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Table of contents

Band 19

Preface

1. The noun

. .

. . . ........ ... ....... .....

1-1 2

1.1. The inflexion of 'unextended' nouns .............. '. ..... . 1


1.2. The inflexion of 'extended' nouns ....... . ............... 4
1.2.1. The inflexion of masculine a-stems ... .... ........ . . 4

1.2.2. The inflexion of masculine am-stems . .


.

Veranrwortliche Redaktion: Christian Zinko

Textverarbeitung und Erstellung der Druckvorlage durch den Autor

........... 7

f- and u-stems ............


inflexion of feminine f- and u-stems .. ..... .. ... .

1.2.3. The inflexion of masculine

1.2.4. The

1.2.5. The inflexion of feminine iya-stems .. .. ....... . . . .. 10


1.3. The periphrasis of the plural ............ . .............. 1 2
1.4. The gender system . . ... .... ..... .... ........ . .... ... 1 2
2. The inflexion of adjectives ............... . . .. ..... .. . . .

1 3-15

3. The pronouns ... , .......... , . , . , , , ..... , , .... , .. , , . ,

!6-25

1 The pronominal inflexion ............... . ........ . .. .. 16


.
3.2. 1st person pronouns .......... .. ... ........... . .. ..... 17

3.3. 2nd person pronouns .. .... ......... .

:: :: :: :::: :: : ::: : :

3.4. The possessive pronouns ......... ..


.

19
20

3.5. The non-personal pronouns . ........................ . 2 1


.

3.6. The (reflexive) pronoun ap

4. The numerals

5. The postpositi

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6. The verb
6.1. The v

.. ........... ..... . .. . 25
.

26-27

s : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : :

bl ;s : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : :

6.2. The participles ......................


6.3. The (general) present ..

6.4. The imperfect

: : : : : : : : :: : : : : : :

........ .. . ..
.

28-3 3
34-45

.. ...........

. ... ..
.

34
35
37

. ... . . . . .. . . . ........ . .. . .... ...... . . 38

6.5. The continuous forms ............. .... .. ...


.

. .. 39
.

IV

6.6.The preterite and the (past) perfect .. . ................... 39 .


6.7. The subjunctive ..................................... 40
6.8.The imperative . ......... ... . . . ... . . . . ...... . ...... . 42

6.9.The.future . . ..
,, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
43
6.10. The passive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
6.11. 1b.e absolutive ..................................... 44
6.12. The infmitive
44
7. Glossary of linguistic terms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46-48
. .. . ..
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49-56
8. Indices
Literature
.
.
.
.
.
. ..
9.
, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . 57-68
10.Abbreviations ............. ,, ................. . . . .... 6 9-70
.

. .

Preface

The tribes that entered India during the first part of the 2nd millenium
before Christ brought with them a language which was closely related to
Avestan, the language of the holy texts of Zoroastrianism, and to Old
Persian and more distantly to Greek, Latin and English.From this Vedic
Sa nskrit, or 'Old Indo-Aryan', a younger variety emerged which became
the base of 'Middle Indo-Aryan', a cover term for quite a number of
languages and dialects. Different from Sanskrit these so-called Prakrits
were more popular languages which were made use of by early Buddhism
and Jainism and which are first attested in written form in the edicts of
King Asoka (2 68 - 232 B.C.). From young forms of these Prakrits, a
language called Apabhrarpsa evolved, as to its employment a purely
poetical language. Basically, it is an amalgation of Middle Indo-Aryan
(MIA) with the still much further evolved contemporary spoken languages:
the mostly Middle Indo""Aryanvocabulary is 'vernacularly' inflected.This
Apabbraqisa is the base for all New Indo-Aryan languages and thereby also
-for. Hindi as equations as ghf 'waterless butter' < Apabhr. I MIA ghia- <
Skt.ghrta-, btidal 'cloud'< Apabhr.I MIA vaddala- < Skt.vtirdala- or tij
'today'< Apabbra.I :MIA ajja < Skt. adya show. It was a western form of
Apabbrarpsa from which the immediate predecessors of Hindi, Hindavf
(also called Zaban-e-Dihlavti) and Dehtitf Kharf Bolf emerged. Both of
them were idioms originally at home in the vicinity of Delhi. They bad
originated with the conquest of Delhi by Qutb-uddin Aibak, and the
establishment of the Delhi sultanate in 1206, as linguae francae of the lingui-s tically and ethnically - very heterogeneous population.
Subsequently these Delhi idioms gained importance and spread to the west
and to the south with travelling merchants, pilgrims and soldiers - the
(temporary) transfer of the capital of the Delhi sultanate to Daulatabad
(near Aurangabad) in 1327 certainly played an important part in this
spread. Transfered in that way beyond the borders of the Delhi area,

VI
I

VII
prevented him from writing a more recent history of Hindi taking into

Hindavf and Dehiitf Kharf Bolzbecame over-regional languages. Centuries


later a new koine, the Zaban-e-urdii-e-mu 'alia, emerged in Delhi as a
mixture of Hindavz and Dehiitf Kharf Boll on the one hand and Bra} Bhaa,

account all of its immediate predecessors (cf.

modern Standard Hindi or

Kharf Bolz Hindi.

2000). This would have been a most valuable- and necessary- com

This language, shortly called

ofIndia of 1991 spoken by about 337 million people as


71 million people as second or third langUage.

first and by about

have therefore to go back first to older Hindi dialects and then to


Apabhrarpsa and the Prakrits and fmally to Sanskrit. While the younger
history of Hindi bas yet to be written (see also below) the grammar at hand
aims at drawing a detailed picture of the bases of the nominal and verbal
categories of Hindi in Apabhrarpsa, Prakrit and Sanskrit.. Special attention
has been paid to the Apabhrarpsa stage of development. Since all pertinent
rimarks on Apabhrarpsa morphology have been entered into the index this
f.

![ammar may prove helpful also in dealing with Apabhrarpsa texts. This

would_ c
_ rtainly be welcome,

as the _studY _tA1J_!rrm:psa_ -s vlly ..

come to a stand-still- with only few pleasant exceptions- with the death
of

LUDWIG ALSDORF

and HARIVALLABH C.

My esteemed friend,

Dr.

BHAYANI.

ARLo GRIFFITHS, University of Groningen,

not only vetted my English but also saved me from many an embarrasment
by scrupulously examining the final

draft of this booklet. Professor WM. L.


FORNELL of Gottingen

SMITH of Uppsala University and Dr. lNE S

University have been kind enough to go through an earlier version and to


give me their remarks, which I was allowed to include. It goes without
saying that any faults and short-comings are entirely mine.
This book is dedicated to the memory of Professor

NESPITAL.

He was always ready to help when

Dr. HELMUT

turned to him with

questions while working on the German fore-runne r of this grammar

(published by Dr.

INGE WEZLER,

Reinbek, in

Gottingen-Nikolausberg, 12 February 2005

Census

To trace the history of- the morphological system of- Hindi we

1998). His premature death

1994b I 1998 I

plement to the present grammar.

a western language, on the other. It was the basis both of Urdu and of
Hindi, is the official language of the Indian Union, according to the

NESPITAL

-,>

1. The noun
11. The inflexion of 'unextended' nouns
As a consequence of the loss ofOIA fmal consonants, all :MIA nouns
ed
end in (partly nasalizedY vowels (see JACOBI 1918; 31 * ) . The short
vowels persisted in Apabhrarpsa; the long ones, however, were shortened
in all poly-syllabic words, unless they were followed by an enclitic such as
vi 'also' or ya 'and':2 Ap. siru 'head' < Pkt. sira1J1. < Skt. siral;.; Ap. sa
mala 'this garland' < Pkt. I Skt. sa mala. Later on, the instability
characteristic of word endings3 affected these fmal short vowels which in
the end were completely dropped: H. sir 'head' < Ap. siru, H. mal
garland'< Ap.mala.4 At the same time, however, long fmals evolved from
recent 'diphthongs', either due to contraction or by compensatory
lengthening. These 'diphthongs' originated from the dropping of inter
vocalic consonants (e.g. the -k- of the aka-extension [see note 14]): Ap.
,: .,_,__di!{hL'seen'< dit!hia < *drtika ( d[!a).5 Therefore, Hindi has only two
- lasses f nouns whose distinction is basic for inflexion: one terminated
l .'

__

_
_______

1.

_
_

_j.
__

_ _ _ _ _ _ _ - _ _ _ _ - -- -

. :I - ::.J:::B:::;;::::;:;:5:0; ::::::::6-7).

For the sake of converu . ence we include here vowel+ anusviira though this is, strictly

1'--

. .

This is one
basic sound laws of Apabhrarpsa. Other such laws relevant for the genesis of
Hindi are (a) the development of final -a to -u and of final -a'!' to -u or -um see ALS
OORF
n.
and
and (b) the opening of s (from s, . s, sy and {i}y) into h
in certain inflectional element<> (e. g. gen. sg. masc. oahu< 0asya [see TURNER
and MASICA
For further sound laws of Apabhrarp
sa see below, notes
and
of the

1937: 9 2, 31 37)
j_
210-211/1975: 295-296
11, 14 24. 1993: 187]).
Il
(1975: 291-300).
I
See
(1965: 45)
(1993: 188).
I
(1937: 8), (1965: 43),
(1975:
I

4
5

1935/37:

On this phenomenon see TuRNER


BLOCH

See A LSDORF

--I9or

and MASICA

BLOCH

TURNER

Ill) and MASICA

(1993:

'1. The noun-

- 1.

The noun -

with a consonant, the other with a long vowel. 6 The ftrst class - the class of
'unextended' nouns (see McGREGOR p. 1)7- has no distinct ending in the
entire singular and in the direct case of the plural, while the ?blique case of
the plural ends in 0m. This is a continuation of the genitive plural ending
0/thum of Apabhrallls a (on which see below, p. 6 n. 21 ) This ending is
.

masculines

.;

added also to feminine stems whose plural direct case ends in oem(cf. Braj

0em I 0/tim) which goes back to (Pkt.) 0aim of the neuter a-stems("' Skt.
0ani).8 Hence, the inflexion of 'unextended' nouns is as follows:

din

din

din

pita

pita

pita

dinom
pitao

feminines

matao

bahuo

See (1965: 43 166 181). loan-words in seep. 9 n. 34.


7 This is SHAPIRO's
(see SHAPIRO 5.2 [p. 32]).
Seethis neuter(1965:
168-169)
and into(1993:
228). was
the Apabhrarpsa
stage
that
ending
was
incorporated
the
feminine
inflexion
(see
1918:
34*
and already1948:present
159-160).
Mostthatprobably
connected
this processa partici
is the
phenomenon,
in Prakrit,
the neuter
plural of'withan adjective,
ple or a pronoun is used if these refer to two or more persons of masculine feminine
gender:
'Then
Sagaracanda and Kamalamela
took
upon
them
the
vows
and
became
disciples',
(ed. by LEUMANN) 31.22,
'They father
mother]
said',
38.
1
(see
Leipzig
1886,

80,
357,
1921:
11
and
1936:
162).
This
syntactical
featurepreserved
is continued
by Gujaratiofand
have
the distinction
threeMarathi
genderswhich-different
(see 1970:from278).Hindi (see 1.4)
6

BLOCH

On

'1-

class 11

BLOCH

MASICA

It

in

JACOBI

TAGARE

and
tao siigaracando kamaliimeliiya ... gahiyii1fuvvayii1f i siivagazi sa1J1vuffti1fi

A vasyaka-Erziihlungen
ibid.

PISCHEL

E.

tii1fi bha1fGnti
[i.e.
in Mii.hiirii.sh{ri.

JACOBI, Ausgewiihlte Erziihlungen

JACOBI

ALsOORF

BLOCH

ana

A number ofkinship terms ending in a(see_note 10) and also words

to the long of this form see the following note.


The length(seeof the .fmal was retained here -by contrast with the shortening of to
followingby itsnote)-, because the word is borrowed from Sanskrit. That
it is borrowed isthebetrayed
'mother' [NSg.] because
and old
henceinter-vocalic
also in Hindi is(seelost in Apabhrarpsa
1975: 264).(cf.
final vowel of the 'stem' is shortened in line with the general shortening of the
fmal
of theof the feminine
in Apabhrarpsa (presumably
before theandaddition
suffix [seeundnotesa-inflexion
13 and 14]):
-). The long of the direct case of the( singular is conditioned by
compensatory(lengthening:
9 As

-ii-

10

Ap. maya11

The
ii, f

(*)vadhukii ni

ii

ii

in bahu em

+-

+--

Pkt.

vadhii

t
miitii)

ii-, f)'ail
bahii < *vahua < (*)vadhukii

-t-

TuRNER

bahuerh < *vahuiiirlz

+-

vadhu-).

'i

- 1.

- 1. The noun-

borrowed from Sanskrit like atma (m.), devta (f.) and raja (m.) belong to
this class and inflect according to the given paradigm.

< Braj 0a(h)i1 7


[(x oae)]lS < Ap.

1.2. The inflexion of 'extended' nouns


The second class of inflexion- the 'strong' one (see McGREGOR p.
1
2is comprised of those nouns that have been 'extended' by adding the
1)
suffix )'a- (< 0ka-)- mainly13- in Apabhrarpsa/4 i.e., those nouns that
ended in two vowels. After the Apabhrarpsa stage these were either
contracted or the second one was dropped and the frrst one compensatorily
lengthened (see 1.1 ). In the 'strong' inflexion direct and oblique cases,
both of singular and plural, have different endings.

The noun-

< Pkt. 0ao I

< Skt. 0akal;. I

< Pkt. 0a1J1si

< Skt. (loc. sg.)

0akam

0asmini9

0ahim

__ _ -----

< Ap. I Pkt. oaya

< Skt. (voc. sg.)


