Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
ARKEOLOJİ DERGİSİ
SAYI: V I - 2 1956
Maarif Vekâleti
Eski Eserler ve Müzeler Umum Müdürlüğü
tarafından neşronulur
Sayfa
D t. Ludwig BU D D E
5
TÜRK ARREOLOJi DERGlSl VI - 2
in der Nähe des Inschriftsteines befind In ihnen wurden wie in jedem der bisher
lichen Serapistempel bezieht, nach R o in Sinope ausgegrabenen antiken Häuser
binson (a. 0. 315) im Bezirk dieses Tem Terrakottafiguren eines Stieres gefun
pels gefunden. Mehrere Terräkottafigu- den, die auf die einheimische Verehrung
ren eines ¡Stieres, die aus dem eines Stiergottes, wohl des Serapis,
Tempelbezirk stammen, kommen als schliessen lassen.
Stütze für die Richtigkeit der vorge
Eine, der Hauptgrabungen der Kam
schlagenen Benennung hinzu.
pagne 1951 war die teilweise Freilegung
An der Ostseite des Tempels stehen
der antiken Nekropole bei der K ib rif
die Fundamente und die erste Steinlage
fabrik. Bei der Anlage dieses
eines älteren kleinen Bauwerks,
unvollendet gebliebenen Gebäudes ist
das vom Hofpflaster des Tempels
leider ein grosser Teil defc Friedhofes
überdeckt worden ist. Seine Bestimmung
zerstört worden. Zu den hierbei gemach
Naikos oder Altar ist ungewiss. Um
ten Funden gehört die Grabplastik eines
einen Altar eines Vorgängers ides freige
Löwen aus dem fünften Jahrhundert
legten Tempels kann e's sich nicht han
sowie die Lehythös mit der
deln, da unsere Grabungen in der Um
Darstellung einer Mänade auf der App-
gebung dieses Bauwerks, zumal in der
like vom Ende des gleichen
Nordsüdrichtung, keine Reste eines
Jahrhunderts. Unsere Gräberfelder A
älteren Tempels zum Vorschein brachte-
und B hatten die Ausmasse von ca 17 zu
Die oberste Lage der Fundament
10 m, bzw. 10 zu 9 m- Es
blöcke des Tempels an der Südseite liegt
handelt sich um insgesamt 92 freigelegte
teilweise einem durch den Bau des
Gräber, die zeitlich vom frühen 6. Jahr
Tempels zerstörten Kieselmosaik auf.
hundert bis in die römische Periode
Zu dem gleichen Niveau gehören
reichen. Die in Olynth durch Robinson
Mauerreste und Teile eines Hofpflasters,
bei der Freilegung der dortigen grie
die durch die Keramik und Schichtefolge
chischen Nekropole gemachten Beoba
in das vierte Jahrhundert datiert sind.
chtungen gelten in allem wesentlichen
Graben B in der Nähe des Nordhafens
auch für die griechische Nekropole in
ergab unterhalb einer hoben Aufschüt
Sinope. Die Mehrzahl aller freigelegten
tung in 2,5 m Tiefe zahlreiche Reste
Gräber waren Erdbestattungen der ver
von Wandmalereien mit plastischen
schiedensten Form. Über die Hälfte
Gesimsen und Kapitalien aud Stuck. Aus
hiervon waren mit Ziegeln aus Terra
einem Bothros dieses Grabens stammt
kotta im Haustyp bedeckt, der
die älteste griechische Keramik der
Rest der Bestattungen erfolgte in Kisten
bisherigen Grabungen in Sinope.
aus Terrakottaplatten oder aus H olz;
Zwei Gräben C und D ver
einige wenige waren mit Terrakotta-
mittelten wichtige Erkenntnisse
platten in flacher Lage bedeckt, ein einzi
über die Ausdehnung des antiken Si
ges Grab hatte eine steinerne Umfrie
nope. Graben C liegt im nördlichen Teil
dung mit einer Stele am Fussende, wie
der Stadt innerhalb der Begrenzungen
der andere Leichen waren ohne festen
durch die Stadtmauern. Die ältesten
Schutz in den Boden gelegt. Brand
Anlagen sind an dieser Stelle hellenis
gräber kommen mit einer einzigen Aus
tisch von der Wende des zweiten zum
nahme nur in der Form von groben
ersten Jahrhundert. Die Häuser des
Amphoren vor. Die Beigaben der Gräber
Grabens D,in der Nähe des Kadinha-
mams, gehören nach Aussage der kera sind von unterschiedlicher Art, Lekythen,
mischen Funde der klassischen Zeit an. Pyxiden, Lampen, Messer, Schmuck,
6
KURZER VORLÄUFIGER ÜBER DIE GRABUNGEN IN SINOPE
7
TÜRK ARKEOLOJİ DERGİSİ VI - 2
8
KURZER VORLÄUFIGER ÜBER DIE GRABUNGEN IN SINOPE
Graben M wurde in einem Terassen- Mosaik lagen die Reste zweier Häuser
garten in der Nähe des Marktplatzes auf hellenistischer Zeit. Etwas jünger
der Südseite der Stadt angelegt. Über ist der mächtige Brandofen in
raschender W eise ergab er nur Häuser der Westecke des Grabens. Die dritte,
byzantinischer, römischer und hellenis klassische Schicht sass un
tischer Zeit. Unter den Häusern folgt mittelbar auf dem gewachsenen Boden
eine mächtige Sandschicht, die in auf. Bis zu ihm reichte auch der Pithos
einer Tiefe von 7,86 m noch der zweiten Schicht herab. Die
nicht zu Ende ging. Die Grabung lehrte kesselförmigen Gebilde des ge
deutlich, dass der schmale Teil der wachsenen Bodens sind die gleichen,
niedrigen Halbinsel ursprünglich unter die sich zahlreich unter dem Meeres
dem Meer gelegen hat. spiegel an der Nordseite befinden und
Nicht weit von Graben M entfernt bereits im Altertum als Charakteris
wurde auf ebenerem Terrain neben dem tikum Sinopes erwähnt werden. Auch
Hamam Graben L angelegt. Nach hier ergab sich der Beweis, dass die
Wegnahme kleinerer byzantinischer Halbinsel aus dem Meere sich erhöben
Mauerreste wurde in einer Tiefe von 6 hat.
m Teile eines römischen Hauses mit dem Von den reichen Beigaben dieses
breiten Eingang auf der Südseite freige Grabens sind die und eine grosse zahl
legt. Die Arbeiten wurden in tieferen Terrakottamasken des S'erapis, die u.a. in
Lagen sehr erschwert durch das Grund dem Herd gebrannt zu sein scheinen,
wasser, doch konnten ältere Maurteile hellenistischer Lampen hervorsuheln.
nicht festgestellt werden. Der Ring kam unter der hellenistischen
Das Gleiche gilt für Graben N im Schicht zutage.
südlichen Ostteil der Stadt. Hier Kleinere Nachuntersuchungen im
liegen unter dem römischen Boden Tempelbezirk brachten in einem Graben
sämtliche weiteren Schichten im Grund nordwestlich des Tempels die beiden
wasser, das bei Ausschöpfungsversuchen prachtvollen römischen Marmorbildnisse
stets nachströmt. Die hellenistische frühaugusteischer Zeit ans Tageslicht,
Mauer aus langen Quadern im Nordteil republikanischer bzw. Von denen das
des Grabens muss zu einem monumenta männerbildnis als gesandere künstleriche
len Bau gehört haben. Leidung hervorragt.
In der Kampagne 1953 gelang es Ein wichtiges Ergebnis der Kam
auch endlich, einen Graben O im Innen pagne 1953 stellte schliesslich die
hof der Hauptcami anzulegen. Dieser Freilegung der ersten drei Schichten
Platz ist seit dem 13. Jahrhundert n. des Kocagözhüyük, im Vorlan
Chr. nicht mehr gestört worden. Unmit de Sinopes, etwa 16 km von der Stadt
telbar unter dem byzantinischen Niveau, entfernt bei dem Demirciköy gelegen,
zu dem der Brunnen im Nordteil gehört dar. Der ca. 60 m lange und 50 m breite
kam die spätrömische Schicht mit Rester Hüyük ist das Anhängsel eines langge
von zwei Mosaiken zutage, von denen zogenen Hügels, der nach dem Meere
das figürliche Mittelfeld des 'einen zum zu, zu einer Hochebene verbreitet, sanft
grossen Teil zerstört ist. Die bis auf abfällt. Im Gegensatz zu den meisten
den gewachsenen Boden herabrei bisher bekannt gewordenen Hüyüks ist
chende Mauer der Westseite ist die Aus der Kocagözhüyük seit der Bronzezeit
senmauer eines weiteren Gebäudes dieser nicht mehr besiedelt worden, sodass die
Zeit, dessen Innenwand mit Stuck belegt Kulturen unmittelbar mit der Ober
ist. In der zweiten Schicht unter dem fläche beginnen. Von den beiden Gräben
9
TÜRK ARKEOLOJl DERGlSl VI - 2
D. Talbot RICE
Excavations on a portion of the site was to throw more light on the nature
of the Great Palace had heen carried and identity of the building to which
out on behalf of the Walker Trust the mosaics belonged: a tentaive iden
during four seasons before the war, when tification of the peristyle court and its
a large peristyle court and an extremely mosaics with a structure known as the
fine mosaic pavement had been discove Heliakon of the Pharos had been made
red. A report on the work was published in the first report on the excavations (1).
in 1947- The mosaics were covered over
The mosaic floor disclosed in the
temporarily in 1939. W ork was resumed
earlier work had originally formed the
in 1952, under the direction of the writer
floor of the colonnades of a great peri
of this article. They were carried on a
style court. Mosaics were well preserved
more extensive scale in 1953, partly un
on the north-eastern side; the south
der his direction, and partly under that
eastern side had not been examined; mo
of Mr. J. B. Ward Perkins, Director
saics on the other two sides were frag
of the British School at Rome. That
mentary. In 1952 practically the whole
season, in addition to work on the
o f the northeastern side (PI. 1-, A,
original site, a full examina
A 1 and A 3) was roofed over. Frang-
tion of the building known
mentary mosaics from other sites (A. 6
as “ The House of Justinian” was also
and F) were lifted, and were installed
undertaken, and an architectural study
in the arcades o f a bazaar-like street,
of the area was made by Mr. G. U. S.
the Arasta Sokak, which ran across the
Corbett, Librarian of the British School
site- The mosaics are thus now ade
at Rome. W ork on the main site was
quately preserved, and they can also be
carried on in 1954. A detailed publica
seen in a satisfactory manner. Indeed,
tion o f the work done will be issued in
the site is now virtually a “ mosaic mu
1957. In the meantime this preliminary
seum” , and as such has been opened to
notice is offered, at the invitation of the
the public as a separate section of the
Director of the Department of Antiqui
Museum of Antiquities of Istanbul (2)
ties at Ankara.
11
TÜRK ARKEOLOJİ DERGİSİ VI - 2
W ith the safety of the mosaics blue and green tesserae are used. This
assured, work in connection with our great head is something well nigh unique
more truly archaeological aims could in late antique art, and from the artistic
proceed, and trenches intended to in as well as the technical point o f view,
vestigate further the extent of the mo it is one o f the finest examples of early
saic floor were dig in three places, na mosaic that have come down to us. Cubes
mely along the Whole south-eastern o f blue and green glass are used with
side o f the court (PI. 1, K, C), at the very subtle effect beside those o f co
south-eastern extremity o f the north - loured marbles in the scroll, in 'the face,
east side, under the street known as the and, more especially, in the animals and
Torun Sokak (PI. 1, T ), and under a birds which appear amidst the foliage.
wall o f the Arasta Sokak, along the in The man who executed it was a real
ner margin o f the mosaic (PI. 1, A, A 1) master, and the work here is of finer
A large trench in the first area disclosed quality than much of that in the main
the inner and outer retaining walls of area o f the floor itself.
the peristyle court, hut unfortunately The mosaics found below the To-
no mosaics whatsoever remained- Under run Sokak, like those previously dis
the Torun Sokak, however, they proved covered in area A, are arranged in three
to be well preserved, and an area some parallel registers, and show a number
seven by six metres was unearthed. At the of separate compositions. These include,
side of site A,A l,a considerable portion nearest the inner border, a man leading
of the border, averaging about 1 metre a camel, with two boys on its back. One
in width, and extending over a length of the boys holds a bird before him (PI.
of some six metres, was also laid bare. 3). In the middle register is shown a
Mosaics from both these areas were lif mounted hunter with a spear, who is
ted in 1953 and 1954. chasing two deer. In front of them is a
Although it was disappointing to tree, which extends into the register
find nothing on the extensive south above. Beyond it is a bear, devouring a
east side of the peristyle, the good state small animal, probably a lamb. Behind
o f preservetiion and the finiteresting cha the rider is a tree, and behind again a
racter of the compositions found in the tower-like water fountain, of a type si
other two areas to some extent compen milar to those appearing in Pompeiian
sated for this. The section o f border in paintings. On the uppermost register
area A, A 1 was particularly interesting, is a mule, which car.ried a bundle o f
for it was composed not only of scrolls, sticks on either side as well as a rider.
inhabited by animals and birds of a very But the rider is being kicked off, and is
lively character, but also by a great seen upside down behind. The mule has
human head (PI. 2). In position this a very wicked look in its eye, and this is
head corresponds to the bearded heads one of the very few examples o f humour
of Oceanus previously found as parts that appear in the art of the period. The
o f the border, but its nature was more mosaics were overlaid iby a layer of very
interesting, for it represented a mous hard cement, over which a later pave
tached figure, which would seem almost ment of marble had been laid. This
to be a portrait of some barbarian chief cement was harder than the setting bed,
tain, done from the life. The hair, so that the cleaning of the mosaics
however, is conventionalised, and ming was very difficult.
les with the scroll, and the colouring W ith the objective o f furnishing
of the moustache is not naturalistic, for a more sure dating for the mosaics two
12
W . TRUST E X C A V A TIO N S ON THE SITE OF TH E GREÀT PALACE
excavations were undertaken below that the brick stamps suggest the fifth
their setting bed. This was made possible century. From this it may be argued that
by the fact that they in places were though the date originally proposed for
lifted and removed. The more extensive the mosaic, that lis, between 410 and
of these excavations was on site F (See 420, is not precluded, a rather later one
PI. 1). The excavations disclosed the would seem perhaps more probable. In
fact that an earlier building, apparently the “ notitia urbis” it is recorded
a bath, had been destroyed in order to that there were originally several
permit the construction o f the peristyle private houses in this part o f Constan
court. Its walls and floor had been cut tinople (1). It seems probable that the
through for the foundations of the ou “ bath” building was part of one of these,
ter sustaining wall of the peristyle, and and that it was destroyed, with other
its walls had, over the rest of its area, similar private builgings, when the Pa
been levelled o ff to permit the laying lace of the Emperors was enlarged.
of the mosaic floor rather more than a
A second excavation o f similar type
metre above it (PI. 4). Some fragments
was undertaken on site A 4 (PI. 1) whe-
o f unglazed pottery lamps, which bore
the cross as the main theme o f their re a deep trench was dug right down to
virgin soil, which iis here a heavy yellow
decoration, were unearthed at the very
base of the outer wall o f this building. clay. This trench was dug entirely
through filling, whidh had been brought
Its walls were constructed o f bricks
from elsewhere at a number of different
34X34X5 cm. in size. A number were
periods. Numerous very small frag
extracted, and rather more than half o f
ments of pottery were found in this
these bore stamps. Some of these stamps
filling, of Roman, Hellenistic and fifth
were single lined, and contained the na
century Greek date. The stratification
me I'AIOC or rA IO Y others contained
served to prove that the curious stone
the same name, but shown in the form
of a cruciform monogram (pi. 5). It has arch below mosaic level which had been
so far proved impossible to find any noted in the “ First Report” was actually
a later insertion, put in to strengthen
stamps exactly comparable to these.
the structure after the mosaic floor had
The name FAEIOC or TAEIOY appears
fallen into disuse.
on a number o f stamps o f sixth century
date (1). but these are mostly two line, The most extensive part o f the ex
rather than single line stamps; or, When cavation, however, was that undertaken
in the form o f a monogram, have the in the exercise ground of the Aygır De
letter Past the right hand side instead posu, to the soutreast of the peristyle
of at the top. In general they would seem (2). W ork here was undertaken with
to be later than the stamps found in the primary objective of identifying the
our “bath” building. Further study of site. Two groups of substructures were
this material may permit mote exact alr eady known in this area (See PI. 1);
conclusions. At the moment, however, they had been planned by Mamboury and
all that can be said is that the pottery Wiegand, and termed respectively D b and
fragments suggest, though they do not
absolutely prove, a date after 330, and
(1 ) . Seeck, 230.
(1). I have to thank .the late M. E. Marn- (2 ) . I take this opportunity of thanking
boury for bringing this stamp to my notice. the Director o f the A ygir Deposu foir per
It ocurred in .situ in the Magnaura palace mission to dig and for numerus faiciliities
as well as In other sixth century buildings. accorded.
13
TÜRK ARKEOLOJİ DERGİSİ VI - 2
D c. (1). Our excavations were conduc is shown at the back o f Plate 8. The
ted in the unearthed area between them. semi-iarch at the side o f d't belongs to yet
Substructures of a very massive another period o f reconstruction, which
character were discovered in this area, was done partly in the same massive
and they serve to prove that the site was blocks — they must have been reused —
occupied by buildings o f very conside and partly in brick. This period of
rable size and limportance, ait an early reconstruction probably coincided with
date. At least five distinct building the erection of a number of piers, walls
periods are represented. The earliest and vaults in brick, inside the great
work was executed in friable greenstone stone walled structure. These brick
of a very distinctive character. The structures appear in the fore part o f Plate
same stone was found in the rear wall, 8, and are shown again in Plate 9; a
at the opposite end o f the peristyle court- further portion of the great stone wall
This greenstone was used for a vaulted is visible here behind the bricwork
substructure, which was subsequently at the centre o f the picture. The object
ruined, and then repaired in brick and of all these brick walls and vaults must
concrete. There followed a second and have been to hold up the floor of the
more thorough collapse, which must have building above, and this floor was at
involved all the vaults, and much of much the same level as the mosaic pave
what remained of them was then re ment of the peristyle court- The two
moved to make way for an entirely new must have been associated one with the
structure from the ground upwards. other. Indeed, the plan that results (PI.
