Waffen – Gewalt – Krieg

Kolloquien und Publikationen

der Arbeitsgemeinschaft Eisenzeit
 Beiträge zur Ur- und Frühgeschichte
Mitteleuropas 79

Waffen – Gewalt – Krieg

Beiträge zur Internationalen Tagung der AG Eisenzeit und

des Instytut Archeologii Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego –
Rzeszów 19.-22. September 2012

Herausgegeben von
Stefanie Wefers, Maciej Karwowski, Janine Fries-Knoblach,
Peter Trebsche & Peter C. Ramsl

BEIER & BERAN. ARCHÄOLOGISCHE FACHLITERATUR

LANGENWEISSBACH 2015
 Es ist nicht gestattet, diese Arbeit ohne Zustimmung von Verlag, Autoren und
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sowie zu Tagungsprogrammen finden Sie auf: www.ag-eisenzeit.de .

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Vorsatz: silberne Beinschiene aus Agighiol in Rumänien (s. Beitrag Rustoiu & Berecki).
Inhalt

Stefanie Wefers / Maciej Karwowski u. a.

Vorwort. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5

Frühe Eisenzeit

Ines Beilke-Voigt. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7–27

Ritualisierte Bestattungen in der frühen Eisenzeit. Eine vergleichende
Betrachtung zu den Befunden von Lossow (Brandenburg) und Gzin (Polen)

Jacek Gackowski. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29–36

Waffen und Jagdausstattung der Einwohner der befestigten Siedlung
der Lausitzer Kultur in Mirakowo-Grodno (Fundstelle 6) bei Toruń

Alexandra Ghenghea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37–44

Verbreitung und Bedeutung der Waffenfunde vom Typ Ciumbrud

Späte / jüngere vorrömische Eisenzeit

Vladimír Salač. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45–52

Zu Spuren der Gewalt in keltischen Oppida und offenen Siedlungen

Andrej Vrtel. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53–69

Bemerkungen zum Katastrophenhorizont des Bratislavaer Oppidums

Jan Kysela. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71–82

Wherefore the Walls

Martin Schönfelder. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83–91

Sklaven und Sklavenketten in der jüngeren Latènezeit:
zu neuen Nachweismöglichkeiten

Florian Klimscha. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93–109

Spearheads, butt-spikes and fighting.
A source-critical perspective on Late Iron Age violence cultures

Ivan Drnić. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111–126

La Tène spearheads from the south-eastern Pannonia and the northern Balkans:
typology, chronology, ritual and social context

Aurel Rustoiu / Sándor Berecki. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127–148

Weapons as symbols and the multiple identities of the warriors.
Some examples from Transylvania

Josip Kobal’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149–159

Waffen aus dem keltischen Zentrum von Galliš–Lovačka (Transkarpatien, Ukraina)

Lisa Deutscher. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 161–174

Latènezeitliche Schwerter mit Stempelmarken

Piotr Łuczkiewicz. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175–207

Kriegergemeinschaften im Ostseebereich während der jüngeren vorrömischen Eisenzeit
Marko Dizdar / Ivan Radman-Livaja . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209–227
Continuity of the Late La Tène warrior elite in the
Early Roman Period in south-eastern Pannonia

Andrzej Maciałowicz / Marcin Woźniak . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 229–269

Vanishing weapons. The cemetery at Kleszewo and ‘pacifistic’ burial
customs in the Przeworsk Culture during the Late Pre-Roman Period

Bartosz Kontny . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 271–283

Was Tacitus right? On the existence of hitting weapons of organic
materials amongst the Balt tribes

Aktuelle Forschungen in Polen

Sylwester Czopek / Katarzyna Trybała-Zawiślak . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 285–301

Early Iron Age in south-eastern Poland

Andrzej Pydyn. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 303–315

Seeufersiedlungen der Frühen Eisenzeit aus Mittelwestpolen

Anna Strobin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 317–326

Die Oksywie-Kultur – Forschungsstand und Stand der Quellenerschließung

Gedankensplitter

Peter Ramsl. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 327–333

Gewalt und Krieg – grundsätzliche Überlegungen für die mitteleuropäische Eisenzeit

Anhang

Tagungsprogramm und Impressionen. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 335–xx

 BUFM 79, „Vorwort“
Vorwort
Die 25. Sitzung der AG Eisenzeit fand in Rzes-
zów, Polen, statt und zeichnete sich durch ein
umfangreiches und internationales Vortrags-
programm an insgesamt drei Tagen sowie
einen Exkursionstag aus. Diese eigenständig
im Ausland organisierte Tagung verdeutlicht
in der Geschichte der AG Eisenzeit nun bereits
zum siebten Mal, dass ihre Aktivitäten über die
Grenzen Deutschlands hinweg wahrgenom-
men werden und, wie die rege Beteiligung zeigt,
ganz besonderen Zuspruch in der Arbeitsge-
meinschaft finden. Die Idee in Rzeszów, einer
Stadt im Südosten Polens im Karpatenvorland,
eine Sitzung abzuhalten, ging von Maciej Kar-
wowski aus, einem Mitglied des Beirats der AG
Eisenzeit und Mitarbeiter des Instytut Archeo-
logii Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego. Vor allem
seiner Organisation sowie seinem Engagement
vor Ort ist das tadellose Gelingen dieser Tagung
zu verdanken.
In insgesamt 34 Vorträgen wurde das
Tagungsthema „Waffen – Gewalt – Krieg“ aufge-
griffen, weitere sieben Vortragende stellten aktu-
elle Forschungen zur polnischen Eisenzeit vor.
Für die finanzielle Unterstützung ist die AG
Eisenzeit der Fundacja Rzeszowskiego Ośrodka
Archeologicznego mit ihrer Vorsitzenden mgr
Joanna Berdowska sowie dem Prorektor der
Universität Rzeszów, prof. dr Sylwester Czopek,
verbunden. Zusätzlich gebührt mgr inż. Janusz
Marzygliński, dessen finanzielle Unterstützung
zum außerordentlichen Erfolg der Tagung bei-
getragen hat, ein ganz herausragender Dank.
Für den herzlichen Empfang des Direktors
des Muzeum Okręgowe in Rzeszów, mgr Bog-
dan Kaczmar, und die Möglichkeit, in den bes-
tens ausgestatteten Räumlichkeiten des Muse-
ums die Tagung abzuhalten, möchten sich die
Herausgeber ganz besonders bedanken. Zudem
gilt der Leiterin der Archäologischen Abteilung
des Muzeum Okręgowe, dr Joanna Podgórska-
5
Czopek, sowie mgr Joanna Ligoda, ebenfalls
Archäologische Abteilung, für ihre organisatori-
sche Unterstützung vor Ort ein herzlicher Dank.
Die ganztägige Exkursion, die uns zu der
UNESCO-Weltkulturerbestätte der Holzkir-
che in Blizne, sowie weiteren Kirchen in Hum-
niska, Czerteż, Mrzygłód, Hłomcza, Dobra und
Ulucz und abschließend in das Freilichtmuseum
Muzeum Budownictwa Ludowego in Sanok
führte, wurde durch die fachkundige Führung
von mgr Marcin Krowiak und den dortigen
abendlichen Empfang zu einem unvergesslichen
Ereignis. Ein großer Dank für die Gastfreund-
schaft geht daher an den Direktor des Muzeum
Budownictwa Ludowego, mgr Jerzy Ginalski.
Schließlich wäre die Publikation der Beiträge
ohne die finanzielle Unterstützung des Instytut
Archeologii Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego unter
seiner Direktorin prof. dr Małgorzata Rybicka
nicht in der vorliegenden Art und Weise möglich
gewesen, wofür die Herausgeber ihren Dank aus-
drücken möchten. Auch die redaktionelle Unter-
stützung von Aneta Skrzypczak, BA, sei in die-
sem Zusammenhang dankend hervorgehoben.
Ein besonderer Dank gilt zudem den Studen-
tinnen Dominika Kulikowska, Monika Orszak
und Edyta Marek, die stets für das Wohl der
Vortragenden und Zuhörer sorgten und jegli-
che Widrigkeiten von den Tagungsteilnehmern
unbemerkt im Hintergrund umschifften.
Mit diesem Tagungsband etabliert sich die
Publikation der Sitzungen der AG Eisenzeit in
der Reihe „Beiträge zur Ur- und Frühgeschichte
Mitteleuropas“ einmal mehr. Dafür möchten wir
Herrn Dr. habil. Hans-Jürgen Beier ausdrücklich
danken. Nicht zuletzt ist allen Autoren für ihre
kompetente und zügige Zusammenarbeit zu
danken.
Die Herausgeber
 BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
Andrzej Maciałowicz, Marcin Woźniak
Vanishing weapons. The cemetery at Kleszewo and ,pacifistic’ burial
customs in the Przeworsk Culture during the Late Pre-Roman Period
Keywords: Przeworsk Culture / Late Pre-Roman Iron
Age / burial rite / ‚female oriented‘ cemeteries /
pars pro toto
Schlagwörter: Przeworsk-Kultur / jüngere vorrömi-
sche Eisenzeit / Bestattungssitte / ‚frauenorien-
tierte‘ Gräberfelder / pars pro toto
Summary
The vast cemetery of the Przeworsk Culture at
Kleszewo yielded over 100 graves dated to the
Late Pre-Roman Period and ca. 150 graves dated
to the Early Roman Period. What is striking is
the fact that only four burials were furnished
with weapons or other warrior gear (a sword’s
belt elements). One of them contained only a sin-
gle shield rivet and a sword’s scabbard fittings.
None of the graves contained typical men’s tools,
personal items or attire, while findings com-
monly associated with women are very frequent.
Moreover, all four graves with military objects
are dated chiefly to phase A2 (or A2/A3), thus
representing the opening phase of the cemetery,
exclusively. In this respect two phenomena
concerning Przeworsk Culture burial rites are
subject to analysis: the presence of cemeteries
lacking weapon graves and the practice of fur-
nishing graves with only ‘fragmentary’ military
offerings (sometimes interpreted as the pars
pro toto principle). The first one is represented
mostly in what we distinguish as ‘children’ and
‘female oriented’ cemeteries (as regards the social
roles of buried individuals rather than their bio-
logical sex or age). We suggest that grave site
at Kleszewo became ‘female oriented’ in phase
A3. As for the second phenomenon, it is hard to
interpret; however, links with the exact pars pro
toto rule are doubtful. Some of the graves of this
kind also contained, apart from military items
(esp. shield rivets), typically female objects or
possible women’s remains, according to anthro-
pological data.
229
The appearance of both phenomena in the
Przeworsk Culture cannot be easily explained.
They could be somehow related to older tra-
ditions of the Early Iron Age. However, direct
relations with Germanic societies inhabiting the
Elbe basin are also to be taken into consideration
(esp. concerning ‘gender oriented’ cemeteries),
as many other finds discussed in the text indi-
cate similar connections. After all, most prob-
ably these were two-way influences, as the prac-
tice of furnishing graves with only ‘fragmentary’
military offerings, esp. shield fittings, seems to
appear in the Przeworsk Culture milieu earlier
than in grave sites located in Central Germany.
Zusammenfassung
Das große Gräberfeld der Przeworsk-Kultur in
Kleszewo brachte über 100 in die jüngere vorrö-
mische Eisenzeit und über 150 in die frühe römi-
sche Kaiserzeit datierte Gräber hervor. Es fällt
auf, dass nur vier Bestattungen mit Waffen oder
kriegerischer Ausrüstung (Schwertgürtelteilen)
ausgestattet waren. Eine davon enthielt nur
einen einzigen Schildniet und Schwertscheiden-
beschläge. In keinem Grab gab es typisch männ-
liche Werkzeuge, persönliche Gegenstände oder
Kleidung, während mit Frauen assoziierte Funde
sehr zahlreich waren. Darüber hinaus datieren
alle vier Gräber mit kriegerischen Beigaben in die
Stufe A2 (oder A2/A3) und repräsentieren somit
ausschließlich die Startphase des Gräberfeldes.
In dieser Hinsicht werden zwei Erscheinungen
die Bestattungssitten der Przeworsk-Kultur
betreffend analysiert: Gräberfelder ohne Waf-
fengräber und Ausstattung der Gräber mit nur
militärischen Teilmitgaben (die man manchmal
als pars pro toto-Prinzip interpretiert). Die eine
wird hauptsächlich durch hier unterschiedene
„Kinder“- und „Frauengräberfelder“ repräsen-
tiert (in genderorientierter Hinsicht, denn es geht
hier eher um die soziale Rolle des Verstorbenen
 BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
230
als um das biologische Geschlecht oder Alter). Es
wird vorgeschlagen, dass das Gräberfeld in Kle­
szewo in der Stufe A3 „frauenorientiert“ wurde.
Das andere Phänomen ist schwer zu deuten,
jedoch scheinen Verbindungen mit dem genauen
pars pro toto-Prinzip fraglich. Manche derartige
Bestattungen beinhalteten, abgesehen von mili-
tärischen Gegenständen (bes. Schildniete), auch
typisch weibliche Funde oder − nach anthropo-
logischer Analyse − Knochen.
Beide Erscheinungen in der Przeworsk-
Kultur sind nicht einfach zu interpretieren. Sie
können irgendwie auf frühere Traditionen der
älteren vorrömischen Eisenzeit zurückgegen.
Allerdings sollen unmittelbare Beziehungen mit
an der Elbe lebenden germanischen Völkern
(bes. hinsichtlich „frauenorientierter“ Gräber-
felder) ebenfalls in Betracht gezogen werden,
weil viele im Text besprochene Funde ähnliche
Verbindungen nahelegen. Jedenfalls waren es
rezi­proke Einflüsse, da die Sitte, militärische
Teilmitgaben (bes. Schildbeschläge) ins Grab zu
legen, in der Przeworsk-Kultur früher als auf
Gräberfeldern in Mitteldeutschland aufgekom-
men zu sein scheint.
Streszczenie
Na rozległym cmentarzysku kultury przewor-
skiej w Kleszewie odkryto ponad 100 grobów
z młodszego okresu przedrzymskiego i ok. 150
grobów z okresu wczesnorzymskiego. Uderza-
jące jest, że tylko cztery inwentarze grobowe
zawierały broń lub innego rodzaju wyposaże-
nie wojownika (elementy pasa mieczowego). W
skład jednego z nich wchodził pojedynczy nit tar-
czy oraz okucia pochwy miecza. Ponadto w żad-
nym z pozostałych grobów nie odkryto typowo
męskich narzędzi, przedmiotów codziennego
użytku, ani elementów stroju, podczas gdy zna-
leziska zwyczajowo wiązane z pochówkami
kobiecymi są na cmentarzysku bardzo liczne.
Wszystkie cztery groby zawierające militaria
należy datować na fazę A2 (ewentualnie na sta-
dium A2/A3), a więc reprezentują one wyłącznie
najwcześniejszy horyzont użytkowania nekro-
poli. W związku z tym, analizie poddano dwa
zjawiska dotyczące obrządku pogrzebowego
kultury przeworskiej: występowanie cmenta-
rzysk, na których brak jest grobów z bronią oraz
zwyczaj składania do grobów „zdekompletowa-
nych” elementów uzbrojenia (niekiedy interpre-
towany jako świadectwo stosowania zasady pars
pro toto). Pierwsze z tych zjawisk reprezentują
przede wszystkim cmentarzyska zinterpreto-
wane przez nas jako „dziecięce” i „kobiece” (co
należy rozumieć w aspekcie nie tyle ściśle bio-
logicznym, co kulturowym, związanym ze spo-
łeczną rolą pochowanych osób). Nekropola w
Kleszewie stała się cmentarzyskiem „kobiecym”
począwszy od fazy A3. Trudniej zinterpretować
drugie ze wspomnianych zjawisk, ale łączenie
go z zasadą pars pro toto wydaje się wątpliwe.
Niektóre z grobów, obok „zdekompletowanych”
militariów (przede wszystkim nitów okuwają-
cych tarczę), zawierały także typowo kobiece
zabytki lub – w świetle danych antropologicz-
nych – były pochówkami kobiet.
Nie jest łatwo wyjaśnić pojawienie się obu
tych zjawisk funeralnych w kulturze przewor-
skiej. Mogą one nawiązywać do wcześniej-
szych lokalnych tradycji ze starszego okresu
przedrzymskiego i wczesnej epoki żelaza. Z
drugiej strony, w świetle omawianych w tek-
ście znalezisk, należy wziąć także pod uwagę
powiązania z germańskimi społecznościami
osiadłymi w dorzeczu Łaby (co szczególnie
dotyczyć może użytkowania osobnych „kobie-
cych” lub „męskich” cmentarzysk). Zresztą były
to zapewne wzajemne, obustronne wpływy,
bowiem zwyczaj składania do grobu „zdekom-
pletowanych” militariów, przede wszystkim
elementów tarczy, pojawia się wcześniej w śro-
dowisku kultury przeworskiej niż na cmenta-
rzyskach w środkowych Niemczech.
* * *
Military items from Kleszewo
Kleszewo is a village in northern Mazovia situ-
ated approximately 3 km to the north of Pułtusk.
The multiple culture site occupies the slope of a
sandy elevation at the confluence of the Narew
and its tributary the Pełta (Fig. 1). The cemetery
was discovered in 1961 during sand extraction by
the local population. Two years later the site was
inspected and the remains of few ancient graves
were identified. Another inspection, made in the
summer of 1964, confirmed the presence of the
grave pits, fast eroding in the crumbling face of
the sand pit and the decision was taken to make
a rescue excavation. Nine seasons of regular
fieldwork supervised by Stefan Woyda, then
the Voivodeship Conservator of Archaeologi-
cal Monuments, were completed in 1964–1972.
Some 7600 m2 were investigated and over 1000
features revealed. Over a half were graves of the
Przeworsk Culture and Wielbark Culture dat-
able to between phase A2 of the Late Pre-Roman
Period and the Early Migration Period. Next
to them a few hundred Bronze Age settlement
features were identified (mostly of the Trzciniec
Culture) and a few score early medieval inhu-
mation graves (Woyda 1965; 1968; 1969; 1970;
1971; 1972; 1973).1
What is striking about the cemetery at
Kleszewo is the virtual absence in the grave
assemblages of military items and equestrian
gear. This situation does not surprise in Wiel-
 BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
Fig. 1. Location of the cemetery at Kleszewo.
bark Culture inventories dated to the Late
Roman Period but is definitely very unusual for
the Przeworsk Culture, which is represented at
Kleszewo by at least 250 grave assemblages. Out
of approximately 100 inventories dated to the
Late Pre-Roman Period only four held objects
interpreted as military ones (graves 147, 402,
409A, 655). Moreover, in ca. 150 graves dated to
the Early Roman Period none was found at all.
1 Findings from Kleszewo are now being studied by
M. Woźniak within the project financed by National Science
Centre (Narodowe Centrum Nauki) granted based on decis-
ion no. DEC-2013/09/N/HS3/02882.
2 The number of a find in the drawing is the same as its
number in the catalogue.
231
Grave 147 (cremation pit burial) (Fig. 2)2
A pit of oval plan, ca. 150 cm × 70 cm, extended
NE-SW; basin-like section, with an uneven bot-
tom and a maximum depth of 30 cm. Dark grey
fill, black in N and S area of pit, with pyre debris.
Within the pit, scattered burnt human bones and
potsherds; in N area, a rivet, at centre, several
iron object fragments. Bones determined as a
maturus female.3
Inventory (inv. no. MSHM/A/126):4 1. Iron
rivet with a round head and a rectangular-sec-
3 Human bone remains were determined osteologically
by Assistant Professor A. Wiercińska; their present where-
abouts are unknown.
4 The finds from Kleszewo are now in the following muse-
ums: Museum of Ancient Mazovian Metallurgy in Prusz-
ków, Regional Museum in Pułtusk, and State Archaeological
Museum in Warsaw.
 BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
232

