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Table of contents
Band 19
Preface
1. The noun
. .
1-1 2
........... 7
1.2.4. The
1 3-15
!6-25
:: :: :: :::: :: : ::: : :
19
20
4. The numerals
5. The postpositi
6. The verb
6.1. The v
.. ........... ..... . .. . 25
.
26-27
s : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : :
bl ;s : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : :
: : : : : : : : :: : : : : : :
........ .. . ..
.
28-3 3
34-45
.. ...........
. ... ..
.
34
35
37
. .. 39
.
IV
6.9.The.future . . ..
,, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
43
6.10. The passive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
6.11. 1b.e absolutive ..................................... 44
6.12. The infmitive
44
7. Glossary of linguistic terms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46-48
. .. . ..
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49-56
8. Indices
Literature
.
.
.
.
.
. ..
9.
, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . 57-68
10.Abbreviations ............. ,, ................. . . . .... 6 9-70
.
. .
Preface
The tribes that entered India during the first part of the 2nd millenium
before Christ brought with them a language which was closely related to
Avestan, the language of the holy texts of Zoroastrianism, and to Old
Persian and more distantly to Greek, Latin and English.From this Vedic
Sa nskrit, or 'Old Indo-Aryan', a younger variety emerged which became
the base of 'Middle Indo-Aryan', a cover term for quite a number of
languages and dialects. Different from Sanskrit these so-called Prakrits
were more popular languages which were made use of by early Buddhism
and Jainism and which are first attested in written form in the edicts of
King Asoka (2 68 - 232 B.C.). From young forms of these Prakrits, a
language called Apabhrarpsa evolved, as to its employment a purely
poetical language. Basically, it is an amalgation of Middle Indo-Aryan
(MIA) with the still much further evolved contemporary spoken languages:
the mostly Middle Indo""Aryanvocabulary is 'vernacularly' inflected.This
Apabbraqisa is the base for all New Indo-Aryan languages and thereby also
-for. Hindi as equations as ghf 'waterless butter' < Apabhr. I MIA ghia- <
Skt.ghrta-, btidal 'cloud'< Apabhr.I MIA vaddala- < Skt.vtirdala- or tij
'today'< Apabbra.I :MIA ajja < Skt. adya show. It was a western form of
Apabbrarpsa from which the immediate predecessors of Hindi, Hindavf
(also called Zaban-e-Dihlavti) and Dehtitf Kharf Bolf emerged. Both of
them were idioms originally at home in the vicinity of Delhi. They bad
originated with the conquest of Delhi by Qutb-uddin Aibak, and the
establishment of the Delhi sultanate in 1206, as linguae francae of the lingui-s tically and ethnically - very heterogeneous population.
Subsequently these Delhi idioms gained importance and spread to the west
and to the south with travelling merchants, pilgrims and soldiers - the
(temporary) transfer of the capital of the Delhi sultanate to Daulatabad
(near Aurangabad) in 1327 certainly played an important part in this
spread. Transfered in that way beyond the borders of the Delhi area,
VI
I
VII
prevented him from writing a more recent history of Hindi taking into
2000). This would have been a most valuable- and necessary- com
![ammar may prove helpful also in dealing with Apabhrarpsa texts. This
would_ c
_ rtainly be welcome,
come to a stand-still- with only few pleasant exceptions- with the death
of
LUDWIG ALSDORF
and HARIVALLABH C.
My esteemed friend,
Dr.
BHAYANI.
not only vetted my English but also saved me from many an embarrasment
by scrupulously examining the final
NESPITAL.
Dr. HELMUT
(published by Dr.
INGE WEZLER,
Reinbek, in
Census
1994b I 1998 I
a western language, on the other. It was the basis both of Urdu and of
Hindi, is the official language of the Indian Union, according to the
NESPITAL
-,>
1. The noun
11. The inflexion of 'unextended' nouns
As a consequence of the loss ofOIA fmal consonants, all :MIA nouns
ed
end in (partly nasalizedY vowels (see JACOBI 1918; 31 * ) . The short
vowels persisted in Apabhrarpsa; the long ones, however, were shortened
in all poly-syllabic words, unless they were followed by an enclitic such as
vi 'also' or ya 'and':2 Ap. siru 'head' < Pkt. sira1J1. < Skt. siral;.; Ap. sa
mala 'this garland' < Pkt. I Skt. sa mala. Later on, the instability
characteristic of word endings3 affected these fmal short vowels which in
the end were completely dropped: H. sir 'head' < Ap. siru, H. mal
garland'< Ap.mala.4 At the same time, however, long fmals evolved from
recent 'diphthongs', either due to contraction or by compensatory
lengthening. These 'diphthongs' originated from the dropping of inter
vocalic consonants (e.g. the -k- of the aka-extension [see note 14]): Ap.
,: .,_,__di!{hL'seen'< dit!hia < *drtika ( d[!a).5 Therefore, Hindi has only two
- lasses f nouns whose distinction is basic for inflexion: one terminated
l .'
__
_
_______
1.
_
_
_j.
__
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ - _ _ _ _ - -- -
. :I - ::.J:::B:::;;::::;:;:5:0; ::::::::6-7).
For the sake of converu . ence we include here vowel+ anusviira though this is, strictly
1'--
. .
This is one
basic sound laws of Apabhrarpsa. Other such laws relevant for the genesis of
Hindi are (a) the development of final -a to -u and of final -a'!' to -u or -um see ALS
OORF
n.
and
and (b) the opening of s (from s, . s, sy and {i}y) into h
in certain inflectional element<> (e. g. gen. sg. masc. oahu< 0asya [see TURNER
and MASICA
For further sound laws of Apabhrarp
sa see below, notes
and
of the
1937: 9 2, 31 37)
j_
210-211/1975: 295-296
11, 14 24. 1993: 187]).
Il
(1975: 291-300).
I
See
(1965: 45)
(1993: 188).
I
(1937: 8), (1965: 43),
(1975:
I
4
5
1935/37:
See A LSDORF
--I9or
and MASICA
BLOCH
TURNER
(1993:
- 1.
The noun -
with a consonant, the other with a long vowel. 6 The ftrst class - the class of
'unextended' nouns (see McGREGOR p. 1)7- has no distinct ending in the
entire singular and in the direct case of the plural, while the ?blique case of
the plural ends in 0m. This is a continuation of the genitive plural ending
0/thum of Apabhrallls a (on which see below, p. 6 n. 21 ) This ending is
.
masculines
.;
added also to feminine stems whose plural direct case ends in oem(cf. Braj
0em I 0/tim) which goes back to (Pkt.) 0aim of the neuter a-stems("' Skt.
0ani).8 Hence, the inflexion of 'unextended' nouns is as follows:
din
din
din
pita
pita
pita
dinom
pitao
feminines
matao
bahuo
80,
357,
1921:
11
and
1936:
162).
This
syntactical
featurepreserved
is continued
by Gujaratiofand
have
the distinction
threeMarathi
genderswhich-different
(see 1970:from278).Hindi (see 1.4)
6
BLOCH
On
'1-
class 11
BLOCH
MASICA
It
in
JACOBI
TAGARE
and
tao siigaracando kamaliimeliiya ... gahiyii1fuvvayii1f i siivagazi sa1J1vuffti1fi
A vasyaka-Erziihlungen
ibid.
PISCHEL
E.
tii1fi bha1fGnti
[i.e.
in Mii.hiirii.sh{ri.
JACOBI
ALsOORF
BLOCH
ana
-ii-
10
Ap. maya11
The
ii, f
(*)vadhukii ni
ii
ii
in bahu em
+-
+--
Pkt.
vadhii
t
miitii)
ii-, f)'ail
bahii < *vahua < (*)vadhukii
-t-
TuRNER
+-
vadhu-).
'i
- 1.
- 1. The noun-
borrowed from Sanskrit like atma (m.), devta (f.) and raja (m.) belong to
this class and inflect according to the given paradigm.
The noun-
0akam
0asmini9
0ahim
__ _ -----
the instr. ending 0e'!1 < Skt. 0ena see OBERLIES 2002: 196, on ahim and oae see the
following note).
13 Note that in this survey the 0ka-extension is postulated already for Sanskrit in order
not to complicate the derivation of forms. On the meaningless 0ka-, added already in
18 Thefinal vowel of the Apabhrarpsa locative ending 0ahim (< Skt. 0asmin [see ALS
(Vedic) Sanskrit, see WACKERNAGEL I DEBRUNNER, Altindische Grammatik ll,2 p. 518. . .