0aka

1.2.1. The inflexion of masculine a-stems


The case-endings of the masculine a-stems derive (ultimately from
16 As a rule the ntr. ending (Skt.) 0a/cam evolved into (Ap.) 0aum while masc. oakal;
Sanskrit) as follows (for the corresponding endings of the f- and u-stems
,_resulted in oau (see JACOBI 1921: 11 [ 13] and ALsooRF 1936: 147 I 1937: 9 n. 2).
-There are, however, quite a number of cross-overs (see JACOBI 1918: 32 * ( 22]),
.
-.-see 1. 2. 3):15
?ly) because of the :oalescence of masculine and neuter gen?er (see 1.4).
_
17 It is, however, imaginable that the poly-valent Braj ending 0ahi(m) (instr. sg. [tatahi
tata miliirrz na, Dadu], gen. sg. Uasodii syiimahim kaf!lthii lagiiyau, Silrsagar] and loc. sg.
[inina indri tanahim kii{ ata, Silrsagar]) is the result of a crossing of the Apabhrarpsa
- nd.ings of the genitive, instrumental and locative sg.: 0ahu X 0ef!Z I 'Ym X 0Ghim I 0ae (on
12 This is SHAPIRO 's class I (see SHAPIRO 5 .2 [p. 31]).

the instr. ending 0e'!1 < Skt. 0ena see OBERLIES 2002: 196, on ahim and oae see the
following note).
13 Note that in this survey the 0ka-extension is postulated already for Sanskrit in order
not to complicate the derivation of forms. On the meaningless 0ka-, added already in
18 Thefinal vowel of the Apabhrarpsa locative ending 0ahim (< Skt. 0asmin [see ALS
(Vedic) Sanskrit, see WACKERNAGEL I DEBRUNNER, Altindische Grammatik ll,2 p. 518. . .
DORF 1937: 34]) optionally lost its nasality because of interference from the alternative
locative ending oae (pronounced l 0ail)< Skt. 0ake. As a result of this crossing the ending
14 The primary function of the jla- (< 0/ca-) extension in Apabhrarpsa was to bring about
was adapted to the gen.-loc. oahe of the fern. a-stems (on this ending see note 37) and
the rhythmical equilibrium of the paradigm (see ALsDORF 1937: 18): It affected almost
.
exclusively those cases whose endings measured only one mora (nom. I ace. sg. m. 0U,
.. the gen.-loc. O.Zhe and 0uhe of the masc. and fern. i- and u-stems.
loc. sg. m. 0e, voc. sg. m. 0a, nom. I ace. pl. m. 0a, nom. I ace. sg. f. 0a, 'Y) and adjusted
1 9 The Sanskrit pronominal inflexion supplied the locative ending 0af!lSi ofPrakrit. That
them to those of more than one mora (instr sg. m. 0ef!Z, gen. sg. m. "ahu I 0aho gen. sg. f
this
ending is continued by the oblique ending of Hindi's masc. a-inflexion is not
fern. 0ahe, instr. pl. m./f. 0ahim, gen. pl. m./f. 0aham I 0ahum )
beyond doubt, because normally the oblique case is based on the genitive. An alternative
1 5 See SAKSENA (1937: 115-116).
explaDi.ttion of the 'history' of this ending is given above in note 17 ..
_

!"

___ __

__ _

. ... _

-- --.

..

-I.

< Ap. oaya 2o


(< Braj oaum) <
Ap. 0ahurh < (x

- 1. The noun-

The noun-

< Skt. (nom. pl.


m.) 0aktil;

< Pkt. 0ayii


< Pkt. 0ti1JG'!l

compensatory lengthening (0ii < 0au).

disappearance of the (weakly pronounced) inter-vocalic consonant

(-'y-1-h-). 26

< Pkt. 0iiho

In the other cases we have to do with

2
contractions Ce < oa< y>a 5 I oa< h>i, 00[m} < oa< h>u[m]) after the

< Skt. 0tiniim22

oahif) 21

< Ap. 0ahu23

The direct case of the singular shows loss o f the fmal vowel with

[gen. sg.] oahu I

1.2.2. The inflexion

of masculine iirh-stems

Masculine stems in tim whose endings are nasalized throughout go

< Skt. (voc. pl.) 0ti


+ bh o(f:z/4

-m-, either primary one or secondarily


-p- or -v- (which develop via -v- to -m-). This -m- is lost
after having nasalized the following vowel:27 kuiim 'well'2 8 < *kumii <
*kUvii < kuvao < kupa(ka)f:z.

. back to stems with inter-vocalic


originated from

20 Apabhrarpsa has a nom.-acc. pl. of the neuter which ends in Yay)a (see JACOBI 1918:

31*3
- 2*I 34*an d ALSDORF 1936: 162). Here (at the latest) the inflection of the mascu
line and that of the neuter a-stems have collapsed.

J 1.2.3. The inflexion of masculine f- and u-stems


21 The. -h- of the (p.) gen. sg. oahu I oah! (se noes 2 and _!2) was ended to th
I

e_ J
__ The endings of masculine f- and a-stems originated in the same way

_
(Pkt). gen. pl. ending 0 ii7J-am
I .
. (< Skt. 0 ii nam), ytelding also 0aham. ThiS blending was
!.e 0f the a-stems (see I 2_1)29
as_
ich likewise had an -h- (0ahim__j "ihtrft 1 eb_fm
_
___ S1Jp pc:>e_y Jhj-_!I:_.[l
_ _o-PLJ?.
.
_
0ebhif.z). For a different explanation see the following note.
] -.: _
____

_ _

22 BHAYANI (1965: 73) and TAGARE 86 assume that the genitive endings of the as- and
have been blended: Ap. oahum I oaham < *[man] asarrz < [man] as iim X
a l-stems
/

::: :::: \ : :

'
to ya - w
te , R am ay u;t
ra
ya
4 ,42 .53 ). Such a tran s .1'e r m tg
h
ur
s
t h gen. sg .In ahu (see note
S .
2) was changed into 0aho (probabl y) under the influence of fonns such as ma7J-aso < kt
[d e v] ii n ii m (the y coul

ha v

mo

manasaf.z (for another possible transfer of endings from the as- to the a-inflexion see
note 24).

23MCGREGOR

(1968: 138) gives a vocative plural in hau for Braj.

24 This is a univerbation of the old vocative plural of the a-stems and following bho():
Ap. 0ahu < Pkt. 0iiho < Skt. 00 bho [l.z] (see wACKERNAGEL, Altindisch e Gramma it k ill
49a rem., and BLOCH 1985: 142 n. 1). The short a of the Ap. ending oah u(< Pkt. 0tiho)

__c:.;_.- --

:. .

- fI_

anc eps, i.e. short or long (see JACOBI 1921: 1[ 2a] and ALSDORF 1928: 55[ 14]); in

A different explanation starts with the ending of the vocative plural of the as-

inflexion: H.
25

- h
ere.
--

00 < Ap.

0ahu

< Pkt.

oaso

<

Skt. oasaf.z (see

BRAYANI 1965:

As to this development of oaya see ALSDORF (1937: 15-16 n. 1),

73 ).

C
S HWARZSCI-ULD

(1991: 17) andMASICA (1993: 1901229).

If

-I

26

For h
t e loss of inter-vocalic -h- see BLOCH (1965: 69 I 1970: 170).

27 See ALSDORF

(1936: 149 I 1937: 35) andMASICA (1993: 193).

28

Word-rhythm seems to be responsible for the shor tening of the -il- (cf. dhutim

29

It will suffice to give the paradigm of the f-inflexion. The -a-inflexion

<

dhuma- 'smoke').

is due to an Ap. sound law according to which the stem final of nouns is generally

most cases, however, it is short (see JACOBI 1918: 28*and TEDESCO 1945: 160) as it is

parallel.

runs

strictly

- 1.

The noun -

< Pkt. 0io

-I. The noun -

< Skt. 0ikah

1.2.4. The inflexion of feminine f- and a-stems

# Pkt. 0i{y)assa31 < Skt. 0ikasya

I Pkt. 0ia

The feminine f-34 und a-stems continue the i- and f- and u- and a

feminines of Sanskrit. These have coalesced in Prakrit in one inflexion, the


r and a-stems.35 The fmal of these stems has been shortened in Apa

< Skt.
< Skt. (nom. pl.)

< Pkt. 0iii

0ikah

r
t

------------t----=--------=-1 _J

< Ap.
0i (y)ahum32 <
(x [gen. sg.]
0ihe)

< Pkt.

< Ap. 0i(y)ahu

< Pkt. 0iaho

< Skt. (gen. pl.)

0iyiina1Jl

bhrarp.sa (see note 1 1 and 24) which consequently had only i- and u
fm inines. These have been extended by )'a- (< 0kii- ). Hence the case
of the feminine f- and a-stems36 can be traced back to Sanskrit as
endings
.
.

-follows:

0ikaniim)

< Skt. (voc. pl.)

-
---------- --- --- -

H:i"
;F:

< Ap. 0ia

< Pkt. OZa

< Skt. (nom. sg.)


1kii

< Ap. 0ihi I


0ihe (: 0ahe)37

< Pkt. CZe

< Pali (obi. case)

< Ap. 0ii!

< Pkt. OZe

< Skt. (voc. sg.)

0Zyii38 (# Skt. o[ijya)


1ke

34 There are some steins in

'1-, almost all abstract nolUIS loaned from Sanskrit. The same

endings are added to them as to the feminine f-stems.

30 The masculine i-stems have taken over the ending

he from the feminine i-sterns (see

AI.SOORF 1937: 21). On this ending see note 37.

31

This ending would have resulted in something like (Ap.) *0iyahu. What is

actually

attested is 0ihu, the genuine masculine ending (see ALSDORJ 1937: 21 and TAGARE

36

oi I ou or "f I

0il.

See McGREGOR p. 2 and SHAPIRO 6.1 (p. 38-39).

37 The Apabhnup5a genitive in '1he I '1hi is formed out of '1e (< Pkt. "fe [cf. note 24]) in
analogy with oahi!, the ending of the feminine a-stems (see ALsDORF 1937: 21). oahe

32 On this blend form see note 21.

itself is a crossing of the feminine genitive * 0ae (< Pkt. -tie < Pali -iiya < Skt. -iiyii/:t)
0GSU < Pkt. 0as[s]a < Skt. 0asya [see above, notes
2 and 22]). On this explanation see ALsDORF (1937: 21) and BLOCH (1965: 143).

33 See note 24.

3 8 on this

95.iii [p. 168]).


:)

35 Only the nominative singular has

with the masculine one in ahif(< Ap.

ending see OBERLIES (2001: 161-162 [ 36.3]).

10

-.1.

The noun -

- 1.

<* OZao < (x

< Skt. (nom. pl.)


"tktil;

< Pkt . OZya7Ja7Jt

< Skt. (gen. pl.)

< Pkt. * OZaho

< Skt. (voc. pl. )

0Zo40) Pkt. OZa

11

are for the most part dimintiv es. 44 Their plural is distinguished from the
singular by 1Ilere nasalization of the fmal vowel (sg. ciriya, pl. dir. ciriytim,
obi. cirf,yom [cf. sg. larkf, pl. larkiyam, larkiyom]). This is due to the

contraction of the various consecutive fmal vowels (ci{iyiim < [:: 0em]
*cicfiti< *cicfiau < *cic;li<a>tio <*ci!ikaktil;).

"tktinam

"tkal;

The noun-

The different paradigms are hence

f
.. -

bho

as

follows:

r
i

!
l

l
masculines
The feminines in oiya- such as ci,-iya ' bird' (< *ci{iiaa < [nom. sg.] I
_ . - --- -- - --- -- ------- ---
* d-cTIThbmd
L
a
-e
1.2.5. The inflexion of feminine iya-stems

J
J

--

--

39 Ap. 0iau yielded * 'Y(y) a by loss ofu with compensatory lengthening o f the precedig
a. This w as nasalized on the analogy ofthe (Braj) direct plural ending 0em I 00im ofthe
'unextended' inflexion (see MAsiCA 1993: 228).
It c annot b e ruled out, however, that *'Yya took over the final nasal from the.
instnunental ending (Ap.) "iahim. That the nominative and the instrumental ('agentive')
may have influenced each other is suggested by maim 'I' which goes back to the in

strumental (Skt.) maya (see below, p. 17).


40

mtilf

"fyii1Ja'!l

43 This is one of the cases where the ya-extension has


BLOCH

1965: 163-164).

been

i -.

. I
!.

enlarged once more (see

mtilf

::_

__

_j

fi

j.-.l.,

larkf

larkf

sakti

sakti

ci

and gen. sg. (Ap.) '1-he (see


note 37), in the Paumacariya (in; acchantiyahum and cavantiyahum) , an Apabhnup.sa
epic of the 9th century (see BHAYANI 1953: 65).
a:

42 For a different explanation o f the genesis o f this ending see p. 7 n. 24.

malf

_J_

feminines

iI
l

The r egular ending of the nom. pl. of the f-stems has been crossed in.

41 We fmd this ending, a blend of gen. pl. (Pkt.)

.. 1=+----:-_:_kuem __:__+_kuem
-+-_!_kuo?.!_m::_. _

44 See McGREG
OR p. 2, SHAPIRO 6.1 (p. 38-39) and KELLLOG 140.1 1
155.3c. For
the masculine s such as tjakiyii 'postman' see MCGREGOR p. 183.

...

-.

---

-: L The noun -

12

2.

1.3. The periphrasis of the plural


The periphrasis of the plural with the help of words such as ku la-,
jana-, putra- or /oka- is met with already in early classical Sanskrit and
Middle Indo-Aryan.45 It is quite common in Hindi for nouns denoting
.
members of classes or types of persons46 and also for pronouns (MCGRE
GOR p. 1 82): siidhu log 'holy men', ham log 'we ' , iip log 'you people' .

1.4. The gender system

The inflexion of adjectives

Adjectives1 - like nouns (see 1 . 1 ) - have 'unextended' and


. extended ' forms (see BLOCH 1 965: 1 8 1 ). 2 Those
not ending in ii (e.g.
.
Ians from Persian, Arabic and Sanskrit) do not inflect at all : safed(inez I
, iit_ezem) 'white (table I tables)', stif(kamrti I kamre) ' clean (room I rooms)' ,
. sundar (/aria I larkiyam) ' beautiful (girl I girls)'. Th e 'extended' class,

whi ch has a masculine in ti and a corresponding feminine in OZ (< 0aka- I


.1/di-), has a paradigm differing from that of the nouns :3

The old neuter having merged in the masculine, the three_ ..


grammatical genders of Sanskrit have been reduced in Hindi to two , viz.
masculine and feminine. 47 The use of a masculine and a feminine of what
is (basically) one and the same word served as a means of semantic

dir. sg. kiili ghorf


differentiation (as it did already in Sanskrit):48 rassii 'a heavy rope', rassi.
'cord, string', har.ujii 'a large pot', hal)gf 'a small pot' (see BLOCH 1 965:
obi. s
1 52 and MASICA 1 993: 77-78).

dir.
The gender of individual words was not always transmitted without

--...
'--,--+-lrt
oo.:
-...-.
--:-:-;Skt. asi -' sword'-masc H iigfem.
--- --alteration: H.-asi fern.
0 bl .