Fig. 2. Kleszewo, grave 147. 1–8 iron; 9–13 pottery (key to the drawing: see Fig. 3).

tioned shaft; rivet head D. 2.2 cm, surviving L.
2 cm; 2. Iron rivet fragment, head damaged by
corrosion; rivet head D. 1.2–1.5 cm, L. 1.5 cm; 3.
Iron bar fragment, triangular-sectioned, lightly
curved at one end; surviving L. 4.1 cm; 4. Iron
ring fragment, D. 1.7 cm; 5. 2 iron rod fragments,
curved (from a ring?), Th. ca. 0.2 cm; 6. 5 iron
bar fragments, triangular-sectioned; surviving L.
0.8–2 cm; 7. 2 iron sheet fragments with a round
hole (holes?); 8. Ca. 30 uncharacteristic iron object
fragments; 9. Sherds from a vase, Dąbrowska
group IV,5 everted, thickened and facetted rim,
5 Vessel typology of T. Dąbrowska (1997, 101–104).
 BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
Fig. 3. Kleszewo, grave 402.
engraved ornament; smoothed; burnt; rim D.
ca. 17–18 cm; 10. Sherds from a bowl, thickened
and facetted rim; burnt; 11. Sherds from a bowl,
straight, unthickened rim; surface at the rim,
smooth, lower down, rugged; 12. Sherd from a
cup, thickened and facetted rim; burnt; 13. Base
sherd; smooth, glossy surface; burnt; base D. ca.
18–20 cm; 14. A few dozen uncharacteristic pot-
sherds, some burnt.
Grave 402 (cremation pit burial) (Figs. 3–7)
A pit of rectangular plan rounded at the corners,
130 cm × 100 cm, extended N-S; basin-like sec-
tion, maximum depth of 20 cm. Grey-black fill,
with pyre debris. Within the pit, scattered burnt
human bones (now missing), potsherds and
small fragments of iron sheet, possibly of the
sword’s scabbard; within the pit bottom, by the
S pit margin, a concentration of metal objects: a
sword deliberately bent out of shape, partly still
resting inside its scabbard, with underneath, a
spearhead and a belt mount.
Inventory (inv. no. MSHM/A/326): 1. Iron
double-edged sword inside scabbard; on the
blade, several irregular indentations, possibly
traces of an ornament (etched, chased?); rounded
233
Fig. 4. Kleszewo, grave 402.
point; scabbard fashioned from two pieces of
sheet, the back piece overlapping over the edges
of the front piece; on the scabbard mouth, an
incomplete S-shaped clasp;6 symmetrical loop
with lightly rounded plates; the chape incom-
plete; in its upper part, a decorative disc (one of
the original two), with an ornament of circum-
ferential concentric grooves; total L. of sword
105 cm, L. of hilt tang 14 cm, W. of blade at forte
5.5 cm; 2. Iron spearhead with laurel-shaped
blade and prominent rib; edges of lower part of
blade deliberately disfigured (corrugated 7);near
to socket base, iron round-headed rivet; total L.
of spearhead 23 cm, incl. L. of socket 6 cm, max.
blade W. 4.5 cm, socket base D. 1.8 cm; 3. Iron belt
fitting, a strip of sheet folded onto a bronze ring,
decorated with two iron rosette-shaped appli-
qués in openwork (?); markedly corroded; L. of
strip 6.8 cm, D. of ring: 3.1–3.4 cm, Th. of ring
0.5 cm; 4. Sherd from a jug, Dąbrowska group
V, thickened and facetted rim, engraved orna-
ment; smoothed surface; burnt; rim D. 10 cm;
surviving H. 18 cm; 5. Sherd from bowl, thick-
ened rim; eroded surface; burnt; 6. Sherd from a
cup, thickened and facetted rim; coarse surface;
6 Evidently there was an attempt to remove the clasp by
pushing it up the scabbard; this is suggested by the high
position of the bar with the S-design and the edges of the
clasp which project over the scabbard opening (Figs. 3, 4,
5,1d).
7 Similar traces of ritual destruction of spearheads – see
Czarnecka/Kontny 2009, 37–38 Fig. 7.
 BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
234

7. Sherd from a large vessel; smoothed surface; a cup; thickened, facetted rim, engraved orna-
reconstructed base D. ca. 20 cm; 8. Base sherd; ment; facetted handle edges; smooth, blackened
smoothed surface; 9. Several dozen uncharacter- surface; rim D. ca. 14 cm; 5. Sherds from a cup
istic potsherds, some burnt, presumably belong- (?); thickened, facetted rim; smoothed surface;
ing to vessels nos. 4–8. burnt; rim D. ca. 15 cm; 6. Sherds from a bowl;
thickened, facetted rim; smoothed surface; burnt;
Grave 409A (cremation pit burial) rim D. ca. 23 cm; 7. Sherd from a jug, Dąbrowska
(Figs. 8 and 9) group III, thickened, facetted rim, engraved
A pit of irregular plan, cut in N area by grave ornament on body and handle; smoothed sur-
409B (from Early Roman Period); basin-like sec- face; burnt; rim D. 7.5 cm; 8. Sherds from a jug,
tion, maximum depth of 55 cm. Fill dark grey, in
places, black, with pyre debris. Within the pit,
scattered burnt human bones (now missing) and
artefacts.
Inventory (inv. no. MSHM/A/333): 1. Iron
ring-shaped belt hook; L. ca. 4 cm; ring D. 2.2 cm;
2. Iron ring; on its surface, several indentations,
possibly traces of ornament (?); D. 2.1 cm; 3. Sev-
eral iron sheet fragments, corroded; 4. Sherd from

Fig. 6. Kleszewo, grave 402. 2 iron; 3 bronze and

Fig. 5. Kleszewo, grave 402. 1 iron. iron.

Fig. 7. Kleszewo, grave 402. 4–7 pottery.

 BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
Fig. 8. Kleszewo, grave 409A. 1–2 iron; 4–8 pottery.
Dąbrowska group III; smoothed surface; rim D.
ca. 20 cm; 9. Sherd from a jug, Dąbrowska group
V, thickened, facetted rim, engraved ornament;
smoothed surface; burnt; rim D. ca. 10 cm; 10.
Sherds from a pot, Dąbrowska group VI, thick-
ened, facetted rim; blackened, smoothed sur-
face; rim D. ca. 18 cm; surviving H. ca. 23 cm; 11.
Sherds from a low pot, thickened, facetted rim;
rough surface at rim, lower down, lightly rough-
235
ened and daubed; rim D. 18 cm; base D. 10.5 cm;
H. 11.5 cm; 12. Base sherds (possibly from no. 9
jug); smoothed surface; base D. ca. 10 cm, surviv-
ing H. 6.5 cm; 13. Sherds from a cup, thickened,
facetted rim, engraved ornament; smoothed sur-
face; rim D. ca. 7 cm; 14. Rim sherds, thickened,
facetted; smoothed surface; 15. Ornamented
body sherd (from a jug, Dąbrowska group V?);
smoothed surface; 16. Ornamented body sherds
 BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
236
Fig. 9. Kleszewo, grave 409A. 9–16 pottery.
(from vase Dąbrowska group IV?); smoothed
surface.
Grave 655 (cremation pit burial)
(Figs. 10 and 11)
A pit of oval plan, ca. 100 × 70 cm, extended
N-S; basin-like section, with an uneven bottom
and maximum depth of 30 cm. The fill at cen-
tre in the top layer, dark grey, surrounded and
underlain by deep black, compacted, with pyre
debris. Within the pit, numerous potsherds and
burnt human bones; in E area, a brooch, knife
and concentration of burnt bones; in W area, a
spearhead and a complete miniature cup (no. 7).
Bones determined as infans II – iuvenis8 or
iuvenis – adultus.9
Inventory (inv. no. MSHM/A/515): 1. Iron
brooch of late La Tène construction with a flat-
tened, broadening bow; L. 5.2 cm; 2. Iron spear-
head with a narrow, lancet-shaped blade and
8 Determination Assistant Professor A. Wiercińska.
9 Determination Doctor of Medicine J. Wronka.
long socket, decorated at base with two circum-
ferential grooves, between which, a hole for the
nail, between two more diagonal incisions (form-
ing the ‘eye’ design10), tip deliberately disfigured
(slightly bent); total L. of spearhead 27.4 cm, L. of
socket 11 cm, maximum W. of blade 3.5 cm; D. of
socket base 1.7 cm; 3. Iron knife with a straight
blade, handle with two rivet holes; surviving L.
12.5 cm, max. W of blade 2.4 cm; 4. Cup, thick-
ened and facetted rim; smoothed, glossy surface;
burnt; rim D. 14 cm, base D. 7 cm, H. 11.5 cm;
5. Cup, everted, facetted rim; smoothed, glossy
surface; burnt; rim D. 12.5 cm, base D. 8 cm, H.
11 cm; 6. Jug, Dąbrowska group V, everted, fac-
etted rim, engraved ornament; smoothed sur-
face; burnt; rim D. ca. 11 cm; base D. 6 cm, H.
ca. 15 cm; 7. Miniature cup, markedly everted
rim; burnt; rim D. 7 cm, base D. 4.5 cm, H. 4 cm;
8. Pot, Dąbrowska group VI, thickened, facetted
rim; smoothed surface; burnt; rim D. 17 cm; base
D. 12.5 cm; H. 24 cm; 9. Several uncharacteristic
10 Cf. Czarnecka/Kontny 2008, 37 Fig. 5.
 BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
Fig. 10. Kleszewo, grave 655. 1–3 iron.
potsherds, some burnt, presumably belonging
to vessels nos. 4–8.
Two of the graves listed here (nos. 402 and 655)
contained weapons. The spearheads from both
these features are forms frequently encountered
in Przeworsk Culture inventories. The speci-
men from grave 655 (Fig. 10,2) represents type
7d of T. Bochnak or type H/1 of P. Łuczkiewicz,
237
with a broad chronology that covers the entire
Late Pre-Roman Period (Bochnak 2005, 78;
Łuczkiewicz 2006, 119), but the brooch found in
the same assemblage (Fig. 10,1) helps to refine its
chronology to the developed stage of phase A2,
at the latest to stage A2/A311 (synchronised with
phase LT D1 and the very beginnings of LT D2).
This dating is compatible also with the pottery
discovered in this grave (cf. Dąbrowska 1988,
 BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
238
Fig. 11. Kleszewo, grave 655. 4–8 pottery.
28–36; 2008, 8). The spearhead from grave 402
(Fig. 6,2) represents type 7a of Bochnak, dated to
phases A1–A2, or type F/1 of Łuczkiewicz with
a dating which covers the entire Late Pre-Roman
Period (Bochnak 2005, 77; Łuczkiewicz 2006, 113,
116). The chronology of this assemblage is nar-
rowed down by the presence of the scabbard
with an S-shaped clasp and chape with a distinc-
tive ornament (Figs. 3–5). Similar scabbards are
classified by Polish researchers as ‘type Parusze-
wice’ and dated reliably to phase A2 of the Late
Pre-Roman Period (Bochnak 2005, 38–39, 46; 2014,
11 This brooch has no parallels in the Przeworsk Culture
and cannot be classified conclusively. Its only relatively
close analogy comes from the Oksywie Culture cemetery at
Bystrzec (former Weißhof), distr. Kwidzyn, grave 133 (Heym
1961, 153 Fig. 8,4). Both specimens evidently resemble type
‘Kostrzewski, Fig. 17’, occurring in Pomerelia during phase
A2 (cf. Kostrzewski 1919, 33, 261 List 11, Fig. 17; Pietrzak
1987, Pls. LXI,69b, LXIX,179b, XC,330a). They differ only
86–88 Figs. 35 and 36). They are a widespread
Celtic form and the closest counterparts of the
scabbard from Kleszewo (apart from a dozen or
so Polish finds) would be numerous finds from
the eastern province of La Tène Culture and also
the territory of the Púchov- and Padea-Panagjur-
ski Kolonii Culture, where they are dated chiefly
to LT D1.12 Therefore scabbards from Poland
(together with their swords) are interpreted as
imports from the Celtic milieu (Bochnak 2005,
45–47, 158; Łuczkiewicz 2006, 182). It is safe to
assume that the iron belt fitting with a bronze
ring, decorated with two iron rosette-shaped
by their broadening, flattened bows – probably patterned
on Celtic brooches of the Nauheim type, also known from
Mazovia and Pomerelia, where they are dated chiefly to
stage A2/A3 (cf. Bochnak 2014, 45).
12 Łuczkiewicz/Schönfelder 2011, 172–182; Bochnak 2014,
86–87; cf. Meduna 1961, Pl. 31,1,7; Pieta 2010, Fig. 97,2;
Kotigoroško 2009, Fig. 22,4; 2010, Fig. 5,1.
 BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
239

