Archäologische Beiträge

Gedenkschrift
zum hundertsten Geburtstag
von Kurt Horedt
 ROMANIAN ACADEMY
INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY AND ART HISTORY CLUJ-NAPOCA

Series

Patrimonium Archaeologicum Transylvanicum

Editors

Sorin CoCiş
AdriAn UrSUțiU

Volume 7
 IN STITUTUL DE A RHEOLO GIE ȘI ISTOR IA A RT E I CLU J - N A P OCA
IN STITUTE OF A RC HA EOLOGY A N D A RT HISTORY CLU J - N A P OCA

Archäologische Beiträge
Gedenkschrit
zum hundertsten Geburtstag
von Kurt Horedt

H e rau sg e b e r
S o r i n Co C i ş

ME GA VE RLAG
Cluj-Napoca
2014
This work was supported by a grant of the Ministry of National Education, CNCS – UEFISCDI,
project number PN-II-ID-PCE-2012-4-0210.

DTP:
Francisc BAJA

Auf dem vorderen Umschlag:

Die Goldibel aus dem Fürstengrab Nr. 1 von Apahida

© Die Autoren, 2014

Descrierea CIP a Bibliotecii Naţionale a României

Archäologische Beiträge - Gedenkschrift zun hundertsten Geburtstag
von Kurt Horedt / ed.: Sorin Cociş. - Cluj-Napoca : Mega, 2014
ISBN 978-606-543-456-1

I. Cociş, Sorin (ed.)

902(498) Horedt,K.
929 Horedt,K.

Editura Mega | www.edituramega.ro

e-mail: mega@edituramega.ro
INHALT / CONTENTS / SOMMAIRE

TUDOR SOROCEANU
KURT HOREDT. LA CENTENARUL NAŞTERII 9

TUDOR SOROCEANU
KURT HOREDT. ZUM HUNDERTJÄHRIGEN JUBILÄUM SEINER GEBURT 13

MIRCEA BABEŞ
DEUTSCHE ARCHÄOLOGEN IN RUMÄNIEN IN FRIEDENS- UND KRIEGSZEIT (1909–1918) 17

ATTILA LÁSZLÓ
BEITRÄGE ZUR KUPFERMETALLURGIE IN DER ARIUŞD-CUCUTENI KULTUR. KUPFERGEGENSTÄNDE UND
TONIMITATIONEN AUS DER SIEDLUNG VON MALNAŞ BĂI 31

RADU ARDEVAN
DIE ERSTE ENTDECKUNG VON KOSON-MÜNZEN IN SIEBENBÜRGEN 43

VITALIE BÂRCĂ
RECTANGULAR MIRRORS IN THE SARMATIAN ENVIRONMENT. NOTES ON THEIR ORIGIN AND THE DATING OF
THE GRAVES CONTAINING THEM 49

ZSOLT VISY
SOME NOTES ON THE EASTERN CORNER OF THE PROVINCE DACIA 65

IOAN PISO
SUR LE STATUT MUNICIPAL DE POTAISSA 69

FLORIN FODOREAN
MAPPING ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITES USING DIGITAL CARTOGRAPHY. ROMAN DISCOVERIES AT THE
CONFLUENCE OF THE RIVERS ARIEŞ AND MUREŞ 77

SORIN NEMETI, IRINA NEMETI

CIVIC SPACE AND MUNICIPAL STATUTES IN POTAISSA 85

VASS LÓRÁNT
CONTRIBUTION TO THE KNOWLEDGE OF BONE AND ANTLER BOW LATH PRODUCTION FROM ROMAN DACIA 99

COSTIN CROITORU
CONSIDÉRATIONS SUR LES RELATIONS COMMERCIALES ENTRE ORBIS ROMANUS ET BARBARICUM, EN
PARTICULIER L’ESPACE À L’EST DES CARPATES 121

SORIN COCIŞ
DIE FIBELN MIT UMGESCHLAGENEM FUSS UND MIT ÄUSSERER SEHNE VOM TYP ALMGREN 158 UND 166
(NEUE BEITRÄGE ZUR CHRONOLOGIE DER SPÄTRÖMISCHEN KAISERZEIT IN WESTRUMÄNIEN) 127
ROBERT GINDELE
DIE SIEDLUNG IN MOFTINU MIC – MERLI TAG. PROBLEME IM ZUSAMMENHANG MIT DEN
MARKOMANNENKRIEGEN IN DEN SIEDLUNGEN IM NORDWESTEN RUMÄNIENS 139

RADU HARHOIU
EIN GRÄBERFELD DES 4. JAHRHUNDERTS IN SCHÄSSBURG – WEINBERG (RUM. DEALUL VIILOR) –
FUNDSTELLE „GRÄBERFELD“ (GRÄBERFELD 2) 153

VLAD-ANDREI LĂZĂRESCU
IS THERE A MEANING BEHIND THE DISTRIBUTION PATTERNS OF THE LATE ROMAN COINS FOUND IN
BARBARICUM? A COMPARATIVE APPROACH BETWEEN THE INNER- AND EXTRA-CARPATHIAN AREAS 207

ALEXANDER RUBEL
DAS SPÄTANTIKE DONARIUM VON BIRTHÄLM (BIERTAN) IM KONTEXT DER RÖMISCHEN RELIGION 243

LAURENT CHRZANOVSKI
A NOUVEAU SUR LE DONARIUM DE BIERTAN 253

ESZTER ISTVÁNOVITS, VALÉRIA KULCSÁR

NEW FIND OF HUN AGE SADDLE PLATES FROM NORTH-EAST HUNGARY 269

CORIOLAN HORAŢIU OPREANU

LATIN OR GREEK? THE CASE OF THE INSCRIPTIONS AND THE MONOGRAMS ON THE GOLDEN RINGS FROM
THE ROYAL GRAVE APAHIDA I (ROMANIA) AND THE HOARD FROM REGGIO EMILIA (ITALY) 279

GÁLL ERWIN
THE AVAR CONQUEST AND WHAT FOLLOWED. SOME IDEAS ON THE PROCESS OF ‘AVARISATION’ OF
TRANSYLVANIAN BASIN (6TH–7TH CENTURIES) 295