' fire ' masc., Rfum.-Sh.mgcane'masc . BLOCHi96
1 5 1 - 1 52). This is partly due to the development of word fmals
Apabhrarpsa and New Indo-Aryan.
The reason for the different inflection of noun and adjective is a
.,__,

baplological shortening which early on4 affected the case-endings: (obi. pl.
masc.) kale gho r o m < Ap. kalaya ghocjahum < Pkt. kiilaya< 7Ja7Jl> ghocja

'ya7Ja1J1- < Skt. kiilakiinii1J1- gho!akiiniim, (dir. pl. fern.) kalf ghoriyam < *kiilf
45 See POBOZNIAK (1987).
46

Especially for masculine stems whose nom. sg. does not differ from the plural

indicators of plural number are found (see

SAKSENA 1937: 119-120 and BLOCH 1965:

154).
47

See

48 See

AK5
S
ENA (1937: 117), BLOCH (1965: 149-151) andMA.SICA (1993: 221).
SPEllER (1886: 14 n. 3).

new

SeeMCGREGOR p. 7-8 and SHAPIRO 6.2 (p. 39-40).

2 On building comparatives and

3
4

superlatives see BLOCH (1965: 184-185).

See BLOCH (1965: 182-183) andMA.SICA (1993: 251).


What we can say is that this must have happened

.. xamples)

before the Apabhrarpsa stage (see our

t:

..

-,-- 2. The adjective -

- 2. The adjective-

ghotfiyii < Ap. kaliya ghotfiau < Pkt. ktiliii<o> ghotfiiio < Skt. kalikaiJ
gho{iktil;, (obi. pl. fern.) ktili ghoriyom < Ap. ktiliya ghotfiyahum < P.kt.
kaliya<!JalJz> ghotfiyii"(t.af!t < Skt. ktiliktinii7JZ gho{ikantim.

298, 5
(Prakrit) kae va asa<e> 'or for what purpose', Uttara
jjhayal).asutta XII 76

14

(Niya Prakrit) mahanu ava <s_a> rayas_a Akvaga<s_a>.


the majestic king, son of heaven'
devaputraa . 'of Akvaga,
.
(Niya Doc. 782)7
(Apabhra.tp.sa) pahiya<ha> pavahntayaha ' ... of the travellers
as they set forth', Sarb.desa Rasaka 548, talJl suhu indu vi 7Jau
lahai devihi kotfi<hi> ramantu 'that pleasure even Indra does
not ex-perience when dallying with millions of goddesses',
Dohapahu<;Ia 3, ekkahi indiya<hi > mokkhalau piivai dukkha
sayiii 'when un-concentrated in respect of one faculty of sense
one gets himdredsof miseries', Savayadhammadoha 1 28 .9

We fmd such haplology of case endings5 during all stages of the


development of the IndoAryan languages (see OBERLIES 2002) :
(Sanskrit) triuv a rocane<u> diwil} 'in the three luminous
spheres of heaven', Rgveda 1 . 1 05.5 8 .69.3, mivyasa vaca
s<a> 'with a new(er) song', Rgveda 2.3 1 .5, ... rahor aga
manaya va I kiilambuparisrava<ya> graha!Jam udayaya va
... for the coming of R.ahu, for the discharge of dark clouds or
for the rismg of planets', Atharvavedaparisita 64, 1 0. 4-5,
sudhanvan vipa!Je<na> tena prasnaf!t prcchava ye vidul}
'Sudhanvan! With that stake we shall ask the question [of
those] who know', Mahabharata 5,35. 1 3
_
: ---= _, _ _ _ _
r
(Pali) giimehi nigamehi vii ra{!he<hi> janapadehi vii 'with
villagcs or -hamlets -witb:-kirrgd-oms-or -countries', Ja -VI--.. : L":--:
294,27*, mama!JZ rodantiyii. sati<ya> 'while I was crying',
ibid. VI 1 88 ,2*, +ciha-cihiibhinadite<hi> sippikiibhirutehi ca
'by the sounds of chirping and the cries of the birds', Th 49,
vasanehi anilpame<hi> 'with excellent clothes', Thi 3 7 4,
kusale<hi> da sah upiigato 'furnished with the ten skilled
[ways of acting]', Cp 20, mahiisalesu atftfhake<su> 'in rich
halls', Ap 75, 1 0 77, 6 439,4
(Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit) triu apiiyi ( apiiye<u>) 'in the
6 Also inscriptioal Prakrit knows this phenomenon (see BOHLER,
Epigraphia Indica 1 ,
three evil states', Lalitavistara 92, 1 5 *, em-eva grame<u>
:
375
nigameu va ' .. . in villages and small towns', Mahavastu I
.
.
7
=

'

_:_c __

.
....
)

'

. :
, .

15

Se BURROW, BSOAS 9 (1 937/39) 1 1 7 .

5 Indicated by angle brackets (< .... >). Note that sometimes the ending of the word that

stands

first is omitted, sometimes that of the following word.

8 BHAYANI ( 1 945: 42) gives otherexamples for this feature from the Samdesa R..asaka.

.
9 For text and translation
ofthe last two examples see DE VREESE (1959: 1 1 ).

17

- 3 . The Pronouns -

3. The pronouns
3.1. The pronominal inflexion

Though the pronominal inflection has preserved archaic forms lik e.


the nominative jo (Ap. I Pkt. jo < Skt. yab ), 1 pronouns form a grammatical
group peculiarly liable to semantic 'wear and tear' and consequently to
renewal. 2 The most important novelty is the general absence of gender
distinction in the case of the non-personal pronouns. But all forms go back
etymologically to Sanskrit originals: The characteristic initial consonants

.... 32. 1st person pronouns4


'fhe singular developed as follows:

(dir.) maim < (Ap.) maim (x [haujm) < (Pkt.) mae, mai < (Skt.) maya

(obi.) mujh < *mujh < *mujjhu (x tujjhu) < (Ap.) majjh u < (Skt.) mah
yam

(such as the relative j- or the interrogative k-) are constants, and wrs
grouped by meaning also remain grouped by form in a clear system (see
BLOCH1965: 20 1}

(dat.) mujhe <X: mujh = hamem: ham

(1) In the personal pronoun of the first person sg. the old instrumental (Pkt.
mae, mai < Skt. maya) has replaced the nominative (Ap. haum < Skt.
aha[ka]m)5 having taken over the fmal nasal of that case (Ap. maem, maim

Below we will discuss under ( 1 ), (2) and (3) the genesis of the direct
case (casus re ctu s), the oblique case (casus obliquus) and dative3 (casus
objectivus) respectively.

c..co.;:.:;.:..-c:...:_x"[(hau)m] < Pkt. mae, mai < Skt. maya).


(2) Pkt. majjha(f!Z) and Ap. majjhu regularly developed out of Skt.
----:::-.,.----m:--a
fiiiim:an the analogy of tujjhu (see p. 19), majjhu was transfonned to .
*T;jjhu which fmally results (via *mujh) in mujh.6
.(3) mujhe is formed to mujh according to the proportion ham: hamerh (on
which see below): 7
_:___

The plural developed as follows:

The Prakrit

-o remained long in Apabbrrupsa since final vowels were not shortened in

mono-syllabic words (seep. 1). And this long

has been continued into Hindi.

Pronotms are particularly liable to abnormal phonetic

1960: 23-24/1975: 310-318), e.g.

sa b 'all'

sa rva-).

-o

On this term see MASICA (1993: 365).

developments

instead of expected

(see TURNER

*sab (< *sa bba - < Skt.

See McGREGOR p. 12 and SHAPIRO 6.3 (p. 40-41) / 8.4 (p. 56-57).

See 'ILJRNER (1935/37: 205), BLOCH (1965: 187-188) and POLLET (1986: 397).

Why the

ii

of

* miijh

has been shortened is not clear. Note that it is not sure that an

intermediate stage *miijh is to be postulated at all since the

not work in all Hindi dialects.

:-

metathesis quan ti tatum did


.

The final nasal of hamem was obviously felt to be the sign ofthe plural (cf.

{miitii}e m).

18

- 3 . The Pronouns -

(dir.) ham < (Braj) hama < (Braj) hamahirh (x h[aurh]) < (Ap.) amhabn
< (Ap.) amhi < (Pkt.) amhe

l.3 znd person pronouns13

(obi.) ham < (Braj) hama < *hamharh (x h[aum]) < (Ap.) amh am (as
well as amha< ha> liz)

'!be singular developed

(dat.) hamem

<

19

- 3. The Pronouns -

as

follows:

(dir. ) til < (Ap.) tuhurh (x ehu) < (Pkt.) tumaf!t < (Skt.) tvam

(Braj) hamahim (x h[aurh}) < (Ap.) amhairh

( 1 ) The Pkt. nom.-acc. amhe8 developed to Ap. amhi. Within Apabhrarpsa


the neuter ending -liirh was added yielding amhaim.9 This got an fz ;;

(obi.) tujh < *tujh < (Ap.) tujjhu < * tujjha(f!t) (x Pkt . majjha[f!t]) <

(Skt.) tu bhyam

initial from the nominative sg. haurh (on which see above) resultin in
* hamhairh. By metathesis hamahirhw developed out of this and the by
(l) Pkt. tumaf!t (< Skt. tvam) was crossed with ehu (< Skt. eo eal; 'this
abnormal loss of the fmal Braj hama and Hindi ham.
_
one') yieldin Ap. tuhulh. 14 (After the loss of the feebly articulated -h-) the
(2) The h- of haum was prefixed to the genitive amhaf!t which is attested in
1
u-vowels were contracted. Resulting (Braj) tum develops (abnormally 5) to
. - Pili, Prakrit and Apabhrarp.sa. The resulting * hamharh developed by h
h
. til.
----- . . . .
dissimilation to Braj hama1 1 and then to Hindi
ha.
f2l !ubbha(f!t) (< Skt. tubhyam) was rebuilt on the model of majjha(f!t)
_(3)__ The Ap. accusative amhai -(see-above)-developed by prefix

. (< Skt. mahyam) to tujjha(!Jl). This develops via Ap. tujjhu (and *tujh16) to
' (taken over from haurh) and metathesis (via *hamhairh) to Braj hamahim.
Hindi tujh .
This results by h_h-dissimiliation (hamahirh) in Hindi hamerh . 12
(3) tujhe is formed to tujh according to the proportion tum : tumherh (on
. which see below): 17

This form is based on the nominative *asme which is formed analogically: *asme

asmtin

= te : ttin (see OBERLIES 200 1 :

9 On this ending see aboye, p.

10

3).

13 See McGREGOR p. 12 and SHAPIRO 6.3 (p. 40-4 1 ) I 8. 4 (p. 56-57).


.

14

2.

ve

Older hamauriz I hamoriz (see KELLOGG 26 1 [p. 172]) is the continuation of a geniti-

*amhahuriz.

As a consequence thIS
' form has lost the characteristic 0heriz o f the casus objectivus of

the plural.

See SCHWARZSCHILD ( 1 99 1 : 1 0 1 - 1 02). BLOCH, however, surmises that Ap. tuhuriz


.

developed out of tuma7J1 under the influence of hauriz (1965: 1 44).

Sfudas uses hamahim as agentive and as accusative (see POLLET 1 986: 398).

11

12

1 80 n.

15 This development disambiguates sg. til from pl. tum.

6
1 See p. 17

n.

6.

Also here the final nasal of tumheriz was understood as indicative of the plural (cf. p.
. 17 n. 7).

20
i

- 3. The Pronouns-

- 3. The Pronouns --

3.5 . The non-personal pronouns23

The plural developed as follows :

Tbe processes leading to the formation of the non-personal pronouns

are l ess complex. A tabular overview with singular in the left and plural in
. the right column and additional explanations in the notes may hence suffice

(dir.) tum < (Braj) tumh < (Ap.) tumh[a}i[m} < {Pkt.) tumhe (+- Skt.
[ace . ] yumtin)

. to give their outline.

(obi.) tum < (Braj I Ap.) tumha (and tumha< harh> )

Interrogative pronoun

(dat.) tum hem < (Ap.) tumhairh < (Pkt.) tum he ( +- Skt. yumiin)

(I)

The neuter ending -aim was added to Ap. tumhi (< Pkt . [nom.-acc:]

__

tumhe < Skt. yuman Y 8 to yield tumhairh. This esults via Braj tum in.

Hindi tum.

: (2)

21

The Pkt. I Ap. genitive tumha was kept in Bra/9 and out of this fonn

(dir.) kaun < (Ap.) kavm:zu I ona <


(Pal i) ko pana I kif pana

(dir.) kaun (see left side)24

(obi.) kis < (Pali) kissa I kissii <

(obi .) kin < * kam < (Pkt.) kaa(lJl)

kasya I kasyal:z

Hindi tum develops.

< (masc. I fern.) * kantim:25 .

(3) Hindi tumhem goes back to the Ap. accusative tumhaim, formed with. :
the ending -aiTh from Pkt. tumhe (on which see above).

3.4.'- The-possessive pronm.ins 20


The possessive pronouns merii, meri', terti, teri', hamiirti,

=-23 See-MCGREGOR p. 1 2 I 47-5 1 and SHAPIRO 6.3 (p. 40-4 1) I 8.4 (p. 56-57) / 9.3 (p. .
63-64).
---

,
- .. .

tumhiirti, tumhiiri' continue Ap. meraya- 0Ti'-, teraya- 0ri'-, amhiiraya:.


24 kaun is both singular and plural. This is the result of the levelling of singular and
0Tl- and tumharayaori'-21, which go back to *mahakeraka-, *tuhakeraka- : ----plural which already commences in Pali: ko nu tumhe 'Who are you? ', Ja V 390, 1 8 (for
.. kt. see Pis cHEL 2
4 8) .
, * amhakeraka- and *tumhakeraka-.22
P

25

18

yumiin was transformed into *tumiin under the influence of tuviim . And *tuman
yi el ded tumhe in the same way as asman resulted in amhe (on which see p. 1 8 n. 8).
Older tumhom I tunihaum (see KELLOGG 26 1 [p. 1 72]) must go back to Ap. *tumha
hu m .
19

20 See McGREGOR p. 1 2- 1 3 and SHAPIRO 1 0.2 (p. 7 1).

21 See ALSDORF ( 1 936: 1 66) and BLOCH ( 1 965: 1 90).

22 See SCHWARZSCHILD ( 1 99 1 : 1 2-2 1).

Already Asokan Prakrit knows a gen. pl. masc. tiina!Jl (tata.e pi tiinam eva upaghiite
'So also this is an injury for these [relatives] ' , RE XIll K [see LODERS, Phil. Ind. p .
. 307-308 n. 2]). And forms SUCh as tiil)G(!Jl), kiil:za(!Jl), jiil)G(!Jl), imiilJG(!Jl) are COmmon
for the genitive plural of both masculine I neuter and feminine in Prakrit (se PISCHEL
hoti

.
. -- 42530).