Fig. 12. Kamieńczyk, grave 156. Single-edged sword and the fittings of its scabbard.

appliqués in openwork (Fig. 6,3,3a) found in found among the scabbards with open-work
the same grave is also Celtic handiwork, even decoration, known both from the Lipica Culture
though it is impossible to pinpoint any paral- in Western Ukraine, identified with Dacians,
lel to this find. Some stylistic similarities can be and from Gaul (Cigilik 2003, 172 Fig. 14,Б,6; Fer-
 BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
240
diere/Villard 1993, 206 Fig. 2–127).13 However,
what needs to be emphasised is that the time
frame for manufacturing of scabbards decorated
in such a manner is substantially later than the
chronology of grave 402 at Kleszewo as it cov-
ers phase LT D2 and the beginning of the Roman
Period (for further literature see Böhme-Schön-
berger 2002; Bochnak/Czarnecka 2006; Istenič
2010).
Two other objects possibly associated with
weapons would be the ring-shaped belt hook
and the ring discovered together in grave 409A
(Fig. 8,1,2), used to fasten the belt to which a dou-
ble-edged sword was attached (cf. Kostrzewski
1919, 62 Fig. 48; Bochnak 2005, 57–60). This kind
of belt hooks are believed to be Celtic imports,
even though they are quite numerous in Poland
(Bochnak 2014, 69 Fig. 26). Similar sets recorded
in Przeworsk Culture deposits date mainly to
phase A2 and this chronology of grave 409A – or
slightly later: A2/A3 – can be supported by its
pottery inventory.
Less easy to interpret is the inventory of
grave 147. Out of several iron objects discov-
ered in it more notable are fragments of iron
triangular-sectioned bars (Fig. 2,3,6), reminis-
cent of C-shaped fittings of scabbards used
with single-edged swords. As for the two iron
rings (Fig. 2,4,5), they could have been scabbard
attachments (Fig. 12; cf. Kostrzewski 1919, 102
Fig. 94; Bochnak 2005, 71 Fig. 20; Dąbrowska
1997, Pls. LXXXIV,156,2–8, CXLVII,323,9,10).14
The rivet with a large, round head (Fig. 2,1) fits
the description of rivets used on shields very
well (Bochnak 2005, 124).15 Single-edged swords
(and elements of their scabbards) are seen in
Przeworsk Culture graves starting from phase
A2 (cf. Bochnak 2005, 66 ff.; Łuczkiewicz 2006,
67 ff.). Dating of the assemblage from Kleszewo
to phases A2–A2/A3 is also indicated by its pot-
tery. If the ‘military’ interpretation of the small
number of small finds from grave 147 is correct,
we would have evidence of the practice some-
times called pars pro toto, related to the deposi-
tion of fragmentary military objects in graves.
13 We are grateful to Katarzyna Czarnecka PhD for poin-
ting out both analogies.
14 A few of these bars of iron and one of the rings (Fig.
2,5–6) may seem too small for weapon fittings. Neverthe­
less, equally small, analogical elements of scabbards have
surfaced in other Przeworsk Culture cemeteries in Mazo-
via (e.g., Dąbrowska 1997, 40 Pls. LXXXIV,156,8; Czarnecka
2007, Pls. LXXXV,76,2,3, CLXXIV,185,3–5, CLXXV,188,3,
CCVI,244,1–2). We also need to recall that some of these
objects are corroded.
15 Much less easy to interpret reliably is the second, smal-
ler rivet and the fragments of iron sheet with a rivet hole
(holes?) found in the same assemblage (Fig. 2,2,7,8). None of
them resemble typical Late Pre-Roman Period shield fittings.
This type of custom, though recorded in Prze-
worsk Culture cemeteries of the Late Pre-Roman
Period, has not been broadly discussed in Polish
literature.
In summary, the four graves excavated at
Kleszewo dated chiefly to phase A2 contained
both confirmed (402, 655) and probable (147)
military items as well as pieces of warrior gear
(409A). Given that a hundred or so Przeworsk
Culture burials from the Late Pre-Roman Period
were discovered in the cemetery, this is an unex-
pectedly small percentage of weapon graves (ca.
4 %). During this period warrior graves usually
make up between ca. 10–20 % of all burials dis-
covered in cemeteries (Fig. 13).16 Also known
are grave sites where weapon graves make up
ca. 30 %, and even as many as 40 % graves, and
the ‘record-holder’ among them is the cemetery
at Wesółki, distr. Kalisz, with a score of 48.1 %
(Fig. 13).17 Naturally, this is a static perspective
applied to the entire Late Pre-Roman Period
while we know that the percentage of weapon
graves in cemeteries tended to increase with
each new phase (Bochnak 2005, 139).
In this context the cemetery at Kleszewo
(with ca. 4 % warrior graves) is clearly extraordi-
nary among other large grave sites dated to the
Late Pre-Roman Period, although we do have
a similar situation at smaller sites like Wólka
Domaniowska (6.4 %), where some graves con-
tained no more than a single shield rivet, and
possibly at Pełczyska, which also yielded very
few items of weaponry (Rudnicki 2009, 304–
305). However, the latter site is heavily devas-
tated. It is also worth noting that all four buri-
als from Kleszewo date to phase A2 (or perhaps
the stage of A2/A3), that is the opening phase of
the cemetery as used by the Przeworsk Culture
16 The diagram lists only a selection of the better investiga-
ted cemeteries (with at least 20 graves), mostly from Mazo-
via. We included all the assemblages datable to the Late
Pre-Roman Period and the transitional phase A3/B1 (that
is, the horizon of late geschweifte and O/A.2 brooches – cf.
Dąbrowska 1988, 44–46; 2008, 9, 32), which should ex­plain
the difference in the number of graves listed in other pub-
lications. See: Cofta-Broniewska/Bednarczyk 1998 – for
Inowrocław, site 58; Bochnak 2005 and Dąbrowska 2008 – for
literature on all other sites listed in Fig. 13. We also inclu-
ded data on unpublished material from Dzierzążnia Nowa
and Stupsk in northern Mazovia (kindly made available
by Tomasz Kordala PhD, Krzysztof Matusiak and Andrzej
Grzymkowski; cf. Maciałowicz 2009) and left out some
grave sites from Silesia, relatively numerous but small and
too poorly investigated, e. g., Bartodzieje (former Zeippern):
5 out of 12 graves contained weapons (41.7 %), Wierzbice
(former Konradserbe): 5/12 (41.7%), Kotowice (former Kott-
witz): 3/16 (18.7 %), Kajęcin (former Kainzen): 1/8 (12.5 %)
– cf. Pescheck 1939; Bochnak 2005.
17 A similar case is that of two small grave sites from Silesia
(Bartodzieje, Wierzbice), in which the percentage of weapon
graves was 41.7 % (cf. footnote 16).
 BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
Fig. 13. Percentage of Late Pre-Roman Period graves containing military items in selected Przeworsk Culture
cemeteries (* the number of graves is approximate).
people. This means that starting from phase A3
weapons were no longer found in grave furnish-
ings.18 The full body of evidence from Kleszewo
is still being subjected to analysis but even at
this early stage we can say that graves from the
final phases of the Late Pre-Roman Period (A3
and A3/B1) are at least as numerous as graves
from phase A2. Consequently we cannot explain
the vanishing of weapon graves in this horizon
in terms of a possible depopulation or a demo-
graphic crisis of the community which used
the cemetery. We need to note that an evident
change in the burial rite is observed in the north-
ernmost Mazovia only during the Early Roman
Period, when military equipment is virtually no
longer seen in the grave furnishings – except for
an occasional scabbard mount, shield rivet (only
spurs are more numerous, part of the outfit of
the mounted warrior). This phenomenon has
been interpreted as the result of impact from the
Wielbark Culture, then established in Pomera-
nia, which has a taboo on depositing of weapons
18 In the case of Wólka Domaniowska and possibly of
Pełczyska the situation is just the reverse – there are no wea-
pons in the still relatively few assemblages from phase A2,
and they enter the record only in phase A3, when there is also
an observable increase in the number of graves.
241
in graves.19 In this context, we are less surprised
to see no weapons in the almost 150 graves of
the Przeworsk Culture at Kleszewo datable to
the Early Roman Period. Nevertheless, how do
we explain the disappearance of weapons at this
cemetery already in the Late Pre-Roman Period?
Hence, it is worth looking into both the exis­
tence of Przeworsk Culture cemeteries without
weapon graves dated to the Late Pre-Roman
Period and the custom of placing single, incom-
plete weapon items into graves. Both phenom-
ena are not limited to Mazovia and to the time
around the birth of Christ. If explained they
may assist our interpretation of the situation
observed at Kleszewo.
Theoretical assumptions
Before we move onto the analysis, it is necessary
to present the theoretical assumptions behind
the interpretation of the phenomena related to
the burial rites during the Iron Age. First of all,
research carried out up to now on grave inven-
tories of both the Przeworsk Culture and its
partly contemporary Jastorf Culture/Elbian Cir-
19 Okulicz 1965, esp. 265; 1968, 37; Godłowski 1985, 50–51,
64; Andrzejowski 1989, 106, 108, 118; 2001, 82; cf. Dąbrowska
1976, 161.
 BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
242
cle prove the existence of common tendencies
in the furnishing of the buried, naturally within
some regional and chronological differences.20
Similar overall results of the previously con-
ducted research allow us to compare the data
analysed in this paper with the finds from the
territory of Germany. The archaeological data
– supported by a series of ethnographic observa-
tions – indicate that the choice of personal items
the dead were furnished with was determined
by the items‘ practical function in everyday use
(Derks 2012, 84–90). They could symbolise (or
idealize) social roles of the passed individuals or
represent the belief that the items could also be
found useful in the afterlife. Both cases allow us
to assume what role the buried held or was sup-
posed to hold as a member of a social group.21
However, some objects connected to various
kinds of magic rituals (e. g. apotropaic, anti-liv-
ing dead) could also be found in the graves. As
the meaning of those objects is always of a sym-
bolic nature and by that more or less far from
their everyday use, this category of grave offer-
ings usually stands out from the burial context,
e. g. a single weapon item found in a woman‘s
grave (cf. Czarnecka 1990, 90–91). Naturally,
some of the factors that determined the burial
rites and what the grave consisted of (e. g. that
some forms of death were viewed by the com-
munity as ‘unnatural’ or ‘bad’) are difficult to
register with archaeological methods (Czar-
necka 1990, 88–89, 102–103; Schultze 1992, 202 ff.;
Hofmann 2009, 140 Fig. 4).
Despite these limitations, the view commonly
accepted in the literature is that the richness of
grave inventories in general – that is, bearing in
mind all the reservations related to the possible
deformation of the prehistoric reality – reflects
the social and to a certain degree also the mate-
rial status of the dead individuals.22 What needs
to be remembered is that one individual‘s social
status could change significantly with increas-
ing age (Czarnecka 1990, 99–118; Derks 2012,
175–193).
Diagrams showing the correlation between
the characteristics of burial rites and relics from
the Late Pre-Roman and Roman Periods found
in Germanic graves create two more or less
distinctive clusters. They are interpreted as a
reflection of the rule, confirmed both by ethno-
graphic and historical sources, that in traditional
20 Cf. Godłowski 1960; Czarnecka 1990; Schultze 1992;
Derks 2012.
21 Czarnecka 1990, 89–90; Schultze 1992, 208 ff.; Derks 2012,
esp. 53, 84, 90, 193; cf. Krekovič 1993.
22 Godłowski 1960, 9–10; Czarnecka 1990, 69, 83–84;
Schultze 1992, 212–214; Derks 2012, 95 ff. esp. 102.
societies social roles were mainly determined
by sex.23 Recently, however, the trend to regard
particular categories of relics as ‘archaeologi-
cal indicators of sex’ and to clearly distinguish
women‘s and men‘s graves based on them is
being criticized. The emphasis is being put on
distinguishing ‘sex’ from ‘gender’ instead (e. g.
Hofmann 2009). The custom of cremation that
was dominant during the periods in question
makes the above interpretation difficult to verify
with use of anthropological analysis since the
ability to determine sex based on burnt bone
remains is rightly questioned.24 However, the
principle of furnishing women‘s and men‘s
(and to some extent children‘s) graves with a
partially different variety of items is confirmed
by the finds from the cemetery at Inowrocław,
site 58, distr. loco, where relatively numerous
inhumation graves of the Przeworsk Culture
dated to the Late Pre-Roman Period and the
very beginning of the Early Roman Period were
found (Cofta-Broniewska/Bednarczyk 1998).
The diagram of the co-occurrence of findings
shows two partially distinguishable clusters that
can, based on anthropological identification of a
few skeletons (unburnt), be connected with both
sexes (Fig. 14). What needs to be emphasised is
that, despite the small sample size, the resulting
image confirms the previous conclusions related
to furnishing models of women‘s and men‘s
graves in the Przeworsk Culture (cf. Godłowski
1960; 1974; Czarnecka 1990; 2007; Dąbrowska
1997; 2008).25 Therefore the items associated
with women‘s graves are mainly sets of brooches,
brooches of Kostrzewski type G (including with
their type H iron equivalents), bracelets, glass
and amber beads, spindle-whorls and possibly
tweezers.26 Belt hooks, stone polishers and iron
23 Godłowski 1974, 64–67 Diagram; Czarnecka 1990, 37–42,
99–118 Figs. 1, 2; Derks 2012, 32–54, 253 ff.; cf. Pawlik 2003,
104; Falkenstein 2008.
24 Cf. Godłowski 1974; Czarnecka 1990, 12–14; Eger 1999,
122 ff., 129; Derks 2012, 235–237. – In the latest research on the
correlation of ‘archaeological indicators of sex’ with anthro-
pological identification of bones from 758 Przeworsk Culture
graves, compatibility was reached only in 314 cases (41.4 %)
while in 189 (24.9 %) discrepancies appeared (Małysa 2007,
Table 1). The author has interpreted the results as reflecting
the prehistoric reality to a large extent, hence undermining
the efficiency of the ‘archaeological’ method. However, the
results were influenced not only by the limited reliability of
the anthropological identifications, but also by the highly
questionable choice of items recognised as ‘archaeological
indicators of sex’ in the quoted article (cf. Małysa 2007, 114).
25 Which, to a large extent, corresponds with the situation
noted in the Elbe basin (cf. Derks 2012).
26 Correlation of tweezers with women‘s items is con-
firmed by the finds from cemeteries analysed later in the
article, but what needs to be stressed is that these objects
were also found in Przeworsk Culture graves containing
weapons (Dąbrowska 2008, 58–60).
 BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
Fig. 14. Inowrocław, site 58. Co-occurrence of artefacts and osteological analysis results (red: ‘female’ cluster;
blue: ‘male’ cluster; ? – identification uncertain; * – inhumation burial).
fittings of wooden caskets, though not present
at Inowrocław 58, should also be considered
as part of women‘s attire and accessories. On
the other hand the items connected with men‘s
graves are primarily weapons, fire-striking tools,
crescent-shaped razors, whet-stones and the
earliest iron belt buckles (esp. with round frame
and elongated spike). They usually contain only
one brooch or none at all. In children‘s graves
there is usually only one small brooch and possi-
bly a minor tool, with some exceptions of richly
furnished burials, according to the furnishing
model typical for one of the sexes. There is also
a group of objects indifferent to the sex of the
dead. This group consists mainly of straight and
possibly crescent-shaped knives,27 punches/
awls (not found at Inowrocław), but also – quite
unexpectedly – needles.28 One should remem-
27 Crescent-shaped knives are divided into two main types:
with a more or less profiled and straight, pointed tang. The
first one is correlated with women’s items, while the latter
begin to appear starting from phase A2/A3, and only in wea-
pon graves (Czarnecka 2007, 89; Dąbrowska 2008, 61–62 Fig.
20). We have decided not to distinguish between those two
types for two reasons. First of all, many artefacts included in
the present paper are badly preserved and secondly, nearly
all of the identified ones represent the first type.
28 Based on the finds from other Przeworsk Culture ceme-
teries, the needles are strongly correlated to women‘s items
and burials (Czarnecka 1990, 39, 43). However, from time to
time, they are found in graves containing weapons, as for
example in grave 30 from Inowrocław, site 58. Such invento-
243
ber, however, that these ‘archaeological indi-
cators of sex’ (or rather gender; see below) are
subject to changes in time and space (cf. Derks
2012, 33–44). For example, most of the typical
men’s tools, attire and personal items mentioned
appear more frequently in grave inventories no
earlier than in stage A3. Thus, for phases A1–A2
weapons are the most common grave offering
indicating men’s burials.
In this article, based on the above men-
tioned sets of findings, designations
“men‘s”/”women‘s” and “male”/”female” (or
“children‘s”) are going to be used with regard to
materials discussed further. Since we will rarely
have anthropological identifications of (mostly
burnt) bones at our disposal, then the designa-
ries are particularly numerous in the cemetery at Oblin, distr.
Garwolin (Czarnecka 2007, 91 – graves nos. 53a, 66, 128a,
163, 291, 298; cf. Dąbrowska 2008, 60–61). Similarly furnished
graves are known from the Elbe basin (Peschel 1991, 146 Fig.
7,12d; Eger 1999, 130; maybe also: Schmidt/Nitzschke 1989 –
however the identification of the objects from graves 75, 215
and 225 as sewing needles is uncertain). This phenomenon
has not yet been interpreted in Polish literature. Occurrences
of single elements typical for the opposite sex (for example
spearheads in women-furnished graves) can be explained by
various acts of a magical nature (see above). Therefore, those
objects would not constitute gender (social role) attributes of
the dead. K. Peschel (1991, 146) represents a different point of
view: he interprets the find of a bronze needle and “leather
knives” next to weapons in grave 1911/87 at Großromstedt
as evidence that a saddler was buried here.
 BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
244
Fig. 15. Przeworsk Culture cemeteries lacking weapon graves discussed in the text and the grave site at Kle­
szewo seen against the background of the maximum range of the Przeworsk Culture during the Late Pre-Roman
Period (in grey).
tions mentioned above will be – if not stated
otherwise – based on cultural (archaeological),
not biological (anthropological) data. Therefore,
we are dealing mostly with social (gender) role
interpretations of the buried individuals rather
than with strict determinations of their biologi-
cal sex. However, in the light of what was said
before, one could expect that the former resulted
mostly from the latter. Few exceptions are to be
individually investigated, and not taken as evi-
dence of invalidity of this general rule.
Cemeteries of the Przeworsk
Culture lacking weapon graves
Larger cemeteries from the Late Pre-Roman
Period lacking weapon graves are found in the
northern zone of Przeworsk Culture territory,
notably in Mazovia, but also in Central Poland