DORF 1937: 34]) optionally lost its nasality because of interference from the alternative
locative ending oae (pronounced l 0ail)< Skt. 0ake. As a result of this crossing the ending
14 The primary function of the jla- (< 0/ca-) extension in Apabhrarpsa was to bring about
was adapted to the gen.-loc. oahe of the fern. a-stems (on this ending see note 37) and
the rhythmical equilibrium of the paradigm (see ALsDORF 1937: 18): It affected almost
.
exclusively those cases whose endings measured only one mora (nom. I ace. sg. m. 0U,
.. the gen.-loc. O.Zhe and 0uhe of the masc. and fern. i- and u-stems.
loc. sg. m. 0e, voc. sg. m. 0a, nom. I ace. pl. m. 0a, nom. I ace. sg. f. 0a, 'Y) and adjusted
1 9 The Sanskrit pronominal inflexion supplied the locative ending 0af!lSi ofPrakrit. That
them to those of more than one mora (instr sg. m. 0ef!Z, gen. sg. m. "ahu I 0aho gen. sg. f
this
ending is continued by the oblique ending of Hindi's masc. a-inflexion is not
fern. 0ahe, instr. pl. m./f. 0ahim, gen. pl. m./f. 0aham I 0ahum )
beyond doubt, because normally the oblique case is based on the genitive. An alternative
1 5 See SAKSENA (1937: 115-116).
explaDi.ttion of the 'history' of this ending is given above in note 17 ..
_
!"
___ __
__ _
. ... _
-- --.
..
-I.
- 1. The noun-
The noun-
(-'y-1-h-). 26
2
contractions Ce < oa< y>a 5 I oa< h>i, 00[m} < oa< h>u[m]) after the
oahif) 21
The direct case of the singular shows loss o f the fmal vowel with
of masculine iirh-stems
20 Apabhrarpsa has a nom.-acc. pl. of the neuter which ends in Yay)a (see JACOBI 1918:
31*3
- 2*I 34*an d ALSDORF 1936: 162). Here (at the latest) the inflection of the mascu
line and that of the neuter a-stems have collapsed.
e_ J
__ The endings of masculine f- and a-stems originated in the same way
_
(Pkt). gen. pl. ending 0 ii7J-am
I .
. (< Skt. 0 ii nam), ytelding also 0aham. ThiS blending was
!.e 0f the a-stems (see I 2_1)29
as_
ich likewise had an -h- (0ahim__j "ihtrft 1 eb_fm
_
___ S1Jp pc:>e_y Jhj-_!I:_.[l
_ _o-PLJ?.
.
_
0ebhif.z). For a different explanation see the following note.
] -.: _
____
_ _
22 BHAYANI (1965: 73) and TAGARE 86 assume that the genitive endings of the as- and
have been blended: Ap. oahum I oaham < *[man] asarrz < [man] as iim X
a l-stems
/
::: :::: \ : :
'
to ya - w
te , R am ay u;t
ra
ya
4 ,42 .53 ). Such a tran s .1'e r m tg
h
ur
s
t h gen. sg .In ahu (see note
S .
2) was changed into 0aho (probabl y) under the influence of fonns such as ma7J-aso < kt
[d e v] ii n ii m (the y coul
ha v
mo
manasaf.z (for another possible transfer of endings from the as- to the a-inflexion see
note 24).
23MCGREGOR
24 This is a univerbation of the old vocative plural of the a-stems and following bho():
Ap. 0ahu < Pkt. 0iiho < Skt. 00 bho [l.z] (see wACKERNAGEL, Altindisch e Gramma it k ill
49a rem., and BLOCH 1985: 142 n. 1). The short a of the Ap. ending oah u(< Pkt. 0tiho)
__c:.;_.- --
:. .
- fI_
anc eps, i.e. short or long (see JACOBI 1921: 1[ 2a] and ALSDORF 1928: 55[ 14]); in
A different explanation starts with the ending of the vocative plural of the as-
inflexion: H.
25
- h
ere.
--
00 < Ap.
0ahu
< Pkt.
oaso
<
BRAYANI 1965:
73 ).
C
S HWARZSCI-ULD
If
-I
26
For h
t e loss of inter-vocalic -h- see BLOCH (1965: 69 I 1970: 170).
27 See ALSDORF
28
Word-rhythm seems to be responsible for the shor tening of the -il- (cf. dhutim
29
<
dhuma- 'smoke').
is due to an Ap. sound law according to which the stem final of nouns is generally
most cases, however, it is short (see JACOBI 1918: 28*and TEDESCO 1945: 160) as it is
parallel.
runs
strictly
- 1.
The noun -
I Pkt. 0ia
The feminine f-34 und a-stems continue the i- and f- and u- and a
< Skt.
< Skt. (nom. pl.)
0ikah
r
t
------------t----=--------=-1 _J
< Ap.
0i (y)ahum32 <
(x [gen. sg.]
0ihe)
< Pkt.
0iyiina1Jl
bhrarp.sa (see note 1 1 and 24) which consequently had only i- and u
fm inines. These have been extended by )'a- (< 0kii- ). Hence the case
of the feminine f- and a-stems36 can be traced back to Sanskrit as
endings
.
.
-follows:
0ikaniim)
-
---------- --- --- -
H:i"
;F:
'1-, almost all abstract nolUIS loaned from Sanskrit. The same
31
This ending would have resulted in something like (Ap.) *0iyahu. What is
actually
attested is 0ihu, the genuine masculine ending (see ALSDORJ 1937: 21 and TAGARE
36
oi I ou or "f I
0il.
37 The Apabhnup5a genitive in '1he I '1hi is formed out of '1e (< Pkt. "fe [cf. note 24]) in
analogy with oahi!, the ending of the feminine a-stems (see ALsDORF 1937: 21). oahe
itself is a crossing of the feminine genitive * 0ae (< Pkt. -tie < Pali -iiya < Skt. -iiyii/:t)
0GSU < Pkt. 0as[s]a < Skt. 0asya [see above, notes
2 and 22]). On this explanation see ALsDORF (1937: 21) and BLOCH (1965: 143).
3 8 on this
10
-.1.
The noun -
- 1.
11
are for the most part dimintiv es. 44 Their plural is distinguished from the
singular by 1Ilere nasalization of the fmal vowel (sg. ciriya, pl. dir. ciriytim,
obi. cirf,yom [cf. sg. larkf, pl. larkiyam, larkiyom]). This is due to the
contraction of the various consecutive fmal vowels (ci{iyiim < [:: 0em]
*cicfiti< *cicfiau < *cic;li<a>tio <*ci!ikaktil;).
"tktinam
"tkal;
The noun-
f
.. -
bho
as
follows:
r
i
!
l
l
masculines
The feminines in oiya- such as ci,-iya ' bird' (< *ci{iiaa < [nom. sg.] I
_ . - --- -- - --- -- ------- ---
* d-cTIThbmd
L
a
-e
1.2.5. The inflexion of feminine iya-stems
J
J
--
--
39 Ap. 0iau yielded * 'Y(y) a by loss ofu with compensatory lengthening o f the precedig
a. This w as nasalized on the analogy ofthe (Braj) direct plural ending 0em I 00im ofthe
'unextended' inflexion (see MAsiCA 1993: 228).
It c annot b e ruled out, however, that *'Yya took over the final nasal from the.
instnunental ending (Ap.) "iahim. That the nominative and the instrumental ('agentive')
may have influenced each other is suggested by maim 'I' which goes back to the in
mtilf
"fyii1Ja'!l
1965: 163-164).
been
i -.
. I
!.
mtilf
::_
__
_j
fi
j.-.l.,
larkf
larkf
sakti
sakti
ci
malf
_J_
feminines
iI
l
The r egular ending of the nom. pl. of the f-stems has been crossed in.
.. 1=+----:-_:_kuem __:__+_kuem
-+-_!_kuo?.!_m::_. _
44 See McGREG
OR p. 2, SHAPIRO 6.1 (p. 38-39) and KELLLOG 140.1 1
155.3c. For
the masculine s such as tjakiyii 'postman' see MCGREGOR p. 183.
...
-.
---
-: L The noun -
12
2.
dir.
The gender of individual words was not always transmitted without
--...
'--,--+-lrt
oo.:
-...-.
--:-:-;Skt. asi -' sword'-masc H iigfem.
--- --alteration: H.-asi fern.
0 bl .
' fire ' masc., Rfum.-Sh.mgcane'masc . BLOCHi96
1 5 1 - 1 52). This is partly due to the development of word fmals
Apabhrarpsa and New Indo-Aryan.