To derive ldn from (Pk."t.) kiil)a!Jl is, however, not without problems. It implies
.that not Apabhnupsa Mhmh but the older Prakrit form, which however lives on in
Apabhrarpsa, is the base of Hindi ldn. So possibly we have to start from Ap. ldihariz
. . - " hich developed to *kam. Either way, we have to assume that *kam was transformed
: -=into kin under the influence of Ids .
.

22

(obi.) in < (Braj) in(i) < * ina30


*eyana < *etiintim (see p. 2 1 n.
25)

(dat.) kise (X : Ids = mujhe : mujh) 26 (dat.) kinhem < (Braj) kinhaim <.:
(out of kin on the model of
amhaim and tumhaim )27

(dat.) in hem < (Braj) inhaim (out


of in[i} on the model of amhaim
and tumhaim) .

(ag.) kinhom (ne) < (Braj)


kinhaum < {kin + 0ahum } 28

(ag.) inhom (ne) < (Braj) inhaum


(see above under kinhom)

Demonstrative pronouns

(dir.) yah < (Braj) yah(a), eha <


(Ap.) ehu, ihu I eha, iha < (Pkt.)
eso I esii < (Skt.) e$ab I e$ii

(dir . ) ye < (Braj ye < ) (Ap.) e(e) <


(Pkt.) ee < (Skt.) ete

(ciir .) vah < (Braj) vah(a) . (Ap . )


ohu, uhu < (Skt.) asau31

in[i] : ye)

29

26 The dative is hence formed analogically.


27 That means that ohaim - 0hem was felt to be the suffix indicating the dative plural.
28 This is basically the explanation of HELMER SMITH ( 1 93 5): ' 'On est dnc amene a

(dir.) ve < (Braj) ve, vai < (Ap.) oi


(obi.) un < (Braj) un(i) < (X : ve =

(dat ) .use (X : us = mujhe : mujh)

analyserjinho, non enjtn..:h -o, mais enjin-ho, c' est-a-dire que le genitif-base jin- a reyu .
la terminasion :...(a)ho (< -aha(n)a'!l) toute faite, sans passer par un etat intermediaire '
*jin(a)ha" (cf. KELLOGG 372 [p. 2 1 8]). The ending oahum (metathesized to ohaum);
however, does not go back to _oaha(n)a1J'l, as maintained by SMITH but is a direct conti- . .
nuation ofthe Ap. ending oakum of the gen. pl. ofthe masc. a-nouns (on which see p. 6
n. 2 1 ) which was regarded as the plural of the (pronominal) sg. oahu I 0aho (< 0asya):
This was certainly backed up by the fern. pl. of the generic pronouns (fern. oahurh < Skt.
[t}tistim).

23

- 3. The Pronouns -

- 3 . The Pronouns -

(dat.) unhem (out of un[i] on the


model of inhem)

The colouring of the -a- is due to the palatal articulation of the following -y-.

30 BLOCH surmises that the i- is not due to the palatal articulation of the ya-sroti - as jn
our derivation (see also preceding note) - but due to the influence of the i of the stem ki
(1965: 194).

objects to this derivation that "the :MIA textual frequency of this (i.e. asau)
is much too low to accolint for the sudden and widespread appearance f the forms (a,
il, vo) after the twelfth century" (199 3 : 225). For him vah is based oil Persian i5 (ii). But
. " he admits that "this 'foreign' element ... coalesced with and gave ne life to survivin_g
. fragments of asau ' ' . SAKSENA, on the other hand, sees in (Avadhi) vah a new cn!ation
on the analogy of the proximal demonstrative pronoun yah ( 1 937: 1 80- 1 8 1). This
explanation has much to recommend itself, and perhaps we should adopt it combining it
: With the given one.
31

MASICA

__

24

- 3 . The Pronouns -

- 3 . The Pronouns -:- .

(ag.) unhom (ne) (see above under


kinhom)

25

(dii.) kof < (Braj) koi34 < (Ap.) ko

vi < (Skt.) ko 'pi

.-

(obl.) kinhfm
Relative pronoun

. ,

(dir.)jo (see left side)

(o bl.) jis < *jissa Ijissii < (Pkt.)

(obl . ) jin < (Braj ) jin(i) < (Pkt .)


jfina!Jl < *yiiniim (see p. 2 1 n. 25)

jassa I jassii < (Skt.) yasya I


yasyal;

(dat.) jise < (X : }is = mujhe : mujh)

The pronominal adjectives kaisii andjaisii go back via (Braj) kaisau

(dir.)jo < (Pkt . ) jo < (Skt . ) yal;

. and jaisau to *kadrsakal.z and *yadrsakal;, i.e. ka-enlarged analogical


fonn s_of (Skt.) kfdrs(a)- and yadrs(a)- (see BLOCH 1 96 5 : 200).

____

3. 6 . The (reflexive) pronoun tip

The reflexive pronoun tip - construed with a 3 ro plural verb (see

(dat.)jinhem < (Braj) jinhahh (out

BLOCH 1 965: 1 9 1 ) - goes back to Skt. atman- over the intermediary stages
""'
ofjin[i] on the model of amhairh
. . appa(n)- and * oatva(n)-.
35 The corresponding adjective apnii, apnf, 36 which
and mh a z )
-----------_______________ ili a c fue BW ! %5: %1 a
:.ontmuation of Ap. appa7Jaya-, appa7Jiya-.37

Indefmite pronouns
kuch < (Braj) kachtP2 < [x kacchi]

(Pkt.) ki!Jlci33 < (Skt.) ki!Jl-cit

_
.

of ki7!Zci

(< Skt. ki7!Z-cit) and kacchi (< Skt. kas-cit) is attested in the

foml kif!lchi of Asokan Prakrit

(see BLOCH 1965 : 1 47).

3_s The

phonology of this derivation is the same as that of 0lipii (in: burhapii 'old age')
Skt.) otvanam (see BLOCH 1 965: 1 63).

out of ([Vedic]

32 On this form see POLLET ( 1 987: 406).

33 Such a crossing

34 On this form see POLLET ( 1 987: 403-405) .

36

_ _ See MCGREGOR P 6 1 '"62 1 168-169 and SHAPIRO 1 3 3 (p. 98-99)-

---.:.. - --'"'

See ALsooRF

( 1 937: 6 8-69) .

- 4. The numeral4.

The numerals

(c) dissimilation
sattrah5 ' 1 7' < (Ap.) sattaraha- < (Pkt.) sattarasa-6 <
saptadasa -; arsath ' 6 8 ' .< (Ap.) a<r;l> 4hasaf!hi- < (Pkt.)

- Numerals1 belong in a series, which results in them strongly


influencing each other. Moreover, they are especially exposed to 'wear and
tear' leading to abnormal loss of syllables. For these (and other) reasons
their development is extremely complicated. Hence only the general
outlines of their genesis can be given here.2 The . most common

affhasa!!hi- < a{a'a!i.


, (d) loss of nasalisation7 /haplology I syncope (etc.)
paccfs8 '25 < (Ap.) pacfsa- < (PkL) pa<ii> c<av>Tsa- <
paiicavilJliati-; unttilfs ' 3 9 ' < una< ca> tvtiri-rpSat- ; ikttilfs

' irregularities' are-

'4 1 ' < *ekk<cica> tttilfsa- < ekacatvtiri1JZSat-; unctis '49' <
* un< apafi> casat-

(a) expressive and spontaneous doubling of consonants


ek ' 1 ' < (Ap. I Pkt.) ekka- < eka-; ikkis '2 1 ' < (Ap. I Pkt.)
ekk< av> fsa- < ekavi"f!Ziat-; assf '80' < *asszi- (cf. Ap. asii-,
_

The regularity of the decades was disturbed as the numbers ending in 4

Pkt. asfi-) < asfti-; navve, nabbe '90 ' < *nabbai (cf. Ap. I
or 6 were destined to develop in a different way than the others. 1brough
Pkt. IJaVaf-) < navatiassimilation of fmal r (of catur-) and (of a-) to the initial consonant of
(b) analogical formation
the compounded numeral - of das(l-, vif!Ziati- (etc.) - the latter was
ctir ' 4 ' < (Ap.) c< ay> tiri < cattiri < (x [ace . ] caturo) catttiri =':,::c:: _::..=1nre,veilted from being elided:9 caudah
' 1 4 ' < (Pkt.) cauddasa- < caturdasa< catvtiri; calfs ' 40 ' < (Ap.) ctilfsa- < *c< at> tirirpsa- ( :
, but terah ' 1 3 ' < (Pkt. / Ap.) teraha- < *trayadasa-; caubfs '24' < (Pkt.)
cattiri) <- catvarif!Ziat-,
- < caturvirrziati-, put tefs ' 23 ' < (Ap.) tefsa- < (Pkt.) tevfsa- <
tiytisfi < tryasfti-)3 after caurtisf ' 84' (< Skt. caturtisfti*trayavif!Ziati-; chabbfs '26' < (Pkt. / Ap.) chavvfsa- < a4vi'lliati-, but
[Mahabharata 1 2.96, 6,7 . 1 0]); taimtfs ' 3 3 ' out of (Ap.)
satiifs '27' < (Pkt.) satttivfsa- (out of saptavi,Sati- in analogy with a!!htitettfsa- (< trayastri1J1sat-), caumtfs ' 3 4 ' out of (Ap.)
. yisa- '28' [< a{tivi,Sati-]) .
cautfsa- (< catutri1JZSat-) and saimtfs ' 37 ' out of (Pkt. I
Ap.) sattatfsa- (< saptatri-rpSat-) after paimtfs '35' and this
.

"

27

..

(out of Pkt. paiicattfsa- < paiicatri1J1Sat-) as well as taimtalfs '43 ' (< trayascatvarilJ1iat-) after paimttilfs ' 4 5 '4

The

-(tt)a(r)- of (Ap.) sattaraha- is lost by syncope.

1 See McGREGOR p. 67-72 I 1 86 and SHAPrRO 1 1 .2-3 (p. 83-85).

2 For particulars see BERGER (1 986).

See BLOCH

3 See BERGER ( 1 986: 24 / 28).

The

4 On the complex genesis ofpaimttilfs see BERGER ( 1 986: 4 1 ).

--9

0d(asa) is dissimilated against (sa)tt(a j.

( 1 965: 43).-

geminate

In the

-cc-

is brought about by the analogy ofchabbfs '26'.

case of dasa- we have to add: 'or developing to -r- ' .

- 5. Postpositions-

, . :;

5.

The postpositions

(7) tak 'as far as, until'

The reduction of the paradigm to basically two cases, direct case and _
oblique case, went hand in hand with the introduction of a rather large _
number of postpositions. 1 Due to their frequent use, the words functioning: :
as such grammatical implements suffered phonetic deterioration, which has :-.
( 1 0) ne (= ag.)
the effect of rendering their etymological explanation difficult or even
impossible. As, however, most of them are already employed in Epic
(1 1) par ' on, upon'
Sanskrit and Middle Indo-Aryan (including Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit) the-
. - - (12) (ke I se) pah/e
general line of development is clear enough:
. ' before'

4 7)

of'2

< *takkal!l < *tiivakkaT,t < tiivatkam5


< (Ap.) 1Jal I naf
< (*niece <

uccaib) nfcaill

(1 3) (ke) par 'beyond'

< (Braj ) kai (m) iigai (rh) < (Ap.) aggai <

( 1 ) (Ice) iige 'in front

29

iis

< (Braj ) par < upari (cf. [ke} upar)


< (Braj) pahale < *prathi//e
< (Ap.) pari < pare

'near'

(2) (Ice) upar 'on top of'

"'
kaurh, kahum < * ld1khum < kaka.;,l

S e e McGREGOR p. 23, 32-37, 53-57, 78-82,

195- 1 96, SHAPIRO 5.3 I 7.3-4

47-49) and KELLOG p. 128-133.

2 On the semantics of this

postposition see

SHAPIRO

3 Though the devel opment of gatakal; to 0ga

unl ikel y that kii,

kf, ke are derived

(see

5 Se CDIAL 5805.
6 The base of the

Apabhrrupsa word is y et to be determined (see SCHWARZSCIDLD 1 99 1 :


.: s6.:.87 n. 1). It seems rather unl ikely that e base i s *
jii ii ti- 'knowledge' as suggested by
5277 an d 5284.

. CDIAL

.
(p. 3 J . . - 7 Se CDIAL
.

7540 .

8 SCHWARZSCIDLD ( 1 99 1 : 93) surmises that the Pkt. I Ap.


nued by H. and Guj . ne and Mar. nem I nim.
.

(1986).

postpo'sition

tal}i:lya- i conti

6.9) may be compared it is somewhat


_ 9 1be aphaeresis of u- can be compared with that of upavi{a- l eading to bai{hna (see p.

. .---:'36-n--: 9). Note that in both cases the u- is fol l owed by a '-P- .

from lqtaka- as is usuall y suggested.

- 5.

30

Postpositions -

( 1 5) (ke) pfche 'behind'

(Braj) (ke) pfchaim < (Ap.) *picchaim10 <


(Pkt.) pacchti x pi{{he (< pasctit x prthe)11

( 1 6) (ke) binii 'without'

<

(Braj) binti < vinti

<

(B:raj) bzc < (Ap.) vicci12 < *vfcye

( 1 8) merit 'in'.

<

(Braj) mtlhim13 < *majhi < madhye14

( 1 9) (ke) liye 'for'

<

(Braj) liye(m) < *liya-15

<

stirthena

( 1 7) (ke) bfc

among'

'between,

- 5.

<

, .

:_

Postpositions -

{2 .1) (ke) stimne 'in the

< saf!Zmukham (x samtinam

U2) se 'away from, to,

< *saim < (taim

: resence of
.With, by'

A .