IOAN STANCIU
A WELL FROM THE EARLY MEDIEVAL SETTLEMENT AT JUCU DE SUS (CLUJ COUNTY, NORTH-WESTERN
TRANSYLVANIA) 325
CIVIC SPACE AND MUNICIPAL
STATUTES IN POTAISSA*
SORIN NEMETI
IRINA NEMETI
T
he urban contours of the ancient city
of Potaissa1 remain uncertain and
luid for several reasons. The irst
and most important reason is the fact
that medieval and modern Turda partially overlap
the ancient ruins. Continuous habitation has led to
a multitude of archaeological discoveries recorded
inexactly, ever since the age of the collectors.2 Men-
tions such as “the slopes of Dealul Zânelor, Dealul
Cetăţii, the peak of Valea Sândului, north-west of the
castrum” or the use of old toponyms, lost or hard to
identify, make the historian’s work diicult and hin-
der one’s attempts to create an archaeological topog-
raphy of the former city’s perimeter.
The second reason relates to the coexistence of at
least two communities, with distinct civic and admin-
istrative statutes, that evolved during the 165 years
of Roman rule in Dacia. An archaeological map, even
an exact one, can only provide an image of the maxi-
mum extent of the inhabited area or of the area used
by these communities. It cannot relect the spatial
administrative organization and municipal devel-
opment of the communities; it can only, at most,
* The present text was delivered during the national colloquium
held at the History Museum in Turda, entitled Oraşele Daciei romane.
Urbanism şi societate [The Cities of Roman Dacia. Town Planning and
Society], Turda, 18–19 October 2013. The research was performed
part of the PN-II-RU-TE–3–2011-0131 project, Corpus digital pentru
explorarea virtuală a Antichităţii. Artă şi text pe monumente votive
din Dacia [Digital Corpus for the Virtual Exploration of Antiquity. Art
and Text on Votive Monuments from Dacia].
1
 For the history of research in Potaissa and the older and
newer discoveries see recently BĂRBULESCU 2012, 9–17, with
the bibliography.
2
 BĂRBULESCU 1992, 389–408.
indicate the fundamental division between public
and extra pomerium space. It was the citizens and
their gods who inhabited the intra pomerium space
and it was there that the magistrates exercised their
authority, while the dead and the army occupied the
area outside the pomerium.3
Competing administrative
realities in Potaissa
Before deining the civil space in Potaissa one must
briely re-discuss the municipal ile. All modern recon-
structions of the municipal development in Potaissa
were born and produced under the tyranny of the
written record.
The text in question can be found in Digestae
(50.15.1.9) that has preserved a fragment from Ulpi-
anus, 1 De censibus: et Patavissensium vicus qui a
divo Severo ius coloniae impetravit. In the end of
the nineteenth century, for Orbán B.4 and C. Goos,5
Potaissa was in the beginning a vicus of the city of
Napoca (according to the milestone in Aiton6) after
which, in 193 A.D. Severus elevated it to the rank of
colonia and established here the legio V Macedonica.
E. Kornemann, in 1900, quotes the text from Ulpi-
anus and concludes that Potaissa became colonia
during the reign of Septimius Severus (mentioning
that the inscriptions attest the city as municipium
under the same emperor).7 The only inscriptions
3
 DA, IV.1, s.v. pomerium, (J.-A. Hild), 543–545.
4
 ORBÁN 1889, 38.
5
 GOOS 1871, 115.
6
 CIL III 1627.
7
 KORNEMANN 1900, 548.
85
that Kornemann mentions in order to illustrate the
city’s colonial status are: the inscriptions placed by
M. Aurelius Avitus aug(ur  ?) or aug(ustalis  ?) c(olo-
niae ?) (R. I. 15) and an inscription from Apulum that
attests a decurio coloniae.8 As Mihai Bărbulescu pre-
viously noted, colonia Potaissa raises some problems
as there is only one epigraph that attests it with cer-
tainty.9 Even if Téglás István only published the epi-
graph in question in 1915,10 for Orbán Balázs, Carl
Goos, and E. Kornemann Potaissa was colonia since
the rule of Septimius Severus.
Unclear epigraphic discoveries complicate things
even further. Most inscriptions attest a municipium
Septimium Potaissense / municipium Potaissense (R.
I 3, 6, 7, 8, 9, 4, 10, 12, 13, 14, 5), with a duumvi-
ral constitution (R. I 9, 10). In all of the inscriptions
known so far colonia Potaissa is not accompanied by
an imperial epithet. Furthermore, municipium Septi-
mium is attested by an inscription in which a military
unit bears the epithet of Antoniniana, and can thus
be dated to the era of Caracalla or later (R. I 3). Then,
a fragmentarily preserved altar attests a quattuorvira-
lis municipii Potaissensis (R. I 11). All these apparent
contradictions have generated numerous theories on
the municipal development of Potaissa: the existence
of an urban duality, as in Apulum (with a Septimian
municipium and the canabae transformed into colonia
by Septimius Severus,)11 the existence of a quattuorvi-
ral college that, according to Radu Ardevan illustrates
the transition from the stage of municipium to that of
colonia,12 the idea that the municipium Potaissa only
became colonia during Caracalla’s inal years of rule13
etc. Romeo Cârjan’s recent interventions on the topic
only attempt to reconcile all these contradictions, by
making reference to analogies from other provinces
and the diversity of juridical status of the communi-
ties attested in the Roman Empire.14
In order to better understand the issue of Potais-
sa’s municipalization and the apparently contradict-
ing situations, one must open again the municipal
ile and perform an autopsy of the sources.
What is known today with certainty is that two dis-
tinct communities, with diferent statutes, lived in
8
 CIL III 1030.
9
 BĂRBULESCU 1994, 45.
10
 TÉGLÁS 1915, 48, ig. 5 (drawing).
11
 PETOLESCU 1991, 224–225; PETOLESCU 2007, 163, n.
24; BĂRBULESCU/CĂTINAŞ 1992, 115–116; BĂRBULESCU/
CĂTINAŞ 1993, 51–52; BĂRBULESCU 1994, 37–39.
12
 ARDEVAN 1998, 145; ARDEVAN 1984, 107: «Nous sommes
enclins à croire que l’inscription de C. Iulius Priscus a été gravée
lors de la promotion de Municipium Septimium Potaissense en