and Kuyavia (Fig. 15).29 Four of these sites
appear to have been excavated to a full extent:
Gledzianówek, site 3, distr. Łęczyca – with
54 cremation graves (Nadolski 1951); Krusza
Zamkowa, distr. Inowrocław – 27 cremation
graves and 8 inhumations (Kokowski 1989);
Niedanowo, site 2, distr. Nidzica – 31 cremation
graves (Ziemlińska-Odojowa 1999); Suchodół,
distr. Sochaczew – 139 graves (Maciałowicz
2006).30 Another one from Mazovia is only partly
excavated: Dąbek, site 5, distr. Mława – with 31
cremation graves (Grzymkowski 1996, 180–185,
187; Dąbrowska 2008, 130).31 The last necropolis
29 Only cemeteries with at least 20 graves from the Late
Pre-Roman Period were included.
30 From the cemetery at Suchodół we have a stray find of
an iron point, presumably an arrowhead. Only a very small
number of similar finds is recorded in other Late Pre-Roman
and Roman Period graves (Maciałowicz 2006, 303, 308 Fig.
4a). This makes the association of the arrowhead (?) with the
cemetery uncertain but still not impossible. At the same time
this is the only find of a weapon in a cemetery with 139 gra-
ves. Thus, even if we accept that it did belong to a destroyed
grave it would still be an exception confirming the dissimila-
rity of all the inventories discovered here.
31 Andrzej Grzymkowski kindly let us inspect the finds
from Dąbek and Anna Mistewicz supplied many details on
their subject.
 BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
Fig. 16. Selected features of Przeworsk Culture cemeteries lacking weapons analysed in the article (○ – low
presence of the feature; ● – high presence of the feature)
is located at Bodzanowo, distr. Radziejów – with
18 cremation graves and possibly 3 inhumations
(Zielonka 1958). Though inhumation grave no. 2
was furnished with, i. a. a spearhead, we include
this cemetery in further analysis since the char-
acteristics of cremation graves discovered here
correspond closely to the finds recorded at
Gledzianówek and Suchodół. The percentage
of graves containing weapons in Bodzanowo
is only 4.7 %, hence it may be considered an
equally marginal phenomenon as in the case of
the cemetery at Kleszewo.
Cemeteries where there are no weapons are
also known from other regions of Poland but
these establishments are small or excavated only
to a very limited extent and sometimes devas-
tated.32 This state of research persuaded us to
focus in the coming section of the present arti-
cle on the finds from the northern zone of Prze-
worsk Culture territory. This is not to say, nev-
ertheless, that phenomena similar to the ones
discussed here could not have taken place also
in other areas.
The cemeteries at Krusza Zamkowa and
Dąbek go back in their origin to the late stage of
phase A1 (essentially synchronised with LT C2),
the other sites named above to phase A2. The
cemetery at Krusza Zamkowa, Niedanowo and
possibly Bodzanowo continued in use at least
until the close of the Late Pre-Roman Period;
others had gone out of use before the end of
phase A2.33 Thus, at least some of the weap-
onless cemeteries were set up equally early as
32 E. g., Magnuszew Mały, site 4, distr. Maków Mazowie-
cki – at least 22 graves (unpublished; cf. Dąbrowska 2008,
155; Jarzec 2009; Rakowski 2006); Drohiczyn-Kozarówka,
distr. Siemiatycze – 15 or 19 graves (Dąbrowska 2008, 132);
Stradów, distr. Kazimierza Wielka – 18 graves (Gajew-
ski/Woźniak 2000); Szlichtyngowa-Górczyna (former
Schlichtingsheim/Gurschen), distr. Wschowa – 13 graves
(Pfützenreiter 1933, 18–21; 1934).
33 Cemetery at Dąbek, site 5 was also used in the Roman
Period, but at the current stage of exploration no graves from
phase A3 are found.
245
the oldest ‘typical’ grave sites of the Przeworsk
Culture with many graves of warriors. Despite
the fact that some of them were also used in
the Roman Period, further analysis will – if not
stated otherwise – only concern graves from the
Late Pre-Roman Period.
Based on the comparison of most character-
istic traits it is safe to say that the cemeteries
mentioned above represent two different mod-
els (Fig. 16). What they have in common is an
absolute or almost complete lack of graves with
weapons and other items typical of men. Cem-
eteries at Bodzanowo, Gledzianówek, site 3,
and Suchodół yielded cremation, mostly pit
graves with incredibly rare small finds, only a
few vessels and a small amount of finely frag-
mented bone remains. In burial sites at Krusza
Zamkowa, Dąbek, site 5 and Niedanowo, site 2,
numerous dress accessories, tools and some
personal items were found (mostly typical of
women‘s burials); moreover, in the case of these
sites the large amount of urn graves should be
mentioned. The cemetery at Kleszewo seems to
correspond with the latter model; however, for
better understanding of the phenomenon, it is
worth discussing both of them.
‘Children’s’ cemeteries
In the case of the Late Pre-Roman Period weap-
ons, especially the sword, are one of the few
markers of wealth and at the same time of the
possible high social rank of the buried individual
(Godłowski 1960, 24–25, 52; Czarnecka 1990, 63,
66 – type 1b of inventories, 111; cf. Bochnak 2005,
143). Consequently the first possible interpreta-
tion of cemeteries without weapon graves would
be poverty of the community who buried their
dead here (Godłowski 1960, 24–25; Bochnak 2005,
140–141). At first glance this explanation appears
plausible in the case of the two largest cemeteries
under discussion: Suchodół and Gledzianówek
(site 3). The vast majority of graves discovered
there were furnished only with fragments of a
few pottery vessels (typically, 1–3 items), mostly
cups. Only a few burials contained – mostly one
 BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
246
each – iron brooches, and, quite exceptionally,
tools (a single iron knife at Gledzianówek and
a single spindlewhorl at Suchodół). The poverty
of the grave inventories as compared to the ‘typ-
ical’ cemeteries of the Przeworsk Culture (ones
containing numerous finds of dress accessories,
weapons and tools) could lead to the conclusion
that individuals buried at Gledzianówek (site 3)
and Suchodół had low social status (Nadolski
1951, 112; Godłowski 1960, 87; cf. Czarnecka
1990, 69). However, it cannot be explained solely
by economic factors.
It is notable that apart from exhibiting an
almost identical burial rite these two cemeter-
ies are separated by a relatively small distance
of ca. 50 km (Fig. 15) and have similar chrono-
logical confines, limited presumably to phase A2.
Almost analogical to them would be – located in
the nearby area – the grave site at Bodzanowo.
Preservation of the cremated bones in all three
sites (mostly in the form of few very fine frag-
ments or dust) would suggest that mostly
children were buried there (cf. Gładykowska-
Rzeczycka 1987, 213–214). This supposition is
confirmed by the results of osteological analy-
sis of the better preserved human remains from
analogical graves, containing mostly just one
cup, discovered in a small number in ‘typical’
cemeteries (Maciałowicz 2006, 321). The use of
cups and other small pots as urns in children‘s
burials is supported by examples from the Oksy-
wie Culture and the Jastorf Culture/Elbian Cir-
cle (Gładykowska-Rzeczycka 1987, 213–214;
Bokiniec 2008, 217, table 85; Krekovič 2007;
Kasiński 2010, 51 Fig. 7, 8; Eger 1999, 140–141).
Only the bone remains from two graves from
Suchodół (nos. 5 and 6) were preserved well
enough to explore and investigate them. In both
cases they were determined as adult burials
(most likely both of them were men); no. 6 also
held a few bones of a child. Three inhumations
discovered at Bodzanowo are also most likely to
be juvenile or adult burials.34
The occurrence of not numerous but similar
burials also in other Przeworsk Culture cemeter-
ies as well as the functioning at Gledzianówek
of another, ‘typical’ grave site (site 1) with richly
furnished graves (Kaszewska 1977), suggest that
the cemeteries at Bodzanowo, Gledzianówek
(site 3) and Suchodół had been used to bury only
a specific group of the dead from their respec-
tive communities.35 Apart from the preservation
of the bones and the limited number of samples
34 Which can be concluded based on some laconic refe-
rences found in the original publication (which, however, is
lacking professional anthropological analysis) and pictures
of skeletons presented there.
which could be analysed osteologically, also
inventories of these graves indicate that these
were mostly burials of children. This conclusion
is based on the results of the study of a longer
series of Przeworsk Culture graves (from the
entire period of its duration) which reveal that
the most poorly furnished graves are burials
mostly of juveniles, especially older children –
aged infans II (Czarnecka 1990, 49, 59 Fig. 10,4–
5). Moreover, it is also known that the number
of infant graves in ‘typical’ cemeteries is usually
much lower than expected, suggesting that the
bodies of most children were treated using dif-
ferent rules from those applied to adults (Czar-
necka 1990, 87–88).
At the same time we should note that age can-
not be the only factor which dictated whether a
dead individual was buried in a separate cem-
etery such as the ones named here, according to
a different practice. First of all, it does not help
us explain the presence of two adult male buri-
als in the two graves from Suchodół or the three
inhumations of adult (?) individuals recorded
at Bodzanowo. Moreover, it is worth stress-
ing that some of the infant graves discovered
in the ‘typical’ Przeworsk Culture cemeteries
had relatively rich and even very rich inven-
tories (Czarnecka 1990, 59 Fig. 10,4–5; cf. Mar-
tyniak/Pastwiński/Pazda 1997, 95–96 Table
I). Those graves could belong to children from
more significant and influential families (elite)
and the rich furnishings (weapons included!)
could symbolize that it was hoped that the dead
were to hold an important social role in adult
life (Czarnecka 1990, 68, 101, 103; cf. Derks 2012,
192). Consequently, while interpreting the cem-
eteries at Suchodół, Gledzianówek (site 3) and
Bodzanowo, we need to take into consideration
also other factors than age.
It is now time to consider the previously
mentioned, almost complete lack of weapons
and tools, even as “cheap” and common as stone
polishers or spindle whorls in the analysed cem-
eteries (except for one find at Suchodół, grave
139). The lack of this kind of items suggests that
the buried may not have (yet?) held any tradi-
tional social roles, hence their socialization pro-
35 This is also supported by the presence of inhumation
graves at Bodzanowo, possibly partially contemporary to
cremation graves. Maybe a similar interpretation should be
applied to the space arrangement in the nearby cemetery at
Gąski, site 18, where numerous cremation graves of similar
characteristics (interpreted as “cremation burials with par-
ted (uncompleted) skeletons“ or “symbolic graves”) were
found among ‘typical’ Przeworsk Culture graves (Cofta-Bro-
niewska 2004, 193 Fig. 38). Due to lack of full publication of
materials from that necropolis it was not taken into conside-
ration.
 BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
cess had not been over. They are likely to have
held an inferior, insignificant social position
within their societies. This could mainly con-
cern children who died before reaching puberty,
which was usually confirmed by suitable initia-
tions, but also some adults, for example, handi-
capped or taken by a ’bad‘ death (cf. Czarnecka
1990, 88–89, 102–103; Derks 2012, 175–193).36
While on the subject of inhumation graves
in the cemetery at Bodzanowo it is also worth
addressing the issue of the burial of individu-
als of ‘foreign’ origin. Many researchers have
observed that some of the inhumation graves
from the turn of the Late Pre-Roman Period and
the Early Roman Period were situated outside
the Przeworsk Culture cemeteries or on their
outer edges.37 It is worth stressing at this point
that one of the most closely analysed inhuma-
tions, from grave 9/2002 at Pełczyska, belonged
to a woman of Mediterranean anthropological
type (Rudnicki 2005). Evidently, she was some-
one ‘foreign’ in the Przeworsk Culture milieu
and this could have found expression not only in
the different burial rite (inhumation) but also its
location – similarly to other inhumation graves
found here – on the outer edge of the cremation
cemetery.
We can assume therefore that the cemetery
at Bodzanowo, where all the cremation graves
dated to the Late Pre-Roman Period were very
poorly furnished and where a handful of inhu-
mation burials appeared, diverged in each of
these rites from burial practices typical in the
Przeworsk Culture, was intended for individu-
als who – probably for various reasons38 – could
not be buried in the ‘typical’ cemetery and were
symbolically excluded from the ‘community’ of
the dead. If we take into account the analogi-
cal character of the cremation graves, and also
observations made earlier, it seems that to some
extent this conclusion can be applied to the cem-
eteries at Gledzianówek (site 3) and at Suchodół.
36 Here it is worth mentioning some interesting ethnogra-
phic observations made by J. J. Pawlik (2004, 38) on the sub-
ject of the Basari people in Togo. He mentions that children
that died after weaning are intended to be buried modestly
in a special grave site called kuceeu. Adults that were, for
some reason, refused the right to be buried traditionally
within the family farm were also buried there. This is only
one of the known examples that illustrate how the low social
position is reflected in the funeral acts. It is still interesting
that this ’special‘ cemetery was also used to bury that cer-
tain type of adults. This phenomenon, however distant in
time and space from the Przeworsk Culture, supports the
possibility of separate grave sites, functioning away from
kin cemetery, that were meant for a special group of dead.
Cemeteries of similar character (as it is interpreted) are also
known in the Lusatian Culture from the Bronze or Early Iron
Age (Żychlińska 2011, 301 ff.).
247
Consequently, the use of cremation grave sites,
separate from ‘typical’ (kin?) cemeteries, with
an exceptionally poor model of furnishings in all
three sites is evidence of the practice of a special
rite, especially with regard to children (domi-
nant criterion of age), but also to some adults,
who for obscure reasons were not subject to the
‘typical’ burial rite.
Common use of cups alongside the relatively
modest furnishing of the graves can be related to
some earlier traditions dated to the beginnings
of the Late Pre-Roman Period (phase A1 corre-
sponding with LT C). It is from that period that
the singular graves of the eastward spreading
Jastorf Culture derive. Relatively often they con-
tained a larger or smaller cup (often preserved in
pieces), sometimes accompanied by a larger pot
– an urn (cf. Grygiel 2013, 28, 39–40 Footnotes
39–41, 54 – for further lit.). The graves contained
some iron finds (single brooches, from time to
time minor tools) and the buried were adults or
children. What is worth adding is that the cups
(formally very similar to vessels of the Prze-
worsk Culture), occurring either individually or
as one of a few grave pots (often as an urn) are
also found in cemeteries of the Gubin Group of
the Jastorf Culture by the middle Oder, and par-
ticularly of the Oksywie Culture in Pomerania
(Domański 1975, 40–41; Strobin 2011, 32, 94–96
Map 8). In the case of the latter unit cups were
often used to bury the children (see above). Per-
haps the origins of this particular model of fur-
nishing the graves noted both in cemeteries of
the Przeworsk and Oksywie Culture are com-
mon for both of them and should be sought in
the earlier Jastorf Culture materials from the Pol-
ish Lowland? This explanation corresponds well
with the recently advocated course of cultural
changes on Polish territories at the beginning of
the Late Pre-Roman Period (Grygiel 2004; 2013).
According to it, it was not until the intensifica-
tion of the ‘latènization’ process around the turn
of phases LT C1 and C2 that accelerated the
significant changes within the societies of the
Jastorf Culture in the Polish Lowland that the
37 Bykowski 1976, 142–143; Niewęgłowski 1981, 40; Rud-
nicki 2005, 200–201; 2009, 305 Fig. 3; cf. Zielonka 1958, Pl. I;
Kokowski 1989, Fig. 28. – A similar phenomenon may be
observed also in other regions with early inhumation graves
in Central Europe (cf. Lichardus 1984, 48–49, 56; Rudnicki
2005, 200–201; Droberjar 2011, 16). The situation is diffe-
rent, for example, in the cemetery at Gąski, site 18, where
the group practising inhumation was buried in between the
cremation graves (Cofta-Broniewska 2004, Fig. 38).
38 That is, some factors (e. g., age, low social status) might
be responsible for the presence in the same cemetery of
poorly furnished cremation burials, while others (e. g., ‘for-
eign’ origin) for the inhumations.
 BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
248
Przeworsk Culture emerged. One of the charac-
teristic traits of the newly arisen culture was the
undoubtedly Celtic custom of furnishing graves
with weapons, tools and other personal items,
together with numerous broken and burnt pots.
The changes were thus related to beliefs, but
most likely also to social order as they resulted
in a highly explicit emphasis of the social roles
by furnishing the graves with suitable attribute
items (which mainly concerns males – warriors).
Thereby, the presence of graves lacking those
objects and merely containing single vessels
(mostly cups) can be related to the continuity of
the older Jastorf cultural (social?) model.39 This
hypothesis could also coincide with a possible
continuation of the Pomeranian and Cloche-
Grave Culture’s tradition, as in the Early Iron
Age cemeteries children were also buried in a
cup or a small jug (cf. Andrzejowska/Andrze-
jowski 1997, 92). Concerning the Przeworsk Cul-
ture, however, those ties are considerably harder
to notice than the ones with the Jastorf Culture.
The act of setting up separate ‘children’s’ cem-
eteries is also hard to explain. This phenomenon
seems to be regional, because sites like these are
mostly found on a fairly small territory in Cen-
tral Poland (Fig. 15). In the light of hundreds of
Przeworsk Culture grave sites known up to now
it does not seem to be merely an effect of the state
of research. Hence, future findings should not
change this picture drastically. The distinguish-
able spreading of ‘children’s’ cemeteries may
support the above mentioned hypothesis on the
origins of the model of poor grave furnishing.
They are located in areas of distinct concentra-
tion of earlier Jastorf Culture settlements in the
Polish Lowland (cf. Grygiel 2013, Figs. 9 and 10).
It may be added that among the ceramics from
Suchodół we find a bowl with ‘hanging’ handles,
of clear Jastorf tradition (Maciałowicz 2004),
while the pottery of this culture is also known
from unidentified features found on the site
at Bodzanowo (Zielonka 1958, Figs. 15, 19a,b,e,
20a; cf. Grygiel 2013, Figs. 12, 13, 16). Therefore
the functioning of ‘children’s’ cemeteries in this
part of Poland may be associated with the pres-
ervation of the Jastorf tradition, stronger here
than elsewhere. On the other hand, however,
there are no such grave sites among the finds of
the mentioned unit in the Polish Lowland.40 In
39 It somehow corresponds with the fact that in the case