31

[?]) 1 6

['from'] x 1 7} (Braj) saum <

samu < samam18

Already in Sanskrit, Middle Indo-Aryan and ApabhraJ.l1sa some of

: these postpositions are .employed:


(!)__ ! Skt.) team agre notsahe sthatum evam 'I do not dare to std tus
before them', Mahabharata 2,60.29, sa gatva vahukasyagre 'She
went to Vahuka', 3,73 .2 1 v.l., (Ap.) aggai kamala-vavi 'In front of a

____

lotos pool ', Bhavisatta Kaha 68.7


(2) (Skt.) devtintim upari sthitam 'Standing above [all] gods ',
Mahabharata 1 ,28. 1 1 , upary-upari sarvetim 'High above all . . .' ,
3,50.2, (Pali) yakkho . . . mti1)avassa upari vehtisa{{hito hoti 'The
Yaka stood in the air above that man', D I 95, 1 0, beluvapakkarrz
----lr-------.rnlapa1J1Jassa upari patitatp, 'A ripe Beluva- fruit -fell -on the -palm
leaf, Ja III 75, 1 3- 1 4, (Pkt.) jakkhehirrz mukka mamovarirrz kusuma. yu!fhf 'The Yakas showered flow_ers on me', Vasudevahi:Q.di
10 Apabhrarr.!Sa has adverbs in a{h)im (see JACOBI 1 92 1 : 12). Correspondingly Hindi has .
(Majjhimakhru;u;la) 94. 1 6, (Ap.) acchai Kailtisaho upari stihu 'The
adverbs in e: savere 'in the morning' . These have lost the final nasal which the Braj _-_
holy man dwelt on the Kailasa', Paumacariu 1 3 .2.6, uppari dumaho
- ' .

--

___ _
_

forms partly still have (pahalem 'firstly', pachaim ' behind').

1 1 See CDIAL 7990 and BLOCH ( 1 970: 204-205).


12

See ALsDORF ( 1 937: 78) and SEN {1954: 600).

. 13 For variants see MILTNER ( 1 962: 495), TmEL-HORS1MANN { 1 983: 50), SNELL ( 1 991: .
1 8) and ENTWISTLE { 1 993: 132).

14- See TURNER (1960: 23) and the same ( 1 975: 353 I 3 59).

15 liye(m) is the oblique case ofthe verbal adjective liya- 'taken' (see BLOCH 1 965: 274
I 283). This is fonned after the pattern liya- : lei = 'l{y)a- (< 'lta-) : oei. And Pkt. lei 'to
take' is a remodelling of lahai (Skt. !abhati) after its antonym dei 'to give' .

. . .. 16

as

It seems hardly possible to derive stiinne only from saf!tmukham (> Ap. saf!tmuhum)
is proposed by CDIAL ( 1 2982) .

17 This is MCGREGOR's explanation { 1 968: 1 87 with n. 2). It remains doubtful what is


. the base of taim 'from'. SNELL's derivation from aniikam (see 1 99 1 : 223.) seems hardly
possible. Does it go back to Ap. tahim ' (from) there' (< Skt. tasmin) which often is used
. as ablative (see ALSOORF 1 937: 26)?
.

18

See CDIAL 1 3 1 73 (as an alternative CDIAL 1 33 1 0 surmises derivation from sahi

- --- - tam) .

32

(8)

- 5. Postpositions -

- 5. Postpositions -

pacjaya nivandhivi 'Having attached a banner on a tree . . . ' ;


Bhavisatta Kaha 1 1 0. 1 , raha-vari carjiau 'He mounted his chariot',
Hemacandra IV 3 3 1
(Ap.) avayariu niii paccakkhu saggu 'It was as if heaven itself had .
descended [to earth] ', Bhavisatta Kaha 9 . 1 2, viltisi!Jigehah o IJffi

bhuyangu ' . . . like a man of pleasure from the house of a harlot' , .


Karakar;u;lacariu 2.20.3
( 1 1 ) s . (2 )
( 1 3) (Ap.) . . . gau sua sayaraho paru 'Your son has gone beyond the sea'; - :
Bhavisatta Kaha 3 1 7. 2

(1 8 ) (Skt.) madhye sarvasya sainyasya 'In the middle of the whole army' ,
Mahabharata 5, 1 94. 1 , 6,7 8 . 4, 7, 1 1 .2, (Pali) vanassa majjhe 'In the
midst of the forest', Ja VI 1 7 1 ,3 */7*, (Ap.) raym:zayaraho majjhi

ava!{ami 'I shall throw him into the sea', Bhavisatta Kaha 46. 8

(i:O) (Pkt.) amhe vi tujjha sattheJJarrz, Sankhaure vaccamo ' Both of us

--

.-

( 1 4) (Skt.) jagama himavatparsvam 'He went to the Himavant', _

shall go together with you to Sailkhapura', Ausgew. Erz. 79.25*-26*,


(Ap.) sohahi sijja taruJJi}alJa satthihi 'Couches were made attractive
by young women', Sarhdesarasaka 1 75 (see BHAYANI 1 94 5 : 3 9)
-(2 1 ) (Pkt.) guruhirrz samarrz viharanto ' . . . wandering about with his
teachers ' , Ausgew. Erz. 1 .3 , mantai sama'!l Cu/a!Jfe 'He conversed
with Cula:o.I', ibid. 5. l 3 2 1, (Ap.)jar.za1Jfi samau tahim ca/liyau 'He set

out together with his mother' , Jasaharacariu 2.23 . 6, val/anti samau


vollantae!Ja 'They converse with someone who speaks ' , Paumacariu
9.4.8
(Pali) sace koci bhikkhu . . . Moliyaphaggunassa sarrzmukha tasa!Jl
bhikkhunfnarrz avalJlJarrz bhiisati . . . 'If a monk should blame these
nims in the presence of Moliyaphagguna' , M I 1 22, 1 4- 1 6, (Pkt.) tao
bhaggo Sagaradatta-kukkucjo Buddhila -kukkucjassa salJlmuha'!l _

Mahabharata 3, 1 07.3, (Pkt.) buddha !Ja'f!l dOIJIJ ' eya!Ji tassa pase
'When both of them had recognized him [they approached] him',
Vasudevahi:o.<;II 297. 1 9, (Ap.) so ayau tahim IJandaJJaho pasu 'He
came up to their son ' , Karaka:o.<;lacariu 2. 1 .6
( 1 5) (Pkt.) sa tassa pacchao ya hir.zcjiya ' She followed after him', Ausgew.
- -Etz. 3 4 : 1 ;-- (Palir u
aalaipi!fhe

_.

--- - -

mama pi[!harrz 'Follow me ', Ausgew. Erz. 74. 3 1 *

( 1 6) (Pkt.) no mi jfviu samattho etfe vilJti 'I cannot live without her'-, .
Vasudevahi:o.cJI 320.25, (Ap.) paim vi7:zu savvaim pajalanti mahurfJ . .
' All [things] torment me without you' , Jasaharacariu 2.7.9
( 1 7) (Ap.)19 kacjari thalJ 'antaru muddhacjahe, }em malJU vicci IJa jtii ' 0,
the space between the breasts of the beloved: Not even a thought

kframalJO vi niihilasai jujjhiU'f!l 'Thereupon Sagaradatta' s cock was


cowed and did not want to fight although he was moved toward the

cock of Buddhila', Ausgew. Erz. 1 0. 1 6- 1 7,. (Ap:) ehu macchau


pa1Jcjuru rohiyau r.zaivtihaho sa'!lmuhu tarai 'This whitish Rohita fish
swims towards the rapid', Jasaharacariu 3 .4 . 1 422

fmds any place between them ', Hemacandra IV 3 50, 1 , Dhal}avai + vi


+ nirohtiyamu gau, etthu vicci vimbhaya-bhariu 'Also Dhanapati . . .
was highly astonished at that', Bhavisatta Kaha 56. 1 1 20

19 The Paiasaddamahat)I)avo (s.v. vicca) gives some Prakrit examples.


20 The text has been corrected as proposed by ALsDORF (1937: 78-79).

33

21

-Note that here (as well as in the example taken from the Paumacariu) sama'!l is
construed with a verbum dicendi, like se in Hindi (on which see McGREGOR p. 23).

__

22 Examples of samfi7Ja'!l which has possibly been blended in are as follows: (P.)
mii7Jesu mae samliza'!l jovva7Jasiri'!l 'Enjoy the happiness of youth together with me ',
Ausgew. Erz. 43.37, tajai mae samfi7Jarfz sanga'f!l na ya ku1J4si 'Therefore if you do not

. :. engage- with me . . . ', 70.33*.

- 6.
6.
6.1. The verbal system 1
The OIA and

MIA

35

The verb -

The verb
6.2 . Th e participles

The imperfective participle5 is a continuation of the old present

verbal systems characterised by fmite fonns

the
(and

survived only in fragments, with the indicative present becoming


subjunctive2 (and future tense) and the imperative present active

parti cipl e which, however, was thematicised and enlarged :


(masc.)

passive) being continued as such. 3 The reorganisation of the verbal system


was based on periphrastic forms composed of the head verb in the form

ca/tti < *cal<a> tau6 < (Ap.) carantau < * carantakal.z

carantam) caran .
(fern.) ca/ti < *cal<a> tia < (Ap.) carantiya < * carantikti1
< (:

of

a participle (less commonly in some other form) together with an auxiliary


verb of the 'be'-type. 4 Thus, the participle and the verbal adj ective - in

combination with auxiliary verbs - gained in importance.

'Ibis participle (on which see McGREGOR p. 1 8 and SHAPIRO 27. 1 [p. 2 1 6-2 1 8]) can
substantive, adjective, adverb and predicate (see PoRfZKA 1 950, McGREGOR
.;_;:::;,.-;:.F"-" =.E;_l7- and SHAPIRO 27. 1 [p 2 1 6-2 1 8]). Used as predicate (negatived with mere
naY it may describe "routines of action" (McGREGOR p. 1 8 7): burha sam ko roz bag
jata 'The old man would go for a walk in the park every evening This

- - -=--=+-_ _ -:::_: us
-=---c--',____, --,-:::
see BLCH 1965: 26 1 , irENHA.R.D- 196 1 : 1 04- UO, HACKER.- T963 a: 2 6 3 age (on
--:- 2_04 [ Kl Sch. p. 642-643] and DE VREESE 1965: 203) announces itselfin Apabhraillsa:
.fgvam puvva-jammi haum hontao, kosiu ntimem nayari vasantao 'In a previous existen
....._;lf---ce "r was an ascetic, and I used to live in a town named Kosiya' , Bhavisatta K.aha 88.8
- - (see JACOBI 1 9 1 8: 40*-4 1 * and SINGH 1 980: 1 50) This participle is also used in condi1 The most conspicious innovation of the verbal system of Hindi is the extension of the __
'
- ti onal sentences (see McGREGOR p. 137- 1 3 8, 1 87 and HOCK 1 986: 243-245). This usage
gramm atical category of the verbal aspect. For . a pertinent discussion of this (sti ll
is met with already in early Middle Indo-Aryan: adhammar.n siirathi kayirti mar.n ce tvar.n
controversial) topic see MA.SICA ( 1 993: 262-279 I 326-330). For details see PolUZK.A
nikkha1Ja1Jt vane 'Charioteer! You would act against the law if you would bury nie in the
( 1 967, 1 968, 1 969, 1 970, 1 978), NESPITAL ( 1 975, 1 980, 1 996a) and - maintaining a
woodi ; Ja VI 1 2,3 1 *, jai esa vaggho honto, to patfiyaf!Z mamar.n langhento ' Were this
contrary position _ HooK ( 1 986: 23 1 -235).
a. tiger it would have attacked me when I had fallen [to the ground] ' , VasudevahiiJ.<;li
2 The indicative present assumes the fimction of the subjunctive, a process that was ,.
J26,6 (see BLOCH 1 965: 26 1-262 and OBERLIES 1 99 1 ).
completed towards 1750 (see NESPITAL 1 994b: 3 1 8).
6 S ince the -t- of cal<a>ta bas to go back to -nt- (simple -t- would not have left any
3 See BLOCH ( 1 965: 236).
trace in Hindi [see p. 3 n. 1 0]) the nasal ofthis cluster has been elided. The reasons for
this elision remain unclear unless it is due to the accent as maintained by TuRNER (1975:
4
For a basic description of the development of the verbal system from Sanskrit to Hindi
3?) for Gujarati.
and other modem Indo-Aryan languages see BLOCH ( 1 965: 235-247), ELIZARENKOWA.
---=---:-- 7 See BLOCH ( 1 965: 257)
( 1 965) and NESPITAL (1976). For details see MASICA (1993: 257-330).
.
.be used as

-" :
.
:.

--

'""'"

_, _

___

. .

36
'

.;

-6.

- 6. Th e verb -

In the perfective participle8 sorne old verbal adjectives9 live on :


kiyti < k[tqkaf.z, gayti < gatakaf.z, tiyti < tigatakab, diyti <
(*)ditakaf.z, huti10 <. (b)hiitakal;.

37

The verb -

- 6.3. The (general) present

The (general) present is formed out of the imperfective participle and


tense of
the pres ent of honti: maim ca/tti I caltf hum 'I go ' . 12 The present
hona13 (see McGREGOR p. 1 8- 1 9), which is used here as an auxiliary verb,

is bas ed on (apocopated) fol!lls of the indicative present of (OIA I Skt.) ias

Besides, Hindi has a lot of new forms which are based directly on the

verbal stem 1 1 (those in f and ii shorten this vowel):

'to be' (most probably blended with. forms of vbhu

(masc.) ca/ti, (fern.) calf ca/(nti); (masc . ) chua, (fern.) chui

showing initial h- [Ap.

2s g. hohi, 3sg. hoi]): 14

chii(nii)

<*asiimi15

_______

< *asiimi

8 Also_ this participle (on which see McGREGOR p. 24-25 and SHAPIRO 28. 1 (p. 224- . -;;:;:.. f'-.--==-=- -=-.L.::.t-.:..
< *asasi
<*<a>hahi
< hai
-----------------------
2 D can ru a and preili re MCGREG
6

ti_-l
*a
a-s_
i 1_ __!_
a_
h_
<_*_<
a>
<
a;_
_
z ---
_h..:.._
_:_
- - -- - ---:--=t--=-- :5:S-+__ ! 2:3 1 z? s_Q ___l_li [P_22 ! 25 D----- ----- -__
__L_<
9

__

'::

Some old verbal adjectives served as bases for present stems (see TEDESCO 1932: 528529 and BLOCH 1 965: 236 I 267): c/:zfn-nii 'to tear' +- chinna-, bai{h-nii 'to sit down'
(u)pavi!a- (see p. 29 n. 9), sut-nii 'to sleep' +- supta-.

1 0 Participles if used non finite may be followed by huii (see McGREGOR p. 1 73 and .
POttiZI<A 1 950: 1 67-1 68) . .

< harm

. .

* ahahum11 <* asamha

i2 See MCGREGOR p. 20 and SHAPIRO 8.2 (p. 54-56).