Colonia Septimia, ce qui aura créé des confusions momentanées
pour le lapicide qui y a travaillé.».
13
 GOSTAR 1969, 132–133; DAICOVICIU 1953, 1016–1017.
14
 CÂRJAN 2013, 239–245.
86
Potaissa (at least) after 169 A.D.: the old group of colo-
nists settled after 106 A.D.15 and the civilians from the
canabae legionis V Macedonicae.16 No actual source
allows us to include in the equation the autochtho-
nous vicus, the Dacian population nucleus that pre-
sumably shared the space with the Roman colonists.17
The autochthons from whom the toponym Potaissa
(of certain Dacian origin)18 was taken over, probably
lived somewhere close by, but none of the epigraphic
or archaeological sources signal their presence in the
Roman civilian construction of Potaissa.
As starting point one can accept the fact that there
were two communities of which (at least) one went
through the stage of municipium and, maybe, became
colonia (in order not to contradict the only text pre-
served from Antiquity that deals with the municipal
development of the cities in Dacia).
What do the inscriptions discovered over the last
couple of centuries indicate? In our opinion, they
only show with certainty that there was a municipium
Septimium with a duumviral constitution.
The following issues remain uncertain due to the
fragmentary state of the inscriptions and the manner
in which they have been transmitted:
1) the transformation of the municipium into colo-
nia under the rule of Emperor Caracalla (as seems
to indicate the inscription CIL III 7689), contrary to
Ulpian’s assertion.
2) the existence of some quattuorviri of the munic-
ipium Potaissa
3) and, if one were to push skepticism to extreme,
even the existence of a colonia Potaissa.
1) It seems that the fragmentary inscription CIL
III 7689 (R. I 3), that mentions a mun(icipium)
S(eptimium) Pot(aissense) attested in r. 4, indicates that
it still existed under Caracalla, due to the fragmentary
sequence...AD ANTON... in r. 3 (completed as legionis
I Adiutricis Antoninianae.)19 The simple mention of the
municipium after the time of Septimius Severus does
not authorize the conclusion that it became colonia
later, during the rule of Caracalla.20
2) The existence of the municipium’s quattuorvi-
ral college is, in our opinion, completely uncertain.21
Inscription CIL III 7678 (R. I 11) has been read thus:
15
 BĂRBULESCU 1994, 37–39.
16
 On the arrival of the Fifth Macedonica legion and its castrum
on Dealul Cetate – BĂRBULESCU 1987, passim.
17
 WINKLER/HOPÂRTEAN 1973, 115; BĂRBULESCU 1994,
29–30, 35–36.
18
 DANA/NEMETI 2014, 103–107.
19
 CIL III 7689.
20
 GOSTAR 1969, 132–133; DAICOVICIU 1975, 91, viewed N.
Gostar’s hypothesis with skepticism.
21
 R. Cârjan mentions several possibilities: M. Ulpius Magnus
might have been a quattuorvir only in a civilian settlement
(that was, most probably, a peregrine settlement or received the
 I(ovi) o(ptimo) m(aximo) / M(arcus) Ulp(ius) /
Magnus / IIIIvira/lis P(otaissae) v(otum) m(erito).22
Carl Torma, Alfred von Domaszewski and Téglás
István saw the altar’s two fragments in the end of
the nineteenth century in the households owned by
Boné András and Tasnádi Márton. The published
inscription is reconstructed from their drawings, as
the items are now lost. On fragment a), on the left,
Torma read in 1876, in r. 4–5 (quattuor)v[ira]lis p[o-
suit].23 The same author published fragment b), on
the right, separately, where he saw in r. 5 three let-
ters P V R, completed as v(otum) r(eddidit).24 A. von
Domaszewski published the same inscription in CIL
with the fragments placed side by side, according to
Torma (believing that the latter saw the items in a
better state of preservation). The reading in r. 4–5 is
(quattuor)vira/lis P V m, with the two central stems of
number IIII shorter. In 1886, Téglás István drew in
his diary the matching fragments (Pl.  I/1) with the
reading IIIIvira/lis I PV R, with a new letter I in frag-
ment a).25 Nowhere in these drawings does one ind
the sequence IIIIviralis m(unicipii) P(otaissensis),
i.e. letters MP after quattuorviralis. It is even more
interesting that, in 1885, Téglás István had drawn in
his diary the same altar with a completely diferent
reading: IIVIRA/LIS PVP (Pl.  I/2).26 We believe that
too much has been written on the quattuorvirii of
Potaissa when the only source for them is this altar
that diferent authors published in diferent readings
of rows 4–5: either duumviralis, or quatturoviralis
with an abbreviation MP that gradually insinuates
itself in the altar’s lacuna. In our opinion, the most
probable reading of r. 4–5 on this lost altar is (duum)
vira/lis P(otaissae) v(otum) r(eddidit), thus conirm-
ing the duumviral constitution of the municipium
attested by the inscriptions of C. Iulius Priscus (R. I
9) and M. Aelius Antonius (R. I 10).
3) As for the epigraphic attestation of the colonia
municipal title sometime around the middle of the second century,
under Marcus Aurelius?), since a quattuorvir canabensium would
be a unique case. He complicates things further and imagines a
«constitutional mutation» as the transformation of a «Latin-right
pre-urban structure (with a quattuorviral constitution) into a
municipium of Roman citizens (with a duumviral constitution)».
Another imagined solution envisages the existence of two colleges
of duumviri, one with inancial attributions (duumvir aedilis), the
other with jurisdictional attributions (duumvir iure dicundo), as in
the western provinces. CÂRJAN 2010, 66–67.
22
 CIL III 7678; ARDEVAN 1998, 426, nr. 431.
23
 TORMA 1879, 98, no. 26.
24
 TORMA 1879, 99, no. 29.
25
 BAJUSZ 2005, 787, ig. 7/89 (year 1886); I. Piso, in IDR IV/1,
mss., believes that : «il est pourtant peu probable que le rang de la
ville n’ait pas été mentionné. Par conséquent, dans la l. 5 la haste
après LIS sur le dessin du premier fragment (...) appartient à un
M», and read in l. 4–5 IIIIviralis ṃ(unicipii) P(otaissensis) v(otum)
r(eddidit).
26
 BAJUSZ 2005, 787, ig. 28/135 (year 1885).
Potaissa, it relies on even more fragile proof than the
quattuorviral college.