The reason for the different inflection of noun and adjective is a
.,__,
baplological shortening which early on4 affected the case-endings: (obi. pl.
masc.) kale gho r o m < Ap. kalaya ghocjahum < Pkt. kiilaya< 7Ja7Jl> ghocja
'ya7Ja1J1- < Skt. kiilakiinii1J1- gho!akiiniim, (dir. pl. fern.) kalf ghoriyam < *kiilf
45 See POBOZNIAK (1987).
46
Especially for masculine stems whose nom. sg. does not differ from the plural
154).
47
See
48 See
AK5
S
ENA (1937: 117), BLOCH (1965: 149-151) andMA.SICA (1993: 221).
SPEllER (1886: 14 n. 3).
new
3
4
.. xamples)
t:
..
- 2. The adjective-
ghotfiyii < Ap. kaliya ghotfiau < Pkt. ktiliii<o> ghotfiiio < Skt. kalikaiJ
gho{iktil;, (obi. pl. fern.) ktili ghoriyom < Ap. ktiliya ghotfiyahum < P.kt.
kaliya<!JalJz> ghotfiyii"(t.af!t < Skt. ktiliktinii7JZ gho{ikantim.
298, 5
(Prakrit) kae va asa<e> 'or for what purpose', Uttara
jjhayal).asutta XII 76
14
'
_:_c __
.
....
)
'
. :
, .
15
5 Indicated by angle brackets (< .... >). Note that sometimes the ending of the word that
stands
8 BHAYANI ( 1 945: 42) gives otherexamples for this feature from the Samdesa R..asaka.
.
9 For text and translation
ofthe last two examples see DE VREESE (1959: 1 1 ).
17
- 3 . The Pronouns -
3. The pronouns
3.1. The pronominal inflexion
(dir.) maim < (Ap.) maim (x [haujm) < (Pkt.) mae, mai < (Skt.) maya
(obi.) mujh < *mujh < *mujjhu (x tujjhu) < (Ap.) majjh u < (Skt.) mah
yam
(such as the relative j- or the interrogative k-) are constants, and wrs
grouped by meaning also remain grouped by form in a clear system (see
BLOCH1965: 20 1}
(1) In the personal pronoun of the first person sg. the old instrumental (Pkt.
mae, mai < Skt. maya) has replaced the nominative (Ap. haum < Skt.
aha[ka]m)5 having taken over the fmal nasal of that case (Ap. maem, maim
Below we will discuss under ( 1 ), (2) and (3) the genesis of the direct
case (casus re ctu s), the oblique case (casus obliquus) and dative3 (casus
objectivus) respectively.
The Prakrit
sa b 'all'
sa rva-).
-o
developments
instead of expected
(see TURNER
See McGREGOR p. 12 and SHAPIRO 6.3 (p. 40-41) / 8.4 (p. 56-57).
See 'ILJRNER (1935/37: 205), BLOCH (1965: 187-188) and POLLET (1986: 397).
Why the
ii
of
* miijh
has been shortened is not clear. Note that it is not sure that an
:-
The final nasal of hamem was obviously felt to be the sign ofthe plural (cf.
{miitii}e m).
18
- 3 . The Pronouns -
(dir.) ham < (Braj) hama < (Braj) hamahirh (x h[aurh]) < (Ap.) amhabn
< (Ap.) amhi < (Pkt.) amhe
(obi.) ham < (Braj) hama < *hamharh (x h[aum]) < (Ap.) amh am (as
well as amha< ha> liz)
(dat.) hamem
<
19
- 3. The Pronouns -
as
follows:
(dir. ) til < (Ap.) tuhurh (x ehu) < (Pkt.) tumaf!t < (Skt.) tvam
(obi.) tujh < *tujh < (Ap.) tujjhu < * tujjha(f!t) (x Pkt . majjha[f!t]) <
(Skt.) tu bhyam
initial from the nominative sg. haurh (on which see above) resultin in
* hamhairh. By metathesis hamahirhw developed out of this and the by
(l) Pkt. tumaf!t (< Skt. tvam) was crossed with ehu (< Skt. eo eal; 'this
abnormal loss of the fmal Braj hama and Hindi ham.
_
one') yieldin Ap. tuhulh. 14 (After the loss of the feebly articulated -h-) the
(2) The h- of haum was prefixed to the genitive amhaf!t which is attested in
1
u-vowels were contracted. Resulting (Braj) tum develops (abnormally 5) to
. - Pili, Prakrit and Apabhrarp.sa. The resulting * hamharh developed by h
h
. til.
----- . . . .
dissimilation to Braj hama1 1 and then to Hindi
ha.
f2l !ubbha(f!t) (< Skt. tubhyam) was rebuilt on the model of majjha(f!t)
_(3)__ The Ap. accusative amhai -(see-above)-developed by prefix
. (< Skt. mahyam) to tujjha(!Jl). This develops via Ap. tujjhu (and *tujh16) to
' (taken over from haurh) and metathesis (via *hamhairh) to Braj hamahim.
Hindi tujh .
This results by h_h-dissimiliation (hamahirh) in Hindi hamerh . 12
(3) tujhe is formed to tujh according to the proportion tum : tumherh (on
. which see below): 17
This form is based on the nominative *asme which is formed analogically: *asme
asmtin
10
3).
14
2.
ve
Older hamauriz I hamoriz (see KELLOGG 26 1 [p. 172]) is the continuation of a geniti-
*amhahuriz.
As a consequence thIS
' form has lost the characteristic 0heriz o f the casus objectivus of
the plural.
Sfudas uses hamahim as agentive and as accusative (see POLLET 1 986: 398).
11
12
1 80 n.
6
1 See p. 17
n.
6.
Also here the final nasal of tumheriz was understood as indicative of the plural (cf. p.
. 17 n. 7).
20
i
- 3. The Pronouns-
- 3. The Pronouns --
are l ess complex. A tabular overview with singular in the left and plural in
. the right column and additional explanations in the notes may hence suffice
(dir.) tum < (Braj) tumh < (Ap.) tumh[a}i[m} < {Pkt.) tumhe (+- Skt.
[ace . ] yumtin)
Interrogative pronoun
(dat.) tum hem < (Ap.) tumhairh < (Pkt.) tum he ( +- Skt. yumiin)
(I)
The neuter ending -aim was added to Ap. tumhi (< Pkt . [nom.-acc:]
__
tumhe < Skt. yuman Y 8 to yield tumhairh. This esults via Braj tum in.
Hindi tum.
: (2)
21
The Pkt. I Ap. genitive tumha was kept in Bra/9 and out of this fonn
kasya I kasyal:z
(3) Hindi tumhem goes back to the Ap. accusative tumhaim, formed with. :
the ending -aiTh from Pkt. tumhe (on which see above).
=-23 See-MCGREGOR p. 1 2 I 47-5 1 and SHAPIRO 6.3 (p. 40-4 1) I 8.4 (p. 56-57) / 9.3 (p. .
63-64).
---
,
- .. .
25
18
yumiin was transformed into *tumiin under the influence of tuviim . And *tuman
yi el ded tumhe in the same way as asman resulted in amhe (on which see p. 1 8 n. 8).
Older tumhom I tunihaum (see KELLOGG 26 1 [p. 1 72]) must go back to Ap. *tumha
hu m .
19
Already Asokan Prakrit knows a gen. pl. masc. tiina!Jl (tata.e pi tiinam eva upaghiite
'So also this is an injury for these [relatives] ' , RE XIll K [see LODERS, Phil. Ind. p .
. 307-308 n. 2]). And forms SUCh as tiil)G(!Jl), kiil:za(!Jl), jiil)G(!Jl), imiilJG(!Jl) are COmmon
for the genitive plural of both masculine I neuter and feminine in Prakrit (se PISCHEL
hoti
.
. -- 42530).
To derive ldn from (Pk."t.) kiil)a!Jl is, however, not without problems. It implies
.that not Apabhnupsa Mhmh but the older Prakrit form, which however lives on in
Apabhrarpsa, is the base of Hindi ldn. So possibly we have to start from Ap. ldihariz
. . - " hich developed to *kam. Either way, we have to assume that *kam was transformed
: -=into kin under the influence of Ids .
.