of the less ‘latènized’ and more subject to Jastorf influence,
Oksywie Culture, the number of pots deposited in graves is
evidently lower than in Przeworsk Culture cemeteries.
40 What needs to be remembered is that we have no know-
ledge of any larger Jastorf Culture cemeteries in the Polish
Lowland; only some single graves were found (Grygiel 2013,
39–40).
addition, we cannot rule out other, earlier ori-
gins of this phenomenon as similarly structured
cemeteries are also known in the Lusatian Cul-
ture (Żychlińska 2011).
‘Female oriented’ cemeteries
In the case of the remaining cemeteries in ques-
tion, without weapon graves, and the grave site
at Kleszewo the age of the buried as a domi-
nant factor should be ruled out. The results of
anthropological analysis of the bones from these
grave sites have shown numerous adult remains,
which contradicts that theory.41 The possi-
ble low social/material status of the deceased
should also be found highly unlikely. In the
case of the title cemetery it is exactly in phases
A3 and A3/B1, when the weapons were already
vanished from grave furnishings, that we find
items of Celtic and East-Alpine origin, among
them decorative and luxury objects (bronze
brooches, Knotenringe, glass beads, bronze
mirror) and luxurious pottery (wheel-thrown
painted ceramics). This leads to the conclusion
that the people using the cemetery in that time
were clearly in a period of prosperity. Therefore,
there is no ground to interpret the lack of weap-
ons in graves as a sign of poverty or low social
status. The three remaining grave sites were not
as rich in showy findings and they feature less
wealth than grave inventories at Kleszewo.42
However, in their case, the lack of spearheads,
for example – one of the most common pieces
of weaponry, even in modestly furnished graves
(Czarnecka 1990, 65) – cannot be explained by
economic circumstances. While manufacturing
a sword or a shield-boss required a considerable
amount of iron, only slightly more material was
needed to create a small spearhead than to make
a belt hook or a set of brooches and minor tools
(straight or crescent-shaped knife, punch/awl),
which were frequently discovered at Dąbek,
Krusza Zamkowa and – to a lesser extent – at
Niedanowo. Thus, despite the fact that the grave
inventories point towards differences within the
levels of wealth – or rather access to luxurious,
imported goods – between the societies using
41 Cf. Wiercińska 1965; Kokowski 1989; Ziemlińska-
Odojowa 1999. – Anthropological analysis of bones from
Dąbek cemetery was performed by Łukasz M. Stanaszek
PhD and we are very grateful to Anna Mistewicz, who works
on the findings from this necropolis, for sharing the results
with us.
42 However, chronological differences have to be remem-
bered – e. g., the cemetery at Dąbek lacks graves from phase
A3 (at Krusza Zamkowa this time horizon is similarly poorly
represented), when the people of the Przeworsk Culture
gained access to the previously mentioned goods from the
South, known from Kleszewo.
 BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
Fig. 17. Krusza Zamkowa. Co-occurrence of artefacts and osteological analysis results (? – identification uncer-
tain; * – ihumation burial).
all four cemeteries, the lack of weapon elements
(at Kleszewo starting from phase A3), if only in
the form of single spearheads, must have been
caused by some other factors.
It can be concluded that the grave sites at
Kleszewo, Dąbek (site 5), Krusza Zamkowa and
Niedanowo (site 2) differ notably from the three
previously discussed ‘children’s’ cemeteries
in terms of their characteristics, wealth level of
most of the inventories (in respect of both metal-
lic and ceramic findings) and, in the case of the
three latter, the significant number of urn buri-
als (Fig. 16). The latter constitute the majority of
graves in cemeteries at Dąbek and Niedanowo,
while at Krusza Zamkowa close to 40 % of cre-
mation graves are urn grave burials43 (apart
from them some inhumation graves were also
found). On the other hand, also within their area,
numerous graves typical of ‘children’s’ cemeter-
ies were found, but more frequently they con-
tained single, minor metallic findings.44 A com-
mon trait for both groups of sites is the presence
of inhumation graves at Bodzanowo and Krusza
Zamkowa, which is not surprising due to them
being located in Kuyavia, where inhumations
were noted relatively often (Dąbrowska 1988,
142 ff. Map 18; Łuczkiewicz 2009, 352–353 Fig. 8
– with wrong map description).
What is striking in the case of this group of
cemeteries is the almost complete lack of not
43 This type of burial is not clearly correlated with any
other trait, which is why it was not taken into consideration
in further analysis.
44 In the case of Dąbek, Krusza Zamkowa and Niedanowo
this kind of burials constitute little over 40 % of all the crema-
tion graves. At the current state of study on Kleszewo mate-
rials it is impossible to estimate the number, but they are
definitely there.
249
only weapons, but also elements of attire and
tools characteristic for men‘s graves (Fig. 16).
On the other hand, there are many graves con-
taining female findings. Further analysis will
revolve around grave sites at Dąbek (site 5),
Krusza Zamkowa and Niedanowo (site 2), as
they are more thoroughly examined than the
one at Kleszewo, and also – as presented in
Fig. 16 – they represent the second of the distin-
guished models of weaponless cemeteries in a
more holistic manner. Then, the Kleszewo cem-
etery will be compared with them.
Diagrams showing co-occurrence of findings
from those three grave sites take into account
data from 48 graves accompanied by charac-
teristic small finds (Figs. 17–19).45 The sex of 21
buried individuals (ca. 44 %) was anthropologi-
cally determined: 10 women and 11 men. In the
light of previously expressed doubts in regard to
identification of sex based on burnt bones, it is
worth emphasising the importance of 5 inhuma-
tion graves found at Krusza Zamkowa.
In the co-occurrence diagram of findings
from Krusza Zamkowa two clusters emerge and,
cross-checked with anthropological bone iden-
45 In the case of each site ca. half of the graves dated to
the Late Pre-Roman Period were taken into consideration.
The diagrams omitted uncharacteristic finds, (e. g. single
iron rings) and the ones raising serious doubts (e. g. “iron
bracelet” from grave XXVIII at Krusza Zamkowa – Kokow-
ski 1989, 85 Fig. 42,5; cf. Dąbrowska 2005, where this find
was also omitted). Moreover, from many collective graves
at Krusza Zamkowa cemetery only three were included
(nos. XXI, XXVII and XXIX). In all of those cases the diagram
shows only the burial that the findings may be associated
with (e.g. based on bones of one individual being placed
with other findings in the same urn or presence of findings
close to a skeleton). However, we cannot be 100 % sure that
‘assemblages’ of findings reconstructed in such a way were
actually connected with a particular burial.
 BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
250
Fig. 18. Niedanowo, site 2. Co-occurrence of artefacts and osteological analysis results.
tifications, they confirm the existence of distinct
furnishing models for women‘s and men‘s graves
(Fig. 17). Since the cemetery lacks unambiguous
‘archaeological indicators’ of male gender, men
are usually accompanied by findings regarded as
indifferent or only slightly correlated with males
(no more than one brooch, straight or crescent-
shaped knife, bronze pendant). What is unique
about this grave site is that straight knives were
never found in either women‘s graves or in
graves of the female furnishing model (i. a. no
dress accessories were found with them); it may,
however, be a coincidence. Consequently, if it
was not for the anthropological analysis of the
bones, it would be hard to identify the cluster of
male grave inventories. On the other hand, wom-
en‘s graves contained a series of dress accesso-
ries and tools connected to female gender.
Two clusters are also visible in the dia-
gram showing co-occurrence of findings from
Niedanowo, site 2 (Fig. 18). In this case the ‘male’
cluster consists mainly of elements of attire and
personal items typical for this gender (early
belt buckle, fire-striking tools, crescent-shaped
razor), which distinguishes this cemetery from
all the others. However, it is represented by
merely two graves. Meanwhile the women‘s
graves – as in the case of Krusza Zamkowa – are
manifested by a series of items correlated with
female gender.
The diagram showing co-occurrence of find-
ings from Dąbek, site 5 (Fig. 19) looks different.
Based solely on an analysis of the grave invento-
ries, male graves are completely ‘invisible’ here.
Three anthropologically identified as male buri-
als contained only one single brooch and a set
of two or three minor tools: punch/awl – indif-
ferent to gender of the buried; crescent-shaped
knife – basically indifferent, while findings from
graves 39/94 and 12(51)/96 had profiled tangs,
hence forms characteristic to female graves (cf.
footnote 27); and a stone polisher (only in grave
39/94) – also a typical female object. The buri-
als anthropologically identified as female were
usually accompanied by a set of dress accesso-
ries and/or the above mentioned tools, as well
as needles.
In four cases the presence of burnt male bones
was detected in graves of a furnishing model typ-
ical for women‘s burial (Dąbek, grave 39/94 and
12(51)/96, Krusza Zamkowa, grave XXIX and
Niedanowo, grave 52).46 Those relatively rare
(19 %) discrepancies can be explained by a pos-
sibly wrong anthropological identification of the
burnt human remains, or alternatively – which
seems less probable – by an actual difference
between the biological sex of the buried person
and their thus manifested gender (social) role.47
46 Bad preservation of crescent-shaped knives from graves
VIII and X at Krusza Zamkowa and 20/93 at Dąbek does not
allow us to say if their shape was typical for female or male
findings (cf. footnote 27), hence the graves were omitted in
the list above.
47 In the case of the collective grave XXIX at Krusza Zam-
kowa we may be dealing with female findings wrongly con-
nected with a male burial deposited in the same urn (cf. foot-
note 45). In the neighbouring urn from the same grave burnt
 BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
Fig. 19. Dąbek, site 5. Co-occurrence of artefacts and osteological analysis results
The issue of children’s and juveniles’ graves
is interesting too. Among the 48 burials included
in Figs. 17–19, 13 (27 %) belonged to both these
categories of age.48 Most of them were furnished
with no more than one brooch, from time to
time accompanied by one minor tool, or rarely
two. Those findings were predominantly indif-
ferent to gender49 and only in four cases, based
on brooch type H or stone polisher and spindle
whorl, are we able to reason that those were
graves of girls.50 Two children’s graves consti-
tute exceptions: one furnished with items typi-
cal of adult men (Niedanowo, grave 209) and
one containing a rich set of typical female dress
accessories (Dąbek, grave 13/93). The children’s
and juveniles’ grave inventories, similarly to
the previously discussed case of the cemetery at
Inowrocław, site 58 (Fig. 14), are usually located
between the two, ’female‘ and ’male‘, clusters on
bones of a child were found. So maybe it was a girl and the
female findings should be connected with this burial?
48 The percentage was probably greater. We need to note
a series of graves from Niedanowo and Dąbek that lack
anthro­pological identification. It can be expected that at least
part of them contained children’s burials, in which case bad
preservation of the bone material made it impossible to per-
form the analysis.
49 More distinct correlation of straight knives with men‘s
graves in the cemetery at Krusza Zamkowa may be coin-
cidental and it definitely does not depict the common ten-
dency. Thereby the knife found in grave XVIII does not have
to prove that a male child was buried there.
50 Dąbek, graves 7(46)/96 and 11(50)/96, Niedanowo, gra-
ves 11 and 469.
251
the diagrams showing co-occurrence of findings
(Figs. 17, 18). It is only in the case of Dąbek that
a children’s grave inventory cluster emerges
(Fig. 19). This should be explained by the lack
of clear distinction between female and male
inventories in this cemetery together with the
fact that most of the children’s graves were dis-
tinguished by standardized inventories contain-
ing solely a single brooch, usually of type H.
Based on the analysis above the follow-
ing conclusions can be drawn. First of all, the
credibility of the ‘archaeological indicators of
sex’ has been confirmed. Their inconsistency
with anthropological identifications of bones
occurred in 19 % of cases, all of which referred
to cremation graves, which gives us further rea-
sons to recognise the primacy of the ‘archaeolog-
ical’ method in identification of sex of the buried
(in four cases of inhumation graves from Krusza
Zamkowa full compatibility was obtained, in
one case it is unresolved – cf. footnote 46). None-
theless, such ‘archaeological indicators’ appear
only in some graves. All of the cemeteries of the
group discussed (together with Kleszewo) con-
tained mostly grave inventories solely with find-
ings indifferent to gender or with no small finds
at all. Second of all, based on the anthropological
analysis we should acknowledge that men had
certainly been buried in the cemeteries in ques-
tion (over 50 % of identifications, two of which
are based on inhumation graves). Taking only
the analysis of grave inventories into considera-
tion, they remain practically ‘invisible’, because
they were furnished solely with findings indif-
 BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
252
ferent to gender or correlated with women‘s
graves. On the other hand, women‘s burials are
both represented by numerous ‘archaeological
indicators’ of female gender (dress accessories,
small tools and personal items) and confirmed
by anthropological bone remains‘ analysis.
In the case of Kleszewo, 52 grave inventories
are included in the diagram showing co-occur-
rence of findings, cross-checked with anthropo-
logical bone identifications (Fig. 20).51 Like in
previous cases, it makes ca. 50 % of burials dated
to the Late Pre-Roman Period. Among them, the
sex of 9 buried individuals (ca. 17 %) was anthro-
pologically determined: 8 women and only 1
man. In 5 graves (ca. 10 %) children or juveniles
were buried.52 In the co-occurrence diagram
several clusters could be distinguished. Three
of them represent what we would call ‘female’
clusters (which is to a certain degree confirmed
by osteological data). Their structure is quite
parallel, as they include similar sets of findings
typical of women, differing only in the number
of brooches (3 or 2, 1, and none at all). The fourth
cluster includes only four graves with weapons
or military items discussed above. Other possi-
ble men’s burials are completely ‘invisible’ based
solely on grave inventories. In two cases (graves
147 and 351) anthropologically determined sex
was other than expected. Whether these are a
result of the anthropologist’s mistake or excep-
tions from the rule, it is hard to judge. At least
in the case of grave 147, containing fragments
of weapons and possibly a woman’s cremated
remains, one cannot definitely exclude any of
these options (see below). As for the children,
two grave inventories (nos. 101 and 232) follow
the above mentioned pattern and contain only
a single brooch. The other three children’s buri-
als are furnished with more dress accessories
(including luxurious ornaments), and a needle
in two cases. However, generally speaking, the
cemetery at Kleszewo represents quite a similar
model to the sites discussed above, though its
grave furnishings are obviously richer. Apart
from weapons deposited in four graves dated
chiefly to the first phase of the cemetery, no
‘archaeological indicators’ of male gender are
present here.
51 Only anthropologically identified collective burials and
those without characteristic furnishing were omitted.
52 The contradictory results of bone analyses concerning
grave 655 were omitted (see above). One must add that these
proportions look different having taken into account all gra-
ves from the cemetery (thus including also those dated to the
Early and Late Roman Period). From among 205 anthropolo-
gically analysed burials, 48 were determined as female and
17 as male; children or juveniles were buried in 128 graves.
To sum up, this clear deficit of male gender
(social) roles being exposed in grave invento-
ries, together with simultaneous emphasizing of
female gender attributes, allows us to consider
the discussed group of cemeteries as ‘female
oriented’.53 Naturally, the aspect in which this
term should be regarded is cultural (gender),
not biological (sex). Grave sites at Dąbek (site 5),
Krusza Zamkowa and Niedanowo (site 2) are
models for this phenomenon, but it also applies
to the cemetery at Kleszewo. This ‘feminisation’,
or rather ‘demasculinisation’, as seen through
grave inventories is of a dynamic character.
Therefore, in the case of Kleszewo we observe
its intensification starting from phase A3 (when
weapons completely vanished from grave fur-
nishings and other small finds typical of men
were never to be found), while at Niedanowo,
site 2, it subsides starting from the verge of the
Late Pre-Roman Period (when single, typically
male dress accessories and personal items start
appearing).54
The functioning of ‘female’ and ‘male ori-
ented’, cemeteries of the Przeworsk Culture
in northernmost Mazovia was repeatedly
advocated by J. Okulicz (1965, 211–215; 1968,
37; 1970, 427; 1971, 168; 1983, 179),55 while
T. Dąbrowska – though she noticed the weap-
onless grave sites – avoided drawing conclu-
sions like that (Dąbrowska 2008, 15–16, 107). As
was mentioned before, the insufficient state of
excavation in many cemeteries does not allow
us to include them in the discussed group reli-
ably. However, the small number of sites of
this kind is probably not a matter of the state
of research. Hence, while there could have been
more ‘female oriented’ cemeteries of the Prze-
worsk Culture, they were most likely relatively
small (Kleszewo seems to be the largest one at
the moment). It is also worth mentioning that
almost all of the well excavated cemeteries of
this group are located in northern Mazovia, and
53 Four graves containing weapon or military items at
Kleszewo together with two graves with male dress acces-
sories and personal items at Niedanowo, site 2, constitutes
such a small percentage (ca. 4 % and 6.4 % respectively) that
they should be treated as an exception from an otherwise
dominating rule of grave furnishing in those cemeteries.
Also in strictly ‘gender oriented’ cemeteries in the Elbe basin
the number of graves differing from the rule reaches up to
5 % (Derks 2012, 45–49).
54 What needs to be remembered is that the chronology of
the emergence and spreading of certain types of findings in
the Przeworsk Culture is a crucial factor (see above). Later,
during the Roman Period, spurs are found in numerous gra-
ves at Niedanowo (Ziemlińska-Odojowa 1999, 120).
55 However, a few of his interpretations on gender ‘orien-
tation’ of particular sites are to be questioned, i. a. in the light
of materials published in later times.
 BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
253