Five inscriptions attest Potaissa as municipium with
imperial epithet municipium Septimium Potaissense
(R. I 3, 6, 7, 8, 9). Five other inscriptions only con-
tain the simpliied formula municipium Potaissense
(R. I 4, 10, 11, 12, 14). Among the magistrates and
apparitores of the various communities in Potaissa,
the following are attested: three decurions (R. I 4, 12,
21), two duumviri (R. I 9, 10), two aediles (R. I 20),
one lamen (R. I 5), one augur (or augustal) (R. I 17,
15), one scriba (R. I 6), and one quaestor (R. I 19).
The altar from Miceşti that also attests a collegium
fabrum (R. I 13), is, according to Ioan Piso, proof that
Potaissa became a municipium in Septimius Sever-
us’s irst years of rule (the altar can be dated to 197,
as indicated by the fact that the emperor’s older son
bears the title of Caesar destinatus).27
Four inscriptions have been invoked in support of
the idea that Potaissa became colonia. In the case of
one fragment (R. I 18) on which only letters CIIVIR
are visible, the completion c(oloniae) (duum)vir is
far-fetched. A fragmentary inscription from Mold-
oveneşti (R. I 17) contains the sequence AVG C[…],
read as aug(ustalis) c(oloniae?). In the case of the
altar dedicated by P. Aelius Maximianus to IOM Ful-
gurator (R. I 15) it is not stated in which colonia was
the dedicator augur or augustal but his name, a Pub-
lius Aelius, rather seems to indicate Napoca.
One thus reaches the inscription that contains
the name of the colonia Potaissa. Only the lower
half of a small altar (measuring ca. 40 cm in height)
has been preserved; it was discovered, according to
Téglás István’s testimony, at the feet of Dealul Cetăţii
in 1912 (R. I 16). In the row before last one clearly
reads IIVIR COL, with I+R in ligature. In the inal
row, that is apparently complete, it was read POTVLS,
with an unusual ligature in the beginning of the
row P+O (with P inside letter O) (Pl. I/3). The reading
would thus be (duum)vir col(oniae) / Pot(aissae)
v(otum) l(ibens) s(olvit). There are too many details
that raise one’s skepticism: a single attestation of the
word colonia accompanied by a toponym, and even
that one is preserved only in a drawing from the age
of collectors, with the toponym in an unusual liga-
ture that dissimulates the very irst letter of a proper
noun. Everything must be corroborated with the only
preserved juridical text preserved that refers to the
municipal life of the province, text that mentions the
fact that Septimius Severus granted Potaissa the rank
of colonia.
It is very possible that Potaissa was colonia, as
Ulpianus states. Just that available evidence is sus-
ceptible and circumstantial.
 RUSSU/MILEA 1967, 169, PISO 2005, 179, no. 125.
27
87
 In conclusion, we believe that there was a Roman
rural settlement attested as Potaissa right after the
conquest, born from a nucleus of colonists, that was
probably called vicus (Patavissensium vicus), accord-
ing to Ulpianus.28 After 169 A.D. this settlement coex-
isted with the canabae of the legio V Macedonica and
probably became the municipium Septimium Potais-
sense before 197 A.D.
Civil space vs. funerary space. The
group of tombs from Furduluşeni and
the issue of the «northern necropolis»
In order to delimitate the inhabited space in
Potaissa, specialists have employed the method of
mapping all vestiges. Resulted maps indicate a very
wide area of habitation during the Roman Era, with
a maximum concentration at the feet of Zânelor and
Cetăţii hills, in the area where Sândului Valley meets
River Arieş. The legionary castrum on Dealul Cetăţii
is surrounded by civilian habitation and numerous
vestiges can be found in Sândului Valley and on
Zânelor and Şuia hills.
The discovery of altars dedicated by magistrates
Satrianus and Decumus in the name of certain cives
Romani and of those dedicated by D. Iunius Teles
and M. Pollius Hispanus in a restricted area on Cheii
Street led some to formulate the hypothesis that a
temple might have existed on the spot and to identify
there the irst civilian nucleus of Potaissa29.
The distribution of votive altars and especially
that of ritual places deine civilian space. Unfortu-
nately altars and statues can be moved and re-used,
and are often found in secondary positions. There
are yet no cultual ediices attested with certainty
and researched archaeologically in Potaissa. Mihai
Bărbulescu presumes, and he is right to do so, that
a temple, maybe even the capitolium, was located in
the area of Cheii Street where the altars were found.
A temple dedicated to Egyptian divinities might have
been located on the Cetate plateau, west of the cas-
trum, in its highest part. The temple of Azizos men-
tioned in the inscription placed by prefect Donatus
was presumably located on the northern slope of
Dealul Zânelor.30
In conclusion, the absence of cultual ediices
researched on site and the migration of votive mon-
uments hinder one’s estimation of the civil space of
the diferent competing communities from Potaissa.
Funerary topography provides further clues,
28
 For the terms designating rural settlements in the Roman
Empire see TARPIN 2002, 7–22.
29
 BĂRBULESCU/CĂTINAŞ 1992, 111–124; BĂRBULESCU/
CĂTINAŞ1993, 49–64.
30
 BĂRBULESCU 1995, 128–129.
88
namely the position of necropolises in the urban
perimeter. When publishing the tombs on Dealul Şuia,
starting also from previous data, Ion Ţigăra sketched
the location of the necropolises in Potaissa. Connect-
ing the spots with funerary discoveries he identiied
two large burial areas: one on Dealul Zânelor, in the
«Csillagmál» area and on Dealul Şuia, and the other
south of River Arieş, at Râtul Sânmihăienilor.31 Mihai
Bărbulescu, re-analyzing all discoveries of tombs and
funerary monuments, deined with more precision
the existence of two large burial areas: the western
necropolis (on Zânelor and Şuia hills) and the large
southern necropolis on the edge of Mihai Viteazu vil-
lage and in the «Cazărmi – Uzina de apă» area.32 The
author mentions in the same study a series of discov-
eries in the present-day center of Turda (on Libertăţii