22
(dat.) kise (X : Ids = mujhe : mujh) 26 (dat.) kinhem < (Braj) kinhaim <.:
(out of kin on the model of
amhaim and tumhaim )27
Demonstrative pronouns
in[i] : ye)
29
analyserjinho, non enjtn..:h -o, mais enjin-ho, c' est-a-dire que le genitif-base jin- a reyu .
la terminasion :...(a)ho (< -aha(n)a'!l) toute faite, sans passer par un etat intermediaire '
*jin(a)ha" (cf. KELLOGG 372 [p. 2 1 8]). The ending oahum (metathesized to ohaum);
however, does not go back to _oaha(n)a1J'l, as maintained by SMITH but is a direct conti- . .
nuation ofthe Ap. ending oakum of the gen. pl. ofthe masc. a-nouns (on which see p. 6
n. 2 1 ) which was regarded as the plural of the (pronominal) sg. oahu I 0aho (< 0asya):
This was certainly backed up by the fern. pl. of the generic pronouns (fern. oahurh < Skt.
[t}tistim).
23
- 3. The Pronouns -
- 3 . The Pronouns -
The colouring of the -a- is due to the palatal articulation of the following -y-.
30 BLOCH surmises that the i- is not due to the palatal articulation of the ya-sroti - as jn
our derivation (see also preceding note) - but due to the influence of the i of the stem ki
(1965: 194).
objects to this derivation that "the :MIA textual frequency of this (i.e. asau)
is much too low to accolint for the sudden and widespread appearance f the forms (a,
il, vo) after the twelfth century" (199 3 : 225). For him vah is based oil Persian i5 (ii). But
. " he admits that "this 'foreign' element ... coalesced with and gave ne life to survivin_g
. fragments of asau ' ' . SAKSENA, on the other hand, sees in (Avadhi) vah a new cn!ation
on the analogy of the proximal demonstrative pronoun yah ( 1 937: 1 80- 1 8 1). This
explanation has much to recommend itself, and perhaps we should adopt it combining it
: With the given one.
31
MASICA
__
24
- 3 . The Pronouns -
25
.-
(obl.) kinhfm
Relative pronoun
. ,
____
BLOCH 1 965: 1 9 1 ) - goes back to Skt. atman- over the intermediary stages
""'
ofjin[i] on the model of amhairh
. . appa(n)- and * oatva(n)-.
35 The corresponding adjective apnii, apnf, 36 which
and mh a z )
-----------_______________ ili a c fue BW ! %5: %1 a
:.ontmuation of Ap. appa7Jaya-, appa7Jiya-.37
Indefmite pronouns
kuch < (Braj) kachtP2 < [x kacchi]
_
.
of ki7!Zci
(< Skt. ki7!Z-cit) and kacchi (< Skt. kas-cit) is attested in the
3_s The
phonology of this derivation is the same as that of 0lipii (in: burhapii 'old age')
Skt.) otvanam (see BLOCH 1 965: 1 63).
out of ([Vedic]
33 Such a crossing
36
---.:.. - --'"'
See ALsooRF
( 1 937: 6 8-69) .
- 4. The numeral4.
The numerals
(c) dissimilation
sattrah5 ' 1 7' < (Ap.) sattaraha- < (Pkt.) sattarasa-6 <
saptadasa -; arsath ' 6 8 ' .< (Ap.) a<r;l> 4hasaf!hi- < (Pkt.)
'4 1 ' < *ekk<cica> tttilfsa- < ekacatvtiri1JZSat-; unctis '49' <
* un< apafi> casat-
Pkt. asfi-) < asfti-; navve, nabbe '90 ' < *nabbai (cf. Ap. I
or 6 were destined to develop in a different way than the others. 1brough
Pkt. IJaVaf-) < navatiassimilation of fmal r (of catur-) and (of a-) to the initial consonant of
(b) analogical formation
the compounded numeral - of das(l-, vif!Ziati- (etc.) - the latter was
ctir ' 4 ' < (Ap.) c< ay> tiri < cattiri < (x [ace . ] caturo) catttiri =':,::c:: _::..=1nre,veilted from being elided:9 caudah
' 1 4 ' < (Pkt.) cauddasa- < caturdasa< catvtiri; calfs ' 40 ' < (Ap.) ctilfsa- < *c< at> tirirpsa- ( :
, but terah ' 1 3 ' < (Pkt. / Ap.) teraha- < *trayadasa-; caubfs '24' < (Pkt.)
cattiri) <- catvarif!Ziat-,
- < caturvirrziati-, put tefs ' 23 ' < (Ap.) tefsa- < (Pkt.) tevfsa- <
tiytisfi < tryasfti-)3 after caurtisf ' 84' (< Skt. caturtisfti*trayavif!Ziati-; chabbfs '26' < (Pkt. / Ap.) chavvfsa- < a4vi'lliati-, but
[Mahabharata 1 2.96, 6,7 . 1 0]); taimtfs ' 3 3 ' out of (Ap.)
satiifs '27' < (Pkt.) satttivfsa- (out of saptavi,Sati- in analogy with a!!htitettfsa- (< trayastri1J1sat-), caumtfs ' 3 4 ' out of (Ap.)
. yisa- '28' [< a{tivi,Sati-]) .
cautfsa- (< catutri1JZSat-) and saimtfs ' 37 ' out of (Pkt. I
Ap.) sattatfsa- (< saptatri-rpSat-) after paimtfs '35' and this
.
"
27
..
(out of Pkt. paiicattfsa- < paiicatri1J1Sat-) as well as taimtalfs '43 ' (< trayascatvarilJ1iat-) after paimttilfs ' 4 5 '4
The
See BLOCH
The
--9
( 1 965: 43).-
geminate
In the
-cc-
- 5. Postpositions-
, . :;
5.
The postpositions
The reduction of the paradigm to basically two cases, direct case and _
oblique case, went hand in hand with the introduction of a rather large _
number of postpositions. 1 Due to their frequent use, the words functioning: :
as such grammatical implements suffered phonetic deterioration, which has :-.
( 1 0) ne (= ag.)
the effect of rendering their etymological explanation difficult or even
impossible. As, however, most of them are already employed in Epic
(1 1) par ' on, upon'
Sanskrit and Middle Indo-Aryan (including Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit) the-
. - - (12) (ke I se) pah/e
general line of development is clear enough:
. ' before'
4 7)
of'2
uccaib) nfcaill
< (Braj ) kai (m) iigai (rh) < (Ap.) aggai <
29
iis
'near'
"'
kaurh, kahum < * ld1khum < kaka.;,l
postposition see
SHAPIRO
(see
5 Se CDIAL 5805.
6 The base of the
. CDIAL
.
(p. 3 J . . - 7 Se CDIAL
.
7540 .
(1986).
postpo'sition
tal}i:lya- i conti
. .---:'36-n--: 9). Note that in both cases the u- is fol l owed by a '-P- .
- 5.
30
Postpositions -
<
<
( 1 8) merit 'in'.
<
<
<
stirthena
( 1 7) (ke) bfc
among'
'between,
- 5.
<
, .
:_
Postpositions -
: resence of
.With, by'
A .
31
[?]) 1 6
____
--
___ _
_
. 13 For variants see MILTNER ( 1 962: 495), TmEL-HORS1MANN { 1 983: 50), SNELL ( 1 991: .
1 8) and ENTWISTLE { 1 993: 132).
14- See TURNER (1960: 23) and the same ( 1 975: 353 I 3 59).
15 liye(m) is the oblique case ofthe verbal adjective liya- 'taken' (see BLOCH 1 965: 274
I 283). This is fonned after the pattern liya- : lei = 'l{y)a- (< 'lta-) : oei. And Pkt. lei 'to
take' is a remodelling of lahai (Skt. !abhati) after its antonym dei 'to give' .
. . .. 16
as
It seems hardly possible to derive stiinne only from saf!tmukham (> Ap. saf!tmuhum)
is proposed by CDIAL ( 1 2982) .
18
- --- - tam) .
32
(8)
- 5. Postpositions -
- 5. Postpositions -
(1 8 ) (Skt.) madhye sarvasya sainyasya 'In the middle of the whole army' ,
Mahabharata 5, 1 94. 1 , 6,7 8 . 4, 7, 1 1 .2, (Pali) vanassa majjhe 'In the
midst of the forest', Ja VI 1 7 1 ,3 */7*, (Ap.) raym:zayaraho majjhi
ava!{ami 'I shall throw him into the sea', Bhavisatta Kaha 46. 8
--
.-
Mahabharata 3, 1 07.3, (Pkt.) buddha !Ja'f!l dOIJIJ ' eya!Ji tassa pase
'When both of them had recognized him [they approached] him',
Vasudevahi:o.<;II 297. 1 9, (Ap.) so ayau tahim IJandaJJaho pasu 'He
came up to their son ' , Karaka:o.<;lacariu 2. 1 .6
( 1 5) (Pkt.) sa tassa pacchao ya hir.zcjiya ' She followed after him', Ausgew.