13 The durative present of the verb honii is accordingly hotfi hai (on which see HACKER
1963).

1 1 The old ablaut relation between simplex

and caative is continued by Hinili: nikalna


'to come out' - nikiilnii 'to drive out', marna 'to die
marna 'to kill' (see BLOCH
1 965: 23 9-242, TuR.NER 1 975: 1 77-:- 178 and POBOZNIAK 1 979: 1 3- 1 5). Another pair; one
of whose members is inherited (printed in bold characters), is secondarily formed after
this model of intransitive without and transitive with full or lengthened grade. It consists .
of passive I intransitive and transitive: dikhiinii 'to show' - dekhnii 'to see', ladnii 'to be
loaded' liidnii 'tq load' (see BLOCH 1 965: 42 I 47 I 236-242, TuRNER 1 975: 64 I 97 i
1 77, MONTAUf 1 997 and MCGREGOR p. 1 1 8- 125).
For the caus. khiliinii and suliinii - new formations of Apabhrarpsa (see ALsDORF _

1 936: 1 72) - see BLOCH ( 1 965: 24 1 ) ana TuRNER ( 1 975: 1 75).

_
_
_

14

See

DE VREESE ( 1 965: 202) and HACKER ( 1 963: 256-257 [= Kl. Sch. p. 677-678]).

15 This form is patterned after (2sg.) *asasi and (3sg.) *asati (cf. paribhamami, Haribha
dra's Dhfui:akhyana 4.3, 5 .5 1 , and sari'imi, Karakai).<Jacariu 1 . 1 . 1 ).
16

._

..

17

Cf.

Avadhi ahai.

This ' Apabhrarp.sa' form is not continued -' we would expect *haum in Hindi -,
however, played its role in the formation of the 3pl. (see 3Iso 6.7).

- -- - wh ich ,

38

2pl. ho

<

3pl. lzaim

< haim

(Braj) hau

- 6. The verb -

6 . The verb -

< *hahu < *<a> haha < *asatha


< *<a> hahim (X : [3sg. ] 0ai = [ l pl .]
: [ l sg.] 0aum)18

Note that only the vowels a and u have been contracted while a and

i stand uncontracted side by side.


6.4. The imperfect

The imperfect (also called ' imperfective past 'Y9 is formed out of the
imperfective participle and the auxiliary verb thii, thi - a combination
already employed in Apabhra:q1sa: Dhal}avai-muhiijoyantu thiu 'He lookd

39

6 .5. The continuous fonns


The continuous present is formed out of the 'short' absolutive (see
6 . 1 1 ), the perfective participle of rah '}ti and the indicative present of
23
replace the latter
. kon a: maim bol rahiilrahi hum 'I am speaking' . thii, thi
. to fonn the continuous past: maim bol rahii/rahi thii/thi 'l was speaking' .
Built in the same way are other 'continuous forms ' (maim cal rahti/rahi
. hiimgalhumgi, maim cal rahii/rahi hottilhoti, etc.).24

6 .6. The preterite and the (past) perfect

To refer to

31J

action which has been completed25 and (a) is not or (b)


is connected with the present time26 the (a) preterite or (b) the perfect is
used. The preterite is the perfective participle used as verbum finitum:

to the face of Dhanapati ' (Bhavisatta Kaha 1 1 . 1 0), va7Je vi}}au iirtihanta
iu 'He sed to adore Vijja in the forest' (Paumacari u 9 . 8 . 9). The auxil iary .
maim bola 'I spoke' .7 The perfect is formed out of this participle and the
_
0
uaJ--==:F- .:...-::_jndj c_ative present of honti: maim bola hum 'I have spoken' . fu the past
yerb wh1ch 1s used here2 is a continuation of the (enlarged)
. il:djective of .../sthii 'to stand' : 2 1

l .-3 . sg.- (masc:--)- tha-<-*thiau-<-* sthitakaJ,z-- - 1 .-3 . pl. (masc.) the < *thie < *thiaya < *sthitakiih
1 . - 3 . sg. (fern.) thi < *thiia < * sthitikii
1 .-3 . pl. (fern.) thzm < *thiiaim < *sthitikiini.22

23
- --- - 24

See McGREGOR p. 2 1 -22 and SHAPIRO 9. i (p. 6 1 -63).


On these

temporal categories see NESPITAL (1 980 I 1 98 1 : 24-25 I 254-267 I 3 1 4-325).

25 See HACKER ( 1 963a: 207221 [= Kl. Sch. p. 646-660]), PoRfZKA ( 1 967: 74-75) and
NESPITAL

26

18 This is ALsDORF's ( 1 937: 30) and BLOCH's ( 1 965: 245) explanation (cf. also TuRNER
1975: 32).

1 9 See McGREGOR p. 2 1 and SHAPIRO 8.2 (p. 55-56).


20 See McGREGOR p. 19 and SHAPIRO 6.4 (p. 42).
2 1 Note that also in Sanskrit

22

/sthti is used as an auxiliary (see SPEIJER 1 886: 294-295).

For the use of the ntr. pl. for the fern. pl. see p. 2.

{ 1 985: 56)

See NESPITAL ( 1 985: 58-60). -

. 27 In (situations of) conversations it can be used. to refer to a future action as already


completed (PORfZKA 69 .4): maim abhr ayti 'I am already . here ; . . This. usage of the
verbal adjective is sporadically found in the Epics: caitral:z . . . ayaf!l mtisaJ:z .. . yau
vartijyaya rtimasya sarvam evopakalpyatam I lqtam ity e-Va ctibriittim ... yathoktavaca
nam . . . dvijarabhau . . This is the month of Caitra ... Let ail the preparations be mde
for Rama's installation as prince regent - It shall be done just as you command, the
two bralunins replied", R 2,3.45 (for further references see SH. POLLOCK, The Rlimti
yaa of Valmfki, An Epic ofIndia. Volume IT - Ayodhyakfu}Qa, Princeton 1 986, p. 333).

40

- 6. The verb -

perfect

tha, the, thf, thim

are used as auxiliary verbs .28

calahim35
hohim

6.7. The subjunctive

The subjunctive29 is a continuation of the old indicative present (see

p. 34 with n. 2) which is also the base of the future tense (see 6 . 9) . That of :

hona (see McGREGOR p.

28) goes back to the indicative present

bhavati :30

3pl. calem

( '1:

calahum

( '1:

* homo36 < bhaviimal;)

ca/ahu
hohu

cala(h)im

ca/ahim38 (< x:

l sg._

calum
h(o)um

r< :

2sg.

cale34
ho

- -

calai =

ca/ahum

l pl .

honti < bhavanti)

homi

cala(h)i
hoi

calahi
hohi

carasi
hosi

carasi
hosi

carai
hoi

(via * 0amhu) out of Pkt. 0amha, the 1 pl. imperative39 (see ALSDORF 1 93 7 :
carati
=
=-=1
=

:;.::
t--1 -1 7). This ending was, however, n o t continued but i t was replaced by
bhavati

cafe

The explanation of the genesis of the 1 pl . is difficult as is the

. problem why

( ! ) oiimasi (see also


1 975: 298-299), this ending being also - though sporadically - attested in
ddle Indo-Aryan (cf. Pali okandamasi; Ja VI 555 , 1 *) and then continued in Dardic

: ;:duRNER

. -

. .-Jan.'guages

p. 674]).

0aum

and the older form

0i:imi

(see also .

the following note).

ALSDORF ( 1 937: 30) and TuRNER ( 1 975:

3 1 -32).

ALSDORF (loc. cit.) traces

the. .

formjiil}aum in the Harivarp5apurfu).a (88 . 3 .5) and points out that Bhavisatta Kaha (79,6)
has k.araurn . Moreover, the intermediate stage 0avi is often to be met with iri lbe

Harivarpsapura:r;ta and other Apabhnupsa texts (see preceding note).

34 On this form see ALSDORF ( 1 937:

14).

(see BLOCH 1 965: 2 3 5):

'caramasi (see

calem < *calahim < *calamahi <: *caramasi <

OBERLIES 200 1 b: 365-366) .

. . 36 Hindi hom looks like a continuation of homo.

31 Why the -u- (< -v-) has been lengthened is not clear.
Beside . 0avi the texts have the younger form

-M e l 3 ft mu howew
silll haw be in li ng

.. . 15 It is no more than a conjecture to trace this form back to Vedic

2 9 See McGREGOR p. 27-28 and SHAPIRO 1 3. 1 (p. 95-97).

30 See HACKER ( 1 96 3 : 253 [= Kl. Sch .

I pl. and 3pl. have one and the same form (see BLOCH 1 96 5 :

246). All we know is that the Apabhrarp.sa ending ( 1 pl .) oahum developed

2 S ee MCGREGOR p. 25-27 and SHAPIRO 1 0 . 1 (p. 68-7 1 ) .

: .

3sg.

[see below])

cariimi33
bhaviimi

calami

33 See

calaum

caratha37
bhavatha

calavP2
*hovi

32

(*

caraha
hoha

calaum
houm31

calai
calai
hoi
hoi
ho

3 sg.

.:j

hohim

hom

[on which see below])

ca/ahu
hou

: l sg.
..

41

- 6. The verb -

- --)i BLOCH ( 1 98 5 :

1 64) maintains that Ap.

certainly wrong (see ALSDORF 1 937:


3 1).

0ahu

cannot go back to

Skt. 0atha

But he is

.8 One o f the ancient texts of the Jain canon already has (3pl. ) acchahim, viz. Utta
rajjhayru;tasutta XXll, 1 6.

. 39 This ending is the result of the blending-in of the -h- of (2pl. imp.) 0aha into ( I pl. ind.
. . pr.) oiimo: 0amha < 0iimo X oaha (see 0BERLIES 200 1b: 370 n. 44). On the 2pl. imp. 0aha

- -.. -- ,..._""+ -..

. see

below, p. 42-43 with note 47.

- 6. The verb -

- 6. The verb -

use when ( 1 sg.) 0a'Vi had developed to oaurh because 3pl. oahirh was formed
out of 3 sg. 0Qi after the pattern ( l pl .) oahurh : ( l sg.) 0aUrh.40

karah a < *karatha),47 while the tu-imperative48 goes back to the 2sg. ofthe
ctive imperative: (kapra yahirh mez par) rakh < raka (see BLOCH 1 965:
45). Also, the bare in:fmitive serves as imperative - a usage known from
Apabhrarpsa (see SINGH 1 980: 1 44).49'

42

. ..

6.8. The imperative

Tile 'polite' (ap-)imperative41 in oi(y)e is a continuation of the 3 sg . o f


the Apabbrarp.sa indicative present passive,42 0iyai < (Skt.) 0(i)yate.43 The
form oiyo - which is used much less frequently - goes back to the .
Apabbrarpsa passive imperative m oiyau < (:NITA) oiyatu which repl aced

43

6. 9. The future

Skt. cyatam. In both cases -y- is the genuine consonant of the passive .... .......uA----- -
which - in its allomorphic form Yi)jj(ai) - lives on in the 'irregular' fonns
kfjie, dijie, pfjie and lijie (-fj- < -ijj-) . Here the -i- of the 0i(y)e-fonn has
intruded (kijie < /aje).44 These imperatives are liable to be extended by the .
suffix 0ga: dijiega.45 The - less polite . - tum-imperative in 0 is a
continuation of the 2pl. of the Skt. imperative (karo < Ap. karahu46 < Pkt.

The future50 is conjugated within (see 6.7) and declined at the end:
. (l sg.) calum-ga, calum-gf, (213 sg.) cale-ga, 0gf, ( l /3pl.) calerh-ge, 0gf,
---(2pL) calo-ge, ogf. The 'declined ' element goes back to the (enlarged)
verbal adjective gataka- 'gone ' : (masc. sg.) oga, (masc. pl.) 0ge I (fern.
sg./pl.) ogf < (Braj) ogau , oge I ogf < (sg . ) *gatakal,z, (pl . ) *gatakal,z I (sg.)
*'gatika, (pl . ) *gatikiil.z (see BLOCH 1 965: 287).51

6.10. The passive

=-:.::.-= :.:::=--.C

40

See BLOCH ( 1 965: 244-245 I 1 985: 1 66) and TuRNER ( 1 975: 32 I 56).

41 On the various imperative forms see McGREGOR p. 44-45 and SHAPill.O 12. 1 (p S. .
_.
90).

This form is still used as indicative passive in questions and conditional phrases (see .
.
MCGREGOR p. 1 93 - 1 94).
42

43
44

See BLOCH

47 The primary ending 0atha replaced the old imperative ending 0ata in Middle Indo
(see 0BERLIES 200 1 : 220). Cf. p. 4 1 n. 37.

48 See McGREGOR p. 45.

49

There is a semantic difference between the 'infinitive-imperative' and the 'genuine '
imperative(s): It is used to command actions that are to be done after some lapse oftime.
.Therefore HooK ( 1 986: 7 1 } calls itfoture imperative.
.

( 1 965: 238) and MCGREGOR p. 1 93.

- so

In older stages of Hindi this is the regular form (see NESPITAL 2000: 1 67)

45 See McGREGOR p. 45 I 193- 1 94.


.
46 It was in Apabhrarpsa that 2sg. and 2pl. of the imperative coalesced (karo < Ap.
kara<h>u < *karasu < Pkt. karassu < Skt. rua). And in Braj Bha, the imperativ
in oa (h)u can be used as singular as well as plural (see Tm:EL-HORS1MANN 1 983: 39).

The passive52 is formed from the perfective participle and the


auxiliary verbjana. In phrases, both elements stand in congruency with the
bject Temporal and modal modifications are expressed by-the auxiliary:

See MCGREGOR p. 29 and SHA.Pill.O 1 3 .2 (p 97-98).

5 1 The future tenses II and III (MCGREGOR's imperfective and perfective future
(p. 29])
are formed from the future of honii ahd the imperfective and perfective participle: maim
._ ,

..

caltiilcalti I caliilcali hiimgii.

.
.
.
. n See MCGREGOR
p. 1 29 and SHAPrn.o 1 7.5 (p. 1 35- 1 36).

'
't
.

; . .

j. l.

_,

,.

- 6 . The verb -

:--- 6. The verb -

44

ve satru se mitre 1aemge ' They will be killed by their enem ies ' s1 _ :
- ::
Precursors o f this passive formation are most probably phras e - l .
e
ka!!hiini vippaki7J1Jlini agamalJlsU 'The logs were scattered ', Vinayapiiaka - :. .
.
ill 63, 1 7/23, met with in Middle Indo-Aryan. 54

-[

nivareyavvo ' This Acala must be forbidden to come to my


(JACOBI, Ausgewiihlte Erziihlungen 63, 1 6- 1 7), joyantii miira7Je

'agama7Je
'

'They were looking for an opportunity to kill [him] ' (ibid.