and Raţiu streets, near the building of the municipal
theater). Thus, this group of tombs is interpreted as
part of a small, early necropolis, connected to the
road towards Napoca, as “a strip of land along this
road preserved its function as a necropolis.»33
Even if stone monuments may be found in second-
ary position, a statistic view of discoveries in the area
of Libertăţii and Raţiu streets and 1 Decembrie 1918
square indicate a substantial proportion of funerary
monuments there as compared to votive ones. 16
funerary monuments (aedicula walls, stelae, funer-
ary lions) were found on Libertăţii, Argeşului, Raţiu,
and Traian streets and in Romană, 1 Decembrie 1918,
and Republicii squares (R. II 5–20). If the presence of
funerary monuments can be considered inconclusive
for the identiication of a necropolis, the discovery of
inhumation tombs in sarcophagi in various spots in
this area makes for a stronger argument. Two buri-
als in brick sarcophagi, a stela, and a funerary statue
fragment were identiied on Libertăţi street, between
1984 and 1985, during the construction of block A1
(R. II 1). Téglás István mentioned brick sarcophagi
on Raţiu street, in the garden of the Finta house (R. II
4). A tomb in a brick sarcophagus (the so-called tomb
in «via Bardocz») was found in 1906 between Raţiu
Street and 1 Decembrie 1918 square (R. II 3). Stone
and brick sarcophagi and an urn containing coal and
ashes were discovered in Piaţa Republicii, near the
municipal theater and in Avram Iancu street (R. II 2)
(Pl. I/3).
All these discoveries are located north of the civil
habitation area (the nucleus of cives Romani, municip-
ium Septimium) in Piaţa Romană, Cheii, Panait Cerna,
Nicolae Bălcescu, Duiliu Zamirescu Streets etc.
A group of tombs that probably belong to this
necropolis were found in 2002 less than 500 m north
31
 ŢIGĂRA 1960, 195–212.
32
 BĂRBULESCU 1994, 84–91.
33
 BĂRBULESCU 1994, 86.
of the place of discovery of the altars on Cheii street,
during the erection of a house. An access road cut
with the bulldozer in May 2002 in the spot called
Furduluşeni destroyed several incineration tombs
(in oval pits, ritually burnt, and in urns) and sev-
eral inhumation graves (one in brick sarcophagus)
(Pl. II/1).
M. 1. An inhumation tomb was destroyed in May
2002 during excavation works for the construction of
an access way. Three entire pots were recovered from
its inventory (Pl. II/2-4).
a. jug with a single handle (type 13I Rusu-
Bolindeţ), made of ine, brick-red fabric, with ring-
shaped bottom; h = 19.5 cm; d. max. = 12 cm; previ-
ously unpublished; MIT, inv. no. 16593.
b. jug with a single handle (type 13I Rusu-
Bolindeţ), made of ine, brick-red-yellowish fabric; h
= 22 cm; d. max. = 13.2 cm; previously unpublished;
MIT, inv. no. 16594.
c. cup (type 6C Rusu-Bolindeţ), made of ine, brick-
red fabric; h = 8.5 cm; d. max. = 8.5 cm; previously
unpublished; MIT, inv. no. 16595.
M. 2. An incineration tomb with oval pit, ritually
burnt, was identiied during an onsite survey on July
27th 200234 in the eastern talus of the road (Pl. III/1).
The pit measures ca. 2  m in length (as it was cut
through diagonally) and the thickness of the burnt
soil crust was of ca. 10  cm. Ashes, coal, calcined
bones, and some pieces of inventory were found
inside the pit.
a. As, bronze, put to the ire, probably issued
during the rule of Antoninus Pius; 25.7 × 27 mm; ↓;
MIT, inv. no.14818.35
b. three iron spikes (1. L. = 10 cm, d. = 1 cm; 2. L. =
10 cm; d. = 1 cm; 3. L.= 6 cm; d.= 1 cm).
c. jug with a single handle (type 14C Rusu-
Bolindeţ) (Pl. IV/5).
M. 3. The end of a tomb in a brick sarcophagus
(with 8 superposed bricks) was identiied in the west-
ern proile of the road in a pit measuring ca. 60 m in
depth from the ancient ground level. The brick sar-
cophagus of tomb 3 was destroyed in August 200236
during works for the widening of the access road
(Pl. III/2).
M. 4. Another incineration tomb with ritually
burnt pit was cut through, in the southern proile,
during the widening of the access road.
M. 5. Other tombs were destroyed during exca-
vation works for the foundations of the building.
34
 The authors, together with M. Sălăşan and C. Mihăilă. On that
occasion we recovered the inventory items, drew the proiles of
tombs M.2 and M.3, and noted the details of the on-site situation.
35
 PÂSLARU 2009, 259, no. 1308.
36
 August 24th 2002, together with Mrs. A. Cătinaş, we drew the
ground plan of this group of tombs, while the recovered materials
entered the collection of the History Museum in Turda.
Specialists were only able to recover the inventory of
an incineration tomb in urn (a pot made of brick-red
fabric and two unguentaria).
From the spot we have collect a glace container
(Pl.  IV/7) and several pottery fragments in order to
illustrate the vessel types in a funerary area (Pl. IV/1–
4, 6, 8, Pl. V).
Conclusions. The civilian
nucleus of Potaissa
The group of tombs from the spot called Furdu-
luşeni is very close to the area of the presumed civil
nucleus and, to the present state of available infor-
mation, one can hardly provide a convincing expla-
nation of this topographic placement of the vestiges.
What could have been the civil space of Roman
Potaissa? It is easier to set its limits to the south,
where civil habitation is bordered by River Arieş
and the city’s southern necropolis (the tombs from
the spots of «Cazărmi – Uzina de apă», Râtul Sânmi-
hăienilor). To the north, its contours are more dii-
cultly identiiable, but one must take into consider-
ation the funerary discoveries from the center of the
present-day city of Turda that deines the northern
necropolis. We believe that during the municipal
stage, the inhabited area extended westwards, along
Sândului and Pardei valleys and on the slopes of
Cetăţii, Zânelor, and Şuia hills. The legion’s canabae
probably developed according to a radial pattern on
Cetăţii hill. Their enlargement was hindered to the
south and south-east by the civil nucleus (vicus, then
municipium Septimium) and the northern necropolis.