This new building was in large lime 7) is one quite usual in late Roman and
stone blocks, and its wails were extremel; early Byzantine times; it is an apsed
thick and massive. It seems to have building with a peristyle court or at
terminated towards the sea in a great rium in front of it. A throne room or a
apse (PI. 6). One of the side walls of the church would be equally possible, but
structure was traced frcm the apse in the comparatively small size of the apsed
the landward direction as far as the ou building and the essentially secular
ter wall of the peristyle where it formed character of the mosaics o f the peristyle
a corner. Only a section of the corres suggest that the former is a more pro
ponding wall on the opposite side could bable idendification.
be examined, but it was possible to The brickwork shown on Plate 9 is
reconstruct the plan of the building on not all of the same period, for in places
the basis of what look found. Between repairs and minor additions can be dis
these side walls there were two trans tinguished. The last of these is probably
verse walls, both pierced by arches. to be assigned to the tenth century. By
That furthest from the sea corresponded the twelfth century the building had
with the outer wall of the peristyle, fallen into disuse, for it was already
though because of the slope of the being used as a dump for rubbish, in
ground its foundation was at a which numerous fragments of glazed
lower level. The other transverse wall, pottery were found. These are quite
which was pierced by three openings, easily datable.
stood about half way between the peri
In addition to the brick recons-
style and the apse (See plan, PI. 7). One
trucions inside the great stone walls, a
of the openings in this transverse wall
further important addition was made
(1) Die Kaiserpalate von Konstanti-
on the outside. It is shown in Plate 10,
nopel. Berlin, 1934. where the great stone wall appears at
W . TRUST E X C A V A TIO N S ON TH E SITE OF TH E GREAT PALACE
the (back o f the picture and the addition, Though these suggestion's are for the
in alternating brick and stone courses, moment purely tentative, it is possible
on the left. Actually nine course o f to draw a few definite conclusions from
brick alternate with one of large stone them. Firstly, the identification of
blocks. This is the structure associated Mambory D c. as the church of St Elias,
with the Pharos in the First Report. The which was proposed in the First Report,
work is in a technique usually associated must definitely 'be discarded, for there
with the sixth or seventh century. It is are no Byzantine foundations here
probably slightly earlier in date than which can be associated with a church of
the building on the opposite side o f the any sort. Secondly, it seems most un
great stone structure, surveyed by likely, on account o f its form and charac
Mamboury and W iegand as building ter, that the brick and stone structure
D b. adjoining this is to be identified as the
Pharos. Thirdly, our main edifice would
A tentative chronology o f the buil
seem to take the form of a massive apsed
ding periods may be suggested as
building, standing up on the side towards
fo llo w s:
the sea in a most imposing manner,
(1 ) . W ork in greenstone. Perhaps and having, on the landward side, a great
to be associated with private dwellings peristyle court in front o f it. In the final
on the site (see above). IV century, or report on the excavations, which we hope
before. to issu 1957, an attempt will be made
to identify this in the light of the evi
(2 ) . Repairs to above, in brick and
dence afforded by the texts relating to
concrete. IV century.
the Great Palace.
(3 ) . Construction o f the main sub In addition to the work undertaken
structures in great stone blocks. This on the main site, a thorough examina
is probably contemporary with the tion, accompanied by excavation, was gi
peristyle and the mosaic pavement. V ven to the structure knovn as the House
century. of Justinian. Excavations showed that
the original sea wall must have stood
(4 ) . Construction o f the building
some 4.60 metres behind the present
outside 'this, identified as the Pharos in
one. At a subsequent date an outer wall
the first report- V I or V II century.
was built in front of it, and at the same
(5 ) . Modifications to the great stone
time further concrete structures were
structure, reusing some o f the stone added between the two. The platform on
blocks and also brick. V I or V II cen which the building known as the House of
tury. Justinian stands is in reality made up of
(6 ) . Extensive reconstruction in these three walls. The original sea wall,
side .the great stone structure in brick. which was little more than a metre
Perhaps V II century. wide, was however, at some time or
(7 ) . Minor modifications in brick. another removed in greater part, leaving
Perhaps X century. what appears !to be a trench between the
new outer wall and the new inner struc
(8 ) . Desertion of the building. X ture.
II Both of these are of hard concrete,
century. arid the impression of the original wall,
(9 ) . Erection o f the square building
where it had been removed, remains,
published by Mamboury and Wiegand as if photographed upon the concrete.
as D c. X V century. The structure above, the so called House
I'URK ARKEOLOJi DERGiSI VI - 2
o f Justinan, is also of two periods, both in part destroyed, and surviving only
later than the construction o f the second as a negative impression on the later
or outer sea wall. The marble window concrete, should be assigned to the The-
jambs and other architectural features all odosian age. The structures above, the
represent material reused from some so called House o f Justinian, must be
other building. Archaeological evidence later than the seventh century. The ear
proves that the second or outer sea wall lier work might perhaps be o f the eighth,
is post Justinianic; it may tentatively the later is more probably tenth. There
be assigned to the seventh century. is no evidence to suggest that any part
Comparisons with masonry elsewhere of this structure has any connection
suggest that the original sea wall, now with Justinian.
1953 EYLÜ LÜ N D E G Ö LEN YED E (M A R M A R İS ) Y A P IL A N
A R A ŞT IR M A
George BE A N - Aşkıdil A K A R C A
17
F. 2
TÜRK ARKEOLOJİ DERGİSİ VI - 2
denize doğru uzanan bir köy ile muasır dır. Şimal bölümün uzunluğu 30.20 m.,
dı. genişliği 6.60 m. olup batısında 3.25 m.
2) Alâkamızı bundan sonra ovanın mesafede 7.40 m. kutrundaki yuvarlak
şimalbatısında Örenardı denen mevki bir yapının 0.70 m. kalınlıkta olan du
çekti. Burada arazinin, dağın eteğine varı başlamaktadır. Her iki bölümün
doğru hafifçe meyillendiği yerde, sağ içinde birer yarma açtık; zemin şimal
lam bir temel üzerine oturan büyük bir bölümünde mermerle, cenup bölümünde
set duvarının kalıntısı vardır (Res. 3). ise mahallî olarak “halat taşı” denen
Duvarın en alt sırası ile temellerin antik yumuşak, sarımsı bir taşla döşenmiştir.
olduğundan şüphe yoktur. Duvar işçiliği Döşemelerin altında daha eski bina izine
ve temellerde meydana çıkan çanak çöm rastlamadık. Şimal bölümünde ihtimal bir
lek kırıkları esas inşaatın Roma İmpara sütun başlığına ait, tezyinatlı ve yazılı
torluk çağına ait olduğu kanaatini ve bir parça bulundu (Res. 5). Konveks olan
riyor. Duvarın üst kısmı ise yıkılan an yüzlerin birinde beyzi bir çerçeve içinde
tik duvarın malzemesinden harçlı olarak 21-30 mm. yüksekliğinde harflerle yazıl
yeniden inşa edilmiştir. Bu duvarın mış kırık bir kitabe ile köşede bir defne
desteklediği düzlükte büyük bloklardan dalı vardır.
yapılmış bir takım duvar izleri görünü
Zu>m|x { o ;}
yordu; fakat meydana çıkarılınca kötü
{p }
bir işçilik gösterdikleri, ve toprak üze
Nİ] [tT]}
rine öylece konmuş oldukları görüldü-
Bu iç duvarlar, daha sonraki bir tarih Bu tamamlama şekli doğru ise, kili
te, antik bloklar yettiği kadar kullanıl senin “ Dümena’ya kutsal olduğu ve sü
mak ve geri kalan kısmı gayrimuntazam tun başlığının bu Dümena’ya ¡ithaf edil
bloklarla tamamlanmak suretiyle inşa diği anlaşılmaktadır. Fakat bu tamamla
edilmiştir. Örenardmda kabaca yontul ma çerçevenin içindeki boş sahayı müte
muş dar bir eşik taşı ile yukarıda bah nasip bir şekilde dolduramıyacak kadar
sedilen gruba dahil, yivli büyük bir blok kısa göründüğü için, yukardaki tamam
tan başka, ne bir mimari parça, ne de R o lamanın şüpheli olduğunu kabul etmek
ma çağından önceye tarihlenebilen çanak lâzımdır.
çömlek kırığı bulundu. Yine burada da
Yukarıda bahsedilen büyük mimar
vaziyetin uygunluğuna rağmen, şeddin
üzerinde bir mabedin mevcudiyetini lık bloklarından bir kaç misa'le Kumlu
gösteren hakikî bir delil yoktur. ören cik ’te de rastladık.
18
1953 EYLÜLÜNDE GÜLEN YEDE (MARMARİS) YAPILAN ARAŞTIRMA
19
TEST EXCAVATIONS AT G 6L E N Y E (M A R M A R tS ), 1953
George B E A N - A§kidil A K A R C A
with a village whose ruins extend all larger than that at Bakicak; ancient
along the foot of the hills from Bakicak I bloc'ks have been used in its construction,
to the sea. and also column - capitals (Fig. 4) and
2) fragments of balustrades and thin slabs
W e next turned our attention to
a spot called Örenardı, in the north o f marble veneer deriving from an ear
west corner o f the plain. Here, lier Byzantine church o f the sixth cen
a little above the plain, where the tury. The church now standing seems to
ground slopes gently up to the foot of have comprised two main naves, each
the mountain, are the remains of a with an apse at the east end; between
massive terrace - wall, shown in Fig. and joining them is a narrow aisle, and
3. The wall rests on a solid foundation, a similar aisle adjoins the northern
well constructed; this, and the lowest nave on the north. The northern nave
course of the wall itself, are undoubtedly measures 30.20 m. by 6.60 m-; outside
ancient. From the style, and from the it on the west, at a distance of 3.25 m.,
sherds unearthed beside the foundation, is the wall, 0 70 m. thick, of a round
we should judge it to be of Homan date. structure 7.40 m. in diameter. W e sank
The part of the wall was evidently put a trench across both naves; the floor o f
together later from the blocks of the the northern is of marble; that o f the
collapsed ancient w all; much lime - southern of a soft milkstone. Below the
mortar was used in the process. On the floors we found no trace of any earlier
level ground supported by this wall, building. In the northern nave we un
several other walls apparently cons earthed a fragment of an ornamental
tructed of a large blocks were visible block, apparently a capital, shown in
protuding above the earth; but the ex Fig. 5. The angle between the faces
cavation of these showed them to be in is decorated with a laurel-branch; the
every case of very poor quality, and to faces are convex, and on one of them,
rest merely on the earth. A ll these in inside an oval panel with double rim,
terior walls, were evidently built at a is an incomplete inscription in letters
late date, the blocks of the ancient wall 2 1 - 3 0 mm. hingh.
being used so long as the supply lasted, Zuiatu
after which they were completed with
K v/5e [ o j
irregular rubble blocks. Below them we
Nr) ftr)}
found nothing but virgin soil. Apart
from a narrow threshold - block, only If this restoration is correct, it is to
roughly squared, and a large grooved be inferred that the church was sacred
architectural block belonging to the to “ the Pilot” , to whom the capital is
group mentioned above, we found no dedicated by a certain Zosimus- It seems,
architectural material whatever, nor any however, that the restoration is insuffi
sherds earlier than the Roman period. cient to fill the available space symmet
Here again, despite the very suitable rically, and it must be considered uncer
situation, there is no real evidence to tain.
suggest that a temple stood on this
terrace. Learning that similar large grooved
3) The third point to which we di architectural blocks were to be seen
rected our attention is at Kumlu ö re n at a spot called Dereyiizii about two
cik in the north - east corner of the hours south - west of Golenye, we paid
plain, close to the shore. Here are the a visit to this place also. At the south
ruins of a Byzantine church considerably end of a small plain, 500 m. above the
21
TÜRK ARKEOLOJİ DERGİSİ VI - 2
22
KARATEPE RESTO RASYO N Ç A L IŞM A L A R I (1952 — 1953)
23
TÜRK ARKEOLOJİ DERGİSİ VI - 2
orijinal halinde. Zarar, ancak eserlerin mur ve güneşin zıt tesirleri olmuştur.
yüz satıhlarının yer yer kavlayıp dökül Karatepe’de güneş, gündüzleri yakıcı-,
müş olmasından ve bazı irili ufaklı çat dır. Hararet güneşte 65 dereceyi bulur,
laklardan ibaret. Buna karşılık sol yan ve bu ateş altında eserler, üzerlerine elle
oda, hemen hemen bomboş. Hattâ bir kı dokunulamıyacak kadar kızarlar, ve ar
sım kaide taşları bile yerlerinde değil. kasından ekseri zamanlar, bol, şiddetli
Atıcak, o da kısmen noksan bir hitit hi öğle sonu yağmurları gelir. Kaba, yan
yeroglif steli, yarım bir kuş avı sahnesi mış, ve ¡kurumuş bazalt, yağmur sularını
ve bir de muazzam bir sfenksin, pek ha içer. Geceleri de çokçası 15° C’a kadar
rap vaziyette dörtte bir kısmı ayakta düşen soğuklar olur. Ertesi günü yine sı
kalabilmiş. caklar... ve böylece, çatlaklar ve kavla
B E LİREN Â C lL P R O B L E M L E R : malar arasına sızıp dolan sular, hızla bu
Kazı sırasında açığa çıkarılan eser harlaşıp genişler ve bu tahripkâr seyir
lerin mevcut haileni, ilk günlerde, ol sürer gider. Ayrıca Karatepe kabartma
dukça iyi bir durumda ve dayanıklı gibi ve yazıtları, aynı cinsten kaide taşları
gözüküyordu. Fakat en kısa bir zaman üstüne, kaide taşları da moloz taşlardan
da bu durum süratle değişmiye başladı- yapılma bir zemine oturtulmuşlar, eser
Kazıdan önce, zamanında yıkılmış ya ler sıkletinin zemine, düzenli ve ayrı ay
pıların kerpiç döküntüleri, moloz ve rı her noktaya müsavi, yeknasak yayı
taş, toprak altında, az çok mütecanis, mını temin maksadile, kaide taşları ile
koruyucu bir muhit ve vasat içinde, âde moloz zemin arasına yekpare ağaç hatıl
ta kalıplanmış halde bozulmadan maîı- lar yerleştirilmiştir. Hatılların zamanla
fuz kalabilen, fakat kazı sonunda, birden çürümüş oluşu ve moloz zeminde yer yer
açığa çıkıverip te, soğuk-sıcak, yağmur- meydana gelen çöküntüler neticesi, za
güneş gibi değişik, zıt hava tesirleri ile ten az çok bozulmuş bulunan o muazzam
yüzyüze kalınca, kendi günlerinde esa ağırlıktaki üst kitleler müvazenesi, ka
sen geniş ölçüde yangın ve çeşitli tah zı sonunda, eserlerin daha evvel önden
ripler görmüş ve üzerlerinden gelip ge ve arkadan dayanmakta oldukları sıkı
çen uzun asırlar boyunca, her geçen gün toprak destek te ortadan kalkıverince,
daha da yıpranmış bulunan eserler, üs- bütün bütüne bozulmuş, eserlerin yekdi
telik, kaba, bol damarlı ve gayri müte ğerlerine yaptıkları karşılıklı yan taz
canis dokulu bir bazalt cinsinden yapıl yiklerin de tesirile, bazı eserler kuv
mış oluşlarının da tesiriyle kısa zamanda vetle öne, bir kısmı da yanlara meylet
ve gittikçe hızlanan bir bozulup dağıl mek suretile tehlikeli bir duruma gir
ma seyrine kapılmışlardır. Her çalışma meye başlamışlardır.
mevsimi baş ve sonlarında, eserler üzerin Bu vaziyet karşısında Karatepe’de,
de yapılan dikkatli incelemeler, mevcut her şeyden önce, vakit geçirilmeden,
çatlakların bir yıl evvelisine kıyasla da hiç değilse mevcutların idame ve muha
ha da genişleyip açıldıklarını, satıh kav* fazaları vazifesiyle yüzyüze bulunulu
lamalarının her geçen gün biraz daha yordu.
çoğalıp, daha da tehlikeli olmıya yüz "Her hafriyat bir tahribattır” sözü bir
tuttuklarını, üstelik çoklukla damarlar hakikattir. Bir hafriyat sırasında, mak
istikametinde, en zayıf mukavemet hat satsız, düşünülüp hesaplanmadan bir taş
ları boyunca yeni yeni çatlaklar belirmi" bile kaldırmak, sonunda, alınacak neti
ye başladığını, satıh kavlamalarının ce üzerinde şu veya bu şekilde geniş öl
da yer yer düşüp dağılmakta olduklarını çüde tesirli olur ve üstüste gelen bir
açığa vurmuştur. Bu seyirde, en önemli yanlışlar topluluğu, bir hafriyatı, so
tahrip âmili şüphesiz, soğuk - sıcak, yağ nunda bir tahribata çevirebilir. Bu ba-
KARATEPE RESTORASYON ÇALIŞMALARI (1952 — 1953)
kundaiı her hafriyat, onu yapan ve yap le “ teşhir” icap ve imkânlariyle alâkalı
tıranları, zincirleme bir mesuliyet yükü olmak gerektir. Yani bu bakımdan mak
altına sokar. Bu hakikat, Karatepe misa sat, onların, kabil olduğu kadar, en ge
linde, az çok değişik bir mânada, kendi niş ziyaretçi ve ilgili topluluklarınca
ni bir kere daha belli eder olmıya baş gezilip görülebilmelerdnin sağlanması
lamıştı : şöyle ki, eğer eserler, şu veya dır. Buna göre, yerli yerlerinde bırakıl
bu şekilde hemen kurtarılamıyacaklarsa, maları veya en yakın herhangi mahallî
onları, çıkarıldıkları gibi, tekrar toprağa bir müzeye nakillerinden çok ; yol, vası
iade etmek ve yarın kendilerini yeni ta, barınma şart ve imkânları bakımın
baştan oradan çıkarıp, aynı zamanda kur dan en elverişli büyük şehirlerin merke
tarabilecek daha müsait şart ve imkân zî müzelerinde toplanmaları fikir ve te
lara sahip nesilleri beklemek üzerp -
mayülü, esasında, hep bu teşhir icabına
derlerine terketmek, belki de en doğru
dayanır. Ayrıca, bu gibi yerlerde idame
su olurdu. Filhakika iş, kazıp deşmekle,
ve bakım şartları da diğer herhangi bir
toprakaltı tarihî hâzineleri sadece mey
yerde olabileceğinden daha elverişli
dana çıkarmakla bitmiş sayılmaz, asıl
bulunacaktır ki, bu da tabiî aynı te
dâva onların muhafaza ve idameleri şart
mayülü destekler mahiyettedir. Ancak
ve imkânlarını, hem de zamanında sağlı-
“ teşhir” , bu mevzuda, oldukça ağır ba
yaibilmektir. Bilhassa Karatepe ve emsa
san ve zaman zaman da yerinde olan kü-
li gibi, birer âbide vasfı taşıyan ender
çümsenemiyecek bir unsur olmakla be
misallerde en ehemmiyetli amelî prob
raber, işin sadece tek cephesidir. Unu-
lemler, asıl kazıdan sonra başlamak ica-
tulumamalıdır ki, arkeolojik veriler, ek
beder.
seri hallerde, asıl yerleri, öz muhitleri,
Muhafaza ve idame işi yapılmadık
mimarlık kalıntıları, kabartma ve yazıt
ça, ayrıca önem ve sayıları hemen he
ları ve nihayet toptan yapılış maksat,
men mevcutlara yakın olan, şekil ve şart ve icapları içinde bir bütündürler.
muhtevaları, ancak kırık dökük binlerle Estetik vasıfları ne olursa olsun, tek
parçanın birleştirilip yapıştırılmaları tek parçaların, malı oldukları topluluk
yolu ile kavranabilecek olan eserler res lardan koparılıp, şu veya bu müzeye na
tore edilmedikçe, ilim ve müzecilik ba killeri ve oralarda, değişik, yabancı, ano
kımından kaybedilmişler demektir. nim bir hava içinde teşhirleri, taşıya-
Mevcutlar neşredilmekle, ilim için ka geldikleni asıl mâna ve kıymetlerinden
zanılmış sayılsalar bile, bu, hem nok çok şeyler kaybettirecektir. Bu itibar
san ve sakat bir iş olur, hem de, asır la, şu veya bu mimarî bir kompleks için
lardan devralınagelen tarihe maîolmuş de yer alıp ta, belirli mimarî mâna ve
kıymet ve servetlerin, eskiden oldukla fonksiyonları olan bâr eserler toplulu
rı gibi, hattâ daha da mükemmelleştiril ğu, zaruret halinde nakilleri bile icabet
miş halde gelecek nesillere intikal etti- se, yeni yerlerinde, eskiden oldukları
rilebilmelerd vazife ve mesuliyeti, kazı şekilde, aynı şart ve icaplara uygun ola
yı yapan ve yaptıran nesile düşer. rak, — seyirciye göre — aynı irtifa ve
aynı seviye farklariyle düzenlenemiye-
M U H A FA ZA - İD AM E P R O B L E M İ: ceklerse, “teşhir” den kastolunan maksat
geniş ölçüde kıymetinden kaybedecek
Muhafaza ve idame denilince akla tir. Yine bu cümleden olarak, bir komp
ilk gelen soru, şüphesiz, “ nerede?” soru leks içinde zamanında var olup ta, sonra
su olacaktır: bir müzede mi, yerli yerin dan kırılıp dökülmüş olanların da, im
de mi? Arkeolojik eserler mevzuunda kân elverdiği nisbette derlenip toplan
bu sorunun cevabı, ilk nazarda tabiati- maları (restorasyon), asıl bütün içine
TÜRK ARKEOLOJİ DERGİSİ VI - 2
rasyon Enstitüsü ile işbirliği halinde letilmiş (5), ayrıca Vekâletçe Kaıate-
restorasyon faaliyetine geçilmiştir. pe’ye davet olunan Roma Merkezî Res
torasyon Enstitüsü Direktörü Prof.