- -Etz. 3 4 : 1 ;-- (Palir u
aalaipi!fhe
_.
--- - -
( 1 6) (Pkt.) no mi jfviu samattho etfe vilJti 'I cannot live without her'-, .
Vasudevahi:o.cJI 320.25, (Ap.) paim vi7:zu savvaim pajalanti mahurfJ . .
' All [things] torment me without you' , Jasaharacariu 2.7.9
( 1 7) (Ap.)19 kacjari thalJ 'antaru muddhacjahe, }em malJU vicci IJa jtii ' 0,
the space between the breasts of the beloved: Not even a thought
33
21
-Note that here (as well as in the example taken from the Paumacariu) sama'!l is
construed with a verbum dicendi, like se in Hindi (on which see McGREGOR p. 23).
__
22 Examples of samfi7Ja'!l which has possibly been blended in are as follows: (P.)
mii7Jesu mae samliza'!l jovva7Jasiri'!l 'Enjoy the happiness of youth together with me ',
Ausgew. Erz. 43.37, tajai mae samfi7Jarfz sanga'f!l na ya ku1J4si 'Therefore if you do not
- 6.
6.
6.1. The verbal system 1
The OIA and
MIA
35
The verb -
The verb
6.2 . Th e participles
the
(and
carantam) caran .
(fern.) ca/ti < *cal<a> tia < (Ap.) carantiya < * carantikti1
< (:
of
'Ibis participle (on which see McGREGOR p. 1 8 and SHAPIRO 27. 1 [p. 2 1 6-2 1 8]) can
substantive, adjective, adverb and predicate (see PoRfZKA 1 950, McGREGOR
.;_;:::;,.-;:.F"-" =.E;_l7- and SHAPIRO 27. 1 [p 2 1 6-2 1 8]). Used as predicate (negatived with mere
naY it may describe "routines of action" (McGREGOR p. 1 8 7): burha sam ko roz bag
jata 'The old man would go for a walk in the park every evening This
- - -=--=+-_ _ -:::_: us
-=---c--',____, --,-:::
see BLCH 1965: 26 1 , irENHA.R.D- 196 1 : 1 04- UO, HACKER.- T963 a: 2 6 3 age (on
--:- 2_04 [ Kl Sch. p. 642-643] and DE VREESE 1965: 203) announces itselfin Apabhraillsa:
.fgvam puvva-jammi haum hontao, kosiu ntimem nayari vasantao 'In a previous existen
....._;lf---ce "r was an ascetic, and I used to live in a town named Kosiya' , Bhavisatta K.aha 88.8
- - (see JACOBI 1 9 1 8: 40*-4 1 * and SINGH 1 980: 1 50) This participle is also used in condi1 The most conspicious innovation of the verbal system of Hindi is the extension of the __
'
- ti onal sentences (see McGREGOR p. 137- 1 3 8, 1 87 and HOCK 1 986: 243-245). This usage
gramm atical category of the verbal aspect. For . a pertinent discussion of this (sti ll
is met with already in early Middle Indo-Aryan: adhammar.n siirathi kayirti mar.n ce tvar.n
controversial) topic see MA.SICA ( 1 993: 262-279 I 326-330). For details see PolUZK.A
nikkha1Ja1Jt vane 'Charioteer! You would act against the law if you would bury nie in the
( 1 967, 1 968, 1 969, 1 970, 1 978), NESPITAL ( 1 975, 1 980, 1 996a) and - maintaining a
woodi ; Ja VI 1 2,3 1 *, jai esa vaggho honto, to patfiyaf!Z mamar.n langhento ' Were this
contrary position _ HooK ( 1 986: 23 1 -235).
a. tiger it would have attacked me when I had fallen [to the ground] ' , VasudevahiiJ.<;li
2 The indicative present assumes the fimction of the subjunctive, a process that was ,.
J26,6 (see BLOCH 1 965: 26 1-262 and OBERLIES 1 99 1 ).
completed towards 1750 (see NESPITAL 1 994b: 3 1 8).
6 S ince the -t- of cal<a>ta bas to go back to -nt- (simple -t- would not have left any
3 See BLOCH ( 1 965: 236).
trace in Hindi [see p. 3 n. 1 0]) the nasal ofthis cluster has been elided. The reasons for
this elision remain unclear unless it is due to the accent as maintained by TuRNER (1975:
4
For a basic description of the development of the verbal system from Sanskrit to Hindi
3?) for Gujarati.
and other modem Indo-Aryan languages see BLOCH ( 1 965: 235-247), ELIZARENKOWA.
---=---:-- 7 See BLOCH ( 1 965: 257)
( 1 965) and NESPITAL (1976). For details see MASICA (1993: 257-330).
.
.be used as
-" :
.
:.
--
'""'"
_, _
___
. .
36
'
.;
-6.
- 6. Th e verb -
37
The verb -
Besides, Hindi has a lot of new forms which are based directly on the
chii(nii)
<*asiimi15
_______
< *asiimi
8 Also_ this participle (on which see McGREGOR p. 24-25 and SHAPIRO 28. 1 (p. 224- . -;;:;:.. f'-.--==-=- -=-.L.::.t-.:..
< *asasi
<*<a>hahi
< hai
-----------------------
2 D can ru a and preili re MCGREG
6
ti_-l
*a
a-s_
i 1_ __!_
a_
h_
<_*_<
a>
<
a;_
_
z ---
_h..:.._
_:_
- - -- - ---:--=t--=-- :5:S-+__ ! 2:3 1 z? s_Q ___l_li [P_22 ! 25 D----- ----- -__
__L_<
9
__
'::
Some old verbal adjectives served as bases for present stems (see TEDESCO 1932: 528529 and BLOCH 1 965: 236 I 267): c/:zfn-nii 'to tear' +- chinna-, bai{h-nii 'to sit down'
(u)pavi!a- (see p. 29 n. 9), sut-nii 'to sleep' +- supta-.
1 0 Participles if used non finite may be followed by huii (see McGREGOR p. 1 73 and .
POttiZI<A 1 950: 1 67-1 68) . .
< harm
. .
_
_
_
14
See
DE VREESE ( 1 965: 202) and HACKER ( 1 963: 256-257 [= Kl. Sch. p. 677-678]).
15 This form is patterned after (2sg.) *asasi and (3sg.) *asati (cf. paribhamami, Haribha
dra's Dhfui:akhyana 4.3, 5 .5 1 , and sari'imi, Karakai).<Jacariu 1 . 1 . 1 ).
16
._
..
17
Cf.
Avadhi ahai.
This ' Apabhrarp.sa' form is not continued -' we would expect *haum in Hindi -,
however, played its role in the formation of the 3pl. (see 3Iso 6.7).
- -- - wh ich ,
38
2pl. ho
<
3pl. lzaim
< haim
(Braj) hau
- 6. The verb -
6 . The verb -
Note that only the vowels a and u have been contracted while a and
The imperfect (also called ' imperfective past 'Y9 is formed out of the
imperfective participle and the auxiliary verb thii, thi - a combination
already employed in Apabhra:q1sa: Dhal}avai-muhiijoyantu thiu 'He lookd
39
To refer to
31J
to the face of Dhanapati ' (Bhavisatta Kaha 1 1 . 1 0), va7Je vi}}au iirtihanta
iu 'He sed to adore Vijja in the forest' (Paumacari u 9 . 8 . 9). The auxil iary .
maim bola 'I spoke' .7 The perfect is formed out of this participle and the
_
0
uaJ--==:F- .:...-::_jndj c_ative present of honti: maim bola hum 'I have spoken' . fu the past
yerb wh1ch 1s used here2 is a continuation of the (enlarged)
. il:djective of .../sthii 'to stand' : 2 1
l .-3 . sg.- (masc:--)- tha-<-*thiau-<-* sthitakaJ,z-- - 1 .-3 . pl. (masc.) the < *thie < *thiaya < *sthitakiih
1 . - 3 . sg. (fern.) thi < *thiia < * sthitikii
1 .-3 . pl. (fern.) thzm < *thiiaim < *sthitikiini.22
23
- --- - 24
25 See HACKER ( 1 963a: 207221 [= Kl. Sch. p. 646-660]), PoRfZKA ( 1 967: 74-75) and
NESPITAL
26
18 This is ALsDORF's ( 1 937: 30) and BLOCH's ( 1 965: 245) explanation (cf. also TuRNER
1975: 32).
22
For the use of the ntr. pl. for the fern. pl. see p. 2.