Fig. 20. Kleszewo. Co-occurrence of artefacts and osteological analysis results.

only one in Kuyavia (Fig. 15). The chronology

of Dąbek, site 5 and Krusza Zamkowa indicates
that their use began already in phase A1, while
findings from Kleszewo and Niedanowo, site 2,
confirm they were operating also later in the
Roman Period, with continuous ‘female orien-
tation’.56
The emergence of those – it may seem – few
and mostly small cemeteries on Polish territory
56 As was mentioned, there are no ‘archaeological indica-
tors’ of male gender in Kleszewo cemetery from the Early
Roman Period. In the same time also the percentage of gra-
ves furnished with typical men’s findings at Niedanowo, site
2 does not change and amounts to ca. 5 %, while the value
concerning ‘female’ grave inventories amounts to ca. 32 %.
 BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
254
is hard to interpret separately from the finds
from the Elbe basin. In this area, starting from
the Early Pre-Roman Period, some vast grave
sites lacking ‘archaeological indicators’ of one
of the genders were in use (Eger 1999, 126 ff.;
Derks 1993; 2012 – see these works for further
literature). The extent of ‘demasculinisation’ or
‘defeminisation’ of their grave inventories varies
a great deal, but the percentage of graves of the
‘lacking gender’ amounts frequently to only 5 %
or less (Derks 2012, 45–49). However, anthropo-
logical analyses have revealed that even in those
strongly ‘gender oriented’ cemeteries the dead
of both sexes could have been buried, though in
different proportions (Eger 1999, 128).
Everything seems to indicate that ‘female
oriented’ cemeteries of the Przeworsk Culture
represent the same phenomenon that was regis-
tered in the Elbe basin. What distinguishes them
is that the territory of Poland seems to lack grave
sites from the Late Pre-Roman Period that could
be called ‘male oriented’, although this aspect
has not yet been researched.57 One can point to a
few ‘male oriented’ cemeteries in northernmost
Mazovia being in use during the Early Roman
Period, e. g. at Gródki (former Grodtken), site 3,
and possibly at Księży Dwór (former Niederhof),
site 2, both in distr. Działdowo (cf. Okulicz 1983;
Brinkmann 1909).58 Both grave sites were estab-
lished at the end of the Late Pre-Roman Period,
but the scarcity of graves from that time makes
it impossible to judge whether these were ‘male
oriented’ from the very beginning. We may add
that ‘female oriented’ cemeteries predominate
over ‘male oriented’ ones in the Late Pre-Roman
and Early Roman Period also in the Elbe basin
(Derks 2012, 49, table 5). Moreover, both of the
cemetery types are found in the same areas of
Germany; however, the ‘female oriented’ ones
are slightly more common (Derks 2012, 46, figs.
15.1,2). In Poland, the ‘female oriented’ cemeter-
ies were sometimes located in the close vicinity
of contemporary ‘typical’ grave sites that con-
tained many weapon graves.59 Therefore, in the
case of both areas ‘female oriented’ cemeteries
buried only some of the local community mem-
57 E. g. in spite of the high percentage of graves containing
weapons at the Wesółki site (Fig. 13), many female findings
were also found there.
58 There are also a few ‘female oriented’ cemeteries in nort-
hernmost Mazovia that were established in the Early Roman
Period, e. g. Dąbek, site 29, and Bartki (former Bartkengut),
distr. Nidzica (cf. Mistewicz 2005; Bohnsack 1938, 71–74).
59 Here are the distances between such pairs of cemeteries
(‘female oriented’ mentioned first): less than 1 km (Nieda-
nowo, site 2 – Niedanowo, site 1), ca. 3.5 km (Dąbek, site 5
– Stupsk), ca. 4.5 km (Krusza Zamkowa – Inowrocław, site
58), ca. 8 km (Kleszewo – Kacice). For further literature on
Niedanowo, site 1 and Kacice, see: Dąbrowska 2008, 140, 158.
bers, while some groups of people used other
grave sites, following the custom of manifesting
male gender (social) roles in grave inventories.
The emergence of a few sites in the Late
Pre-Roman Period in northern Mazovia and
Kuyavia should probably be associated with the
spreading of some burial principles from the
Jastorf Culture milieu, where ‘gender oriented’
cemeteries were already in use. In this context
one should mention a relatively high percentage
of cremation urn graves in cemeteries at Dąbek
(site 5), Niedanowo (site 2) and Krusza Zam-
kowa (see above). In the Przeworsk Culture bur-
ials in urns are rare during that time, while they
occur abundantly in Mazovia, especially in its
northern part (Dąbrowska 2008, 14; Maciałowicz
2009, 217 ff.). Moreover, in the case of the first
two cemeteries mentioned above, some of the
urn graves contained neither charcoals nor ashes
(funeral pyre debris),60 which is also not typical
for the Przeworsk Culture. Meanwhile, the cus-
tom of burying the dead in urn graves without
remnants of the funeral pyre is common for the
Jastorf Culture. Hence, it may be observed that
the presence of the mentioned burial rite ele-
ments in northern Mazovia coincides with the
emergence of some ‘female oriented’ cemeteries.
Parts of attire found at Krusza Zamkowa and
Dąbek, site 2 indicate the same connection.61
To put it more broadly, many cultural features
of the Przeworsk Culture in northern Mazovia
could be derived – directly or indirectly – from
the Jastorf Culture, and these connections are
recorded in each phase of the Late Pre-Roman
Period (Maciałowicz 2009, 225 ff.). A decorated
bowl from grave 11 at Niedanowo (site 2), dated
to stage A2/A3, is evident proof of direct rela-
tions between inhabitants of northern Mazovia
and people of the Jastorf Culture/Elbian Circle
(Fig. 21,1). While the bowl‘s form is typical of
the Przeworsk Culture (it belongs to Dąbrowska
group II), the vertical layout of the ornament
covering the lower part of the belly and the use
of a diamond-shaped pattern do not find paral-
lels in the local milieu. Similar ornaments are,
however, commonly known among various
vessels (i. a. bowl-shaped) from the Elbe basin
(Fig. 21,2–6).62 It may be that the presence of
60 Cf. Niedanowo, graves: 48, 52, 94, 134, 177, 211, 469,
470. Several such graves were also found in Dąbek cemetery
(site 5).
61 This relates to bar-shaped belt hooks of Kostrzewski
type IIa (Dąbek, grave 13/93, Krusza Zamkowa, graves VI,
XVII, XXVII) and a brooch of Kostrzewski type F (Dąbek,
grave 20/93); cf. Kostrzewski 1919, 20–21, 50 Figs. 6 and 37;
Maciałowicz 2006, 304 Fig. 6; Domański 1975, 25–26, 98 Fig. 20.
62 E. g. Schmidt-Thielbeer 1967, Pls. 72/211a and 103/368;
Seyer 1976, Pls. 10h and 14f–h; Hingst 1959, Pls. 98,2 and 99,8.
 BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
255

Fig. 21. Bowl from Niedanowo, site 2, grave 11 (1) and its stylistic counterparts from the Elbe basin: 2 Wuster-
witz; 3, 4 Döberitz, graves 9 and 13; 5 Wahlitz, grave 368; 6 Hammoor 6, urn 73.