Yakın alâka ve yardımlarile resto
Brandi’nin de iştirakiyle çalışmalar,
rasyon çalışmalarını mümkün kılan Ma
esaslı ve devamlı bir şekil ve plâna bağ
arif Vekili TeVfi'k ileri, Müsteşar Reşat
lanmıştır.
Tardu, Seyhan Milletvekili Dr. Sedat
Bu esaslar dahilinde yürütülen 1952
Barı, Eski Eserler ve Müzeler Umum
ve 1953 yılları çalışmalarından alman
Müdürü Dr. Cahit Kınay, Şube Müdür
toplu neticeler kısaca şöyledir:
leri Necati Dolunay ve Saim Ülgen, Türk
RE ST O R A SY O N :
Tarih Kurumu ve İstanbul Üniversitesi
1 — Binlerce kırık heykel ve yazıt
Edebiyat Fakültesi, İstanbul Arkeoloji
parçasından (Lev. X, 1) çoğu birleştiri
Müzeleri Müdürü Aziz Oğan ve Müze
lip ayıklanmak suretile restorasyonun en
elemanları, Adana Valisi Ahmet Kınık,
güç kısmı kolaylanmış, böylelikle noksan
başta Mehmet Yaylalı olmak üzere Ada
olan 9 aslan ve sfenksten (biri baştan ba
na Müzesi mensupları, Kadirli Kayma
şa hitit hiyeroglif yazıtlı olmak üzere) 3
kamı Kemal Küşüktepepınar, Jd. Yb.
aslan ve bir sfenks tama yakın halde
Mahmut Paksoy ve bize her hususta bü
birleştirilmiş, geni kalan 5 i ana hatla
yük kolaylıklar gösteren Kadirli halkına
riyle meydana çıkarılmış, ayrıca bir as
teşekkür borcumuzdur.
lan ve bir sfenks te (Lev. X II, 8-9) he
1952 VE 1953 Ç A L IŞM A LA R I VE men hemen tam olarak yaptırılmıştır.
N E T İC E L E R İ: 2 — 30 a yakın yeni kabartmanın
birleştirme işi, ya kısmen, ya da tama
İlk tecrübe ve hazırlık mahiyetinde
men bitirilmiştir (Lev. X II, 6-7).
olan 1952 yılı çalışmaları, maddî imkân
3 — Aşağı kazı sahasının tamamile
ların ve buna bağlı olarak bu işe ayrıla
boş olan sol yan odasına ait 8 yeni kabart
bilen zamanın gayetle mahdut bulunma madan 6 sı tam halde (Lev. X III, 10-13),
sına, ayrıca restorasyon ekibi kadrosu diğer ikisi ve ayrıca aynı odaya ait bir
nun da dar olmasına rağmen (4), her tür aslan ve bir sfenks te büyük ölçüde ya
lü tahmin ve tasavvurlar üstünde başa pıştırılmak suretile bu odanın yeniden
rılı olabilmiş, ve bu devrede 20 ye yakın doldurulması imkânı sağlanmıştır.
yeni kabartmanın, ya tama yakın, ya da 4 — Aynı odanın harap vaziyette bu
ana hatlariyle meydana çıkarılmasını lunan kaide taşları restore edilmiş, ve
sağlamıştır. Ancak bu devreden edinilen çökmüş haldeki moloz taş temeller baş
tecrübeler, mümkün mertebe daha uzun tan başa 0,60X0,30 m. lik beton temelle
sağlamlaştırılmıştır.
süreli faaliyetlerin, gerek verim, gerek
5 — Bu arada, heykeltraşlık eserle
se masraftan tasarruf bakımlarından
ri ve yazıtların, mevcutlar arasında bu-
çok daha elverişli olacağı neticesini lunamıyan irili ufaklı, şekilli şekilsiz ba
vermiş, bu esasa dayanılarak, 1953 çalış zı parçalarının, civar arazinin kesif ça
ma devresi, haziran başlarından ekim lılıkları arasında veya toprak altında
sonlarına kadar beş ay sürebilecek şekil aranmasına başlanmış, her ¡iki kapıya ci-
de ayarlanmış, restorasyon ekibi geniş- (5) Restorasyon ekibine Eski Esefler ve
Müzeler Genel Müdürlüğü yapıcı-taşçı tek
nisyenlerinden Fıahim Zeybek ve Saiım T uğ
(4) Doç. Dr. Hafet Çambal başkanlığında
rul’un ’k atılmaları suretile gerek nfâmMtette
Roma Merkezî Restorasyon Enstitüsü resto- bu sahada eleman yetiştirmeğe başlamak, ge
ratörterinden Ali Riiza Car'avella, Dr. Eva - rekse Karatepe’deki işleri daha geniş ölçü
M ada Rosseüt ve Nail 'Çalkırhan iştiraikile. de ele alabilmek yoluna gidilmiştir.
27
TÜRK ARKEOLOJİ DERGİSİ VI - 2
fragments bearing bits of reliefs or that is, the preservation of the recom
texts, as these do not necessarily link posed monument in as far as this was
up directly with one another (due to still possible. Both of these possibili
lacking parts, etc.), but ever so often ties obviously meant: a partial or a more
come together on a common underlying or less exhaustive restoration.
fragment. The recomposition, therefore, The choice of the first alternatives
had to involve not only the comparati in the case o f both excavator and Di
vely limited number of figured frag rectorate o f Antiquities would have
ments but the enormous amount of meant more than merely a loss of 40 %
amorphous ones. However, this too on a simple arithmetical basis. The
proved insufficient for publication, as sculptures and inscriptions all form
the heavy fragments would not keep part of two complete and rounded-
together and the photographing, dra up building complexes of relatively
wing and measuring necessitated their short existence, never subjected to
being firmly stuck together. Another susequent repair or reconstruction.
issue advening was that a restitution of The texts are bilingual and repeated in
the panel sequences in their original or more than one version, now incomplete.
der if possible would necessitate both The reliefs show an unusual heteroge
the recomposition of the stretcher cour neity of foreign elements and influen
ses and a very close study of their ces. All these poinst corroborate the fact
possible order of alignement, which, that the individual slabs or fragments
experience here also showed, could not are not only significant in themselves
be achieved on the basis of the contents but even more so as part of a continuous
of the representations, but almost sequel, a complete whole, liable to
exclusively on a archaeological - techni a very exact interpretation of all the
cal one. The second alternative therefore different issues involved. The addition
meant restoration. of each newly recomposed orthostat,
whether a relief or a text and the deter
For the Directorate General
mination as far as possible of its origi
of Antiquities the situation
nal place in the sequel is thus more
was not much different. Preserva
than just one more panel, it is - figura
tion was inevitably necessary and at
tively speaking - not an arithmetical or
Karatepe meant urgently stopping the
physical accumulation, but rather a geo
process of continuous destruction. If
metrical or chemical one. Restoration
this could not be done, it would have
on a maximal basis seemed therefore
been far more advisable never to have
advisable.
unearthed the monument, and, as this
The next problem that now at
now was a fact, even to cover it up
once arose was “ where?” . In regard
again and leave it to the care of genera
to archaeological monuments this
tions better equipped for the purpose.
question is usually answered by “ exhi
Preservation could evidently be bition to the largest possible public at
envisaged either on a minimal scale, the greatest convenience” , that is,
that is, saving the 60 % of better exhibition in "a central or provincial
preserved panels and sorting out the museum, where the means of restoration
figured fragments individually and to and preservation are usually more ex
the exclusion of the shapeless ones pedient. In the case of Karatepe,
(thus giving up all hope of future different aspects had, however, to be
recomposition), or on a maximal scale, taken into consideration, some being a
RESTORATION ACTIVITIES AT KARATEPE (1952-1953)
Conclusively it may be said, that the work, in which the working teams
the task is yet far from completion, also are trained and formed.
that much patient work has yet to be However, an appraisal o f the
done and many a delicate problem - first possiblities o f recomposition and
and foremost that of the original alig restoration at Karatepe can already be
nement of the panels - yet to be solved. attempted and seems to surpass all
All the problems cannot yet be fo initial hopes and expectations. It seems
in fact, that, if work can be continued
reseen, for just as the excavation o f
on the same basis, it will be possible
every site brings with it its own prob
to achieve a fairly complete recompo
lems and specific solutions that cannot
sition o f the original sculptures and
be copied or applied elsewhere, so inscriptions and there will be nearly
the restoration o f a monument too has enough o f them to fill in almost com
its original and specific problems and pletely the empty rooms and spaces o f
solutions which often cannot be fo the two gates where they once had
reseen, but come up in the process of stood.
November, 1953
İSTAN BU L A D A L E T SA R A Y I İN Ş A A T Y E R İN D E K İ YEN İ K A Z IL A R
Rüstern D U YU RAN
K. B İT T E L
K. Erdmann ikna edici delillerle (1) muhtemel o arak Asurî örneklerden İl
Persepolis civarında (2) Nakşırüstem’de ham alan küllah biçimli sunak.
kayalara hâk edilmiş olan iki ateş suna Fakat Iran topraklarında bugüne ka
ğının Akamenid devrinden değil de, Sa- dar ¡görülmiyen bu nevi anıtlardan birine
sanidler zamanından kalma olduğunu Iran kültür sahasının hududunda bulu
ispat ettiğinden beri, İranın bu eski çağ nan Kappadobya gibi 'bir bölgede ¡Tasla
larına aidiyeti katiyetle tespit olunabilen mamız dikkate değer.
bu cinsten başka orijinal eser meydana Ankara Kalesindeki müzenin depo
çıkarılmamıştır. Fakat Akamenid ve sunda kaba alçı taşından 0,55 m. yük
postakamenid devire ait kaya reliefleri seklikte ve 0,37 m genişlikte küçük bi.'
ve mühürler üzerine hâk edilmiş ateş sunak vardır. Bu eser geçen harp sene
sunakları bu nevi anıtların tip ve görü lerinde Kayserinin (Caesarea Cappado-
nüşüne dair (3) bize takribi bir fikir ver ciae) (4) 35 km doğu kuzey doğusunda
mektedir. Hiç olmazsa iki sunak şeklinin bulunan Bünyan kasabasından müzeye
kullanıldığı neticesine varılabilir: dört gönderilmiştir. Sunağın Bünyanda mı,
köşe gövdeli, masa şeklinde sunak ile *i yoksa civarındaki başka bir kasabada mı
bulunmuş olduğu katiyetle anlaşılma
mıştır (5). Fakat buluntu yeri olarak
(1) K. Endmann, Die Altaere von Naqsh
i Rustem (Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient- ancak bu bölgenin bahis mevzuu olabile
GaselOsohafit N° 81, 1949, 6 v.d.). önce zikrolu- ceği şüphe götürmez. Sunağın dört köşe
nan: K.Endmann,Das iranische Feuerheiligtun li yüksek gövdesi iki ayaklı bir kaideye
(Leipzig 1941) 12 v.d. dayanmakta ve üstü çift kademeli bir
(2) F. Saure - E.'Harzfeld, Iranische Fels- plâk taşımaktadır. Kaidenin ve bilhassa
reliefb (Berlin 1910) Tablo 10. üst plâkın kenarları kısmen vuruk, kıs
(3) Kaya reldeflerinde: Nakşırüstem’de men de iyice kırıktır. Gövdenin dört ta
kral mezarları (F. 'Sartre, Dile Kunst des rafında geniş kenar bordürleri vardır.
alten Persien 32) ve Persepolis’.te (aynı 33, 34). Bunlar kaidenin üst kısmı ve plâkın alt
Deh i No reliefi Issalkawand ( Satire - Herzfeld kenarı ile birlikte 0,32 m yükseklikte ve
a.O. 63. Abb. 22 Herzfeld, Am Tor von Asien
0,25 m genişlikte dört köşeli birer oyma
14. İlâveten: N. C. Debevoise, Rock reliefs o f
Ancient İran [Journal1'o f Near Eastern Studies
1, 1942, 86 v.id.]. G. Hüsing, Der Zagros ¡und (4) Kısaca zikrokman: Archaeologischıer
seine Völker 33 Abb. 19 [TBchiaemaen i Ismail Anzeiger 1944/45, 68 d. K. Bittel, Grundzüge
ıadı 'altında]. E. Herzftald, Early History o f der Vor-und Frühgeschichte Kleinaslen.s (2.
Iran 206 Fig. 316. Surdasch’ta Qizqapan kaya Aufl., Tübingen 1950) 104. Bünyanm eski adı
mezarı (G. J. Edmonds, A tomb in Kurdistan: Sarımsaklı idi (Kiepert, Karte von Kleinasien,
Iraq 1, 1934, 183 v.d.) Dukkam’in altında K el i Bl. C IV Kaısariye: Sarymsakly),
Daud ıSarpuil civarında ('Herzfeld, Am Tor von (5) Bu mesele halen yerinde soruşturul-
Asien 13 Abb. 8. Sarre - Herzfeld a. 0 . Abb. ■roakbadır. Dr. Nimet Özgiiç’e bazı açıklama
21) Debevoise a.0.88 Fig. 4). Silindir mühür lar, Dr. Halet Çaimbel’e fotoğrafları borçluyum.
lerde: A.U. Pope - Ph. Acherntan, A Survey o f Yazımı yazmak için meslektaşım K.Erdimann
Persian Awt from Prehistoric Times to the Alo konuşmaliaanmdan istifade ettim. Hepsine
Present [London - Oxford 1938] IV Tab. 123 F. burada teşekkür etmeği bir borç bilirim.
TÜRK ARKEOLOJİ DERGİSİ V I - 2
sahası teşkil etmektedir. Her dört ta ları paitıdama denilen bir bezle örtülü
rafta da sahayı iyice dolduran ve ancak dür. Bahsi geçen relieflerde gerçi ağız
ehemmiyetsiz teferruatta birbirinden ay örtülmüş değil'd/ir, fakat bunlar suna
rılan sağa dönmüş birer er kek f igürü yas ğın ateş kültüne ait olduğuna dair bel
sı relief olarak hâk edilmiş bulunmakta li deliller taşımaktadır.
dır- Figürün kısımları şunlardır: yüzü ta
Yazısız olan bu anıtın tarihlendi-
mamen açık bırakılan bir başlık, sağ kolu
riılmesi için dış şekli ve reliefleni çı
açık olan uzun bir manto, öbçeli yüksek
kış noktası olarak almak gerektir. Aka-
çizmeler ve hafifçe indirilmiş olan sağ
menid masa sunakları ile benzerlik
kolun ucundaki elde çarpık olarak yuka
mevcut olmakla beraber, teferruatta
rıya doğru tutulan bir demet çalı (üç
görülmemektedir. Na'kşırüstem ve Per-
çal parçası 'tefrik edilebiliyor). Kalkık
sepolis’te bulunan ve Gizqapan mezarı
olan sol elin açık parmakları üzerinde
nın kapısı üstünde görülen relief su
yuvarlak dipli, yassı bir kap durmakta
nakların üç kademeli birer kaidesi ve
dır. ik i bacak ve ayak arka arkaya res
üç kademeli plâkları vardır. Bunlar
medilmiş olduğu gibi, figür büyük göz
yukarıya doğru hafifçe incelen dört
leri, kalın burnu ve sivri sakalı ile tam
köşe gövdeleri örterek iyice yükselt
mânasiyle profil olarak görülmektedir.
mektedir. Bundan başka Persepolis ve
Dört relief arasındaki fark — dördünün
Nakşırüstem’deki sunakların cephele
de aynı şekilde muhafaza olunmadıkları
rinde — muhafaza derecesine göre gö
bir tarafa bırakılırsa — ehemmiyetsiz
rülen — kademeleri biner kapı resmedil
dir. B ve C’de mantonun alt kıvrımı A
miştir. Halbuki bahis mevzuu olan su
ve D’dekinden daha yüksektir. C ve
nakta aralarında sadece alçak basamak
D ’de ayaklar hafifçe üstüs'te gelmekte,
lar bulunan ve umumiyetle az yükse
esasta aynı şekilde düzenlenmiş olan
len ikişer kaide ve ikişer plâk görül
kıvrımlarda ufak tefek farklar görülmek
mektedir. Ayrıca yan cepheler relief
tedir-
taşımaktadır ki, buna ateş sunaklarında
Sunağın dört cephesinde de erkek
hiç raslanmaz. Kımıldatılması mümkün
figürünün aynı hareketi yaparken ve
olan sunağın sağlam bir temel üzerine
aynı eşyaları taşırken resmedilmek is
dikilmiş olarak, kaide ile birlikte basa
tenildiğine şüphe yoktur. Reliefteki kı
maklı bir anıt teşkil etmiş olması dü
yafet ve çalı demedi bu hareketin tefsi
şünülebilir. Bütününün alçak oluşu da
rini sınırlandırıp kolaylaştırmaktadır-
bu ihtimali desteklemektedir (7). Bu
Figür, ateş kültünde rolü olan bir ra
nunla beraber, Kappadokya sunağının
hibe veya bir Mag’ 1 temsiil etse gerektir.