A more precise mapping of the vestiges might lead, in
the future, to new data for clarifying the issue of how
the two communities were topographically distrib-
uted; nevertheless, in order to clarify their municipal
development and the evolution of their juridical stat-
utes, one must wait for new epigraphic discoveries
that attest the existence of the canabae, as in Apu-
lum, or to certify Potaissa’s status of colonia.
89
 I. Inscriptions referring to municipal life Super{i} / aug(ur? -ustalis?) m[u]n(icipii) Sep(timii) /
Pot(aissensis) / [v(otum)] l(ibens) p(osuit)
Conventus Civium Romanorum 8. Altar. Discovered together with no. 7. MIT, inv. no. 333.
1. Votive altar made of calcareous conglomerate;
DAICOVICIU 1933, 61, no. 1b; AE 1934, 17 bis; ILD 466.
105 × 58 × 36 cm. Found in 1985, together with three other
[I(ovi)] o(ptimo) m(aximo) / [Con]servator[i] / Ael(ius)
altars, during the digging of a ditch for a pipe on Cheii
Super aug(ur? -ustalis?) / muni(cipii) Sep{M}(timii) /
street, in front of house no. 16 (near the intersection with
Pot(aissensis) / v(otum) l(ibens) p(osuit)
N. Bălcescu street). MIT, inv. no.10224.
9. Votive altar, limestone; 91 × 43 × 29 cm. Was found in
BĂRBULESCU/CĂTINAŞ 1993, 50, no.  3; BĂRBULESCU/
1930, in the Bereczky garden, Panait Cerna street without
CĂTINAŞ 1992, 113–114, no.  3; AE 1992, 1468 = AE
number, during works for the plantation of a vineyard.
1993, 1332; ILD 487.
MIT, inv. no. 3161.
Herculi / cives Rom[a]/ni per Satria/{a}num et Dec(u)m/um
RUSSU 1941, 324–325, no. 1, ig. 7; AE 1950, 14; ILD 465.
mag(istros)
I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / C(aius) I(ulius) Priscus (duum)
2. Votive altar made of calcareous conglomerate, fragmen-
viral(is) / m(uncipii) S(eptimii) P(otaissensis) / ex visu /
tarily preserved; 112  ×  59  ×  40  cm. Found together with
l(ibens) p(osuit)
altar no. 1. MIT, inv. no.10225.
10. Altar; 1,30  ×  67  ×  36  cm. Discovered by Téglás I. in
BĂRBULESCU/CĂTINAŞ 1993, 50, no.  4; BĂRBULESCU/
1906 in Nagy Miklos’ house in Turda; POPA/BERCIU 1978,
CĂTINAŞ 1991, 114, no.  4; AE 1992, 1469 = AE 1993,
30, no. 29; CCID, 100, no. 144; ILD 479.
1332.
I(ovi) o(ptimo) m(aximo) / D(olicheno) M(arcus) Ael(ius)
Terrae / Matri / c(ives) R(omani) per / [S]atrianu[m] / [et
/ Anton(ius) dec(urio) / col(oniae) Na(pocae) / (duum)vir
De]cumum / [m]ag(istros)
m(unicipii) P(otaissensis).
11. Votive altar; 74 × 27.5 cm. Téglás I. saw the two frag-
Municipium ments. In 1885 and 1886, C. Torma and A. v. Domaszewski
3. Votive altar, limestone MIT;
saw them at A. Boné’s (in the old Jegesalja street 1496) and
CIL III 913 = 7689; EE II, 913; GOSTAR 1969, 132–133;
in front of M. Tasnádi’s house (Kiss street 1342).
ARDEVAN 1986–1987, 118.
TORMA 1879, 98, no. 26, 99, no. 29; CIL III 7678; ORBÁN
[….] / [Fla]v(io) Hiero i[l(ius)] / [trib(unus)? leg(ionis)]
1889, 74, no.  93, 96; BAJUSZ 2005, 787, ig. 28/135,
ad. Anto[nin(ianae)?] / mun(icipii) S(eptimii) Pot(aissae)
no. 1886, ig. 7/89.
it(em) U[l/pia Sa]bina coniux ei/[us et i]li(orum) it(em)
I(ovi) o(ptimo) m(aximo) / M(arcus) Ulp(ius) / Magnus
Claud(ia) Sabina / [it(em)] …cubla it(em) Cl(audius) M/[…]
(duum-? quattuor-?)vira/lis P(otaissae) v(otum) r(eddidit).
us iliorum e[t / suo nomine] sua vota res/[titueru]nt.
12. Petreştii de Jos (Cluj County).
4. Apulum (Alba Iulia, Alba County). Funerary altar made
CIL III 1211; RUSSU 1959, 891, no. 31.
of marble; 153 × 94 × 47 cm; MUAI, inv. no. 3498.
D(is) M(anibus) / P(ublio) Aelio / Victo/ri Plautiano / dec(urio)
CIL III 7804;ILS 7148; IDR III/5 495.
mun(icipii) [Po]t(aissensis) / Salvia con(iux) se/cundum
C(aio) Ant(onio) C(ai) il(io) Papir(ia) / Valentino q(uon-
v[o]/lunta[tem testa]/menti….
dam) / dec(urioni) col(oniae) Apul(ensis) C(aius) / Ant(o-
13. Votive altar made of oolitic limestone; 128 × 64 × 40 cm.
nius) Agrippinus / a milit(iis) dec(urio) col(oniae) /
Found in the vilage of Miceşti (Cluj county), household
Napoc(ensis) et munic(ipii) / Pot(aissensis) il(ius) et Gaii
no. 15, in 1966, re-used as sole for a shed. It was brought
An(toni) Marcellus Agrip/pinus dec(uriones) col(oniae) A/
here from the garden of the same household where the
pul(ensis) Marcella et A/grippina nepot(es) eius
nineteenth-century owners (Josika J., then Zeyk) had
5. Votive altar. «ritrovata in Lona villagio di Sig. Josega»;
included it in a small funerary construction. MIT, inv.
«Lona Vindobonam advecta ab Ariosto extat ibi in biblio-
no. 2583.
theca»; Ariosti ms. 1, 37;
RUSSU/MILEA 1967, 164–173, ig. 1 a -b; PISO 2005, 179,
CIL III 903.
125; ILD 533.
Silvano / sac(rum) / Val(erius) Celsus / lamen / municipi(i)
Volk(ano) Aug(usto) / pro sal(ute) Imp(eratoris) / L(ucii)
/ v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito).
Sep(timii) Severi / Pert(inacis) Aug(usti) et / M(arci)
6. Votive altar made of calcareous sandstone;
Aur(elii) Anton[i]/ni Caes(aris) destin(ati) / colleg(ium)
61 × 29 × 24 cm. Discovered in 1968 at the feet of Cetăţii
fab(rum) / m(unicipii) Sept(imii) Po[t(aissensis)].
hill, on the eastern slope, on the spot where the national
14. Fragmentary marble relief. One fragment from a Bac-
road crosses Valea Sândului and the railroad. MIT.
chic relief on which one can still see the panther’s upper
MILEA/JUDE 1972, 667–670; AE 1974, 550; ARDEVAN
body, turned to the right, and a Dionysian acolyte (Silen or
1998, 428, no. 439; ILD 490.
Satyr) of whom only the right leg and the hand holding the
Silvano d/omes{s}tic[o] / Aurel(ius) Via[to]/r scriba
cista mystica are visible. Part of the dedication is preserved
munic(ipii) Se[p(timii)] / Pot(aissensis)
on the seven-centimeter-high base; 27 × 6 cm; Discovered
7. Altar made of siliceous conglomerate from Copăceni;
on Dealul Cetăţii. MIT, inv. no. 2798.
88 × 45 cm; Found south of the castrum, near Sând creek,
JUDE/POP 1973, 19–21, no. B3; AE 1973, 457; ILD 495.
in the garden of the house in D. Zamirescu street no. 3
[…decurio? mu]ni(cipii?) Pot[aissensis…] / […] Vale[ns?...]
DAICOVICIU 1933, 61, no. 1 a; AE 1934, 17; ILD 496.
Liber[o] Pa/tri et [L]ibe/r(a)e Conser/vato[r]ibus / Ael(ius)