{ 1 985: 56)
40
- 6. The verb -
perfect
calahim35
hohim
p. 34 with n. 2) which is also the base of the future tense (see 6 . 9) . That of :
bhavati :30
3pl. calem
( '1:
calahum
( '1:
ca/ahu
hohu
cala(h)im
ca/ahim38 (< x:
l sg._
calum
h(o)um
r< :
2sg.
cale34
ho
- -
calai =
ca/ahum
l pl .
homi
cala(h)i
hoi
calahi
hohi
carasi
hosi
carasi
hosi
carai
hoi
(via * 0amhu) out of Pkt. 0amha, the 1 pl. imperative39 (see ALSDORF 1 93 7 :
carati
=
=-=1
=
:;.::
t--1 -1 7). This ending was, however, n o t continued but i t was replaced by
bhavati
cafe
. problem why
: ;:duRNER
. -
. .-Jan.'guages
p. 674]).
0aum
0i:imi
(see also .
3 1 -32).
the. .
formjiil}aum in the Harivarp5apurfu).a (88 . 3 .5) and points out that Bhavisatta Kaha (79,6)
has k.araurn . Moreover, the intermediate stage 0avi is often to be met with iri lbe
14).
'caramasi (see
31 Why the -u- (< -v-) has been lengthened is not clear.
Beside . 0avi the texts have the younger form
-M e l 3 ft mu howew
silll haw be in li ng
I pl. and 3pl. have one and the same form (see BLOCH 1 96 5 :
: .
3sg.
[see below])
cariimi33
bhaviimi
calami
33 See
calaum
caratha37
bhavatha
calavP2
*hovi
32
(*
caraha
hoha
calaum
houm31
calai
calai
hoi
hoi
ho
3 sg.
.:j
hohim
hom
ca/ahu
hou
: l sg.
..
41
- 6. The verb -
- --)i BLOCH ( 1 98 5 :
3 1).
0ahu
cannot go back to
Skt. 0atha
But he is
.8 One o f the ancient texts of the Jain canon already has (3pl. ) acchahim, viz. Utta
rajjhayru;tasutta XXll, 1 6.
. 39 This ending is the result of the blending-in of the -h- of (2pl. imp.) 0aha into ( I pl. ind.
. . pr.) oiimo: 0amha < 0iimo X oaha (see 0BERLIES 200 1b: 370 n. 44). On the 2pl. imp. 0aha
. see
- 6. The verb -
- 6. The verb -
use when ( 1 sg.) 0a'Vi had developed to oaurh because 3pl. oahirh was formed
out of 3 sg. 0Qi after the pattern ( l pl .) oahurh : ( l sg.) 0aUrh.40
karah a < *karatha),47 while the tu-imperative48 goes back to the 2sg. ofthe
ctive imperative: (kapra yahirh mez par) rakh < raka (see BLOCH 1 965:
45). Also, the bare in:fmitive serves as imperative - a usage known from
Apabhrarpsa (see SINGH 1 980: 1 44).49'
42
. ..
43
6. 9. The future
Skt. cyatam. In both cases -y- is the genuine consonant of the passive .... .......uA----- -
which - in its allomorphic form Yi)jj(ai) - lives on in the 'irregular' fonns
kfjie, dijie, pfjie and lijie (-fj- < -ijj-) . Here the -i- of the 0i(y)e-fonn has
intruded (kijie < /aje).44 These imperatives are liable to be extended by the .
suffix 0ga: dijiega.45 The - less polite . - tum-imperative in 0 is a
continuation of the 2pl. of the Skt. imperative (karo < Ap. karahu46 < Pkt.
The future50 is conjugated within (see 6.7) and declined at the end:
. (l sg.) calum-ga, calum-gf, (213 sg.) cale-ga, 0gf, ( l /3pl.) calerh-ge, 0gf,
---(2pL) calo-ge, ogf. The 'declined ' element goes back to the (enlarged)
verbal adjective gataka- 'gone ' : (masc. sg.) oga, (masc. pl.) 0ge I (fern.
sg./pl.) ogf < (Braj) ogau , oge I ogf < (sg . ) *gatakal,z, (pl . ) *gatakal,z I (sg.)
*'gatika, (pl . ) *gatikiil.z (see BLOCH 1 965: 287).51
=-:.::.-= :.:::=--.C
40
See BLOCH ( 1 965: 244-245 I 1 985: 1 66) and TuRNER ( 1 975: 32 I 56).
41 On the various imperative forms see McGREGOR p. 44-45 and SHAPill.O 12. 1 (p S. .
_.
90).
This form is still used as indicative passive in questions and conditional phrases (see .
.
MCGREGOR p. 1 93 - 1 94).
42
43
44
See BLOCH
47 The primary ending 0atha replaced the old imperative ending 0ata in Middle Indo
(see 0BERLIES 200 1 : 220). Cf. p. 4 1 n. 37.
49
There is a semantic difference between the 'infinitive-imperative' and the 'genuine '
imperative(s): It is used to command actions that are to be done after some lapse oftime.
.Therefore HooK ( 1 986: 7 1 } calls itfoture imperative.
.
- so
In older stages of Hindi this is the regular form (see NESPITAL 2000: 1 67)
5 1 The future tenses II and III (MCGREGOR's imperfective and perfective future
(p. 29])
are formed from the future of honii ahd the imperfective and perfective participle: maim
._ ,
..
.
.
.
. n See MCGREGOR
p. 1 29 and SHAPrn.o 1 7.5 (p. 1 35- 1 36).
'
't
.
; . .
j. l.
_,
,.
- 6 . The verb -
44
ve satru se mitre 1aemge ' They will be killed by their enem ies ' s1 _ :
- ::
Precursors o f this passive formation are most probably phras e - l .
e
ka!!hiini vippaki7J1Jlini agamalJlsU 'The logs were scattered ', Vinayapiiaka - :. .
.
ill 63, 1 7/23, met with in Middle Indo-Aryan. 54
-[
'agama7Je
'
. maim kar sakta hum, with kar going back to Ap. kariu I Pkt. kariulJl
fin ally to Skt. kartum (see TuRNER 1 97 5 : I l l [on Guj . miirf
6. 1 1 . The absolutive
- '-''ll>:-r_,.,,.. :, o]).60
The ' short' absolutive - homophonous with the bare verb s
(McGREGOR p. 43) - goes back .to the Apabhrarpsa absolutive in -i (kari
'having done ' < [Pal i] kariya < OIA *karya), whose fmal is dropped -:see#;;
::-':-..,., ..
BLOCH 1 96 5 : 2 8 1 -282). It is mainly used to form compound verb: --
';_\':t.J;-1::
rahii hai. By adding kar(ke) or ke (cf. Braj kai) to this form Hindi builds iti
'
--
--
verbal noun is known from MIA: (Pali) ta 1J158 ahalJl dassanalJl n n-.rnr.. . - . "'=
have come to s ee you' (Ja VI 533 , 3 * = 1 8* ), (Pkt.) eso Ayalq __ !..,fL(;: ,
1 936: 1 7 1 [ 6 1 ]) - has blended with m;aham. Note that also the (Ap.) infinitive .
<lju (< Pkt. 0iU'f!l < Skt. <ljtum) has lost the final nasal.
. -
45
. - 59
'.'
.
On the
7.
47
Analogy
Analogy is a morphological transformation after given models which
interferes with expected phonological processes (see HOCK 1 99 1 : 44-47
):
(a.) (H.) mujh < *mujjhu < ( : tujjhu) (Ap. ) majjhu I (Pkt.) majjha('!l) < Skt
m ahyam (see p. 23), (b.) H. tujh < (Ap . ) tujjh u < ( : majjh a [tp]) (Pkt .) tub
bhal!t < (Skt.) tubhyam (see p. 1 9), (c . ) (H . ) iipar < (Ap. ) uppari < (
p. 28), (H.) joban < (Pkt.) jovvaa1Jl < (Skt.) yauvana m, (H.) burha <
vu(irjha[k]o < (Skt.) vrddha[ka}f.z, (H.) samp < (Pkt.) sappo < (Skt.)
/prpa/:1, (H.) hath < (Pkt.) hattho < (Skt.) hastaf.z 1 (b.) (H.) panf < (Ap.)
.,
e
_ :\;[a
-- owel
. :'(see
..
__
Apo cope
See aphaeresis.
i < Skt.) paniyam, (H:) motf < (Ap.) mottiu < (Skt.) mauktikam, (H.)
.::.pcb:z u
_ ghi < (Ap.) ghiu < (Skt.) ghrtam2 (see also p. 17 n . 6).