two handles – unusual for bowls of Dąbrowska
group II – also corresponds with the pots known
from Jastorf Culture cemeteries (Fig. 21,4). Any-
way, the vessel was made by someone who knew
Jastorf Culture/Elbian Circle ceramic decoration
patterns, but was also familiar with Przeworsk
Culture pottery (a newcomer or a man com-
ing back home from the Elbe basin?). Another
‘ceramic’ proof of direct contacts between inhab-
itants of the Elbe and Vistula basins is a minia-
ture ‘Plaňany Beaker’ (Trichterurne) found in pit
grave 69 at Lemany, distr. Pułtusk, located only
ca. 15 km from Kleszewo (Fig. 22,1). This kind of
vessel is typical for the Großromstedt Culture in
 BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
256
the last phase of the Late Pre-Roman Period (Fig.
22,2–5; see Droberjar 2006 for further lit.).63 Thus,
it is reasonable to think that various ideas, e. g.
concerning funeral rites, could be transferred
by individuals travelling between those cultural
zones. The change of character of Kleszewo
cemetery in phase A3 could have resulted from
intensification of such direct contacts as is seen
through the ceramics mentioned above.
To sum up, the emergence of ‘female oriented’
cemeteries in the Przeworsk Culture milieu is
most likely evidence of various burial customs
from the Elbe basin spreading eastward. This
phenomenon began in phase A1 of the Late Pre-
Roman Period and continued mostly in north-
ernmost Mazovia in the Early Roman Period.
Perhaps the idea developed, since starting from
the turn of both periods ‘male oriented’ grave
sites are also recorded. At the same time, a new
phenomenon appears in this region, concern-
ing a taboo on depositing of weapons in graves
(also in ‘male oriented’ cemeteries). However,
graves are still furnished with typically male
dress accessories, tools and personal items. The
accumulation of ‘gender oriented’ cemeteries in
northern Mazovia seems interesting and should
be analysed bearing in mind continuous rela-
tions with the Elbe basin. Mass vanishing of
weapons at the beginning of the Early Roman
Period, however, should be seen as a separate
phenomenon, even though it could be some-
how related to the spread of previously emerg-
ing tendencies for ‘demasculinisation’ of grave
inventories (cf. Dąbrowska 2008, 15).
Pars pro toto or ‘fragmentary’
offerings principle
Iron objects found in grave 147, interpreted as fit-
tings of a scabbard for a single-edged sword and
as a rivet used to fasten a shield-boss (Fig. 2,1,3–
6), may be seen as a trace of a practice called by
many researchers pars pro toto. As the meaning
of putting incomplete items to a grave (espe-
cially weaponry elements) is not at all obvious,
it is safer to call them ‘fragmentary’ offerings.64
What needs to be stressed is that the incomplete-
63 E. g. Píč 1905, Pl. LXIII,8; Eichhorn 1927, Figs. on p. 11:
1908, E29, vor 1907,02, vor 1907,014; Müller 1985, Pl. 5,3;
Schmidt/Nitzschke 1989, Pls. 22/87a, 49/195a and 66/242a.
64 W. Adler (2002, 191 ff.) raises doubt over whether the
discovery of incomplete items (e. g. single shield rivets) in
grave inventories must necessarily mean that the pars pro toto
rule was in use. He points out that this term has a very spe-
cific meaning in religious studies and it happens to be over-
used by archaeologists that call phenomena of an en­tirely
different character pars pro toto. Therefore, Adler suggests
using the term Teilmitgabe, which can be translated as “frag-
mentary offerings”.
ness of the objects does not always have to indi-
cate that the items were in any way damaged or
fragmented (e. g. a scabbard deposited in a grave
without a sword). This article refers to findings
from Kleszewo, and in this case the only find-
ings seen as evidence of ‘fragmentary’ military
offerings are rivets or other shield fittings found
without a shield-boss or elements of scabbards
(regardless, for single- or double-edged swords)
found without a sword. Single lance shoes are
omitted, since these objects could have been
used as spearheads as well (cf. Kontny 1999,
132–133; Bochnak 2005, 87–88).
A few researchers noticed that a similar prac-
tice in which only individual rivets and elements
of scabbards were deposited in graves is quite
often documented in cemeteries at Ko­narzew,
distr. Łęczyca, Zagorzyn, distr. Kalisz, and
Zakrzew, distr. Sieradz (Bochnak 2005, 124;
Kontny 2002, 63; Łuczkiewicz 2006, 231, 233–
234).65 A few other cemeteries from those
regions, i.e. Greater Poland and Central Poland,
have delivered graves with similar inventories:
Niechmirów-Mała Wieś, distr. Sieradz, Wesółki,
distr. Kalisz, Wymysłowo, distr. Gostyń
(Łuczkiewicz 2006, 311; Dąbrowscy 1967; Jas-
nosz 1952). Other, though less frequent, burials
are also known from Mazovia and Lesser Poland,
e. g. from cemeteries at Lemany, distr. Pułtusk
(only ca. 15 km from Kleszewo), Oblin, distr.
Garwolin, Błonie, distr. Sandomierz, and possi-
bly Pełczyska, distr. Pińczów.66 Single invento-
ries of this type are also known from Silesia and
East Poland.67
65 For the original publications concerning these sites see:
Siciński 1990; Dąbrowski 1970. More detailed information
on a few findings from Zagorzyn and Wesółki (mentioned
below) were kindly given to us by Sławomir Miłek. The
findings from the cemetery at Zakrzew have not been pub-
lished, but the weapons found together with other findings
were listed by Piotr Łuczkiewicz (2006, 327). However, for
the purpose of this article we have verified with him some of
the data listed there (cf. Fig. 24).
66 The findings from Lemany have not been fully publis-
hed. In further analysis we exclude grave 147, as it was parti-
ally destroyed and the original number of rivets is uncertain;
moreover, basing on the pottery the grave should be dated
to the Early Roman Period (cf. Narkiewicz 1990, 265–269
Pl. XXVIII,a–d; Dąbrowska 2008, 151–152). For the next
mentioned sites, respectively: Czarnecka 2007; Mycielska/
Woźniak 1988; Rudnicki 2009, 304. A series of weaponry
from Warszawa-Wilanów grave site also suggests the use
of the ‘fragmentary’ military offerings custom. However,
we cannot rule out the theory that this state of affairs was
not due to burial rites, but the turbulent history of the fin-
dings during the Second World War (cf. Marciniak 1957, 7–8;
Jażdżewski 1995, 141–142).
67 Wierzbice (former Konradserbe), distr. Wrocław, grave
9 with single shield rivet, and Nosocice (former Noßwitz),
distr. Głogów, grave 74 with possible shield edge mounting.
In Zubowice, distr. Zamość, an urn burial in a bronze ves-
sel was found by chance, containing, i. a. three shield rivets.
 BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
Fig. 22. Miniature ‘Plaňany Beaker’ from Lemany, grave 69 (1) and its counterparts from the Czech Republic
and Central Germany: 2 Plaňany; 3, 4 Schkopau, graves 87 and 195; 5 Groβromstedt “vor 1907, O2”.
While identifying ‘fragmentary’ military
offerings we should be careful as the preserva-
tion status of iron findings, susceptible to corro-
sion, is crucial to this matter.68 It is not uncom-
mon to misinterpret it, e.g. if a shield-boss has
degraded completely. Therefore, the assem-
blages including only single, poorly preserved
objects whose ‘military’ identification raises seri-
ous doubts were excluded from the analysis (e. g.
Zagorzyn, graves 15 and 37). For example rivets,
especially smaller ones, could have more pur-
poses than only to fasten shield fittings. Hence,
in further analysis we have only included rivets
with a head diameter of ca. 2 cm (1.7 cm in prac-
However, since not all the artefacts were delivered by fin-
ders, we cannot take the lack of a shield-boss for granted
(for further literature for all three sites see Bochnak 2005, 225
Lists X and XI).
68 This concerns not only the state of preservation of the
findings at the discovery moment, but also – or mainly – the
way they are secured in museums, which is particularly
important when it is taking decades before they are pub­
lished...
257
tice) or more, which corresponds with the size
of most of the rivets used to fasten a shield-boss
in the Late Pre-Roman Period (cf. Adler 2002,
179–180 Fig. 1; Bochnak 2005, 124).69 Moreo-
ver, in the analysed group we also find excep-
tionally large rivets measuring up to 3.5 cm in
head diameter, hence their use as shield fittings
should not be questioned (cf. Adler 2002, 192).
What also needs to be remembered is that the
presence of ‘fragmented’ weaponry in graves
does not necessarily have to be a result of delib-
erate action. Some researchers point out that it
is possible that some single rivets could end up
in the graves by accident, having been scooped
together with debris of the funeral pyre from a
previous cremation that has taken place in the
same spot (Adler 2002, 193–194; Bochnak 2005,
69 Considerably smaller rivets are mainly found in uncom-
mon forms of shield-bosses dated to the early phases of the
Late Pre-Roman Period, therefore to the times prior to the
peak of the phenomena in question (cf. Bochnak 2005, 106–
108, 124).
 BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
258
124–125). This theory can be supported – as it is
believed – by the fact that shield-bosses which
are discovered in the graves lack some rivets
from time to time. Naturally, in some particu-
lar, single cases it seems plausible. However,
the concentration of six cemeteries in Greater
Poland and Central Poland mentioned above
with their largest series of graves (over 40 alto-
gether) containing ‘fragmentary’ military offer-
ings is a fact and it cannot be explained by the
bad preservation state of the findings, random
objects ending up in the graves or devastation
of the grave site.70 In the discussed cases of find-
ing rivets without a shield-boss we should also
rule out the use of shields made entirely out of
organic materials, merely nailed together with
the metal rivets, as speculated by some research-
ers (Hachmann 1956, 15; Kontny 2002, 62;
Bochnak 2005, 124, 141). First of all, as numerous
finds from Scandinavia indicate, wooden shield-
bosses were usually fastened with rivets made
of the same material (Rosenberg 1937, 107–109;
Martens 2001, 137 Fig. 5; =2011, 158 Fig. 9).
Moreover, the majority of the grave inventories
in question contained just one iron rivet and it
is hard to assume that it was the only metallic
element the wooden shield-boss or grip was fas-
tened with.
Consequently the presence of solely single
rivets and pieces of scabbards, instead of shield-
bosses and swords in 41 graves at Konarzew,
Niechmirów-Mała Wieś, Wesółki, Wymysłowo,
Zagorzyn and Zakrzew, needs to be interpreted
as evidence of following of particular grave fur-
nishing rules, not as a random occurrence (cf.
Bochnak 2005, 141; Eger 1999, 151). Naturally,
the sites represent only a selection of larger
Przeworsk Culture cemeteries from the Late
Pre-Roman Period, where the practice of ‘frag-
mentation’ of military offerings was observed.
Undoubtedly, a thorough investigation would
make the list longer.71 In further analysis graves
from cemeteries at Lemany, Oblin and Błonie,
70 K. Dąbrowski explains the presence of merely single ele-
ments of weaponry at Zagorzyn by the devastation of the site
due to ploughing (Dąbrowski 1970, 377–378). However, as
neither shield-bosses nor swords missing in the graves were
found in the arable soil layer, it is hard to agree with it. In
addition, pit grave 31 – the only one that, among other items,
contained an entire sword – was not distinctly deeper, hence
preserved better than others. Unfortunately, as the publica-
tion does not provide detailed pits descriptions, it is impos-
sible to thoroughly analyse the extent of their damage.
71 A list of “assemblages containing possible shield rivets
but without a shield-boss nor a grip fitting” was presented
by T. Bochnak (2005, 225–226 List XI). However, it needs to
be verified since it contains findings different from or smaller
than typical shield rivets from the Late Pre-Roman Period
(e. g. Błonie, grave 175, Kamieńczyk, grave 115, Karcze-
together with grave 147 from Kleszewo, were
also included (Fig. 23).
The comparison of 50 grave inventories
(Fig. 24) containing ‘fragmentary’ military offer-
ings shows that the most common type (78 %) was
shield fittings found without a boss and, except
for one case of a grip, they were always rivets.
They usually occurred singly (21 cases), less
often in twos (10 cases) or threes (3 cases), and
only in three graves were 7 rivets discovered.72
What is worth noting is that the latter number is
still not greater than the number of rivets used
to fasten a boss, and if need be a grip, so they
could have been parts of one shield. In the case
of the inventories containing rivets, as many as
21 occurrences (ca. 55 %) were not accompanied
by any other weaponry elements. Occasionally,
they occurred together with other shield parts
(except for bosses), e. g. a grip or an edge mount.
The other types of ‘fragmentary’ military offer-
ings are scabbards for double-edged swords (10
graves) and for single-edged swords (8 graves).
It can be observed that in half of the cases of the
first type only fragments of their lower parts,
including chapes, were found. Only in 7 graves
(including one from Kleszewo) ‘fragmentary’
both shield and sword were discovered, while
in the majority of cases they occurred separately.
In general it can be noticed that the presence of
shield fittings, without a boss, would rule out
the occurrence of a sword, and respectively, the
presence of a scabbard would rule out a shield-
boss (only 5 such cases were observed, that is
10 % of the inventories analysed). More often (in
13 cases, which constitutes 26 %) ‘fragmentary’
weapons were accompanied by a spearhead or
quite exceptionally a lance shoe.
The observed correlation allows us to assume
that the composition of the inventories is not
coincidental and thereby it is not a result of
random factors, but evidence of practising spe-
cial burial rites. They usually involved furnish-
ing graves with single shield rivets or (rather
than “and”) fragments of scabbards. The ritual
wiec, graves: 46, 57a, 129), rivets found in fact outside the
grave pit (Dobrzankowo, grave 16, Karczewiec, grave 161),
and the ones actually accompanied by fragments of shield-
boss (Oblin, grave 95). Moreover, it is not clear why grave
4 at Wrocław-Kuźniki (former Breslau-Schmiedefeld), distr.
Wrocław, was qualified as being of the Przeworsk Culture
by T. Bochnak. Together with a small rivet a wheel-thrown
Celtic vase and sherds of most probably a Jastorf Culture
pot with fingerprints under the rim were found in it, while
it lacked any findings of the Przeworsk Culture whatsoever
(Jahn 1931, 130–131 Pls. VI,4 and VII,6–11; cf. Grygiel 2013,
Fig. 17,5–8).
72 This relates to the rivets found individually, excluding
the ones still stucking in, for example, a shield-grip (as in
grave 82 at Wymysłowo).
 BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
259

Fig. 23. Przeworsk Culture cemeteries with ‘fragmentary’ military offerings discussed in the text and the grave
site at Kleszewo seen against the background of the maximum range of the Przeworsk Culture during the Late
Pre-Roman Period (in grey).

would in fact exclude swords together with
shield-bosses from the grave inventory, even
if the archaeologically confirmed phenomenon
of ‘fragmentation’ relates to only one type of
weapon in a given case. When it comes to scab-
bards for double-edged swords made entirely
out of metal we may assume that the highest
concentration of chapes is a result of a conscious
selection. Unfortunately, due to the custom of
burning the offerings on a funeral pyre we are
unable to investigate the possible phenomenon
of ‘fragmentation’ of shafted weapons. The pres-
ence of lance shoe (without a spearhead) only in
one of the analysed graves can not confirm this
phenomenon; the doubts mentioned above must
be taken into consideration.
What is also very interesting is that in 14
graves (28 %) ‘archaeological indicators’ of
female gender were discovered. The presence of
women’s burials in this group is also suggested
by anthropological analysis (5 out of 9 sex iden-
tifications). On the other hand, the female find-
ings in question are usually needles and spindle-
whorls, and those, especially the former, could
easily be found in warriors‘ graves at the end
of the Late Pre-Roman Period (cf. footnote 28).
Besides, in five cases female items were accom-
panied by ‘archaeological indicators’ of male
gender (other than weapons). However, some
typically female dress accessories or tool sets
found in the analysed graves cannot go unno-
ticed (Błonie, grave 214, Konarzew, grave 15,
Lemany, grave 53, Zagorzyn, grave 31). Those
cases generally lacked any kind of male traits,
except for shears found in grave 53 at Lemany
(found together with a bronze bracelet) and
anthropological analysis of bones from grave 31
at Zagorzyn. The latter contained – alongside a
set of weapons – a female belt hook,73 and grave
73 It is a unique form in the Przeworsk Culture, but it finds
parallels in the Poieneşti-Lukaševka Culture (Babeş 1993,
103 Pls. 9/84f and 15/27).
 BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
260