90
Colonia
15. Moldoveneşti (Cluj County); CIL III 7709.
D(is) [M(anibus)] / M(arcus) Aur(elius) Av[itus?] / aug(ust-
alis) c[ol(oniae) Pot(aissae)? vix(it)] / an(nis) L A(…) /ca
her[es?] / or p… / opi?...
16. Fragmentary altar; h= 21  cm. Discovered in 1912 on
the southern slopes of Dealul Cetăţii, in Sândului valley.
TÉGLÁS 1915, 48, ig. 5 (drawing); ILD 508.
[…] / (duum)vir col(oniae) / Pot(aissae) v(otum) l(ibens)
s(olvit).
17. Altar. 76 × 35 cm. Discovered on Vaskán János’s prop-
erty near Szakálaskut («The bearded fountain»).
TÉGLÁS 1909, 161–162.
I(ovi) o(ptimo) m(aximo) f(ulguratori) / P(ublius) Ael(ius)
Ma/ximia/nus augu(stalis?) /col(oniae) v(otum) s(olvit).
18. Fragment from an inscription. It was built in the wall
supporting the bank of Valea Racilor, on the property of
the viscount.
TÉGLÁS 1904, 410.
(…) c(oloniae?) IIvir (?)….
Magistrates
19. Votive altar. Discovered in Turda in 1856.
CIL III 888.
I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / Manl(ius) / quaes(tor?) / v(o-
tum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)
20. Bronze pipe, fragmentary.
TOTH 1981, 164–166, no. 57, ig. 13, 14; ARDEVAN 1998,
444.
M(arcus) Aurel(ius) Cassianus / et Veteranus S(?) / aediles.
21. Salona (Dalmatia).
IDRE II 299; CIL III 2086; IPD 661.
DD(is) MM(anibus) / V(aleriae) Ursin(a)e T(iti) f(iliae)
inc(omparabili) d(e)f(unctae) an(nis) / […] m(ensibus) VI
d(iebus) V Aur(elius) Aquila dec(urio) Pata/vissensis neg(o-
tiator) ex pro(vincia) Dacia b(ene)m(erenti) / p(osuit) et
sibi, cum qua / vixit an(nos) VII sine / ulla querella.
II. Funerary monuments and tombs
in the «northern necropolis»
Tombs
1. Libertăţii St. A tomb in brick sarcophagus, without
inventory (robbed) and a stela depicting the funerary ban-
quet were found during digging works for the foundation
of block A1 (in April 1984) (CĂTINAŞ 2011, 89–98). M.
Bărbulescu (BĂRBULESCU 1994, 86–86) mentions two
tombs with brick sarcophagi and another fragment of a
funerary statue.
2. Piaţa Republicii. A large stone sarcophagus and an urn
containing coal and ash were discovered near the State
Theater Turda; 1, Avram Iancu street, stone sarcophagus;
12, Avram Iancu Street, brick sarcophagus; TÉGLÁS 1904,
250; TÉGLÁS 1915, 48; BĂRBULESCU 1994, 86; BAJUSZ
2005, 854–856.
3. Former Rósza St. (no longer existing, it connected Raţiu
St. and Piaţa 1 Decembrie 1918). A tomb in brick sarcopha-
gus discovered in «via Bardocz» in 1906 (incorrect location
– ŢIGĂRA 1960, 196, pt. 8, ig. 1; WINKLER/HOPÂRTEAN
1973, 46–47, ig. 11).
4. Raţiu St. Brick sarcophagi were discovered in the garden
of the Finta house, at great depth. (TÉGLÁS 1908, 360–
361; BĂRBULESCU 1994, 86).
Funerary monuments
Piaţa Romană
5. Funerary stela, fragmentarily preserved, limestone,
26 × 28 × 19 cm; MIT, inv. no.74. (JUDE/POP 1973, 10–11,
no. 9, pl. VI/1).
Libertăţii St. no. 2. A central aedicula wall was found here,
in the foundations of some buildings pulled down for the
erection of a block of lats in Libertăţii St, corner with Piaţa
Steluţei.
6. Central aedicula wall, sandstone, 150 × 64 × 20 cm; MIT,
inv. no.  1982. (RUSSU/MILEA 1964, 27–28, no.  16, ig,
16; JUDE/POP 1973, 9, no. 5, pl. IV; BĂRBULESCU 1994,
85–86; CĂTINAŞ 2011, 91, no. 11).
Libertăţii St. no. 2 /6. The following items were found here:
two side aedicula walls, one fragment from a relief depict-
ing a rosette, one head of a funerary lion and one fragment
from a (probably funerary) relief (found in the area of the
blocks of lats in Libertăţii no. 2 or Libertăţii no. 6) (BĂR-
BULESCU 1994, 85–86, CĂTINAŞ 2011, 91–92, no. 12.)
7. Side aedicula wall, limestone, 54 × 40 × 12 cm; MIT, inv.
no. 1984 (JUDE/POP 1973, 14, no. 18, pl. XI/1).
8. Side aedicula wall, limestone, 160 × 60 × 11 cm; MIT,
inv. no. 1983 (JUDE/ POP 1973, 14–15, no. 20, pl. XI/3).
9. Funerary lion, fragmentarily preserved, limestone,