Aphaeresis
Contraction
Aphaeresis (also called apocope) is the dropping of an initial vmeJ:"=sl=:-'''- --Contraction is the coalescence of vowels, s ometimes over feebly
(see Hock 1 99 1 : 94) : (a. ) (H.) bai{h-na 'to sit' +- (Ap ) pai{{ha - < (Pkt.) :_ :
iCulated consonants such as y and -h- (see HocK 1 99 1 : 72 and MAsiCA
1 9 1 ): (a.) -i- < -i(y)a- (pfla < pfalau < pitalakaf:i), (b.) -e---< =iata}pavit!h a--:::-< (Skt . ) upavi{a- - ( se e p:-3 6 -rs.;-9);-(b-:rliar <- *fii]haz
(see p. 3 7-3 8).
:: (han < adhikaraf ' anvil' [Arthasastra IV 4,20], aTiulh era < * andhika
.
'
_ . _
- -- -- ram, ner < niafja- < nika{a-) , (c. ) 00th < 0iihum (see p. 2).
Assimilatio n
Assimilation is a process by which a sound is made similar
,_ Dissimilation
.
identical to another one which precedes or follows (see HocK 1 99 1 : 6 1 Dissimilation is the differentiation of similar or identical sounds in
66): (H.) b ujh na 'to be extinguished ' < * vujh 0 (Pkt.) vijjhai < (Skt.)
it may even lead to the complete loss of one of these sounds (see
* vikiiyati
- -HocK 1 99 1 : 1 07- 1 08): (H. sattrah < Ap. sattaraha- <) Pkt. sattac.asa- <
sattadasa- < Skt. saptadaia (see p. 27 n. 6).
Blending
Blending is the formation of a suffix or word out of two e eme ts
with similiar or (diametrically) opposite meanings or functions : (Hindi 007h
1 See BLOCH ( 1 965: 42) and MAsiCA (1993: 1 87:- 1 88).
<) Ap. oahum < (x [gen. sg. ] oahu I 0ahif) 0tialJl < Skt. 0tinam (see p. 6 with
n. 2 1 ).
-- 2 See ALSDORF .(1 937: 7-8), BLOCH (1965: 1 64) and TuRNER ( 1 975: 1 1 1 ).
or
_ contact;
l n
48
8.
Haplology
Haplology is a " special type of dissimilatory loss . . . of a who l .
sy Hable before or after a phonetically similar or identical syliable' ' (Hoq ,
1 99 1 : 1 09): H. kiilf gho(iyom < Ap. kaliya ghocjiyahum < Pkt. kat{
yti< 1}a'f!Z> ghocjiytil}a'f!Z < Skt. kiilikiinti'f!Z gho!ikiintim (see p. 1 3- 1 5).
Indices
, . , ablaut relation
between simplex and causative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 n. 1 1
3 9, 44
:'(:; ;absolutive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
'short' absolutive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39, 44
44
in kar(ke) I ke
:
. >: ;:adjectives
Metathesis
inflexion of adjectives .
. . .
.
.
.
. . . . . 1 3- 1 4
Metathesis is a ' 'transposition of segments ' ' (see HocK 1 99 1 : 1 1 O):
pronominal adj ectives
. . . .
. . .
.
. . . . . 25
(a.) (H.) ubh < (Pkt.) umha- < (Skt.) uman-, (b.) (H.) bhais < *mhailflsf:.
: -iid verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . 30 n. 1 0
( analo gy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 7, 1 9, 26, 46
:
..
- -: :::::
.... --
"'
. " "'-
=-c:.:.
---
--
--
- --
----
--
- -
------
-:
. . . . . . . .
.
. .
5 n. 1 8
. . .
. . .
. . .
.
.
. 5
nom. pl. m. -aya . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . , 6 with n. 20
.
1 932: 527).
TEDESCO
3 See
. . . . . .. . . . . . . . .
. _
6 n. 20
.
. . 6 n. 2 1
2, 6 with n . 2 1 , 46
. . . . . . . . . . ... . .. . . .
6 n. 2 1
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6-7 n . 24
50
- 8 . Indices
- 8 . Indices -
fern. a-stems
. gen. sg. -ahe
. .
9 n: 7
. . .
.
. .
.
voc. pl. -i(y)ahu
fern. i-stems
nom. sg. -ia .
.
. . . . .
gen. sg. -ihi I -ihe
. .
.
. . .
. . . . .
. . .
.
. .
.
. .
. . .
. .
;-;-- {\------"-----
9 .I1 7'
.
.
. . . .
. . . . . .
. . . 1o
gen. pl. -iyahum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I 0 with n. 4 1
voc. pl. -iyahu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 o .
feminine a-, i- and u-inflexion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 ll.-"".:==
:::;:.;:=:::.::t=,::. -:
in<?_O!J>O!in ?f _t!I .E
-aim into the fern. inflexion 2 n:
non-shortening of long fmals in mono:-syllabic words . . . . . 1 6 n. r
.
nouns ending in two vowels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 :
ntr. ending taken over into the fern. inflexion . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 :ri> 8
participle
present participle used to denote past actions
3 5 n. 5
present participle combined with thia- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 8
persistence of fmal short vowels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
postpositions
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28-33
pronorms
non-personal pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 1 -25
.
:
__
_______
__
. . .
. .
.
. .
.
. .
. .
.
.
.
.
.
22
22
. 8 with n. 3 3
25
..
. 8 with n. 3{
n.
. . . .
. .
.
. . . . . 23
ohu, uhu . . . . . . .
oi
23
personal pronouns
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 7-20
haum
.
. .. . . . . .
. . . . . .
.
.
17
maim . .
. . .
. . . . . .
.
17
majjhu .
.
.
. . . .
. ..
.
.
17
amhaim
... . .
.. . . .
. . . .
.
. 18
. . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 9 with n. 1 4
tuhum
.
. . .
. . .
. .. .
. 19
tujjhu .
tumhaim . .
. . . . . .
.
.
. .
. . 20
tumha . . . . .
. . . .
. . . . .
. . . . . . .
20
possessive prononns .
.
. .
. . . .. . ..
. . . 20
meraya- I amhiiraya- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
teraya- I tumhiiraya- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
rhythmical equilibrium of the paradigm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 n. 1 4
of long fmals ili poly.:sylla5ic words . : . . . . . . . . . . . 1
shortening of stem fmals
.
. . . : . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 n. 1 1 , 9
sonnd laws . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 n. 2, 3 n. 1 1 , 4 n. 1 4, 6 n. 24
-u < (MIA) -a . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 n . 2
-u(m) < (MIA) -arrz . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 n. 2
-au < (m.) -aka/;
. . . ..
.. .
.
.
. . . . 5 n. 1 6
-aum < (ntr.) -akam .
-. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 n . 1 6
-s-,
-$-,
-s-, -.ry-, i)D' . . . . . . 1 n. .' 2
MI
-s<
(Skt.)
A)
-h- < (
verb I verbal endings
1 sg. ind. pres. -aum . .
.
.
. . 40 wit n. 32-33, 42
1 sg. ind. pres . -ami . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 with n . =32
.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
kltham
.
51
-(
52
- 8. Indices -
53
- 8. Indices -
. 26
. .
. .
. . . .
.
.
.
.
.
consonants
of
doubling
tX.p
word finals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 .
ressive
'
4
. .
. . . . . .. ... . ... .
. . . . .
. .. ..
, ;extended' nouns
aphaeresis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 n. 9 , 4(j . .
..
43
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
apocope . . . .
. . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . .
.
7
46
'
'
,
.
Juty
.
.
.
;
.
. . . . 3 ,.
re
.
.
future tenses _II and III . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 n. 5 1
archaic forms
(system) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ; . . . . . . . . 2 n. 8, 5 n. 1 6, 1 2
l pL subj . in -ahiliz . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 1 n . 3 s .
------ -- -..., .-. """:'' .:,.""',-.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . 3 7-3 8
_,.-general present
assimilation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 6
- haplolo gy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27, 4 8
auxiliary verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34, 37- 39, 4 3
haplological shortening of case-endings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 3 - 1 5
blending . .
.. . . . . .. . .. .
. . . 6 n. 2 1 , 9 n. 3 7, 1 0 n. 40-4 1 , 3 7, 4 6
ii_Ilperative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42-43
borrowings from Sanskrit
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 n . 1 O, 4, 9 n. 34, l J .
til-imperative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
Braj
.
_ _
tum-imperative in -o
. . . .
. . .
. .
. . .
. 42-43
...==;;=;=:'==-.