.59 The old infmitive in tum survives with the verb saknii ' be able

. maim kar sakta hum, with kar going back to Ap. kariu I Pkt. kariulJl
fin ally to Skt. kartum (see TuRNER 1 97 5 : I l l [on Guj . miirf

6. 1 1 . The absolutive

- '-''ll>:-r_,.,,.. :, o]).60
The ' short' absolutive - homophonous with the bare verb s
(McGREGOR p. 43) - goes back .to the Apabhrarpsa absolutive in -i (kari

'having done ' < [Pal i] kariya < OIA *karya), whose fmal is dropped -:see#;;
::-':-..,., ..
BLOCH 1 96 5 : 2 8 1 -282). It is mainly used to form compound verb: --
';_\':t.J;-1::
rahii hai. By adding kar(ke) or ke (cf. Braj kai) to this form Hindi builds iti

'true' absolutive.55 kar is a continuation ofthe Apabhralll sa absolutive kart


while ke goes back to Jcrte, the locative of the verbal adjective k[ta- 'ma4e'
(see BLOCH 1 96 5 : 2 82).
.

'

6.12. The infmitive

The infmitiv:e-goes back-t<:> an--enlargeo-ve:rrnilrmum.:--o(zl)nff3(Erfij:-- - - -

--

--

Ya)nii(m), 0anau(m/6 < (Ap .) 0a7Jaham (: * 0anakam).57 This usage

verbal noun is known from MIA: (Pali) ta 1J158 ahalJl dassanalJl n n-.rnr.. . - . "'=
have come to s ee you' (Ja VI 533 , 3 * = 1 8* ), (Pkt.) eso Ayalq __ !..,fL(;: ,

53 See BLOCH ( 1 965: 292) and NESPITAL ( 1 985: 60-6 1)


54 See SCHOKKER ( 1 969: 9) and VON Hl:NOBER 462.

55 See MCGREGOR p. 42-43 and SCHUMACHER ( 1 977: 9).


56 It is possible that 0ahum - another Apabbrarpsa suffix of the infinitive (see

1 936: 1 7 1 [ 6 1 ]) - has blended with m;aham. Note that also the (Ap.) infinitive .
<lju (< Pkt. 0iU'f!l < Skt. <ljtum) has lost the final nasal.

. -

57 See MElLE (1 947/48: 74-75), BLOCH (1965:

280) and TURNER ( 1 975: 80).

58 Note the accusative ta'!l depending on dassanaf!Z .

45

. - 59
'.'
.

See BLOCH ( 1 965: 280) and SCHOKKER ( 1 969: 5).

On the

'infinitive-imperative' see p. 43 with n. 49.

- 7. Glossary of linguistic terms -

7.

47

Glossary of linguistic terms

Analogy
Analogy is a morphological transformation after given models which
interferes with expected phonological processes (see HOCK 1 99 1 : 44-47
):
(a.) (H.) mujh < *mujjhu < ( : tujjhu) (Ap. ) majjhu I (Pkt.) majjha('!l) < Skt
m ahyam (see p. 23), (b.) H. tujh < (Ap . ) tujjh u < ( : majjh a [tp]) (Pkt .) tub
bhal!t < (Skt.) tubhyam (see p. 1 9), (c . ) (H . ) iipar < (Ap. ) uppari < (

::"compensatory lengthening (metathesis q uantitatum )


Compensatory lengthening is the lengthening of a vowel to maintain
. ..
pro sodic structure of a syllable when it has been disturbed by the loss
: :
following sound which may be (a. ) one of two consonants or (b.) a
(see HocK 1 99 1 : 8 9-92) : (a .) (H. ) age < (Ap.) aggai < (Skt.) agrake

p. 28), (H.) joban < (Pkt.) jovvaa1Jl < (Skt.) yauvana m, (H.) burha <
vu(irjha[k]o < (Skt.) vrddha[ka}f.z, (H.) samp < (Pkt.) sappo < (Skt.)
/prpa/:1, (H.) hath < (Pkt.) hattho < (Skt.) hastaf.z 1 (b.) (H.) panf < (Ap.)
.,

u ttaram) (Skt.) upari (see p. 28).

e
_ :\;[a
-- owel
. :'(see
..

__

Apo cope
See aphaeresis.

i < Skt.) paniyam, (H:) motf < (Ap.) mottiu < (Skt.) mauktikam, (H.)

.::.pcb:z u

_ ghi < (Ap.) ghiu < (Skt.) ghrtam2 (see also p. 17 n . 6).

Aphaeresis

Contraction
Aphaeresis (also called apocope) is the dropping of an initial vmeJ:"=sl=:-'''- --Contraction is the coalescence of vowels, s ometimes over feebly
(see Hock 1 99 1 : 94) : (a. ) (H.) bai{h-na 'to sit' +- (Ap ) pai{{ha - < (Pkt.) :_ :
iCulated consonants such as y and -h- (see HocK 1 99 1 : 72 and MAsiCA
1 9 1 ): (a.) -i- < -i(y)a- (pfla < pfalau < pitalakaf:i), (b.) -e---< =iata}pavit!h a--:::-< (Skt . ) upavi{a- - ( se e p:-3 6 -rs.;-9);-(b-:rliar <- *fii]haz
(see p. 3 7-3 8).
:: (han < adhikaraf ' anvil' [Arthasastra IV 4,20], aTiulh era < * andhika
.

'

_ . _

- -- -- ram, ner < niafja- < nika{a-) , (c. ) 00th < 0iihum (see p. 2).
Assimilatio n
Assimilation is a process by which a sound is made similar
,_ Dissimilation
.
identical to another one which precedes or follows (see HocK 1 99 1 : 6 1 Dissimilation is the differentiation of similar or identical sounds in
66): (H.) b ujh na 'to be extinguished ' < * vujh 0 (Pkt.) vijjhai < (Skt.)
it may even lead to the complete loss of one of these sounds (see
* vikiiyati
- -HocK 1 99 1 : 1 07- 1 08): (H. sattrah < Ap. sattaraha- <) Pkt. sattac.asa- <
sattadasa- < Skt. saptadaia (see p. 27 n. 6).
Blending
Blending is the formation of a suffix or word out of two e eme ts
with similiar or (diametrically) opposite meanings or functions : (Hindi 007h
1 See BLOCH ( 1 965: 42) and MAsiCA (1993: 1 87:- 1 88).
<) Ap. oahum < (x [gen. sg. ] oahu I 0ahif) 0tialJl < Skt. 0tinam (see p. 6 with
n. 2 1 ).
-- 2 See ALSDORF .(1 937: 7-8), BLOCH (1965: 1 64) and TuRNER ( 1 975: 1 1 1 ).

or

_ contact;

l n

48

- 7. Glossary of linguistic terms -

8.

Haplology
Haplology is a " special type of dissimilatory loss . . . of a who l .
sy Hable before or after a phonetically similar or identical syliable' ' (Hoq ,
1 99 1 : 1 09): H. kiilf gho(iyom < Ap. kaliya ghocjiyahum < Pkt. kat{
yti< 1}a'f!Z> ghocjiytil}a'f!Z < Skt. kiilikiinti'f!Z gho!ikiintim (see p. 1 3- 1 5).

Indices

, . , ablaut relation
between simplex and causative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 n. 1 1
3 9, 44
:'(:; ;absolutive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
'short' absolutive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39, 44
44
in kar(ke) I ke
:
. >: ;:adjectives
Metathesis
inflexion of adjectives .
. . .
.
.
.
. . . . . 1 3- 1 4
Metathesis is a ' 'transposition of segments ' ' (see HocK 1 99 1 : 1 1 O):
pronominal adj ectives
. . . .
. . .
.
. . . . . 25
(a.) (H.) ubh < (Pkt.) umha- < (Skt.) uman-, (b.) (H.) bhais < *mhailflsf:.
: -iid verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . 30 n. 1 0
( analo gy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 7, 1 9, 26, 46
:

< (Pkt.) mahi'f!Zsf- < (Skt.) mahif- (see also p. 1 8).


\ . (\pabhrarpsa
adverbs in -a(h)im
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 n. 1 0
Metathesis quantitatum
case endings
See under Compensatory lengthening.
haplological shortening of case endings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 5
masc. / ntr . . a(a) st ms
.
- -----------Syncope
- --- --- -- --_-::-
---- --- .. ---::"-:;:"---..
4 n. 1 4, 5 n. 1 6
nom./acc. sg. -(a)u
Syncope is the loss of a vowel in a medial syllable (see HocK 1 99 1. : . -.. ;:;t "'--
nom./acc. sg. ntr. -aum . . .
. . . .
.
5 n. 1 6
93): nibhnti < nib<a>h0 < nirvah(ati).3
instr. sg. -eift,
. .
. . .
.
. .
5 n. 1 7
gen. sg. -ahu I :-ahif . . .
1 n. 2, 6 n. 2 1 -22, 9 n . 3 7
loc. sg. -(a)e . .
. . . . .
. . . 4 n. i 4, 5 n. 1 8
..

..

- -: :::::
.... --
"'
. " "'-
=-c:.:.

---

--

--

- --

----

--

- -

------

-:

loc. sg. -ahim .

voc . sg. -aya

. . . . . . . .
.
. .
5 n. 1 8
. . .
. . .
. . .
.
.
. 5
nom. pl. m. -aya . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . , 6 with n. 20
.

nom./acc . pl. ntr. :-aya

1 932: 527).

instr./loc. pl. -ahim, -ihim, -ehim .

voc. pl. -ahu

gen. pl. -aham

TEDESCO

gen. pl. -ahum

3 See

. . . . . .. . . . . . . . .

. _

6 n. 20

.
. . 6 n. 2 1
2, 6 with n . 2 1 , 46

. . . . . . . . . . ... . .. . . .

6 n. 2 1

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6-7 n . 24

50

- 8 . Indices

- 8 . Indices -

fern. a-stems
. gen. sg. -ahe

masc. I ntr. i-stems

. .

9 n: 7

gen. sg. -ihe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 n. 30


.
.. . . . . . .
. . .
. .
8 n. 3 1
.

gen. pl. -i(y)ahum

. . .
.

. .
.
voc. pl. -i(y)ahu
fern. i-stems
nom. sg. -ia .
.
. . . . .
gen. sg. -ihi I -ihe
. .
.

. . .

. . . . .

. . .

.
. .
.

. .

. . .

. .

;-;-- {\------"-----

9 .I1 7'

.
.

. . . .
. . . . . .
. . . 1o
gen. pl. -iyahum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I 0 with n. 4 1
voc. pl. -iyahu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 o .
feminine a-, i- and u-inflexion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 ll.-"".:==
:::;:.;:=:::.::t=,::. -:
in<?_O!J>O!in ?f _t!I .E
-aim into the fern. inflexion 2 n:
non-shortening of long fmals in mono:-syllabic words . . . . . 1 6 n. r
.
nouns ending in two vowels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 :
ntr. ending taken over into the fern. inflexion . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 :ri> 8
participle
present participle used to denote past actions
3 5 n. 5
present participle combined with thia- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 8
persistence of fmal short vowels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
postpositions
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28-33
pronorms
non-personal pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 1 -25
.

:
__

_______

__

ehu, eha I ihu, iha . . .


e(e)
. . . . . .
. .
kavalJU I kavalJa
.

. . .
. .
.

. .
.

. .

. .
.

.
.

.
.

22
22

. 8 with n. 3 3

25

..

. 8 with n. 3{

n.

. . . .
. .
.
. . . . . 23
ohu, uhu . . . . . . .
oi
23
personal pronouns
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 7-20
haum
.
. .. . . . . .
. . . . . .
.
.
17
maim . .
. . .
. . . . . .
.
17
majjhu .
.
.
. . . .
. ..
.
.
17
amhaim
... . .
.. . . .
. . . .
.
. 18
. . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 9 with n. 1 4
tuhum
.
. . .
. . .
. .. .
. 19
tujjhu .
tumhaim . .
. . . . . .
.
.
. .
. . 20
tumha . . . . .
. . . .
. . . . .
. . . . . . .
20
possessive prononns .
.
. .
. . . .. . ..
. . . 20
meraya- I amhiiraya- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
teraya- I tumhiiraya- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
rhythmical equilibrium of the paradigm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 n. 1 4
of long fmals ili poly.:sylla5ic words . : . . . . . . . . . . . 1
shortening of stem fmals
.
. . . : . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 n. 1 1 , 9
sonnd laws . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 n. 2, 3 n. 1 1 , 4 n. 1 4, 6 n. 24
-u < (MIA) -a . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 n . 2
-u(m) < (MIA) -arrz . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 n. 2
-au < (m.) -aka/;
. . . ..
.. .
.
.
. . . . 5 n. 1 6
-aum < (ntr.) -akam .
-. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 n . 1 6
-s-,
-$-,
-s-, -.ry-, i)D' . . . . . . 1 n. .' 2
MI
-s<
(Skt.)
A)
-h- < (
verb I verbal endings
1 sg. ind. pres. -aum . .
.
.
. . 40 wit n. 32-33, 42
1 sg. ind. pres . -ami . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 with n . =32
.

gen. sg. -ihu

voc. sg. -ie


nom. pl. -iau

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21

kltham
.

51

-(

1 sg. ind. pres. -avi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 with n. 33; 42


1 pl. ind. pres. -ahum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42
.

52

- 8. Indices -

53

- 8. Indices -

3 sg. imperative pass. -iyau . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .


. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7, 1 1 , 4 7
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
absolutive in -i . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . ..
. 4r-: , .,_,.,.,.jj: ,.._ ,. .LY-.... / Ap. ) ' diphthongs '
11
tives
coalescence of 2sg. and 2pl. of the imp. . . . . . . . . 42 n . 4 e( ' .
. . . . ; . . . . . . . . 1 8, 27, 47
. . .. . . . .. .
. .
.
dissimilation .
infmitive . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . " . . . . . . 44 with n . 56: ,

. 26
. .
. .
. . . .
.
.
.
.
.
consonants
of
doubling
tX.p
word finals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 .
ressive
'
4
. .
. . . . . .. ... . ... .
. . . . .
. .. ..
, ;extended' nouns
aphaeresis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 n. 9 , 4(j . .
..
43
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
apocope . . . .
. . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . .
.
7
46
'
'
,
.
Juty
.
.
.
;
.
. . . . 3 ,.
re
.
.
future tenses _II and III . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 n. 5 1
archaic forms
(system) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ; . . . . . . . . 2 n. 8, 5 n. 1 6, 1 2
l pL subj . in -ahiliz . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 1 n . 3 s .
------ -- -..., .-. """:'' .:,.""',-.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . 3 7-3 8
_,.-general present
assimilation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 6
- haplolo gy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27, 4 8
auxiliary verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34, 37- 39, 4 3
haplological shortening of case-endings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 3 - 1 5
blending . .
.. . . . . .. . .. .
. . . 6 n. 2 1 , 9 n. 3 7, 1 0 n. 40-4 1 , 3 7, 4 6
ii_Ilperative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42-43
borrowings from Sanskrit
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 n . 1 O, 4, 9 n. 34, l J .
til-imperative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
Braj
.