üst kısmının iki plâktan ibaret oluşu
Av'esta’da tarif edilmiş olan kült şe
da yine bir fark teşkil etmez. Çünkü
killerine göre (6), rahipler baısmatı
bu teferruat üzerine daima tatbik olu
denilen kutsal dallardan bir demet tu
nan sıkı kaidelerin mevcut olup olma
tarak, dualar ve şarkılar okuyarak iba
dığını kestirmek imkânsızdır.
dete iştirak ederler. Kültün kendisi de
sunağın üzerinde temiz tutulmuş odun Iran ve Kürdistanda bulunmuş olan
ların cayır cayır yanmasıdır. Odunun bu neviden anıtlar gerçi bu kaidelerin
safiyetini bozmamak için insan nefesi mevcudiyetine delildir. Meselâ, Perse-
nin bile değmemesi lâzımdır. Bu se polis’te yalnız ateş sunakları üç kade
bepten ateşe yaklaşan rahiplerin ağız- meli olmakla kalmıyor, hattâ Büyük
(0) A. Christenısıeıı, Die İranier (Hand (7) Resimlerdeki tasvirlere itimad editörse,
buch der Altertumswissenschaft III) 1. Mün Akamanid ateş sunakları aşağı yukarı yanan
chen 1933) 157 vd. adam boyunda idi.
36
KAPPADOKYADA BULUNAN BİR ATEŞ SUNAĞI
Kralın ibadet yapan heykeli de üç basa zı ufak farklar oluşu bunun bir ateş su
maklı bir kaide üzerinde (8) duruyor. nağı olmadığını ileri sürmeğe yetmez.
Burada üç sayısına riayetin umumî bir Relief de kanaatimizi desteklemek
kaide olduğu intibaı uyanmaktadır. Fa tedir. Duruşun, kıyafetin, rahibe has
kat tssakavvand’da (Deh i No) bulunan eşyaların ve umumiyetle üslûbun Aka-
iki sunağın — ıreli'efi tam o yerde bir menidler devrinde gelişen formlara uy
hayli bozulmuş ise de — üç basamaklı dukları şüphe götürmez (11)- Kıyafet
kaideleri olmadığı muhakkaktır. Fo Persepolis reliefleri için de kullanılan
toğraflarından anladığıma göre, seyir- tâbirle Med kıyafetidir. Kappadokya
cOnin sağına düşen tarafta azaımî iki relieflerindeki kıyafet postakamenid
basamak vardır (9). Galling de çizdiği olup, Seleu'kid 'devri oilarak tarihlendiri-
es'kisde iki basamak, halbuki Herzfeld len İran anıtlarından bâr iz şekilde fark
ancak bir basamak göstermektedir lıdır (12). Muhtevaya gelince, bildiği
ler (10). Fakat Kappadokya’da 'bulu me göre, bilinen barsman taşıyıcıları
nan sunak eski İran ateş sunaklarına ait arasında (13) hiçbirinin sol eli başka
tektük bilgilerimize kaide, gövde ve bir işle meşgul olarak gösterillmem'e'kte,
plâ'kı bakımından o derecede uymakta nasıl ki açık parmaklarla bir kabın ta
dır ki, mukayese unsurları arasında ba- şınması için de Akamenid sanatında
güvenerek zikredilebilecek başka bir
(8) Sartre a. 0.32-35. misal yoktur (14). Buna mukabil bu
(9) Sarre - Herzfeld a. 0. Abb. 21; Hüsing
a.O. 33 Abb. 19.
jestin Babil - Asur sanatında birçok ör
(10) K. Galling, Der 'Altar (Berlin 1925)nekleri vardır. Belki burada bir Asurî
Tab. 15, 9; Herzfeld, Eariy H istory o f İran 20ı3 tesir bahis mevzuudur (15). İhtimal1
Fig. 316. Sık sık dikkeler üzeninde tasvir ota
nan Sasanid ateş 'sunakları (F. D. J. Paruck,
Saısanian Cotas [Bombay 1924], devam) çoğu (11) Başlık ve manto: Berlin deki gümüş
zaman i'ki basamaklı kaide üzerindedir. Bu me- heykelcik (Sarre a. 0.43; Survey IV Pl. 108
yanıda üst ve alt plâkta basamakların sayısı bir A ).
birine uymaz. İmparatorluk devrinden kalma (12) Debevoise a. 0. 87 d.
■Küçük Asya ^ikkelirinde üzerlerinde yakılan (13) Ergili (Herzfeld, Am Tor van Asilen
sunular bulunan sunaklara raslanılır. Fakat Tab. 14 sağd'a); Oxus hazdnıesindien alınmış
ancak bazıları Pers 'kültü ile münasebette g ö altın (¡O.M.Dalton, The Treasure o f the Oxuis
rünüp, ateş sunağı adını alabilir. Bunu aşağı [second edition, London 1926] Tab. 14). Fraita-
daki'Sunaklar için iddia edebiliriz: Hierokaisamei dara sarayının relief blokları, Persepoiis/Is-
(İB. C. Head, 'Catalogue o f the Greek Coins o f takhr’da (Debevoise a. 0. Tab III) bu blok
Lydia [London 1901] 103 No. 7; Pens Artemis ların ait olduğu binaya “ Saray” demekte, hal
büstü ile Avens), Hypaipa’da (Head a. 0.109 buki Erdmann bunları bir ateş tapınağı say-
No. 11, 113 'No. 31, 114 No. 37, 117 No. 49, 118 maktadır:Das iranische Feuerheiligtum 29 d).
No. 55 ve PI. X II 8; Imhoof - Blumer, Lydisohe (14) Bununla beraber, yukarda adı geçen
Siadtmünzen Tab. IV. 10; Amaitis’in bir tet- gümüş heykelciğin ©1 ve parmak (N ot 11) du
rastym tapınağında sunak), Zela’da (Wadding- rumu ve bir lotüs çiçeği tuıtuşu çok benzemek
ton, Recueil général des monnaies grecques tedir. Iraq 1, 1934, 186 Fig. 2’de çıkan desten
d’Asie Mineure I 1 [2. basin, Paris 1925] 159 de Qizqapan sunak reldefinin üzerindeki ma
No. 4 Pil. X V I 13. Wiroth, Catalogue o f Greek dalyondaki küçük figür küçük bir kabı aynı
Coins, Pointus, Paphlagohia, Bithynia and the şekilde tutmaktadır. Fakat Edmonds a.O.
Kingdom o f Bosporus (London 1889) 41 No. 2 187’de sol elde görüfen eşyanın bir kap olup
PI. V II 10; aynı şekilde feraıstyl tapınak bil olmadığı tespit edilemez fikrindedir.
hassa tev3İk olunabilen [Strabon X I '8,4 ve (15) Biıkaç misal: H. Schaefer - W.
X II 3,37] Pens kültüne yaramaktaydı. Sikke Andnae, Die Kunst des Alten Orients (Ber
lerdeki tasvir sunağın daha yakinıen anlatıl lin 1925) Tab. 500 (Assumasirpal III), 502
ması için yeter derecede vazıh değildir. Zeta’- (d to), 504, 514 ( Salmanass'ar III.), 629, 642/3
daki sunak ihtimal ki dört köşe gövdeli, tek (Assurban'ipall) v.s.
basamaklı kaideli ve düz plâklı bir sunaktır. (15 a) Debevoise a.O. 105
37
TÜRK ARKEOLOJİ DERGİSİ V I - 2
kap bir içki sunuşuna, belki de elde bir ra’ya Kappadokya’da tapanlar bulundu
dal tutularak yapılan haoma kurbanına ğu (18), Amaitis’in Zela’da yani Pontos
yaramakta idi. bölgesinde büyük bir tapınağı oldu
Bu yazıda mukayese unsuru olarak ğu (18 a) bilinmektedir. Eserini Kappa-
zikredilen anıtların bir kısmı îran tari dokya’nın Roma eyaleti oluşundan (1, s.
hinin Akamenid devrine: meselâ, Nak- 17) az önce yazan Strabon Mag’ların
şırüstem. Persepolis, Deh i N o; bir kıs idaresi altında bulunan ateş kültünü
mı da ilk Seleukid devrine a ittir: Kel i tafsilâtlı bir şekilde tasvir etmekte
Dand, Persepolis, îstakhr (relief Moka dir (19). Demek ki bu kült ilk impara
ları) (15 a). Elimize geçmiş olan anıt torluk devrine kadar (20) Kappadok
parçaları o kadar azdır ki, bu eski eser ya’da canlı, hattâ ehemmiyetli bir kült
lerin tamamını şöyle dursun, başlıca olarak kalmıştır. Bu kült Zarathustra
unsurlarını bile tanımaktan uzağız. Bu dini mi, yoksa Benveniste’nin ispat et
sebepten de tipik unsurları geçici olan mek istediği gibi (21) Babilden mül
lardan tefrik edememekteyiz. Her yeni hem ve değişikliğe uğramış eski İran
bulgu, meselâ, bahsi geçen sunak, bilgi- dini miydi — ki öyle ise, bu dinin nis'
lerimizi zenginleştirmeğe yarıyabilece- peten eski bir zamanda Kappadokya’-
ğine göre, önce kendi kendine değerlen ya geçmiş olduğu ileri sürülebilir — bu
dirilmelidir. Bunun için de sunağın bu sual ancak ikinci derecede bir ehemmi
lunduğu yer üzerinde incelemeler yap yeti haizdir. Bizi bu mevzuda alâkadar
mak gerektir. eden nokta bu îran kültünün Kappa1
Kappadokya, Lydia, Pontos ve
Kommagene ile birlikte Küçük Asya (18) Fr. Cumont, Die Mysterien d es
Mithra (3. Aufl., Leipzig - Berlin 1923) 27 not
memleketleri .arasında İranın tesirine
1. Büitün Küçülir Asyada olduğu gibi, Kappa-
en açık olan bir yerdi. Bu tesiri doğru dofeyada da. Mithra ¡kültüne ait anıtlardan pek
dan doğruya açığa vuran belgelerin he azı bilinmektedir. Son zamanlarda mevcut
men hepsi gerçi daha sonraki zamanlara malzemeye ilâveler de olamamıştır (bk. Fr.
aittir. Bir Pers adı taşıyan Ariarathid Cumont; Miıthıra en Asie Mineme, Anatolian
Studies presented to William Hepburn Buck
soyu sadece Darius zamanından kalma
ler [Manchester 1939J 67 v. d.)
bir kral hanedanı olduklarını iddia et (18a) Bu mevzuda son eser:S.Wikander,
mekle kalmıyor, Mag’ı öldürmüş olan Feuerpriester in Kleiaisien und Iran 86 v.d.
Yedi Perslerden birinden ve kraliçe (A cta Reg. Sooietatis Humanioirum Litibera-
Atossa’ dan neşet ettiklerini ileri sürü rum Lundensis XX», Lund 1946). Wilkandar’in
nazariyesine göre, ateş kültü 'bütün İran'a ya
yorlardı (16). Gerçi bu iddialar kısmen
yılmış bir kült değil, Anahita kültüne bağlı
saray tarihçilerinin uydurduğu şeyler olarak II nci Artaxerxes zamanından itiba
dir, fakat Hellenistik devirde Kappa ren tutunmuş bir külttür.
dokya hanedanlarının ne istikamete (19) Strabon X V 3, 15.
meyletiklerini açığa vurur. Kappadok (20) A.H.M. Jones’un (The cities o f the
Eastern Roman Provinces 180) Straboniun
ya takviminde ay isimlerinin eski Pers
'Rappadbteya bakikmdafci (malzemesini “ some
isimlerinden gelme olduğu (17), Mith- thirty years earlier” , yani eserinde anlatı
şından birkaç yıl önce topladığı iddiası kabul
(16) Diodoros X X X I 19. iläveten J. edilse bile doğrudur. Ateşe tapma âdeti Küçük
Marquart Philologuis 54, 1896, 489 v..d.’da Aayuda l.s. 5 inci aşıra kadar tektük yerler
^U ntersuchungen zur Geschichte von Eran de muhafaza olunmuştur ('bk. Fr. Cumont,
I). Texibes e.t monuments relatifs aux myısıteres
(17) Bk. Marquart, Untersuchungen II de Mithra, 1, 10)-
(=Ph:lo!ogui3 Suppl. Bd. X Heft 1) 214 d. L. (21) E. Benveniste, The Persian Reli
H. H. S. Nyberg, Die Religionen des Alten gion according to the chife Greek Texts
Iran (Leipzig 1938) 479. (Paris 1929) 50 v.d.
KAPPADOKYADA BULUNAN . BİR ATEŞ SUNAĞI
(22) Kappadokya Krallığın batısında dai (22 a) G. Bartsch, Daıs Gebiet des Ercies-
ma ımühim bir rol oynamıştır; İran’a az çok Dağı und die Stadt Kaysıeıri in Mittel - Anato
benziyan memleketin tabiatı bunıa yardım lien (Jahrbuch der Geographischen . Gesell
etmiş olsa gerektir. Xerxes’in Yunanistan se schaft zu Hannover 1934/35, 114 v.d,).
ferinde ordunun toplanma yeri olarak mevsuk (23) Bartsch’m geol'ojik araştırmaları
tur (Heroıdotos V II 26). Toplanma yeri olan yeni bir faaliyet izi maydana çıkarmamıştır.R.
Kritalla Ramsay’e göre Tyana ovası veya Oberhummer ve R. Zimmerer’in (Durch Sy
Kybistra’ya yakın ovadır. (Journal o f Helle rien und Kleinasien [Berlin 1889] 177 ve 179)
nic Studies 40, 1920, 89). ¡Fakat 'Kritalla’nm Argaios’un mart 1880’d-e tekrar volkanik faali
mevkii ancak X erxes’in hangi yoldan geldi yete geçtiği iddiasına karşı Bartsch ne düşün
ği 'bilinmekle tâyin edilebilir, halbuki doğu düğünü açıklamamabtadır. Fakaıt bu kare her
dan P yM , yani Kilikya kapılarından geçerek halde ancak seit bir yer sarsıntısı bahis
mi, yoksa kuzey yoluyle mi geldikleri bilin mevzuu olsa gerek (burnun İçin bk. V. Cuinet,
memektedir. La Turquie d’Asie (Paris 1890) I 305). Pa-
39
TÜRK ARKEOLOJİ DERGİSİ V I - 2
40
KAPPADOKYADA BULUNAN BİR ATEŞ SUNAĞI
eden tanrının da ismi ilarak gösterilir. netice çıkıyor: Argaios tanrı merkezi
Kutsal Hitit dağlarının Roma İmpara olan kutsal bir dağdı; ayrıca volkanik
torluğu devrine kadar isim değiştirerek bir bölge olan Kappadokya’nın merke
birer kült yeri olduğuna dair belgeleri zini teşkil etmekte ve bahsi geçen suna
miz vardır. Argaios kültünün de aynı ğın ait olduğu devirde bu bölge son
şekilde devam ettiği kabu'l olunabilir. yanardağı indifalarına şahit olmaktay
İmparatorluk devrinden kalma paralar dı. Besbelli ki, böyle bir yer İran ateş
da dağın tepesinde tasvir olunan tanrı kültüne zemin olmağa uygun ve mevkii
da Argaios’u temsil etse gerektir (31). bakımından ehemmiyetli bir kült mer
Fakat bu tanrının Hellenistik tanrılara kezi teşkil etmekteydi. Bugüne kadar
benzetilmiş olması da ayrıca mümkün Anadolu’da bulunmuş olan iki Pers
dür (32). Erciyas’ın doğusunda (3916 anıtının siyasî bakımdan önemli mer
m) esas zirvenin kayaları içine oyulmuş kezlere yakın yerlerde meydana çıkmış
olarak 15 m uzunluğunda, hafifçe yu olması da bir tesadüf eseri sayılamaz:
varlatılmış ve ortasında bir havalandır Ergili anıtı (34) Küçük Phrygia Saî-
ma kuyusu bulunan (33) bir dehliz var raplığının merkezi olan Daskyleion böl
dır. Bunun bu kadar yüksek ve oturu gesinde ve Kappadokya sunağı da Kat-
lan yerlerden bu kadar uzak bir mevkide patuka Hyparkh’ı ile Ariarathid’lerin
keşişler için bile inşa edilmiş olmasına merkezi olan Mazaka’da bulunmuştur.
imkân yoktur. Erciyas bölgesini çok iyi Bu gibi merkezlerde İran kültü kendini
bilen Bartsch’ın da tahmin ettiği veç daha iyi muhafaza edebilmiş ve hücra
hile, burası dağ tanrısının kültüne ya- bölgelerde olduğu gibi, mahallî Anado
rıyan bir “ yüksek tepe” olsa gerektir. lu kültlerinin tesirine uğramamıştır,
Bütün bu düşüncelerimizden şuV I iki rahibi ağızları örtülü olarak ve elle
rinde barsman tutarak bir çitin önünde
(31) Karşılaştır: Maximus Tyrius ddss. ve çok yüksek bir sunağın karşısında
VIII 8: HSgos K azinaSoxias xai A?o'g nal tasvir eden (35) daskylitik reliefin ta_
Sgxog Kzı ayaAfta rahi takribi bir katiyetle tespit olunabi
(32) Caracalla zamıanmdlan kalma Kay lir. Çünkü bu relief besbelli ki bir Yu
seri paralan vardır, bunların üzerinde İki, üç, nanlı tarafından yapılmış, fakat sanat
ve dört ıtann Argaios dağında durur vazıyet
kâr Pers olan muhtevaya zamanının ba
te gösterilmeOcted'M«r: Sydenham a. 0.110 ¡No.
473, 111 No. 480 vjd. Traianusiun bir Ddd- zı özelliklerini katmıştır. G. Mendel
rachme sikkesinde (Sydenham a. 0.67 No. eserin 5 inci asrın son çeyreğinde,
206) dağ üzerinde U veya ly-ra şeklinde bir Herzfeld ise 5 inci asırdan 4 üncü aşıra
işaret görülmektedir. Sydenham (a. 0.19 ve geçiş zamanında yapıldığını ileri sürdü
67) burada kraterin tasvir edilmek istendiği
kanaatindedir. Bence bu pek muhtemel değil ler (36). Bu tarihleridirmeden uzaklaş
dir. İhtimal eski (ve tanrıyı temsil eden?) bir mamak gerektir. Çünkü bilhassa çitin
semboldür. kısaltılmış çapraz tasviri daha eski bir
(33) M aalioef buna dair elimizde ne fo zamana ait olamaz. Hattâ Mendel’in
toğraf, ne de sarih tasvirler vardır. İlk farkı teklif etliği tarih bile fazlaca eskidir.
na varan: H. F. To zeridir, 2.8.1879 tarihinde
Eserin aşağı yukarı 400 yılında yapıl
(Turkish Armenia and Eastern 'Asia Minor
[London 1881] 127). Şuralarda zikredilmiş mış olduğunu kabul etmek yanlış ol
tir: Murray-Wilson, Handbook fo r travellers masa gerektir. Her halde anıt çok uzun
in Aaie Minor, Transcaucasia, Persia, etc. zaman yerinde kalmamıştır, çünkü Gra-
(London 1895) 54. H.H.v.d. Osten, Discoveries nikos savaşından sonra Pers kültlerinin
in Anatolia 1930 - 31 (Oriental Institute
Daskyleion’da muhafaza olunamadığı
Communications 14 (Chicago 1933) 112 v.d,).