--.:ap..:imperative in -iry)e I -iyo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42
instr./gen./loc. masc. sg. -ahi(m) . . . . . . . . . . .
bare infitv used imperative . . . . . . . . . . ;
43 with n. 49
__QQJ P-t Jnasc. :aum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
extended by the suffix -ga . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42
. voc. pl. masc. -hau
.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . .. . .
. . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .- . . . . . . . .. 38
.
'\;ilnperfect
nom. pl. fern. em / aim . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2, 1 0 . 3 9
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 5, 3 7, 3 8
participle
rfective
. pe
'-._:...
_:
case endings (see also 'Apabhrarp.sa' and ' Braj ')
used as adjective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . : . . . . . . . . 3 5 n . 5
haplological shortening of case' endings ; . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 3 I S
used as adverb . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 5 n. 5
(obi. case pl.) -om
. .
. . . . . . . .
.
. .
. . --.- .-
used as predicate . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 5 n. 5
(dir. case pl.) -em . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . .
. . .
. . 2
used
as substantive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 5 n. 5
causative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
imperfective
past -+ imperfect
comparative . . . . . . . .
. . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1 3 n. 2
. infinitive
;
. . . . . . . . . .. .
. . .
44-45
compensatory lengthening . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 n. 1 1 , 4, 7, 1 0 n. 39, 47 . _.:.
used as imperative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 with n . 49
conditional sentence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 .n . 5 -''
_-_ : , inflexion
continuous forms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 9
of 'extended' nouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
.. .
. . . .
. 4- 1 1
continuous past
of 'unextended' nouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 -4
continuous present
case endings
. .
__
54
8. Indices -
of adjectives
.
of feminine iy s
of feminine i- and u-stems . . .
of masculine a-stems . .
. . .
of masculine am-stems
.
.
of masculine i- and u- st
. . . . . . .
of pronouns
oka-extension . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
loss of inter-voca lic consonants (-y- 1 -h-)
metathesis
.
. . . .
. .
.
.
metathesis quantitatum
.
. . .
'
'
'
'
1vfiA
'
'
'
. perfect . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39-40
'
-.
.....
'
..
... .
. .. .
. .. .
.
... .
_.
.. . ...... . .
. . ... .... . .
.. . ....... .
. .
........ . ..
'
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
..
..
..
. .
..
...
. ..
. ..
. .. .
...
39
36, 39, 43
. . . . . 36
. 36 n. 8
. 36 n. 8
. 3 6 n. 8
. 36 n. 8
.
3 6 n. 9
?!p;t
. .
'
.-
. .. . . . . . . . . . . . -;--;- : -;-
nasalisation
. . . . . . 1 0 n :'" 39, 1 r .
loss ofnasa lisation
...
.
.
. . . . . . . . : .. .. 2t.
nominative
replaced by instrumental
nouns
two classes .
. .
. .
.
.
.
.
. .
'extended' . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
'unextended ' .
.
.
. .
. ..
number
levelling of sg. and pl.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 1 n. .L.'t-- _;;_
numerals .
. . . . . .
.
. . .
. . . . . . . . .
26 7 .
participles
,.
pass ive
.
'
endings
neuter ending used for feminine
voc. pl. of a-stems in -iiho
postpos itions
-... -, -.- ,- ,. .. ,-;--. . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . I' 3 n.
. . . . . . . . . . . ....
. .. . . .
..
.
. .
, .. 9a-;'fii';...f:'
;,:i .;rt1 ve participle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7:-8 '
. .
. . . . ..
. .
.
. . . . .
.
55
- 8 . Indices -
. .
- 8. Indices -
56
' . .
relative pronoun
pronouns
reflexive pronoun tip
.
. .
se
. _
univerbation
verb . . .
verbal system
verbal aspect .
word endings
ffista'bilitY
word-rhythm
.
:r : !
----
. . .
. .
. .
. .
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
. . .
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
_ : _
.
.
25
2p?.
.
12
.
.
.
.
1 936
9::-1,1 "".,-::;;:;:'"
13 n 2 .
2 7,' '48:. L:.:
!-,!:ru,
7:: ...., --
..
1 937
1 937a
;;;. --'
- -,...-::.-=
.::
_,
4; ,.
Literature
-.
.. .
34 with n . 2 , 40:42
33 n .
9.
..
. "1 6-25
_ _ ___ _ __
.
_
' :. .
58
BLOCH 1 9 50
BLOCH 1 965
BLOCH 1 970
- 9. Literature -
59
- 9 . Literature -
HACKER 1 962
HACKER 1 963
HACKER 1 963a
-- -
.
__
-=--
JACOBI 1 92 1
LIENHARD 1 96 1
LIENHARD 1 98 1
borg - Uppsala 1 96 1 .
gues
2 1 9.
MONTAUT
Nespital
NESPITAL
di/Ourdou modeme.
1 970
H.
C.
1 993
P.
Cam-
R. S.
NESPITAL 1 97 5
__
McGREGOR 1 968
_MElLE
1 962
NESPITAL
( 1 947/48) 74"'8-L -
V.
MILTNER.
-- -- - -
----
__
1 98 9
1 976
..:::'-':-'==
=:==;="-'..::_
--
BSL 44
A.
_ _
Hindi.
1 990
NESPITAL
!L
teristik.
50 ( 1 989) 9 5- 1 1 0.
MONTAUT
1 996
tica/e lO).
1 980a
MONTAUT
1 997
1 30 ( 1 980) 490-52 1 .
Lou- .
i ..
ESPITAL
MSS 39 ( 1 9 80) 8 5- 1 56 .
- Das Futursystem im Hindi und Urdu.
1 98 1
Faits de Lan-:/:;
Ein Bei
1 996, 325-3 60 .
ZDMG
JAs
BSL
Indo-Aryen.
1 980
8 5 ( 1 9 90) 9 1 - 1 3 6 .
MONTAUT 1 99 1
der Verbal
NESPITAL
Verwendung
398.
MONTAUT
im
=- - -
1 999, 5 8 7-62 8 .
Verbsystems
Satsai.
MONTAUT
aspekte
P. MElLE.
1 94 7I48
MILTNER
JAs
NESPITAL.
- Zur syntaktischen
bridge 1 96 8 .
_MCGREGOR ( 1 9 9 5)
1 997, 2 1 5-
MONTAUT). Paris
modem en Hindi.
293.
MA.SICA
1 0 (ed. par A .
1 999
Burdwan 1 98 1 , 1 29- 1 3 3 .
LbNNE 200 1
61
- 9. Literature -
- 9 . Literature -
60
62
- 9.
Literature -
- 9.
SCHULER). Stuttgart
NESPITAL 1982
:.
( 1 983) 357-384.
NESPITAL 1 983a
1 98 3 , 253-267.
NESPITAL 1 98 5
NESPITAL 1 986
1 27- 1 58.
NESPITAL 1 989
NESPITAL 1 989a
63
1 989, 3 80-3 9 1 .
__
NESPITAL 1 983
Literature -
1 994
hi 1 990, 3-2 3 .
- Fragesatze im Hindi und Urdu.
Stll 1 9 ( 1 994)
1 73- 1 98.
Al
- 9. Literature -
64
NESPITAL
1 997b
- 9. Literature -
NESPITAL
NESPITAL
1 99 8
2000
OBERLIES
1 99 1
OBERLIES
200 1
OBERLIES
200 1 a
OBERLIES
200 1 b
OBERLIES
2002
PO:RiZKA 1 950
( 1 900)
. po:RiZKA 1 952
poR.fZKA
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POBOZNIAK 1 979
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POBOZNIAK 1 987
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POLLET 1 986
POLLET 1 98 7
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- 9. Literature -
PoR:iZKA 1 978
PoR:iZKA 1 982
PoRizKA 2000
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67
R. A.
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SMITH 1 93 5
. SNELL 1 99 1
SPEIJER 1 8 8 6
1 93 7
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68
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VERMEER 1 969
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DE VREESE 1 959
DE VREESE 1 965
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thura). Paris 1 93 5 .
H . J. VERMEER. [!ntersuchungen zum Bau
10. Abbreviations
--
,.;
'
Pkt
ApabhraQJ.sa
. .
Hindi
Prakrit
Sanskrit
Old Indo-Aryan
Middle Indo-Aryan
70
- 1 0. Abbreviations -
'.!
11
..f
.
X
/
.. . .
I.
.. . .
.J
Dictionary.
The Ptiiasaddamaha7J7Javo is the Comprehensive Prakrit-Hindi
Dictionary ofHARGOVIND DAS T. SHETH, Calcutta 1 923-28 (Reprint: Delhi
1 983).
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