak
Bodzanowie w pow. aleksandrowskim. Prze- Muzeum Starożytnego Hutnictwa
gląd Arch. 10, 1958, 331–381. Mazowieckiego im. Stefana Woydy
Ziemlińska-Odojowa 1999 – W. Ziemlińska- Pl. Jana Pawła II 2, 05-800 Pruszków
Odojowa, Niedanowo. Ein Gräberfeld der E-Mail: marcin.wozniak@yahoo.pl
Przeworsk- und Wielbark-Kultur in Nord-
masowien. Monumenta Archaeologica Bar-
barica VII (Kraków 1999).