E. Ratter, Erdjias D ag (Zeitschrift des Deut-
muhtemeldir. Açıkladığımız veçhile, va
schıen und Öıstıerreiicschen Alpenvereins). ziyet Kappadokya’da başka idi. Fakat
41
TÜRK ARKEOLOJİ DERGlSÎ V I - 2
have tended to emphasize the great magnification - parallel thin fine lines,
diversity of existing local styles and as if from wires. A rather large cutting
the 'difficulty o f dating types, many o f tool was used for such details as edge of
which seem to have persisted over long cap, mouth, fingers, toes, and hem o f
periods o f time. One of the most popu garment. The deep holes for the eyes,
lar motifs, the lance - swinging warrior, which were presumably fitted with in
is represented by examples from Byb- lays, seem to have been gouged with a
los, Lebanon, Syria, Antarados, Tortous; drill or punch. The man wears a tall,
Şarkışla (Vilâyet Sivas); in Crete, M y rounded conical cap, Which is separa
cenae and Tiryns; a 'hoard on Delos; ted from his forehead, but merges into
in Therm on; and finally ¡in East Prus head and neck in the back. A double
sia. Yet the lime range cannot be nar torque, cast separately, is clamped a-
rowed down beyond the stantement that round his neck, the ends meeting on the
such warrior bronzes occurred from the nape. In his left hand he holds a goblet;
fourteenth to the eighth eighth century some light strokes decorate its edge.
B.C. (5) W e have as yet much ¡to earn In its present state, the upper part
and the suggestion which we make o f the body o f the figurine seems to
must needs be regarded as tentative. be nude- He wears a thick kilt reaching
(1). Figs. 1, 2, 12 a. Marching male to his knees; the decorated hem of an
figure with conical cap and torque. Mu “ overfold” is indicated over the upper
seum number 1943.1120. Grenville L. left leg by rather crude diagonal stro
Winthrop Bequest. 13.7 cm., without kes. He is barefoot. The figurine was
base 11.4 cm. originally covered with some other me
The bronze is cast solid, apparently tal, probably with thin gold leaf; long
in one piece with the small flat plat deep grooves designed to fasten such
form and a large looped peg below the overlay run from top of cap to between
base. The right hand is missing; and the the shoulder blades; on both upper arms
front left corner of the platform is (cf. Fig. 2 ); down his right side from
slightly bent. The head is also forced armpit to lower edge o f kilt; and down
out of its original vertical position. the back side of both lower legs. Simi
Patina runs from blackish brown to 'dark lar grooves and a somewhat similar ba
olive. The metal underneath seems to se are seen on a figurine from
be a very coppery bronze, reddish gold Tartous (6), which also had inlaid ¡eyes.
in color. The lower part o f the plat The technique o f covering a figurine
form and the looped peg underneath with gold leaf is represented in Pales
are left rough, but the figurine is too tine, Phoenicia, Syria, and Anatolia. If
led to careful smoothness. Traces of we may take a Hittite figurine pur
abrasive tooling can be discerned under chased In Izmir as a guide, the face as
well as the body and garments were so
(5) V. Müller, op. cit., 112 ff., who alsocovered (7). The sharp cutting o f fea-
lists pieces from Baalbak, Killiz, Kutahia, and
Troy. Cf. G. Loud, M e g id d o 2 (1948) pis. (6) Louvre. Dussaud, op. cit., 54 f., figs.
235, 239 > from Levels IX and V B. ao-2i ; Perrot-chipiez, H is t , de l ’ a rt 3 (1885)
Şarkışla: N. Özgüç, D e r g i 5 (1949) 36, fig. 277.
52, figs. 13-14, now in Hittite Museum, An (7) Berlin, Vorderasiatische Abteilung.
kara. Probably late Hittite Empire. Bossert A l t A . 60, figs. 587-588. “Hittite
The hoard under the Artemisium of De Empire”.
los contained objects from the fourteenth G. Loud, M e g id d o 2 ( O I P 62, 1948) pi.
through the eighth century B.C. J.Delorme, 273, stratum VI or VII. Hama: Bossert A S
B C H 7 1 - 7 2 , (1947-48) 148-261, pi. 39. fig. 606, “wohl Neues Reich” though found
44
H IT T IT E BRONZES IN THE FOGG ART MUSEUM
tures, particularly o f nose and ¡mouth, a nude male bronze figure and by a
is caused in part by the need for clearly draped female figure with polos (crown)
defined forms over or into chich the from Syria (9). Finally, a goblet is
gold leaf could be bent. carried as an offering by a queen on a
The piece is clearly designed as a newly discovered ivory relief from
unit with the base, as the pegs continue Ugarit (10). The cap, in this simple
the line of lower legs. In its basic form, without horns, is not infrequent
construction the figurine displays a but also not conclusive, as its wearers
curious intermingling o f flatness and are themselves not closely unidentifi
roundness. Although quite thick and ed (11). On the seals of the Second
well - rounded about the shoulders, the Syrian group male figures with rather
upper part of the body is flat like a slab similar “rounded” or “ oval” cap but
The lower part with the kilt is well - different garments are described as
rounded and turned diagonally. The gods or kings. In one instance, a walking
head, too, is quite three - dimensional figure with this headgear carries a
with list roundded cap neck. Nose, chin, spouted vase and is identified as a g o d ;
arms, and left leg jut energetically in another, he seems to have a double
forward. The large feet are planted torque around his neck (12). Only so
firm ly on the ground so that the wal
king motion is not too emphatic. (9) A shall walking Hittite Bronze fi
It is difficult to envisage the origi gure with cap holding a similar cup is in the
collection of Mr. Albert Gallatin; but the
nal glowing appearance o f this walking style is quite different. Bronze with conical
man, to which the vitality o f inlaid eyes vase held by standing man: V. Müller, op.
must have contributed greatly. As it cit. 127, 132, pi. 39, fig. 388; Gottheil, S tu d ie s
stands now, the figure has an air of in H is t , o f R e lig io n p re s e n te d to C . H . T o y
compact power and a hint of a fero (N.Y. 1912) 361 ff. , pi. Müller quotes for
vases, J d i 42 (1927) 7. Standing worman:
cious grin which seems to animate the Bossert A S fig. 584, no description.
angular features o f the face. (10) Ivory: C.F.A. Schaeffer, Illu s tr a te d
As so often, it is difficult to decide L o n d o n N e w s (March 27, 1954) 489, fig. 7.
whether a god or a human is represen ( n ) Bossert: A lt . A . fig. 587, Izmir;
ted. In principle, a walking figure 591, Tarsus; 609, Arapkir; 618, Alishar; 716,
Cilician seal; Müller, op. cit., 115 ff., assigns
carrying a vase denotes an “ offering”
the first to Syria, the other two to Asia Mi
therefore a ministrant, a king or a nor and quotes for the “flattened cone cap”
priest. On the other hand, the gilding a bronze from Baalbek, Lortet, L a S y r ie
would seem to speak in favor o f a di (1884) p. 611, reproduced; and figs. 401,
vine personage. The vase is held by Hamburg; 403, from Thermon; 411, Berlin.
“Syrian Idols”, Ny Carlsberg, 2. T illa e g ,
gods on seals o f Syro - Cappadocian
pi. 17, Br. 4-6. The majority of figurines then,
and o f the Second Syrian Groups (1600- seem to belong to Asia Minor. The bronzes,
1350 B.C. (8). A conicall vase is carried by Müller, 112, fig. 399, from Lebanon and the
bronzes from Tartous, Bossert A S fig. 580,
in level E, 1000-700 B.C. Dussaud, op. cit., are warriors and their thinner head gear
54 ff., (Tortous and Byblos) 62 ff., Ugarit, intended for helmet.
also figs. 31, 34. Seated gods from Megiddo: Dussaud,
(8) E. Porada, C o r p u s o f A n c ie n t N e a fig.
r 44. G. Loud, M e g id d o 2 (1948) pi. 235,
E a s t e r n S e a ls , 1 , P . M o r g a n L i b r a r y (Bollin- Level IX, 237 f., Level IV or V II (1400-
gen Series 14, 1948) 114, 126, nos. 900, 947, 1100 B.C.).
q4 9 * F ° r use ° f vases in temples of Ugarit, (12) Porada, C o rp u s, 125 f., 131, 134,
cf. C.F.A. Schaeffer, U g a ritic a 2 (1949) 45 discusses these figures with “oval headgear”,
f.; and fig. 13 for another seal showing a nos.: 944, 949 (vase), 950 E (torque?), 952.
walking figure with jug arid cup. 973 E (king), 989, 1025 E. Schaeffer U g a ritic a
45
TÜRK ARKEOLOJİ DERGİSİ V l - 2
W e must therefore seek among the corporeal style appears to set in; its
less w e ll-d efin ed material for parallels distinctive characteristic lies in the
for details and see to what degree the rounding of previously angular forms
results may be conf irmed on general and in nearly sensuous refinement of
grounds o f style. metal surfaces- In this development
The “ oval” cap seems to represent the famous seated goddess in the Louv
an adaptation of the Hittite - type head- re (24) may represent an earlier phase,
gear to the outline of Egyptian crown. o f the same school that later produced
This assimilation was most likely to the Fogg figurine. In grim expressive
occur along the Syrian and Phoenician ness, the head from Jabbul is probably
coast, Where Egyptian and Hittite fas the nearest kin (25).
hions mingled. Figurines with compa Still later the same Syrian school
rable headgear come from Eastern Ana developed toward greater softness and
tolia, Syria, and Palestine- As far as animation. The famous, closely related
they are datable - and only that in walking figures from Latakieh and Bo
Megiddo comes from a stratified exca ğazköy (26) still recall some aspects
vation - they have been darted in the se of the Fogg figurine. By this time,
cond millenium and usually in the time (1350 - 1250 ? B.C.) not only figurines
of the Hittite Empire. I f the parallel but even artisans may have travelled
with “ oval” caps seen on the seals of from Syria to the Hittite capital.
the Second Syrien group is valid, it (2) Figs. 3-4. Large seated male fi
would provide an approximate location gure with conical cap. Museum number
and a time - range from 1600 - 1350 B.C. 1943.1119. Grenville L. Winthrop Be
These comparisons then point to the quest. Provenance unknown. H. 31.5 cm.
range from 1700 - 1400 B. C. and to North According to Bruno Bearzi, cast solid
Syria as a possible place of origin. in a sand mould. Partly ¡pitted ; corroded
I f we attempt to draw an outline of metal on ears and under arms. The latter
stylistic development for some North may be a different metal and come from
Syrian bronze figurines, it would seem material used to fasten the figure to
to run from the Sub - Sumerian figures the throne.
o f Tell Jedeideh (21) ito the flat idols There is little i f any evidence of
of Ugarit (22) where the “ bird nose” detail work with chisel. This accounts
profile indicates the survival of a tra for the vague cast of features. The
dition related to Tell Jedeideh. Porada’s
fig. 575 - V. Müller, fig. 387. Seyrig, lo c . cit.,
“ warriors with the feather helmet”
46, rightly says that the “ flat” sequence,
form the next step (23). Then a more which we are discussing, runs parallel with
the voluminous bronzes of his “Lebanese
(21) Tell Jedeideh: Bossert, A lt . A ., Mountain Group”.
figs. 437-438, ca. 2800-2000 B.C. Seyrig, Ioc. (24) Bossert, A S , 581. T E L II, 100 D-E
cit., 45, pi. 12. = 9. Contenau, L a c iv iliz a tio n p h én ic ien n e
(22) Schaeffer, U g a ritic a 2 (1949) 82 f., (1926) 210, fig. 69 = Collection Hoffmann,
pis. 17 ff. Bossert, A S , figs. 592-595. (Berlin; from “ Beyrouth”. Related: E. Grant, A in
Reber). D.K. Hill, T h e F e r t i l e C r e s c e n t S h e m s 1 (1931) pi. 11; M e g id d o 2 (1948) pi.
(Baltimore, 1944), 25, fig. 22, seem to belong 236: 24, Level V III.
to this early geometric style rather than to (25) For the stocky proportions cf.
that of Late Bronze and Early Iron Age. A. the figurines from Ugarit and Tortosa, Bos
Parrot, S y r ia 29 (1952) 44 ff., adds new pie sert, A S , figs. 576, 580. Perhaps related in
ces and dates the group 1660-1400 B.C. Cf. style: M e g id d o 2 (1948) pi. 235:23.
also Met. Museum New-York no. 32.18.1-5. (26) Bossert, A lt . A ., figs. 581-583, A S ,
(23) B e r y t u s 9 (1942) 57 ff. Bossert, A S , fig- 577 (with wrong caption).
TÜRK ARKEOLOJİ DERGİSİ VI - 2
hands are lost. The neck was broken; terious and imposing dignity through
it has been soldered and painted over the use o f very simple forms. Thus the
with black paint. Under the seat o f the strange elongation o f the entire body
figure there is a stump; it seems possib and the final sweep o f the neck serves
le that this was originally a peg to fas to raise the head to a symbolic impor
ten the figure to a throne and that it tance. Outlines are strong and conti
has been cut down (27). The metal is nuous. A simple, slightly bent contour
soft, copper - like, and markedly reddish describes the back o f the figure, first
in color. The surface patina varies from curving in slightly, then rising again to
dark brown to a medium green. the shoulders, dipping briefly at neck,
The figure wears a small pointed then rising again in the head, to con
cap. Eyebrows are indicated by slight verge finally upon the apex of the hat.
projections, eyes by two shallow blobs, W hen the light strikes it from above,
and the mouth by a slight depression, the head seems well calculated to fill
all produced by casting. The straight the beholder with the sense of a lofty
nose sweeps right into the outline o f and inscrutable divine presence.
the cap; the cars form continuous arcs The Fogg figurine has one close
with the curves rising from the neck. relative, which must have come from
The chin is heavy and rounded. The the same workshop, in a bronze in Ber
figure wears a long garment which ends lin (29). V. Müller has listed other f i
below the knees; no other details are gurines seated in the same attitu
indicated. The shoulders are rounded. de (30), but the style of most of these
The body is quite flat, thinning toward seated gods and goddesses is clearly
the abdomen, then thickening again. different.
The feet are short and stubby, wit Only one of Müller’s examples
hout any rendering of details. seems to have an ancestral relationship-
The figure is presumably that of again the seated “ Ishtar” o f the
a god seated in the “ Hittite” attitude Louvre (31). One may well envisage a
with lower arms bent at right angle. W e prototype of this kind being “ transla
cannot be certain of its attributes. The ted” into the Anatolian Geometric style
figurine o f a seated god found at Enko- at some provincial Hittite center (32).
mi (28) holds a vase in one hand. Tw o bronze figurines found in recent
Despite its unfinished state, the excavations at Enkomi display a gene
“ Seated God” is an impressive work; ral resemblance in their construction
students in art courses, to whom it and while they belong to a somewhat
was repeatedly assigned for analysis, different school they may well reflect
have found that it embodies definite a similar Geometric phase or current.
aesthetic values. It as a much more geo (29) V. Müller, 118, 130, figs. 409-410, Cf.
metric work than the preceding piece; also S. Przeworski, S y r ia 9 (1928) 273 ff.
it is also the work of an artist who (30) I b id . Add Dussaud, figs. 37 (Je
knows how to obtain an effect o f mys- rusalem) and 44 (Megiddo). A snake-goddess
in the Brooklyn Museum is reproduced in
Detroit Institute of Arts, B r o n z e s o f the
(27) Cf. the pegs on the seated figures A n c ie n t W o r ld (1947) no. 8. I owe the refe
Louvre, n. 24, above; Enkomi, C.F.A. Scha rence to John D. Cooney. On the posture
effer, 1L N (May 31, ,1952) 938, fig. 17 = of arms cf. V. Müller, A J A 36 (1932) 13 ff.
E n k o m i-A la s ia 1 (1938) pi. 74; M e g id d o 2
(1948) pi. 235:23, 236:24, restored after A in (31) Müller, 118, no. 2.
S h e m s 1 (1931) pi. 11. (32) Examples in stone sculpture are
(28) I L N (May 31, 1952) 938, figs. 14, the seated figures of the reliefs of Firaktin
17, 18 = E n k o m i-A la s ia , pis. 74 f. and Sipylos, Bossert, A lt . A . figs. 550, 561-2.
48
H IT T IT E BRONZES IN THE FOGG ART MUSEUM
One o f the figures was seated on a with fairly large cutting chisels of at
little bronze throne, when found; the least two sizes. There is a long groove
F ogg figurine was presumably seated on the back running from near top of
0n a similar throne. The figurines have head to edge of garment. This groove
been found in levels dated by the exca may 'have served to fasten gold leaf as
vator 1150- 1100 and 1100 - 1050 B. in no. 1; but it may equally well have
C . (33) The little rounded head o f the served some other purpose - for example,
later o f the two figurines allies itself it may have been used to attach a long
with the Syro - Phoenician traditions, tress of hair (35).
por the Fogg figure, the few available The man is clad in a long garment
comparisons o f detail point toward a wiiitih a hem, which is decorated by ver
Hittite area and the time of the Late tical strokes. A vertical line may indi
H'ilttite Empire (1400 - 1200 B.C. (34). So cate the central fold or edge o f garment.
little is known, however, about the pe On his head he wears a peculiar angular
riod that follow ed the downfall of Hat- head - gear which seems to be tied to a
tu§a§ that we cannot rule out the possi ribbon running across the head from ear
bility that the F ogg figurine was made to ear (Fig. 13 c). There are some in
in the twelfth century and thus closer distinct strokes on the “ crown” . He is
in time to the bronze gods from Enkomi. bearded, but has apparently no mous
(3) Figs. 5, 13 b - c. Bearded Man tache. Eyebrows are raised, eyes deeply
carrying a ram (? ). Museum number hollowed. The lips are raised; a gash
^953.111. Gift o f Mrs. Lois Orswell above the right lip -is probably acciden
pailey. Provenance unknown. H. with tal. W ith his left hand - more a paw than
peg 14 cm, without 11.2 cm. a hand - he clasps an animal to his chest;
Like the walking man, no. 1, the the animal is so crudely fashioned that
“ Ram - Bearer” is cast solid and in one it is not clear whether it has ears or
piece with its little platform and with horns;it has a fat, short tail, hence
an oblong, roughly rectangular peg by perhaps intended to show a ram rather
nieans o f which it was fitted into a than a calf. A hole is pierced through
base- Most o f the surface is covered by the man’s right hand which ¡he extends
brown to green corrosion, which obs forward. The object which he carried
cures some details. Only the left lower may have been a staff. The back of the
leg and the hem of garment come close head and “ crown” is quite flat, the body
to showing the original surface. To nearly so.
judge from them, the piece was care The proportions of this figurine
fu lly smoothed. Where exposed, the differ markedly from the preceding
jnetal appears somewhat darker and examples. The head is not merely lar
harder than in the preceding pieces. ge - it is like a huge mask; the body is
T he details are tooled rather vigorously outlined in the shape of an attentuated
bell; the legs are two stumpy pillars.