Fig. 24. Selected Przeworsk Culture grave inventories with ‘fragmentary’ military offerings, i.e. lacking shield-
boss or sword, together with osteological analyses results (Klesze – Kleszewo; Konarz – Konarzew; Niechm –
Niechmirów-Mała Wieś; Wymys – Wymysłowo; green – ‘fragmentary’ shield; yellow – ‘fragmentary’ 1-edged
sword; orange – ‘fragmentary’ 2-edged sword; red/blue – female/male feature, other than weapons; * – object/
burial partially damaged or mixed; ... – only minimum number; ? – identification uncertain; ↓/↑ - scabbard’s
chape/mouth or suspension loop; B – bracelet; Be – belt hook; Bu – belt buckle; Ca – casket fittings; Cr –
crescent-shaped knife with profiled or pointed tang; DH – drinking horn fitting; FS – fire-steel; H – brooch of
Kostrzewski type H; N – needle; R – razor; Sh – shears; Sp – Spur; SW – spindle-whorl; Tw – Tweezers).
 BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
214 at Błonie contained a belt hook, a bracelet
and a pair of brooches of Kostrzewski type H,
typical for female costume. While it is easy to
imagine that a wife would furnish her husband‘s
grave with a bracelet that belonged to her, could
the same be done with a belt or a robe?74 There-
fore, in the light of the analysis of the findings
and taking into consideration the – less reliable
in this matter – anthropological data, we need to
face the fact that ‘fragmentary’ military offerings
also occurred in women‘s graves. But – as Fig.
24 shows – they were mainly shield rivets, since
fragments of scabbards were rarely found in the
supposedly female graves (almost never as a
sole example of a ‘fragmented’ weapon). Hence
grave 147 at Kleszewo, in which – if we assume
that the anthropological identification is correct –
a woman was buried, was unusual compared to
the other graves. It can also be mentioned that
in two of the analysed graves children‘s remains
were found. They contained only one element of
a ‘fragmented’ weapon: a single rivet or a scab-
bard’s chape.
Therefore, the rite of furnishing graves with
‘fragmentary’ military offerings is related not
only to burials of men, but probably also of
women and children. In the case of the latter
group it was mainly shield rivets that ended
up in the grave (not fragmentary scabbards,
which are in general discovered less often). The
presence of other military and civilian findings
correlated with men in the supposedly female
graves also makes us wonder. This all seems to
indicate ‘fragmentary’ military offerings stand
out from the previously known patterns of
grave furnishing. Thus it is possible that there
is a complex funeral rite behind this archaeo-
logical phenomenon and it is not easy to inter-
pret. Expanding the anthropological database
would probably be helpful, since the numerous
co-occurrences of ‘archaeological indicators’ of
both genders make us speculate whether some
of the graves were not collective (containing
deceased of both sexes).
In the light of collected data the chronologi-
cal placement of the phenomenon in question
sets it within phases A2–A3/B1, but the upper
limit is determined solely by this article‘s time
range, while it surely continues later in the Early
Roman Period (cf. Weski 1982, 29–30, 40–42).
When it comes to the character of the phe-
nomenon itself, we can name a few counter-
74 Naturally we could assume that in those cases it did not
concern rivets fastened to a shield, but to some other items.
However, such interpretation is not plausible in case of two
of the burials (Lemany, grave 53 and Zagorzyn, grave 31)
which were also furnished with other weapons.
261
arguments to identifying it with the pars pro toto
rule, meaning furnishing graves with a part of
an object that was supposed to symbolize the
item in its entirety. First of all, in 21 out of 38
graves containing shield rivets without a boss
(55 %) no other weaponry elements were found,
which makes us question the merely military
meaning of the rivets put to the graves (see
below). Second of all, this interpretation contra-
dicts the presence of women‘s burials, that were
not – as a rule – furnished with military items
(apart from the possible, strictly symbolic func-
tion of, for example, a spearhead; see above).
Thirdly, extracting a rivet from a wooden shield
– not to mention fragmenting an iron scabbard –
could weaken its durability, which made the
object less fit to be used later on (assuming that
this was the reason behind putting only part of
the item to the grave). The last mentioned argu-
ment – as well as the fact that almost half of the
graves with shield rivets also contained some
other elements of weaponry – undermines the
economic reasoning behind this custom which
is expressed by some researchers (e.g. Schultze
1991, 182; 1992, 210; Bochnak 2005, 124; cf. contra
Kontny 2002, 63). What also counters this ‘eco-
nomic’ theory is the fact that in two of the ana-
lysed graves drinking horn fittings were found,
marking possibly a social elite, but mainly the
presence of a bronze vessel in the urn grave at
Zubowice, if it actually contain three rivets with-
out a shield-boss (cf. footnote 67).
It is a well-known fact that single shield fit-
tings are a typical element of the furnishing
in many graves in the Elbe basin (Weski 1982,
29–34, 241–242 List 20, Map 20). In Central Ger-
man cemeteries at Großromstedt and Schkopau
at the end of the Late Pre-Roman Period and in
the Early Roman Period – they appeared as the
only element of military equipment in ca. half
of weapon graves (Hachmann 1956, 15 Table 3;
Weski 1982, 118; Peschel 1991, 137, 139). In the
first of the cemeteries mentioned 169 weapon
graves were found, in the second over two
times fewer – 79 (Schultze 1987, 98; Schmidt/
Nitzschke 1989, Figs. 15–26). Among them the
occurrence of graves with shield rivets only
constitutes ca. 22 % (37 graves) at Großromstedt
and ca. 38 % (30 graves) at Schkopau (Eichhorn
1927, 126–127; Schmidt/Nitzschke 1989, 32). In
the majority of the graves they occurred singly
or in sets of 2–3 items; however, a few groups
consisting of 7–8 pieces were also found. In the
Elbe basin, especially in both of the mentioned
cemeteries, graves furnished with scabbard
elements (without a sword) were also discov-
ered (Weski 1982, 20–21). Their occurrence in
weapon graves at Großromstedt and Schkopau
is respectively ca. 11 % (18 graves) and ca. 10 %
 BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
262
(8 graves).75 The chronology of both cemeteries
can be correlated with times from the beginning
of phase A3 (stage A2/A3), until the very begin-
ning of the Early Roman Period. Later on, this
rite of ‘fragmentary’ military offerings spreads
in other areas in the Elbe basin (Schultze 1991).
As we can see, the findings from Central Ger-
many are to a great extent consistent with the
results of the analysis of 50 Przeworsk Culture
graves. The main difference seems to be the pres-
ence of female ‘features’ in the latter ones. Their
lack at Groβromstedt and Schkopau, however, is
no wonder since both of them are strictly ‘male
oriented’ cemeteries. Until now the phenom-
ena of ‘fragmentary’ military offerings from the
two regions were not put together. However, in
terms of both character and chronology, they are
largely consistent. It may seem that the phenom-
enon on Polish territories is attested in slightly
earlier times (phase A2), but its peak is in phases
A3–A3/B1, so the time when both of the German
cemeteries were in use.
German researchers suggest that the choice
of weaponry elements deposited in graves was
one of the ways of manifesting the position
of the dead warrior in the military hierarchy
(Peschel 1991, 139; Eger 1999, 151–152). Thereby
they assume that the weapons discovered in
graves in the Elbe basin correspond not so much
to the assortment of weapons used by the par-
ticular warrior during his life (as is assumed by
Polish researchers), but symbolically indicate
his rank in the hierarchy of warriors. Hence,
they are prone to interpreting the similar phe-
nomenon of furnishing graves with single rivets
as evidence of the warrior being a beginner in
warfare, or in any case a warrior with no merit.
This assumption – having nothing to do with the
pars pro toto rule – may correspond well with the
formerly mentioned fact of the weak correlation
between ‘fragmented’ shield elements and other
weaponry objects in the comparison of 50 inven-
tories from Poland. Naturally, this interpreta-
tion, though not impossible, does not explain
the phenomenon in its totality, among others
the expected presence of women and children
in graves furnished in this manner. We can also
recall the interpretations of T. Weski (1982, 199–
200) and T. Völling (2005, 171–172), who under-
lined the importance of a shield in Germanic
‘warrior-like’ society. Thus, furnishing graves
75 While at Großromstedt metal elements of scabbards
both for single- and double-edged swords were found
(almost twice as many of the former type), at Schkopau only
fittings of the latter ones were discovered (Eichhorn 1927,
134, 139–141, 146; Schmidt/Nitzschke 1989, 32).
with ‘fragmented’ shields could have had also a
magical or symbolic meaning.
Maybe then the practice of ‘fragmentary’
military offerings, which had most likely
emerged in Poland earlier on, spread in the area
of Central Germany on the verge of phases A2
and A3? This issue surely requires further study,
among others in terms of the possible Celtic ori-
gins of the phenomenon. Because even though
in phases LT C–D the model of furnishing La
Tène Culture graves with shield elements only
is recorded, the marginal nature of this kind of
funeral rites is emphasised (Panke-Schneider
2013, 176–177, 196–200, 205).
The lack of certain findings that can be dated
to the beginnings of the Late Pre-Roman Period
does not allow us to conclude whether the ‘frag-
mentary’ military offerings in the Przeworsk
Culture should be connected with rare occur-
rences of scabbard fittings for long battle-knives
in the graves of the much older Pomeranian Cul-
ture (cf. Fogel 1980, 92 ff., table I, map 1). How-
ever, in the light of hitherto acquired knowledge
in terms of chronology of both cultures and ori-
gins of the former one, it seems unlikely.
What needs to be stressed is that during
phases A3 and A3/B1 the contacts between
inhabitants of Polish territories and the popula-
tion from the middle Elbe basin intensified, and
the relations extended further to the territories
west of the Rhine. This is suggested by many
findings – mostly weapons.76 In this context the
presence of chair-shaped spurs (Stuhlsporen)
that have numerous, close parallels in the mid-
dle Elbe, in two of the analysed cemeteries of the
Przeworsk Culture, that is at Zakrzewo, grave
14 and Wesółki, grave 20A, is incredibly inter-
esting (Bochnak 2004, 22 Fig. V,3; Łuczkiewicz
2006, 216 Fig. 51,3; 2009, 349–351 Figs. 6 and
7). What also needs to be emphasised is that
the area of Greater Poland and Central Poland,
where the cemeteries which provided the larg-
est series of graves with ‘fragmentary’ military
offerings are located (Fig.  23), corresponds
with the range of concentration of drinking
horn metal fittings, frequently found also at
76 In the case of weaponry it mainly relates to some kinds
of scabbards (together with their swords) with openwork
decoration (opus interrasile, grid pattern), with pointed-
chape (sporenförmiges Schwertscheideortband) and of Lud-
wigshafen type, but also various types of shield-bosses
with a spike. However, it should be emphasised that some
of the scabbard types mentioned above may be evidence
of connections with the East Alpine zone (Bochnak 2005,
especially 161–164; 2007; 2014; Bochnak/Czarnecka 2006;
Böhme-Schönberger 2002; Bockius/Łuczkiewicz 2004, 127–
132 Map 40; Łuczkiewicz 2000; 2006, 187–189, 201–204; 2009;
Völling 2005, 168–171 Pl. 44).
 BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
Großromstedt (Andrzejowski 1991, Map 31).
This type of findings was also discovered in two
of the analysed graves (Fig. 24). One can men-
tion here also both discussed vessels of western
origin or inspiration, found at Niedanowo and
Lemany (Figs. 21 and 22).
The findings described indicate the enhanced
mobility of warriors and their elites on the east-
west axis. This activity has surely contributed to
the flow of ideas and cultural models over long
distances. Its peak coincides with the emergence
of numerous ‘fragmentary’ shields or swords
in graves in Central German cemeteries, thus in
accordance with the custom formerly noted in
the Przeworsk Culture. It therefore seems likely
that the spread of those particular funeral rites
among the Germanic warriors was caused by
direct relations between them established possi-
bly during joint military activities over the Rhine,
in Gaul, in the times around and after its conquest
by Julius Caesar (cf. Rieckhoff 1995, 195–197).
Conclusions
The vast grave site at Kleszewo founded in
phase A2 was originally used as a ‘typical’ Prze-
worsk Culture cemetery, where some (rather
few) warriors were also buried. Thus, grave 402
containing a Celtic double-edged sword and a
spearhead can be dated to this phase. Next two
burials with weapons or their fragments (147,
655), together with grave 409A furnished solely
with pieces of a warrior’s belt, may originate
from the same phase or from stage A2/A3 at the
latest. In this particular time the phenomenon of
furnishing graves with only ‘fragmentary’ mili-
tary offerings was noted, as is indicated by grave
147 containing, most probably, a shield rivet and
iron fittings of a sword’s scabbard. This custom
– maybe as an adaptation of Celtic models – is
most frequently registered in Greater Poland and
Central Poland, and it was probably from those
areas that it spread to the middle Elbe basin. It
is interesting that the burnt bones from grave
147 were identified as those of an adult woman.
Naturally, this may be the anthropologist‘s mis-
take, but it needs to be remembered that a few
other graves with ‘fragmentary’ military items
from the Przeworsk Culture area were also
identified as containing female remains. Moreo-
ver, in a few inventories – alongside the weap-
ons – women‘s tools and attire were discovered.
Therefore, the phenomenon of furnishing graves
with single shield rivets or scabbard elements
does not have to apply to warriors‘ graves only.
Thus its character may be different from that of
the pars pro toto rule, usually assumed in such
cases. Hence, we need to consider also other
symbolic meanings of ‘fragmentary’ weapons
deposited in graves.
263
The character of the cemetery changed in
the developed stage of phase A3 at the latest.
The weapons were no longer to be found in
the graves. They also lack any kind of tools or
elements of men‘s attire that would typically
appear in other, closely located Przeworsk Cul-
ture cemeteries during that period. At the same
time numerous graves of the female, from time
to time very rich, furnishing model were noted
at Kleszewo. Therefore, from that time the cem-
etery represents a model that can be defined as
‘female oriented’. The phenomenon of this kind
of grave sites being in use occurs in northernmost
Mazovia and in Kuyavia at the beginning of the
Late Pre-Roman Period, and its origins should
be sought in the Jastorf Culture milieu. Another
trait which possibly associates the ‘female ori-
ented’ cemeteries from Polish territories with
the Jastorf Culture is the relatively common
presence of cremation urn graves, sometimes
lacking ashes and funeral pyre debris (however,
at the current state of study not yet confirmed
at Kleszewo). The direct relations between
inhabitants of northern Mazovia with Germanic
tribes from the Elbe basin in phases A2/A3–A3,
confirmed by occurrences of vessels of clear
western provenance or inspiration, may have
been highly conducive to the spread of some
ideas and customs connected with the broadly
defined sepulchral sphere, as was possibly the
case in Kleszewo. ‘Gender oriented’ cemeter-
ies in northern Mazovia were also in use later,
in the Early Roman Period (and it is not until
this time that the functioning of ‘male oriented’
burial sites is well documented). It is also in this
period that another important burial rite change
occurs. Namely, weapons start vanishing from
grave inventories in northernmost Mazovia and
this concerns ‘male oriented’ cemeteries as well.
However, their lack in the Early Roman Period
at Kleszewo has earlier origins and reflects the
continuation of a different tradition, initiated
there already in phase A3.
The conducted analysis, with only four
Kleszewo graves as a starting point, made it pos-
sible to distinguish and characterise a number of
particular funeral customs practised by a part of
the Przeworsk Culture population in the Late
Pre-Roman Period. The phenomena discussed
have already been indicated in the literature, but
it is now safe to say that the issue of burial rites
of this cultural unit is much more complex than
previously assumed. Not only could they differ
in various periods and locations, but they could
just as well vary considerably within the same
time and area. Some of the differences can be
explained by the reception of external influences,
while others may be reminiscences from earlier
local traditions. It can, therefore, be assumed
 BUFM 79, Maciałowicz, Woźniak, „Vanishing weapons“, 229–269
264
that further study on the burial rites of the Prze-
worsk Culture will allow us to diversify and
enhance its image, which is often considered to
be thoroughly explored and described.
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References of figures
Figs. 2, 4, 7–11: drawing P. Holub.
Fig. 3: photo S. Woyda.
Fig. 5: 1a–c drawing P. Holub; 1d archive of
the Museum of Ancient Mazovian Metallurgy,
Prusz­ków.
Fig. 6: drawing P. Holub; 3a photo W. Weker.
Fig. 12: after Dąbrowska 1997.
Fig. 14: based on Cofta-Broniewska/Bednarczyk
1998.
Fig. 17: based on Kokowski 1989.
Fig. 18: based on Ziemlińska-Odojowa 1999.
Fig. 21: 1 after Ziemlińska-Odojowa 1999; 2–4
after Seyer 1976; 5 after Schmidt-Thielbeer 1967;
6 after Hingst 1959.
Fig. 22: 1 drawing P. Holub; 2 after Píč 1905; 3, 4
after Schmidt/Nitzschke 1989; 5 after Eichhorn
1927.
Dr Andrzej Maciałowicz
Instytut Archeologii, Uniwersytet Warszawski
Krakowskie Przedmieście 26/28
00-927 Warszawa
E-Mail: amacialowicz@uw.edu.pl
Mgr Marcin Woźniak
Muzeum Starożytnego Hutnictwa
Mazowieckiego im. Stefana Woydy
Pl. Jana Pawła II 2, 05-800 Pruszków
E-Mail: marcin.wozniak@yahoo.pl