_ _

tum-imperative in -o
. . . .
. . .
. .
. . .
. 42-43
...==;;=;=:'==-.
--.:ap..:imperative in -iry)e I -iyo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42
instr./gen./loc. masc. sg. -ahi(m) . . . . . . . . . . .
bare infitv used imperative . . . . . . . . . . ;
43 with n. 49
__QQJ P-t Jnasc. :aum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
extended by the suffix -ga . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42
. voc. pl. masc. -hau
.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . .. . .
. . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .- . . . . . . . .. 38
.
'\;ilnperfect
nom. pl. fern. em / aim . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2, 1 0 . 3 9
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 5, 3 7, 3 8
participle
rfective
. pe
'-._:...
_:
case endings (see also 'Apabhrarp.sa' and ' Braj ')
used as adjective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . : . . . . . . . . 3 5 n . 5
haplological shortening of case' endings ; . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 3 I S
used as adverb . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 5 n. 5
(obi. case pl.) -om
. .
. . . . . . . .
.
. .
. . --.- .-
used as predicate . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 5 n. 5
(dir. case pl.) -em . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . .
. . .
. . 2
used
as substantive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 5 n. 5
causative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

imperfective
past -+ imperfect
comparative . . . . . . . .
. . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1 3 n. 2
. infinitive
;
. . . . . . . . . .. .
. . .
44-45
compensatory lengthening . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 n. 1 1 , 4, 7, 1 0 n. 39, 47 . _.:.
used as imperative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 with n . 49
conditional sentence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 .n . 5 -''
_-_ : , inflexion
continuous forms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 9
of 'extended' nouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
.. .
. . . .
. 4- 1 1
continuous past
of 'unextended' nouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 -4
continuous present
case endings

. .

__

54

8. Indices -

of adjectives
.
of feminine iy s
of feminine i- and u-stems . . .
of masculine a-stems . .
. . .
of masculine am-stems
.
.
of masculine i- and u- st
. . . . . . .
of pronouns
oka-extension . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
loss of inter-voca lic consonants (-y- 1 -h-)
metathesis
.
. . . .
. .
.
.
metathesis quantitatum
.
. . .

'

'

'

'

1vfiA

'

'

'

. perfect . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39-40

'

-.

.....

'

..

based .on the verbal stem . . .


. . . .. ..
used as adjective
used as adverb . . . . . . . . . . . .
. ..
used as predicate
used as substantive . . . . . . . .
.

... .
. .. .
. .. .
.
... .

_.

.. . ...... . .
. . ... .... . .
.. . ....... .
. .
........ . ..

'

.
.
.
.
.

.
.
.
.
.

..
..
..
. .
..

...
. ..
. ..
. .. .
...

39
36, 39, 43
. . . . . 36
. 36 n. 8
. 36 n. 8
. 3 6 n. 8
. 36 n. 8
.

3 6 n. 9

?!p;t

. .

'

.-

. .. . . . . . . . . . . . -;--;- : -;-

periphrasis I indicators of pl ural number . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 2


essive prononns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
. . . .
.. . . .
. . .
. 28-33
....-.,-.-::1'110 stoositions
-"'""'..,, -+ continuous forms I general present

nasalisation
. . . . . . 1 0 n :'" 39, 1 r .
loss ofnasa lisation
...
.
.
. . . . . . . . : .. .. 2t.
nominative
replaced by instrumental
nouns
two classes .
. .
. .
.
.
.
.
. .
'extended' . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
'unextended ' .
.
.
. .
. ..
number
levelling of sg. and pl.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 1 n. .L.'t-- _;;_
numerals .
. . . . . .
.
. . .
. . . . . . . . .
26 7 .
participles
,.
pass ive
.

1pl . imp. -amha . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .


.--. - ,

'

endings
neuter ending used for feminine
voc. pl. of a-stems in -iiho
postpos itions
-... -, -.- ,- ,. .. ,-;--. . .

16-25' ,. I_.,, - - :..-.:: < "


13.- I 4 . . ;.:sii::n:r;:o:'

. . . . . . . . . . . . . I' 3 n.

. . . . . . . . . . . ....
. .. . . .
..
.
. .

, .. 9a-;'fii';...f:'
;,:i .;rt1 ve participle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7:-8 '

. .
. . . . ..
. .
.

. . . . .
.

55

- 8 . Indices -

. .... .... ... ... . .. .. ... 37-38


.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
u sed to refer to a future action . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . : . . 39 n. 27 .
adjectives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . 2 5
inflexion
1 st person prononns
.
. . .
.
.
. . 17- 18
sg
. .. .. ... .
. . . . , .. . .. .. . ... . . ... . 17
pl. ....... ... . . . .. ... . .. .... .. ..... . . . . .. . . . 17- 18
2nd person pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19-20
sg . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
pl. . . .
.
.
. . ..
; . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
demonstrative prononns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22-24
indefmite prononns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . , . . . . . . . . . . 24-25
interrogative pronoun . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 1 -22
non-personal pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 1 -25

. .

- 8. Indices -

56
' . .

relative pronoun
pronouns
reflexive pronoun tip
.

. .

se

with verbum dicendi .


semantic differentiation
.
' strong ' inflexion
.
. . .
subjunctive
honti
subj unctive of
.
superlative

. _

univerbation
verb . . .
verbal system
verbal aspect .
word endings
ffista'bilitY
word-rhythm
.

:r : !

\(. --!. .t :;. -

----

. . .

. .

. .

. .

.
.

.
.

.
.

.
.

. . .

.
.

.
.

.
.

.
.

.
.

.
.

.
.

.
.

.
.

.
.

.
.

.
.

_ : _

.
.

25

2p?.
.

12

.
.

.
.

1 936

9::-1,1 "".,-::;;:;:'"
13 n 2 .
2 7,' '48:. L:.:

!-,!:ru,
7:: ...., --

..

1 937
1 937a

;;;. --'
- -,...-::.-=

.::

(Aft- und Neu-Indische Studien 2).


- HarivafJZiapurti7Ja. Ein A bschnitt aus der .
- Apabhra!Jlia-Welthistorie 'Mahtipurti7Ja Tisa!!himahtipurisagu7Jti[a!J1kiira ' von Pu$padanta. Ham
burg 1 936 (Alt- und Neu-Indische Studien 5) .
- Apabhra!Jlsa-Studien. Leipzig 1 937 (Abhand
lungenfiir die Kunde des Morgen/andes XXII, 2).

- Die Entstehung der neuindischen Sprachen.


ZDMG 9 1 ( 1 937) 423-447
Kl. Sch. p. 66 1 - 6 8 5).
Y. ASADA Notes on Modern Dakkhini. Journal of
(=

_,

4; ,.

Literature

L. ALSDORF. Der Kumiiraptilapraiibodha. Ein Bei


trag zur Kenntnis des Apabhra!Jlsa und der
Erziihlungs-Literatur der Jainas. Hamburg 1 928

-.

.. .

34 with n . 2 , 40:42

33 n .

9.

..

. "1 6-25

_ _ ___ _ __

.
_

' :. .

Indian and Buddhist Studies 34.2 ( 1 9 86) 940-935


(= < 1 9> - <24>).
H. BERGER. Die Zablworter in den neuindoarischen .
Sprachen. MSS 47 ( 1 986) 23-70.
H. C. BHAYANI. The Samdesa Rasaka Abdu/ .
Rahaman. Bombay 1 945.
- Paumacariu ofKaviraja Svayambhiideva. Part I.
Bombay 1 95 3 .

- A Few Problems of Apabbraq1sa Reconsidered.


Baburam Saksena Felicitation Volume. Poona
1 965, 7 1 -76.

J. BLOCH. The Termination of Hindi calo 'you go ' ._


Kosotsava-smiirak-sangraha. Benares 1 928, 4 8 1 4 8 3 (= BLOCH 1 98 5, 1 64- 1 66).
- Hindi sii 'pareil, quasi ' . Woo/ner Commemora-

58

BLOCH 1 9 50
BLOCH 1 965

BLOCH 1 970

- 9. Literature -

59

- 9 . Literature -

tion Volume. Lahore 1 940, 2 1 -23 (= BLOCH 1 9 85,


333-335).
- Hindi kaun. Siddha-Biuiratf. Hoshiarpur 1 950, 1 3 (= BLOCH 1 985, 396-398).
- Indo-Aryan. From the Vedas to Modern Times . .
Paris 1 96 5 (English translation of L ' Indo-Aryen .
.
Paris 1 934).
- The Formation of the Marti!hf Language. Delhi

HACKER 1 962
HACKER 1 963

- Review of LIENHARD 1 96 1 . IJJ 6 ( 1 9 62) 1 5 1 - 1 67

(= Kl. Sch. p. 760-776).


- Die Seinsbegriffe des Hindi : hotti hai und hai.
ZvS 78 ( 1 963) 249295 ( Kl. Sch. p. 670-7 1 6).
=

HACKER 1 963a

- Einiges zur Hindi-Grammatik. IIJ 6 ( 1 963) 203230 ( Kl. Sch. p. 642-669).


VON HlNOBER (200 1 ) 0. VON HINOBER. Das iiltere Mitte/indisch im
Oberblick. Wien 200 1 (2nd revised edition).
--HOCK 1 99 1
H. H. HocK. Principles of Historical Linguistics.
Berlin - New York - Amsterdam 1 99 1 .
HooK 1 974
P . E . Ho oK . The Compound Verb in Hindi. Ann
Arbor, Michig an 1 974.
HOOK 1 978
- The Hindi Compound Verb: What it is and what
it does. Readings in Hindi Linguistics (ed. by k. S.
SINGH). New Delhi 1 978, 1 30- 1 57.
HooK 1 986
- Hindi Structures: Intermediate Level. Ann Arbor,
Michigan 3 1 986.
JACOBI 1 9 1 8
H. JACOBI. Bhavisatta Kafza von Dha7Javtila. Eine
=

1 970 (English translation of La formation de__ la . .


langue marathe. Paris 1 9 1 4).
- Recueil d 'Artic/es de Jules Bloch. Paris 1 985.
BLOCH 1 98 5
BURTON-PAGE 1 957 J. BURTON-PAGE. The Syntax of Participial Forms
in Hindi. BSOAS 1 9 ( 1 957) 94- 1 04.
BURTON-PAGE 1 957a - Compound and Conjunct Verbs in Hindi. BSOAS
1. 9 ( 1 957) 469-478.
BURTON-PAGE 1 958 - Notes on two problems in New Indo-Aryan.
- BSOAS 2 1 ( 1 958) l/4::t '7'8-.- -- S. K. CHATTERJI. Origin and development ofthe
CHATIERn 1 926
Bengali language. Calcutta 1 926.
ELIZARENKOVA 1 965 T. ELIZARENKOVA. About the Verbal System of
Hindi. Symbolae Linguisticae in Honorem Geor-gii'
Kurylowicz. Breslau - Warschau - Krakau 1 965,
58-64.
A. W. ENTWISTLE. The Rasa miina ke pada of Ke
ENTWISTLE 1 993
va1arama. Groningen 1 993.
P. GAEFFKE. Review of HACKER 1 9 58 . Oriens 1 6
GAEFFKE 1 963
( 1 963) 345-358.
P. HAcKER. Zur Funktion einiger Hilfsverben im
HACKER 1 958
modernen Hindi. W ie sba den 1 9 5 8 (AA WLM
1 958/4).
-

-- -
.

__

-=--

JACOBI 1 92 1

LIENHARD 1 96 1

Jaina Legende in Apabhraf!ZSa. Miinchen 1 9 1 8


(Abhandlungen der Konig/. Bayerischen Akademie
der Wissenschaften . Phil . -phil ol . und hist. Klasse
XXIX,4) .

- Sanatkumiiracaritam, ein Abschnitt aus Hari


bhadras Neminiithacaritam. Miinchen 1 92 1 (Ab
handlungen der Bayerisch en Akademie der
Wissenschaften . Phi l .- ph i l o l . und hi st . Klass e
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MILTNER.

-- -- - -

----

__

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=:==;="-'..::_
--

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A.

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Old Braj Morphology in the Bihan-:

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10. Abbreviations

--

Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften und der


Literatur, Mainz
Acta Orientalia (ediderunt Societates Orientales Batava
Danica Norvegica)
Bulletin d 'Etudes Indiennes
Berliner Indologische Studien
Bulletin de Ia Societe de Linguistique de Paris
Bulletin of the School of Oriental (and African) Studies
Indo-Iranian Journal
Indian Linguistics
Journal of the American Oriental Society
Journal Asiatique
Miinchener Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft
Orientalistische Literaturzeitung
Studien zur Indologie und lranistik
Zeits c h rift der D e u tschen Mo rgenliindisch e n
Gesellschaft
Zeitschrift fiir vergleichende Sprachforschung auf dem
Gebiete der indogermanischen Sprachen

,.;
'

Kleine Schriften (of tbe Glasenapp-Stiftung)


. Ap.
H
:--cc-'-= -i' !ll :,:

Pkt

ApabhraQJ.sa
. .

Hindi
Prakrit
Sanskrit
Old Indo-Aryan
Middle Indo-Aryan

70

- 1 0. Abbreviations -

'.!

11

..f
.

X
/

.. . .

I.

.. . .

.J

unattested I reconstructed form


crossed with
not based on
in analogy with
instead of, besides
according to the proportion
pronounced as
input form

The abbreviations of Pili texts are those of the Critical Ptili

Dictionary.
The Ptiiasaddamaha7J7Javo is the Comprehensive Prakrit-Hindi
Dictionary ofHARGOVIND DAS T. SHETH, Calcutta 1 923-28 (Reprint: Delhi
1 983).

--- -- -

--

--

---

. j_
.J .
.l

f.
f.

.1
I

j.

1
.j.

_ __