(33) C.F.A. Schaeffer, I L N (May 31, The four major parts-head; arms, ani
1953) 93 ®> Hgs- I2-r8 = E n k o m i - A la s ia 1 mal, and »holders; garmented body;
(1938) pis. 63, 71-75. The figure from Me-
giddo, dated ca. 1350-1100 B.C., shows a and feet - seem to be added to each ot
glmilar geometric trend. Dussaud, fig. 44 = G. her. A similar “ additive” impression is
poud, M e g id d o 2 ( O I P 62, 1948) pis. 237 f.
q {. also A in S h e m s 1 (1931) pi. n . ( 35 ) On the “ Syrian tress” worn by men
(34) For head and headgear cf. Bossert, as well as women cf. V. Müller, 108, pi. 37
A l t A . figs. 606, 618 f., from Arapkir and f. Hanfmann, A lt e t iu s k is c h e P la s t ik (1936)
Ali§ar- 31, n. 99; 109. A r c h . A n z . 50 (1935) 5 *.
4 49
TÜRK ARKEOLOJİ DERGİSİ V I - 2
his left hand, the Sencirli bearers carry imitations of these type in Cypriote
the animal on their shoulders. This sculpture, where the animal - bearers
method and the carrying of animals are worshippers (52).
by their horns, foot, and neck is com It is an interesting problem where
mon in scenes on the seals o f the First and when the same type may first have
and Second Syrian and Mitannian acquired the connotation of a “ Good
style (47). During these periods the a b r Shepherd”, of a divine being rescuing
mal is also sometimes carried on the and protecting the animals of the flocks.
extended forearm (48). But closest to For this appears to be the meaning of
the gesture of our figure is that o f a the earliest representation resembling
second millennium statue from Su our type in Greek art - the colossal
sa (49) and figures on seals o f the Ak kriophoros in Thasos is often thought
kadian, Late Old Babylonian, and Mi to be Hermes as protector of the
tannian periods (50). Here the figures flocks (53).
are worshippers and the animal an o f Stylistically, more or less distant
fering. resemblances may be found in a number
That the type continued to be rep of Near Eastern bronzes» but about the
resented in later periods of Near Eastern general affiliation there can be little
art is shown by the genii on Assyrian doubt. The rude, additive Geometric
reliefs from Nimrud (51) from the time style appears to succeed the more ’ba
o f Assurnazirpal (883-859 B.C.). These lanced, polished, and unified style of
are close in time ¡to the Fogg figurine; the second millennium in Eeastern
and since other resemblances are also Anatolia, North Syria and the Khabur
found between the Fogg figurine and region, if we except those schools which
the various “ demons” of the Late Hitti' were influenced directly by 'either ¡the
te reliefs, it is possible that our bronze Egyptianizing or the Assyrianizing
with distinctive head - gear is intended arts. Already some terracotta heads
as a divine personage of inferior rank. from Ugarit (54) appear to have the
That the meaning o f the type is same type o f face as the Fogg animal -
still that o f an offering is indicated by bearer. The style is clearly that of the
the Assyrian genii as well as by the
(52) For instance, E. Gjerstad, S w e d is h
(47) E. Porada, C o rp u s o f A n c ie n t N e a r C ypru s E x p e d it io n 4:2 (1948) pl. 2, Arsos.
E a s t e r n S e a ls in N o r t h A m e r ic a n C o lle c tio n s , P. Dikaios, G u id e C y p r u s M u s e u m (1947) 66,
(The Bollingen Series 14) (New-York, 1948), pl. 16:1, 600-560 B.C. This link does not seem
pi. 137, fig. 910; pi. 140, fig. 931; pi. 141, to be noted in Gjestad’s discussion, though
fig- 932; pl. 143 . fig- 937- Frankfort, C y lin d e r he notes the type in which the animal is
S e a ls (London, 1939) pl. 43, a. carried on the shoulders ( o p . cit., 344). Cf.
(48) Frankfort, H., op. cit., pl. 41, fig. o. Bossert, A S , figs. 47, 49 f. Cf. Ch. Blinken
Page 270, text-fig. 84. berg, L in d o s 1 (1931), 435, pl. 72, nos.
(49) R. de Mecquenem, M é m o ir e s d e la 764-6; pl. 94, no. 2088, Cypriote; pl. 82, no.
D é lé g a tio n en Perse, 7, pl. XXVI, fig. 1 a., 1882, Greek.
b., c. = Parrot, A., lo c . cit. p. 177, fig. 5. Cf. ( 53 ) Ch. Picard, M a n u e l d e la sc u lp tu re
also D. Mackay, G u id e A r c h a e o l. C o ll. U n iv . g r e c q u e 1 (1935). 560, fig. 193. F. Matz,
B e ir u t (1951) pl. 4:8, a bronze “shepherd”. G e s c h ic h te d e r g r ie c h , K u n s t, 1950, pl. 117.
(50) H. Frank fort, op. cit., pl. 20 b, pl. In the type where the animal is carried on
26:1. E. Porada, op. cit., pl. 29, fig. 189, pl. the shoulders the meaning is still that of
39» 245> pl- 58, fig- 400, 404, pl. 156, fig. 1022. an offering.
(51) A. Layard, M o n u m e n ts o f N in e v e h Matz, op. cit., 176, pl. 8a. (Neugebauer,
Vol. 1 (London 1849), pl. 47, fig. 4. (Emb K a ta lo g B e r lin 1 (1931) no. 158, pl. tq), 481,
roidery design). pl. 286 a (“Pre-Daedalic”).
TÜRK ARKEOLOJİ DERGİSİ V I - 2
first phase of Late Hittite art, compa clined to place (the Chase head in the
rable to sculpture o f such centers as eighth or seventh century B.C. and
Senoirli, Kargami§, Malatya, and Tell regard it as a work by the same type of
Halaf (55). The time range may be artist as those who produced the later
guessed at as 1000 - 800 B.C., before the Phoenician ivories (58).
onset o f strong Assyrian influence Beyond its interest as one o f the
upon this area- rare Phoenician terracottas that are real
(4). Fig. 6 a. Terracotta Head of a works of art, the head is also a signi
Man with Pointed Cap. H. 3.7 cm. Lent ficant document for the history of facial
by Perlie Dyar Chase. (TL. 10571). For expression in art. As far as we know,
merly in the collection of Howard Car nobody has as yet written a history o f
ter. the sm ile; it is often regarded as typical
Broken o ff at neck. (Traces o f of the optimistic attitude toward man
paint?). The head is moulded free-hand; that was first portrayed by the archaic
ears are tacked on separately. Features sculptors o f Greece. Indeed, Dussaud
are incised with a stick. Head and cap has used the alleged smile o f the ivory
are not separated; the large incised goddess from Minet el Beida to argue
lines over the eyes are probably inten that this remarkable work must be M y
ded as eyebrows. This gay and lively cenaean Greek rather than Phoenician,
head with its aquiline nose, small, smi and presumably the lively goddesses
ling mouth, and almond eyes is a mas found in Mycenae are to* be interpreted
terly sketch o f a quality rare among as heralds o f archaic smiles - though
Near Eastern terracottas. authentic Mycenaean faces are cer
The little rounded oval face, urbane tainly not noted for gayety and lively
rather than fierce, would suffice to charm (59). Yet Valentin Müller has
indicate that this is a Phoenician in the pointed out that there are some Meso
strict sense o f the word. Similar fri potamian and Imperial Hittite examples
endly, smiling faces are encountered and he rightly sensed that Phoenician
among the Phoenician ivories. A head ivories must have presented the first
from Megiddo is as early as the thir examples of optimistic smiling people
teenth (? ) century (56), but in overall to the archaic Greeks (60). The Phoe
proportions the Chase terracotta is even nicians have been robbed of much of
closer to the fine Phoenician ivory head their prestige; art historians and archae
found in Perachora and dated in the ologists are annoyed by their unabashed
seventh century B.C. (57) Until better eclecticism. W ith the wealth o f Near
parallels are forthcoming we are in- Eeastern material we have now, it may
not be amiss to point out that there is
(54) Bossert, A S , fig. 634, cf. also fig.
1093, from Khirbet el Medineh. (58) Cf. ivory head from Nimrud, F.
(55) Bossert, A S , figs. 448-457; A lt . A ., Basmachi, “Nimrud .Excavations” S u m e r,
figs. 903-904; 955 f. The type and expression vol. 8 (1952) 196 ff., fig. 2.
seem particularly close to Tell Halaf, e.g., (59) Dussaud, 85, fig. 48 C. F. A. Scha
A S , figs. 455, 464, 471. effer, U g a ritic a 1 (1939) frontispiece and
(56) Bossert, A S , fig. 1x14 = G. Loud. pi. 11. A.J.B. Wace, M y c e n a e (1949) fig.
(57) Bossert, A S , fig. 809. R.D. Barnett, 101-103. The terracotta head from Byblos,
J H S 68 (1948) 5 f., pi. 3 c, thinks that this Bossert A S fig. 641 = M. Dunand, F o u ille s
head does not belong “to any known school.” de B y b lo s , Atlas 1. (1937) pi. 51, no. 1302
For the cap of the Chase head, cf. the bron is certainly friendly enough-and it is not
zes from Karpasc, Bossert, A S , fig. 158 (Ber Greek.
lin), terracotta from Beyrouth, fig. 658. (60) V. Müller, 101, 130, 217 ff.
52
H IT T IT E BRONZES IN THE FOGG ART MUSEUM
in much of Late Phoenician art a cer divinities of the court of Ea, the Lord
tain humane liveliness, the liveliness of the Watery Deep (62).
o f a sea - faring and enterprising peop (6). Figs. 7 - 9. Bronze Head of a
le - not only in their sea - faring and Bull. Museum number 1943.1321. Gren
commerce and alphabet, but in some as ville L. W inthrop Bequest. Provenance
pects o f their attitude toward life, the unknown. H. 7.6 cm. Geaitest Width in
Phoenicians show themselves as fore- cluding horn and ear 12.8 cm. W idth
runners o f the Greeks. between bases of horns 7.6 cm. Thick
ness o f bronze 0.6- 1 cm. W eight: 1535
(5). Pig. 6 a. Terracotta “ Papsukal”
grams.
Museum number 1952.42. Gift iof Pro
fessor Vladimir G. Simkhovitch. H. 8.3 The material o f the head and the
inserted horns is discussed below in the
cm.
Appendix by Rutherford J. Gettens.
Broken o ff below the waist. The natural color is very golden; the
This terracotta relief plaque was ancient dark green patina survives only
cast from a standard mould and is one in a few spots, as the head was through
o f many o f a similar type. He grasps an ly cleaned in modern times before co
alabastron by the neck with his right ming to the Museum. Its present black
hand while the left palm supports the to redbrown color is due to natural
lower part of the vase. The dress is a tarnishing o f metal. The right horn and
long robe belted at the waist. The the tip of the left horn are missing; the
mantle appears to be formed by a series left ear is broken and the right ear is
o f horizontal fringed bands. The upper battered.
part of the coiffure, Which falls in full According to B. Bearzi, the piece
curls upon his shoulders, is formed by was cast in lost wax process. It was
a series o f ridges radiating from the then thoroughly tooled and chiselled.
top o f the head. A moustache curled at The hair is left as cast, but eyes and
the ends, a smooth beard cut sharply at muzzle have been carefully worked.
the bottom, and large eyes with promi The piece was cast with a “ step -
nent lids are other distinguishing cha back” around the neck (63) so that there
racteristics. is an inner collar for insertion into a
hole. Rivets were driven through this
Close parallels to this figure have
collar from inside, fastening the neck
been found at such sites as Babylon and to the object into which the head was
Uruk (61), in levels and buildings be set. A number of these ancient rivets
longing to the period o f Assyrian do are preserved and are visible in Figs.
mination of Southern Mesopotamia. 7 - 9.
Consequently, our vase carrier can be The head is large and heavy, the
dated about 650 B.C. The significance forms very full. The engraved forms are
o f these figures has been discussed by subordinate to cast, plastic shapes. The
E- D. Van Buren, Who surmises that most prominent features are; the raised
they may have been intended as lesser rectangle o f hair which begins behind
the horns and runs down to half - muzzle.
(6i) R. Koldewey, “Die Tempel vonThe hair is stylized as waves crossed
Babylon und Borsippa” , W V D O G 15 (1911) four times by bands o f curls, on neck,
33, fig- 50. J. Jordan, “ Uruk - Warka”,
W V D O G 51 (1928) pi. 78 a-b. E. D. Van
Buren, C la y F ig u r in e s (1930) 196 ff., nos. (62) T h e F lo w e r in g V a s e and the G o d
959 - 963 . w ith S tr e a m s (1933) 101, fig. 56 (Cassite?).
TÜRK ARKEOLOJİ DERGİSİ V I - 2
on top of head, over forehead, and over king, even though our bronze lacks the
muzzle. ring of curls about the neck and the
A system of strap - like details links banded pattern above the eye prominent
hair to muzzle. The eyes are nearly on the relief. The "set - back” around
circular and rise toward center; the the neck of the bronze head suggests
upper corner is drawn back slightly. A that it was intended to be inserted into
marked tear - duct is sharpened by a a straight plane such as a part of a
graven line. The eyebrows, shaped like throne rather than into a curving one
sausages, are raised and outlined by such as the side o f a cauldron.
incisions- The two sides of the neck Tw o groups of bronze bull heads
meet in a sharp ridge. The total impres follow the same compositional scheme
sion is one o f heavy, massive power. as the F ogg piece. One group has been
When the bull was first studied is shown by Barnett to be Urartean and
seemed to compare with similar Urar- dated in the eighth and the seventh
tean bull heads- Subsequent view of pi centuries B-C- They were set in winged
eces in Ankara and the British Museum frames and attached to cauldrons. The
proved that the Fogg Museum piece is pieces come from Topr-akkale and Er
larger, much heavier, o f different me zincan (66). The F ogg bull head is
tal, and in a more voluminous and plas clearly differentiated from these in ma
tic style of the Fogg piece. terial (a more golden bronze) and style.
The throne of King Ashurnazirpal Throughout, the “ Toprakkale - Urarte
as depicted on a relief from Nimrud in an” bull heads emphasize details by
the British Museum shows the top ho linear engraving, for example, the collar
rizontal member decorated with two of curls around the neck, the circular
bull’s head (64). As far as can be deter eye, and the rectangle on top of the
mined from the relief it would appear muzzle.
that the original objects were modeled Very much closer to the Fogg Mu
in full plastic forms with emphasis on seum piece are three bull heads in the
the large bulding eyes (Fig. 10) As the Louvre, Cleveland, and a Midwestern
stylization of the veins and the folds American collection (formerly D. Ke-
of flesh on the muzzle are sculptured in lekian) (67). Tw o of these (Louvre and
relief, it may be assumed that the ori
ginal heads were treated similary (65).
(66) R. D. Barnett, I r a q 12 (1950) x ff.,
The parallel to the Fogg head is stri- figs. 1-2, pi. 16. I d and Nuri Gökçe, A n S t
3 (1953) 129, pis. 13 f., 19:1. D. K. Hill, T h e
(62) It was not carrid quite around the F e r t il e C r e s c e n t (Walters Art Gallery, Bal
left side. Fige. 8-9 show clearly where the timore, 1944) 31, figs. 25, belongs to this
set-back stops. group. B. A. Kuftin, A r a r t s k iy K o lu m b a r iy
(64) E. Budge, A s s y r ia n S c u lp tu r e s in u p o d o ş v y A ra ra ta (1943) 41, pi. 11:5, (from
th e B i r it i s h M u s e u m , R e ig n o f A s h o u r n a z ir - Kiirdistan) is slightly different.
pal (London, 19x4), pi. X X X I. An ivory lion (67) i Louvre. Collections Sultan Mecid,
head from Nimrud, British Museum 91884 F. Sarre. Kuftin, 40 f., pi. 10:2, 11:4. F.
resembles the Fogg head in style. Assyrian Sarre, D ie K u n s t d es alten P e r s ie n (1923)
influence probably accounts for similar use pi. 45. P e r s ia n A r t , A n I llu s t r a t e d S o u v e n ir
of bull heads on the throne of King Barre- (Burlington House, 1931) pi. 9, no. 10. R.
kub of Sencirli. Bossert, A l t A ., fig. 952. Dussaud, B u ll. M u s é e s d e F r a n c e (1933) 139-
(65) If the original heads weve traea- G. Contenau, M a n u e l d ’a rch éo l. o rien t. 4
ted in terms of incised lines, the relief wit (1947) 2266, fig. 1289.
hout a doubt would be executed in a fashion 2. Cleveland. Collections Mahomed
similar to that employed in indicating the Alla Mirza, Christian R. Holmes. Kuftin, 41.
embroidery patterns on the robes of the king. Pope, A S u r v e y o f P e r s ia n A r t (1938) pi.
54
H IT T IT E BRONZES IN THE FOGG ART MUSEUM
Cleveland) were found by men from the rivets or rivet holes, such as are seen on
village o f Gu§gi in the Salmas District the neck of the Fogg piece. This evi
on Urmia Lake. R. D. Barnett, who has dence for original setting is inconclu
traced their history through a publica sive ; the existence of the peg may be a
tion by B. A. Kuftin, has very kindly point against regarding the piece as a
placed his material at our disposal. vase attachment.