30  ×  28  cm; MIT, inv. no.  1986 (JUDE 1972, 497–498,
no. 4, ig. 4; JUDE/POP 1973, 17, no. 29, pl. XV/3).
10. Relief fragment (from the gable of a funerary stela),
limestone, 22 × 24 × 14 cm. MIT, inv. no. 1985. (JUDE/POP
1973, 22, no. 3, pl. XXI/3).
11. Relief fragment (bust of a deceased person), limestone,
25 × 13 × 8 cm; MIT, inv. no. 2041. (JUDE/ POP 1973, 29,
no. 5, pl. XXX/2).
Libertăţii St. no.15 (research by Z. Milea)
12. Side aedicula wall, limestone, 41 × 35 × 12 cm; MIT,
inv. no. 2568 (JUDE/POP 1973, 14, no. 19, pl. XI/2).
Libertăţii St. no.  41 – a fragmentary funerary epitaph
was found among the debris of the former Tutsek house
(Uzinelor Chimice block of lats). (BĂRBULESCU 1994,
85–86; RUSSU/MILEA 1964, 20, no. 7, ig. 7).
13. Funerary stela, fragmentarily preserved,
30 × 50 × 16 cm.
Libertăţii St./ B. P. Hasdeu St. (in the yard of the Reformed
church).
14. Funerary lion, fragmentarily preserved, limestone;
130 × 70 × 30 cm; MIT, inv. no. 399.
Decembrie 1918 Square, no. 1.
15. Funerary stela, fragmentarily preserved, limestone,
69  ×  67  ×  17  cm; MIT, inv. no.  2119 (MILEA/FENEŞAN
1966, 267–268, ig. 1; JUDE/POP 1973, 8, no. 3, pl. III/1,
with the indication of the place of discovery «Dealul
Zânelor»; CĂTINAŞ 2011, 92, no.  13: discovered in the
yard of the town hall, according to the inventory register of
the History Museum in Turda).
91
Argeşului St. Régészeti feljegyzések, I/2 kötet, (Kolozsvár 2005).
16. Funerary stela, fragmentarily preserved, limestone, BĂRBULESCU 1987
110 × 100 × 23 cm; MIT, inv. no. 2591 (JUDE/POP 1973, M. BĂRBULESCU, Din istoria militară a Daciei
10, no. 7, pl. V/2). romane. Legiunea V Macedonica şi castrul de la
I. Raţiu St. Potaissa, (Cluj-Napoca 1987).
17. Funerary stela, fragmentarily preserved, limestone; BĂRBULESCU 1992
105 × 90 × 32 cm; MIT, inv. no. 2578 (JUDE/POP 1973, 11, M. BĂRBULESCU, in I. H. Crişan et alii, Repertoriul
pl. VI/3). arheologic al județului Cluj, s. v. Turda (Mihai Băr-
18. Small column with vegetal decoration (vine with bulescu), (Cluj-Napoca 1992), 389–408.
grapes), limestone; h=55  cm, diam. 21  cm; MIT, inv. BĂRBULESCU 1994
no. 2579 (JUDE/POP 1973, 21, no. C1, pl. XX/1) M. BĂRBULESCU, Potaissa. Studiu monograic,
19. Funerary stela, fragmentarily preserved, limestone, (Turda 1994).
discovered in I. Raţiu St. no. 43; 75 × 35 × 19 cm. (RUSSU/ BĂRBULESCU 1995
MILEA 1964, 21, no. 9, ig. 9). M. BĂRBULESCU, La colonisation à Potaissa et ses
Traian St. efets sur le développement de la ville, in Regula Frei-
20. Funerary stela, fragmentarily preserved, limestone; Stolba, H. E. Herzig (ed.), La politique édilitaire dans
19.5  ×  18  ×  9  cm; MIT, inv. no.  72 (JUDE/POP 1973, 11, les provinces de l’Empire romain, IIème –Vème siècle
no. 10, pl. VI/2 après J.-C. Actes du 2e colloque roumano-suisse, Berne,
12–19 septembre 1993, (Berne 1995), 119–130.
BĂRBULESCU 1997
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 1 2 3

Pl. I. 1–2. Drawings of the altar CIL III 7678 (after BAJUSZ 2005, 787, fig. 7/89, 28/135) 3. Drawing
of the small altar with the attestation of colonia Potaissa (after TÉGLÁS 1915, 48, fig. 5)
4. Funerary discoveries belonging to «northern necropolis».

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1

2 3 4

Pl. II. 1. The group of tombs from the Furduluşeni area. 2–4. Inventory of the destroyed tomb (M.1).

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Pl. III. 1. Stratigraphic profile of a cremation tomb (M. 2)

2. Stratigraphic profile of a brick sarcophagus tomb (M.3)

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1

6
7

Pl. IV. 1–6, 8. Vessels from the Furduluşeni funerary area. 7. Glace container.

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 1

Pl. V. 1–7. Vessels from the Furduluşeni funerary area.

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