Kuftin’s source reported that the two Characteristic resemblances bet
bull heads were found with the skeleton ween these heads and the Fogg bull
of a bull that had been filled with wax head may be seen in the plastic treat
as well as with a Urartean bronze belt ment of the mane, the “sausage” form of
and some unspecified silver vessels. The eyebrows, and the plastic folds at the
bull heads allegedly formed part o f two tip o f the muzzle. They are slightly
complete figures o f bulls, which were larger, the proportions are slightly mo
smashed by the finders. The third re elongated and such details as curls
(ex - Kelekian) bull head is said to ha of the mane are thinner. The eyes are
ve been found in Persepolis. Sarre had nearly circular.
conjectured that his piece (now Louvre) The Louvre - Cleveland - Midwestern
might have decorated a throne. Kuftin Collection pieces were claimed as Urar
argued that ¡they ¡either were part o f tean by Kuftin and his opinion is ¡shared
bull figures or were mounted “on tubu by Barnett. Kuftin also suggested that
lar objects” . Barnett (by letter) states they were the models for Barnett’s
that they are “ obviously from a bronze “ Toprakkale - Urartean” type. The Fogg
crater” . He surmises that all three pi piece seems to us a step nearer the ori
eces were cast in one mould, an opini ginal inspiration. W e are inclined to
on also expressed by some dealers, who regard it as the Assyrian model and
had an opportunity o f inspecting all the Louvre - Cleveland group as very
three pieces. close, probably contemporary Urartean
On the piece which is now in a imitations. The Louvre and the Cle
Midwestern collection, the outer base veland pieces have been called Achae-
of the has been filed down in a very menid on the ¡basis of their resemblance
slight curve, perhaps too slight to fit a to the bull capitals from Persepo
cauldron. Cast in one piece with the lis (68), but we have mo certain exam
head, there is a peg on top of neck; it ples o f similar bronze bull heads from
thickens upward. There are two peculiar the Achaemenid era.
projections from sides o f neck one This magnificent type of Near
tooled, the other jagged. W ithin the Eastern bull head considerable vogue in
head and recessed by ca. 2 cm. againts Cyprus, Etruria, and early Greece (69).
the level of the outer neck is a rough
“ inner collar” , perhaps o f a different (68) For example, E. Herzfeld, Ir a n in
th e A n c ie n t E a s t(1941) pi. 60 a, and for
metal. It might be the remnant o f a
similar stylization, H. Otto, Z F A s s . 14 (1944)
“metal tube” which originally held the 9 f., fig. 1.
head in place. There are no traces o f (69) E. Kunze, “ Verkannter orientalischer
Keselschmuck aus dem argivischen Heraion”,
108. Id., M a s t e r p ie c e s o f P e r s ia n A r t (1945) G. Behrens, ed., P. R e in e c k e F e s t s c h r i f t (1950)
pi. 20. A r c h a e o lo g y 6 (1953) 199 (photo). 96 ff., pl. 16:2, looks a poor derivate of the
3. A Midwestern Collection, U S A . For Fogg type.
merly D. Kelekian. Kuftin, 41, pi. 10:1. A.U. Cyprus: G.M.A. Richter, C at. B r o n z e s
Pope, C a h ie rs d ’a rt 6 (1931) 84 (photo). T. M e tr o p o lita n M u seu m , N e w - Y o r k (1951)
Borenius, P a n th e o n 7:1 (1931) 91 (photo). 348 f., nos. 1182-1187. E. Buschor A lts a m i-
55
TÜRK ARKEOLOJİ DERGİSİ V I - 2
brass dowel and with a cement made there is no evidence that stumps o f
from vinyl acetate and chalk. horns exist.
The borings from the dowel holes It appears then that the single horn
were given to Dr. H. C. Harrison of was cast separate from the head. In
addition to beling of different composi
Rhode Island State College for spec-
tion the metal o f the horn seems more
trographic analysis- The analyses sho-
yellow (brassy) than the metal o f the
wed that the metal of the horn is d iffe
head. On close examination of the
rent In composition from the head. The
horn i t was seen that it bears pat
metal o f the horn contains, in addition
ches o f the same abraded - down red
to copper and tin as principal constitu-
cuprite and green that one can see on
tents, also a fair amount of zinc, whe
the head. It is also interesting that with
reas the metal from what appears to be
some magnification one can see on the
the stump of horn has no more than a
surface of the fracture at the tip of the
trace of zinc. His first estimates were
horn a dendritic structure which shows
as follow s:
that it is cast metal.
1 — Metal from stump of horn in
Attention was called to patch - like
head: Cu, Sn over 10 % ; Ni, 1-0 % ; Ca,
areas on the hollow interior opposite
Pb, Ag, As, Sb, Bi, 0.1-0.0 1 % ; Si, Al,
the horns; removal o f the patina in
Mg, Mn, Ti, Au, Cd, 0.01-0.001 %.
small areas showed no difference in me
2 — Metal from h orn : Cu, Sn, over tal color. Spectrographic analysis o f
10 % ; Zn, 10-1 % ; Cr, Ni, 1-0.1 % ; Si, the drilling taken here showed it has
Ca, Pb, Ag, As, Sb, Bi, 0.1-0.01 % ; Al, Mg, the same composition as drillings from
Mn, Ti, Au, Cd, 0.01-0.001 %. other parts o f the head.
Further samples for spectrographic The thick portion of the neck
análisis were taken both from the horn which bears three rivets was examined.
and from various parts of the head to The edge was scraped. It appears that
check the preliminary results- These the thick rim is a broken - o ff piece of
results likewise show that the amount the body or form to which the head was
of zinc alloy o f the horn is greater than joined with rivets- The lower edge how
in the alloy o f the head, although in ever, which would be visible on the
this series the amount of zinc (1-0.1%) side, cannot be seen, presumably be
reported in the horn is not so great as cause of deep corrosion which has
that reported above. cemented the seams together. Spectro
graphic analysis of a sample o f the
To check the question about the
attached piece show that it has app
possibility that the metal in the holes
roximately the same composition as
of the horn bases are stumps of horn
drillings from the head. The heads o f
driven in from outside and not part of
the rivets are covered heavily on the
the head, x - rays of the head were ta
inside with corrosion product.
ken at the Watertown (Mass.) Arsenal
through the courtesy o f Mr. F. L. It is felt that the object is old and
Brackley. that it is genuinely and deeply corroded.
Several films taken with exposures The presence of the element nickel
up to 400 KV, 5 milleamperes and 3 in all specimens supports, but does not
minutes showed that the metal in the prove, the supposed Near Eastern ori
region o f the horn sockets is solid and gin of the head.
58
TH E R ELIEFS OF “SESO STRIS” IN IO N IA
/ . M. COOK
eI jI 6s xal rtepi ’ Icovir|v 5no ximoi Iv nsxpflxt demy in the follow ing year (4) Lep-
gyxexoXcqipfvoi tovtou xov ’avSpoc, xfj xs sius recognized the Karabel figure as
gx xt]? ’ Etjeau]; s; <J>o')xaiav EiKOVxai Xal portraying Rameses-Sesostris; and the
xfj eX Za.cdEwv g? Squ'pvyjv. IxatFctofii 6s savants of the French Academy like
avfjp i'('{lylvnxoL'.. . . . Son? 6i x*i 5x60£v wise declared the work Egyptian and
sjxi, evOafjta ¡isv cu 8t)Xgi, etfpcoBi 8e discovered in the signs visible to the
5'<5fjVoxs (Herodoitos II. 106) (1). right o f the head traces o f the titles of
The celebrated relief (Fig. 1) carved Rameses the Great (5).
in a niche on a smooth roch face high This explanation of the figure,
over the roadway in Karabel gorge was though at first sight so convincing,
discovered in 1839 by two travellers, did not remain for long unchallenged.
Burgon and Renouard, who did not A second drawing with detailed mea
make any communication upon it before surements, made by H. Kiepert in 1842,
their return to England (2). Some showed more clearly than Texier’s po_
months later G. von Eckenbrecher lisihed design the fundamental diffe
located the relief, and a drawing o f it rence between the style of the Kara
by ie x ie r (3) was promptly submitted bel figure and Egyptian art of the New
to the judgment of leading scholars of Kingdom; it was further remarked that
the day. The relief was at once recog the signs in the field were not Egyp
nized as one o f the two «tv«« carved on tian hieroglyphs, nor was a king’s name
rocks in Ionia which Herodotos recor to be seen there (6). At Gerhard’s ins
ded among the images o f the warlike tance Rosellini gave his opinion that
Egyptian king whom he called Sesostris. the relief could not be Egyptian, and
In a communication to the Berlin Aca-1 even recognized in it a Roman creation
prompted by the passage o f Hero
(1) The stelae of Sesostris also receive dotos (7 ); and Lepsius in a subsequent
a general mention in Ael. Aristides XXV II.
article revoked his original claim that
38 (Keil), Diodoros I. 55 and Eusebios ap.
Synkellos, Paris ed. p. 60.
(2) Cf. B u ll. In s t . C o ir . A r c h . 1840, 33. (4) M o n a ts b e ric h t d. k g l. A k a d ., B er
Welcker in R h e in . M u s . 1843, 430 n. 2 gives lin , 1840, 3gff.
testimonies fo r earlier knowledge of it:
(5) Cf. Texier D e s c r ip tio n II, 305.
MacFarlan, C o n sta n tin o p le (1828) 4 64 ,
knew of the work from a Greek, and it is (6) A r c h . Z e it . I (1843), 33ff.
apparently reported that the Englishman (7) A r c h . Z e it . I, 46; Gerhard, however,
Caplan had heard of the monument in in his capacity of editor commented on the
Smyrna before 1814 ( C la s s ic a l M u seu m , pointlessness of such a fabrication, and Ro-
London, 1844, vol. I, 232). sellini’s suggestion, which in fact involves
(3) D e s c r ip t io n d e l ’A s i e m in e u re P L the assumption that the copyist inadvertently
132: redrawn in a barbarous style and an placed the weapons in the wrong hands and
infernal setting it reappeared, without in the hieroglyphs in the wrong position, does
dication of the change, in Perrot and Chipiez not seem to have received further conside
H is t o ir e de l ’ a rt IV, 749 fig. 362. ration.
59
TÜRK ARKEOLOJİ DERGİSİ V I - 2
the work was Egyptian (8). Kiepert runroi came to the front again in 1875,
himself drew an effective comparison when Humann discovered a second fi
with the carvings (newly revealed in gure in the Karabel gorge, carved in
Texier’s drawings) of Yazılı Kaya and relief on a fallen rock alongside the old
Pteria (Boğazköy) in Cappadocia; and path about 'two hundred metres down
though the historical context of these the valley from the first figure (11).
Anatolian sculptures could not foe It had indeed already been noticed in
apprehended at the time and Kiepert, 1856 by Dr. John Beddoe, but he and
with Texier, believed them to foe monu his companions had not drawn attention
ments of the Scythian domination o f to their discovery. Apparently this rock
Asia in the seventh century B.C., the was still on the spot where it had been
validity of this comparison has been carved, but owing to a slight change in
fairly generally recognized since (9). the course of the road since ancient
Herodotos, no less than those of his times the carved surface was no longer
contemporaries who considered the fi presented to the wayfarer and had be
gures to be images of Memnon, was come obscured by undergrowth. The
quite mistaken in his identification o f carving had suffered serious injury, (12)
the subject as “ Sesostris” (10). and Humann’s drawing does not show
The question o f ¡Herodotos’ two the upper part of the figure at all. The
relief was again examined in 1879 by
(8) A r c h . Z e it . IV (1846), 27iff., with Sayce, who made a drawing which gives
a drawing p. 275, which corrects Kiepert’s
a fair impression o f the attitude o f the
in certain particulars though admitted to be
less accurate in the proportions of the figure. whole figure and leaves no doubt that,
(9) The uncertainty about the actual pro despite certain obvious differences
portions of the figure, which prevailed so — which can be satifactorily explained
long as the dissimilar drawings of Kiepert by the difference of position and o f
and Texier offered the only effective illust range at which they were intended to
ration, was removed by the appearance of
the first photographs in the 1860s; cf. the foe seen — (13) the two carvings formed
drawing, from a sharply angled photograph, a pair on either side of the road which
Moustier V o y a g e de C o n sta n tin o p le ( T o u r ran down the glen (14).1
du M o n d e IX, 266), photographs R e v . A r c h .
X III (1866), PI. 12, Trémaux E x p lo r a t io n
arch, en A s i e M in e u r e , Nymphaeum PI. 1, (11) A r c h . Z e it . X X X III (1876), 50 f.
Webe.' S ip y lo s (1880) opp. p. 36, and deriva (12) According to Humann the dest
tive drawings from the elfin sketch in Le- ruction of a large part of the surface was
normant’s H is t o ir e A n c ie n n e de l ’ O r ie n t 249 caused by a nomad’s camp fire before his
to the lightning-seared design in Maspero, visit in 1875. Sayce, J o u r n . H e ll. S tu d . I,
H is t o ir e A n c ie n n e II, 428. 84, says that a nomad’s tent was actually
(10) Cf. Hyde Clarke J A O S V I I I , (1866) pitched against it at the time of Spiegelthal’s
38off.; Perrot and Guillaume R e v . A r c h . visit three or four years before his own in
X III (1866), 434 ( = Perrot M é m o ir e s 1879. Perrot and Chipiez, however, attribute
d ’A r c h é o lo g ie 22), where the relief is assig the damage to deliberate defacement ( H i s -
ned to a branch of Assyrian art and the to ire d e l ’a rt IV, 750 n. 1), and Sayce later
identification with Memnon is accepted as concurred in this explanation ( T h e H ittite s
to all intents and purposes correct. With the 69).
recognition of the relief as Hittite this (13) The first figure was cut on a gray
identification continued to be regarded as limestone cliff, the second in a rock of
nearer the truth than Herodotos’ since Mem reddish white marble. The niche of the second
non was claimed as a Hittite by Gladstone was deeper and rather smaller, and the figure
( H o m e r ic S y n c h r o n is m i66ff., cf. Sayce in higher relief.
H e ro d o tu s I - I I I p. 181 n. 2, Wiedemann (14) Sayce J o u r n . H e ll. S tu d . I, 84L;
H e r o d o t s Z w e it e s B u c h (1890) 416). T ra n s. S o c . B ib l. A r c h a e o lo g y V II (1882),
THE RELIEFS OF “SESOSTRIS” IN IONIA
Sayce’s visit, however, led to anot tos’ description of the rúwot and the
her significant advance in the under celebrated representation on the rock
standing of the reliefs. Having seen face were remarked from the outset;
the sculptures of Boğazköy and Alaca- Herodotos describes the spear as being
Höyük, and also specimens from Carche- ¡in the Tight hand and Ithe bow in
mish then arriving in England, he sur the left, and speaks of hieroglyphs on the
mised that the Karabel figures were chest (whereas the only ones to be seen
monuments of an extensive Hittite Em" are in the field to the right of the head).
pire; and with the help of squeezes W ith the discovery o f the second figu
o f the signs beside the head o f the first re the puzzle was at first thought to be
figure he was able to demonstrate that resolved; Sayce contended thUlt Ithe
the characters are beyond question second figure, which stood beside the
Hittite. Sayce was followed by Ram road, conformed to Herodotos’ descrip
say (15), Lenormant (16) Perrot and tion and was the one which the histo
Chipiez, (17), and by W right, Hogarth, rian actually described, and in this he
Garstang, and succeeding generations was follow ed by Ramsay and Hirsch-
o f Hittitologists (18). fe ld ; but his argument was inadequately
The interpretation of the inscrip founded and he subsequently abandoned
tion on the first relief and the occasi it- In fact the second figure did not fit
on of the carving of the figures still Herodotos’ description better than the
remain uncertain (19); but speculation first, and there is no reason to suppose
on this subject is out of place here. that it fitted it worse either.
Subsequent research has added not
hing material to the present purpose; Herodotos speaks of the two reliefs
for with the divergence of Oriental as being carved by the road from the
from classical studies since the 1880s Ephesia to Phokaia and that from
the problems associated with these mo Sardis to Smyrna. W ith the choice of
numents of the Hittite Empire have two routes which he gives, the loca-
fallen outside the scope of classical tion o f the single figure cut on the rock
study. face at once became a subject o f dis
The discrepancies between Herodo- cussion. Kiepert, with his keen geog
raphical sense, recognized that the na
aösff., with drawing opp. p, 268. An adapta
tion of this drawing appeared in Perrot- tural route from Ephesos to Phokaia
Chipiez IV, 750 fig. 353. lies through Smyrna and that the Ka"
(15) E. g. H is t o r ic a l G e o g r a p h y o f A s ia rabel pass lies too far to the east of this
M in o r 30.
line. He first considered the possibility
(16) H is t o ir e a n cien n e d e V O rie n t III
o f a way leading from Ephesos further
(1882), 249, n. 1.
(17) H is t o r ie d e l ’a rt IV, 751 f. to the west through mountains ¡then
(18) Hirschfeld’s reactionary stand agains unearthed (and thus still capable of
the Hittite origin need not be considered holding an unnoticed rock carving) to
here since he was not separating the Kara the south shore of the Gulf o f Smyrna;
bel figure from those at Boğazköy ( D ie
but he rightly made the objection that
F e ls e n r e lie f s in K le in a s ie n , A b h a n d l. P r e u s s .
Akad. 1886, ioff.), and his argument the starting point o f this route must be
fell to the ground with the excavations at Ephesos itself rather than the Ephesia,
Boğazköy. and follow ing up this point he sug
(19) For the signs see Sayce T ra n s. gested an alternative route (which
S o c . B i b l . A r c h a e o lo g y V II, 267 (cf. Perrot-
would in fact pass quite close to the
Chipiez IV, 752 fig. 364; for their translation
see Sayce P r o c . S o c . B i b l . A r c h a e o lo g y X X I Karabel) from the inland territory o f
(1899), 222- Ephesos along the southern shelf of the
61
TÜRK ARKEOLOJİ DERGİSİ V I - 2
N if Dağı to the plain of Smyrna. But rabel into the N if sleeve (22). Since
he excluded the possibility of a route Kiepert and Lepsius opinion has wave
over the Karabel pass leading towards red between the two routes, but nothing
Phokaia. On the other hand, he was novel has been said on the subject,
willing to disregard the short distance unless one takes into account the mu
by which the figure in the Karabel tually exclusive theories advanced at
pass is separated from the road leading different times by Ramsay (see below).
from Sardis along the N if sleeve and The discovery o f the second figure
over the Bel Kahve pass to Smyrna; in in the Karabel gorge in 1875 gave a new
support o f this view it may be urged turn to the problem. Huroann boldly
that the ancient route could well have expressed 'the view that the two figures
turned to the south towards the mouth o f were those described by Herodotos and
the Karabel gorge, seeking the firmer that the location given is at the crossing
ground above the valley bottom, and of the two roads (23). Sayce at once
so An fact have passed not more than accepted this identification, and (though
the half hour that Kiepert estimates speaking of the figures as pointing to
from the rockcut figure. Kiepert the Ephesos and Sardis respectively) (24)
refore in the end (identified the figure defined the position as the meeting
with that located by Herodotos on the place of the two paths referred to by
way from Sardis to Smyrna. Herodotos (25). But neither Humana
Lepsius, on the other hand, was nor Sayce attempted to elucidate
less insistent on the main trends o f Herodotos’ words; the engineer Hu-
communication and more literal in his mann’s penetrating observation was
interpretation. He rejected the location screened by E. Curtius’ cautious edi
on the Sardis-Smyrna road, which torial comment that the topographical
certainly never passed up the Karabel problem demanded mature reconsidera
gorge; and he laid emphasis on Hero tion; and Sayce modified his own view
dotos’ use of the term ’E ^ eoît) (20), by conceding that Herodotos was “ not
which can only imply a more easterly correct in saying that the pass..... leads
route than that by Smyrna, since, to not only from Ephesos to Phokaia but
be significant in this context, it must also from Sardis to Smyrna” , and that
denote the inland territory o f Ephesos. he “must have received his account o f
Lepsius’ contention has much to com the figures from another authority” (26).
mend it. The territory o f Ephesos, in The facile assumption that the two re
later times at least, extended well over liefs existing on the ground were iden
thirty kilometres up the Kaystros tical with the two Tunot described by
valley (21); and to the traveller from Herodotos was soon left behind. Ram
the inland settlements around the mo say denied that either o f the roads
dern Tire and Bayındır the shortest mentioned could go up the Karabel
route to the lower iHermos valley would gorge (27), and this extreme o f nega-
lie through the rolling country south
of the Mahmud Dağı and across the Ka- (22) Cf. Weber S ip y lo s 47f.
(23) A r c h . Z e it . X X X III, 51.
(20) “Was offenbar mit Absicht statt (24) J o u in . H e ll. S tu d . I, 85.
Ephesus gesagt ist” ( A i c h . Z e it . IV, 276). (25) T ra n s . S o c . B i b l . A r c h a e o lo g y VII,
Welcker, who accompanied Kiepert, also 268. Wiedemann, H e r o d o ts Z w e it e s B u c h
preferred the Ephesia-Phokaia route (cf. (1890), 415, seems to take the same view.
B u ll. In s t . C o r r . A i c h . 1842, 185). (26) T h e H it t it e s 69.
(21) Cf. Strabo X III. 620. (27) Jo u r n . H e ll. S tu d . II, 53.
62
THE RELIEFS OF “SESOSTRIS” IN ION IA
tion was transmitted without further rockcut figure commonly called “ Nio-
comment by S. Reinach (28). Ramsay be” , Which overlooks the road leading
in fact was prepared to agree that one down the Hermos valley from the di
figure in the Karabel was mentioned by rection of Sardis; and attention has
Herodotos, but considered that the text been fixed on this doubly-or rather
o f Herodotos must be rearranged-either trebly-“ pseudo” Sesostris (32), whereas
so as to give a route from Ephesos to the second figure in the Karabel seems
Sardis (in which case another figure to have disappeared both from the
was to be looked for on the Smyrna - speculations of scholars and from the
Phokaia route) (29), or to replace the face of the land (33).
two roads by three radiating from It is nevertheless evident that the
Sardis (on two o f which there would second figure in the Karabel gorge
have been rock-carved figures) (30). fits Herodotos’ description of the car
Ramsay’s influence seems to have pro ved figures better than the “ Niobe” and
ved decisive, and the few scholars who has therefore at first sight the better
have subsequently had occasion to revi claim to be the other tuttos. And if the
ew the location of Herodotos’ rúiroi identification with the “ Niobe”-or
seem to have rested content with the another figure now lost-is accepted, we
identification of one, and not more are left with the anomaly of a second
than one, figure in the Karabel pass (31). figure on the ground, corresponding to
The second relief has suffered a the first and carved at the same spot,
peculiar metamorphosis. Ramsay sugg- - and furthermore much the less likely
ested-in connection with the second to have been overlooked by the ancient
o f his explanations-that Herodotos has traveller-whieh has been ignored by
erroneously located the other “ Sesos- Herodotos and his contemporaries. Be
tris” at the position on the north margin fore such an assumption can be admitted
o f Mt Sipylos occupied by the seated the text o f Herodotos 'must be re-exa
mined. He says there are two rockcut
(28) In Le Bas-Waddington Voyage reliefs of Sesostris
a rch . (1888), p. 45, where the implication 7 repi Icoviqv : ¡the preposition might
seems to be that the figures in the Karabel
are not those described by Herodotos. well cover more than one point on a
(29) J o u i n . H e ll. S tu d . II, 53. periphery, but it is constantly used with
(30) H is t o r ic a l G e o g r a p h y o f A sia the accusative by Herodotos to indicate
M in o r (1890). 30, 60. Ramsay subsequently a single indefinite position either in a
endeavoured to associate the two carvings region or on the fringe o f one (34).
with the, “ stele” and “mnema” of Tos,
They are located
which lay on the route from the plain of
Sardis to (Ephesian) Smyrna recommended “ Where people pass on the way
by Hipponax, fr. 15 Bergk ( A s ia n ic E l e from the Ephesia to Phokaia, and
m en ts, 1927, i57ff.).
(where they pass going) from Sardis
(31) How and Wells, C o m m e n ta ry on
H e r o d o t o s I, (1912), p. 219, "two monu
ments have been found, of which one... cor (32) A modern misrecognition of a fi
responds to H.’s account”. Keil-Premerstein, gure falsely identified as the image of a
B e r i c h t ü b e r e in e d r itte R e i s e ( D e n k s c h r if wrongly named king. Cadoux, A n c ie n t
ten A k a d . W ie n . 57, 1915), 5, “Die zweite S m y r n a (1938) 34f., seems to incline to this
gleichartige Figur, die nach Herodot an der view.
Strasse von Smyrna nach Sardes lag, ist bis (33) Cf. Cadoux A n c ie n t S m y rn a 34L,
her nicht gefunden worden” . Bossert, A lt a probably broken up in road-making in 1927.
n a to lien (1942), p.. 58, “ D a s K a r a b e l-R e lie t (34) For the latter cf. VI.105.1; V II.190;
bereits bei Herodot II 106 erwähnt” , etc. VIII.108.1.
63
TÜRK ARKEOLOJİ DERGİSİ V l - 2
to Smyrna” : apart from the coinci the Karabel not only fly in the face o f
dence o f two figures and two ways, the facts on the ground, but involve
there is no certain indication here that considerable emendation o f Herodotos’
the author was referring to two positi text-or the attribution to the significant
ons on different routes rather than one adverbs o f meanings that they do not
position by two routes. elsewhere carry.
eXxci0 o)0 i a man is carved: this word
The accurate definition o f a positi
normally means “ on either hand” and
on at a distance from any city or land*
therefore implies that Herodotos had a
mark likely to be known to, let us say,
single position In view (35) ; the current
an Athenian or Olympic audience was
rendering “in both p[iaees” (r.e =dU 0 otEpr|)
by no means easy; and if Herodotos
strains the meaning of the word.
was referring to a position in the Ka
“ W ho he is and where he comes
rabel gorge his method o f pin-pointing
from, he does not declare evQjura, but
that position was singularly effective:
he has declared it etspc 0 l this was
he named first the route on which the
taken by Kiepert and Lepsius to mean
figures lay, and then the road ¡into which
that on one o f the two ruiroi (the one
it debouched at a bare half hour’s trot.
figure then known in the Karabel)
On this view Herodotos is not guilty o f
these particulars were omitted, but that
the gross misconceptions and blunders
the other « tiros bore the titles (36). But
now generally attributed to h im ; and if
this interpretation is precarious; neit
one wishes tci criticise his accuracy (or that
her of the two tuvoi in Ionia can really
of his informant) one can at most say
have been set up by, or borne the titles
only that he has not explicitly drawn
of, an Egyptian king, and both are co
attention to the short distance at which
vered, by Herodotos’ description o f fi
the two figures lay from the junction
gure and legend; it is therefore more
of the two routes (38).
natural to refer ¿tipaiGt to the stelae
actually set up by this “ Sesostris” It remains to define the route on
elsewhere — X«td -a ; Xwp*; — and espe which the sculptures lay. It would
cially those seen by Herodotos himself probably be true to say that no student
in Palestine (I I .106.1). The word ¿,0 of ancient geography had the oppor
therefore covers the position o f the two tunity o f seeling the Karabel in its true
ruTroi on the confines of Ionia, and it setting until in recent months a civil
also in some degree lends support, by aeroplane service was established bet
its normal application to a single posi ween Ankara and IzmiT. Coming from
tion when used as an adverb o f place the Phrygian plateau the plane passes
(37), to the view that Herodotos had high over Sardis, and then losing alti
only one place in mind. It must the tude skims over the Karabel gap to
refore be admitted that attempts to enter the plain o f Kolophon and land
locate only one o f Herodotos’ tuttoi in at Cumaovasi. The c liff on which the
warrior relief is carved appears promi
(35) Cf. Liddell-Scott 9 S .V . nent near the head o f the pass, and
(36) A r c h . Z e it . I, 42 n. 18; IV, 275. beyond this on the left low broken
(37) The 47 other examples of its use
for place at rest in Herodotos (see Powell (38) Prof. G.E. Bean points out to me
L e x ic o n to H e r o d o tu s s. v.) all relate to a the possibility that Herodotos, relying on
single position except for that in V III. 24. 1, hearsay, misunderstood the position given
where the different places acquire a unity by his informant and believed that one figu
by together constituting the location of re lay on each of the two routes which meet
Xerxes’ army. at the bottom of the Karabel.
64
TH E RELIEFS OF “SESOSTRIS” IN ION IA
(1 8 8 8 - 1 956)
E d r e m it e şr a fın d a n v e h a lı t ü c c a r r i f V e k â le ti t a r a f ın d a n 3000 k u r u ş m a
la r ın d a n m erh u m H a lilz â d e A h m e t’in a ş la İz m ir v e h a v a lis i  s a r ıa t ik a ye
o ğ lu olup, 1888 de İ s t a n b u l’d a d o ğ m u ş, H a r s M ü fe ttişliğ in e , 1926 E y lü lü n d e
tu r. 1910 d a S a n a y ii N e fise d e n m ezu n te r fia n V e k â le t U m u m i M ü fe ttişlik k a d
o lm u ştu r. B a b a s ın ın sa m im î b ir d o stu r o su n a a lın a r a k ( Â s a r ıa t ik a U m u m î
olan M üze M ü d ü rü H a in d i b e y in te şv ik i M ü fe ttişi) o la r a k istih d a m o lu n m u ş ve
ü ze rin e A rk e o lo ji ilm in e h ev es eden A- İ sta n b u l M ü zeleri U m u m M ü d ü rlü ğ ü n e
ziz O ğan , 300 k u r u ş m a a ş la M üzeye in tâ y in in e k a d a r z en g in m u h te v iy a tı ile
t is a p e d e re k m a a ş ı 7 00 k u r u ş a y ü k se l if t ih a r e ttiğ im iz İ z m ir M ü zesin i ve E f e s
m iş v e A r k e o lo jik b ilg is in i s a ğ la m a k ile B e r g a m a m a h a llî m ü z e le rin i in ş a ve
için İz m ir, M a n is a ve A y d ın v ilâ y e tle te s is e m u v a ff a k olan A ziz O ğan , İz m ir
rin d e y a p ıla n m ü te a d d it k a z ıla r a K o m i ile m ü c a v ir v ilâ y e tle rd e b u lu n an  sa r ı-
s e r o la r a k g ö n d e rilm iştir . G ö ste r d iğ i a tik a ve h a f r iy a t m e v k ile rin e b ir e r b e k
d ir a y e t ve m u v a ffa k iy e t ü ze rin e 1914 çi tâ y in i ile b u n la rın iyi. m u h a fa z a o lu n
de te r fia n 1500 k u r u ş m a a ş la İz m ir m a la rın ı s a ğ la m ış tır . M erk ezi İz m ir ’de
A s a n a t i k a M ü fe ttişliğ in e tâ y in o lu n o lm ak ü zere (İz m ir ve H a v a lis i  s a r ıa ti-
m u ş ve se fe r b e r lik ilâ n ı ü ze rin e ih tiy a t k a M u h ip le ri C e m iy e ti)n in k u ru lm a sı
z a b it n am zed i o la r a k N a k liy e T a lim g â - iç ,-n V a li m erh u m K â z ım P a ş a y a telki-
h ın a a lın m ış ve bu ta lim g â h ı ik m al e d e n a tta b u lu n a ra k b ilâ h a re b u v a d id e k i
re k Ç a n a k k a le ve K a f k a s cep h elerin d e fa y d a lı n e ş r iy a tı ile b ö lg ed e h a y ır lı işle r
b u lu n m u ş ve m ü tea k ib e n S u r iy e ve b a ş a r a n bu cem iy etin , um u m i ve m e s’ul
G a rb i A r a b is ta n K u m a n d a n lığ ı Â s a r ıa - k â tib i s ıfa tiy le k u ru lm a sın d a v e g e liş
tik a M ü şa v ir M u a v in liğ in e v e b u n a ilâ m esin d e b ü y ü k h iz m e tle r i f a e tm iştir.
v eten o rd u e m rin d e b u lu n an Ş a m S a n a A ziz O ğan , 1929, 1930 y ılla r ın d a
yi M ektebi M ü d ü rlü ğ ü n e tâ y in o lu n m u ş ( M a a r if V ekâleti. Â s a r ıa t ik a v e M üze
ve b ir a r a lık o rd u t a r a fın d a n t a m ir olu le r) M ü d ü rlü ğ ü n e de k ıs a f a s ıla la r la v e
n a n B a a le b e k d e k i m e şh u r J ü p it e r M â- k â le t e tm iş ve b ilh a s s a E f e s M ü zesin in
bed in in r e sto r a sy o n u n d a ve Ş a m ’d a C a d ev let h âz in e sin e b a r o lm ad a n h u su si
m ii E m e v iy e n in e tra fın d a k i, e v ve d ü k k a y n a k la r ın te b e r r u a tı ile in ş a o lu n m a
k â n la r ın k a ld ır ıla r a k bu t a r ih î b in an ın sın d a n ö tü rü İz m ir V ilâ y e ti, A ziz
m e y d a n a ç ık m a sı işle rin d e is v iç r e li b ir O ğ a n ’ın a d ın a E f e s M ü zesi k a p ıs ın a
h ey etle iş b ir liğ i y a p m ış, 1 8 -A ğ u sto s- m e rm e r b ir if t ih a r le v h a sı ta lik e tm iş
1918 d e te r h 's o lu n a r a k İ z m ir ’e a v d e t t ir . A ziz O ğan , İ s t a n b u l'a tây in in d en
le  s a r ıa t ik a M ü fe ttişliğ i v a z ife sin e y e s o n r a d a m ü fe ttiş lik z a m a n ın d a y a r ı k a
niden b a ş la m ış v e a y n ı z a m a n d a b irin c i lan işle ri ik m a l için ç a lış m ıştır . İz m ir
ve ik in ci (S u lt a n î) m e k te p le rin d e k e n M ü z esin in 1927 ve 1932 de re sim li re h
d isin e d e r sle r v e r ilm iştir . Y u n a n iş g a li b e rin i te lif etm ek su re tiy le b u m üzenin
ü ze rin e k a d r o su İ s t a n b u l’a n a k lo lu n a ilim â le m in e ta n ıtılm a s ın a h iz m et e tm iş
r a k A rk e o lo ji M ü zesin d e h a f r iy a t ve olan A ziz O ğan , v ilâ y e t â s a r ıa t ik a s ın a
t a s n if a t işle r i ile m e şg u l o lm u ştu r, i s d a ir b ir h ay li m a k a le le r ve b r o şü r le r
tir d a d ı m ü te a k ip 1922 so n la r ın d a M aa- n e ş r e tm iş tir . B ilh a s s a E f e s - A y a slu g
6 6
AZİZ OĞAN
67
TÜRK ARKEOLOJİ DERGİSİ VI - 2
Aziz OĞAN
68
TÜRK ARKEOLOJİ DERGİSİ VI - 2 LEV: J
Abb: 2
L. BUDDE
TÜRK ARKEOLOJİ DERGİSİ VI - 2 LEV: II
A b b : 3 a— Abb: 3 b—
A b b : 3 c- A bb: 3 d—
L. BU D DE
TÜRK ARKEOLOJİ DERGİSİ VI - 2 LEV: İTİ
Abb: 4—
L. BUDDE
TÜRK ARKEOLOJİ DERGİSİ VI - 2 LEV: IV
CHURCH
PAVED
V S T -R EET
PAVED
\ WAY COURTYARD
H A L L,
f CHURCH
MAMBOURY
ASCERTAINED W ALLS OF PRIM ARY PERIODS
WIEGAND
•• SECONDARY PERIODS Db
BUILDINGS KNOWN AND ACCESSIBLE. BUT BELOW GROUND LEVEL
Ulllll ASSUMED POSITION OF W ALLS
ASCERTAINED POSITION OF COLU M N S
o SUGGESTED PO SITION OF COLU M N S
M OSAIC PAVEMENT
A -0 SITE AREAS
RICE
TÜRK ARKEOLOJİ DERGİSİ VI - 2 LEV: V
T. RICE
TÜRK ARKEOLOJİ DERGİSİ YI - 2 LEV: VI
Fig: 4 — The «Bath» building, site E. The rough stone wall at the back
is the outher foundation wall of the peristyle complex
T. RÍCE
TÜRK ARKEOLOJİ DERGİSİ VI - 2 LEV: VII
MAM60URY-
WIEGAND
*] BUILDING'D.C*'
foW y Byzantine structures recorded by M ambouty and. Wiujand, n ' Die Kacserpaldsh
Complet discovered by the Walker Trust expedition. von KonstanUnopcl^-j |— j
Conylex discovered, by the Walker Trust expedition. i c ^ 2
T u rk ish BucUUny
T. RİCE
T Ü R K A R K E O L O Jİ DERGİSİ VI - 2 LEV: VIII
Fig: 8 — Vaulted substructures, wi'h the arcaded Fig: 9 — Brick vault, showing also the great
wall of the great stone structure beyond stone structure
T. RÍCE
TÜRK ARKEOLOJİ DERGİSİ VI - 2 LEV: IX
Res: 5 — Res: 6 —
G. BEAN - A. AKARCA
TÜRK ARKEOLOJİ DERGİSİ VI - 2 LEV: X
Res: 2 — Bir burç duvarının restorasyondan Res: 3 — Aynı burç duvarının restorasyondan
önceki harap hali sonraki hali
Fig. 2 — One of the front towers before Fig'. 3 — The same tower after restoration.
restoration.
H. ÇAM BKL
fÜ R K ARKEOLOJİ DERGİSİ VI - 2 LEV: XI
H. ÇAMBEL
TÜRK ARKEOLOJİ DERGİSİ VI - 2 LEV: XII
íes: 6 — Büyük ilâh heykeli kısmen restore Res: 7 — Yeni bir kabartma res'orasyon sırasınd.
edildikten sonra Fig. 7 — A new relief (tribute-bearers)
Gg. 6 — The inscribed statue after partial during work.
restoration.
H. ÇAM BEL
TÜRK ARKEOLOJİ DERGİSİ VI - 2 LEV: XIII
DUYURAN
TÜRK ARKEOLOJİ DERGİSİ VT - 2 LEV: XV
Res: 1 — Res: 2 —
Res: .3 — Res: 4 —
K. BİTTEL
LEV:
RK ARKEOLOJi DERGlSt VI - 2
\\c'
Fig.2 Walking man. F ogg 1943. 112(1-
g-. 1 — Walking man. F ogg 1943. 1120. iron;.
1ANFMAAN HANSEN
TÜRK ARKEOLOJİ DERGİSİ VI - 2 L E V : X V II
Fig. 7 — Head of Bull. F ogg 1943. 1321. Front. Fig. 8 — Head o f Bull. F ogg 1943. 1321.
Quarter View.
MAAN — HANSEN
TÜRK ARKEOLOJİ DERGİSİ VI - 2 LEV: XIX
.. -m
Fig. 10 — Detail o f Throne from Relief of
Assur Naşir Pal III. British Museum.
HANFMAAN HANSEN
TÜRK ARKEOLOJİ DERGİSİ VI - 2 LEV: XX
HANFMAAN ANSEN
TÜRK ARKEOLOJİ DERGİSİ VI - 2 LEV: XXI
J. COOK
Fig. 1 — Relief of Karabel.
J. COOK