VNI VERSI TAS I AGELLONI CA

FACVLTAS PHI LOLOGI CA

ANALECTA
I NDOEVROPAEA
CRACOVI ENSI A
I OANNI S SAFAREWI CZ
MEMORI AE DI CATA
 CONTENTS

Preface by WoJCI ECH SMOCZYŃSKI . . '. .."': "'"

PLEZI A, MARI ANUS: De loannis Safarewicz studiis Graecis atque Latinis . 11

SŁAwsKI , FRANCI SZEK: on two unwritten books of Jan Safarewicz " ' " ' 15

URBAŃCZYK, STANI SŁAW: Professor Jan Safarewicz - Polish scholar ' ' ' ' 19

SABALI AUSKAS, ALGI RDAS: Jan Safarewicz's contribution to Lithuanian

studies 27

PoPoWSKA-TABORSKA, HANNA: Problems of ethnic history in the works

of Jan Safarewicz. .. 35

KARPLUK, MARI A: Professor Safarewicz's research on onomastics " " " " 41,

AMBRAZAS, SAULI US: On the origin of nomina feminina with the ending
* -(i)ć in the Baltic languages 47

AMBRAZAS, vYTAUTAS: Der baltische I nfinitiv aus der sicht der syntak-
tischen Rekonstruktion .. '. 51

BALLESTER, XAVERI O: The Lucubrationes of Furius Bibaculus (Plin.

praef. 24) 61

BAMMESBERGER, ALFRED: Griechisch eigegeniiber litauisch esi 'du bist'

und altlitauisch eisi 'du gehst' '....... 65
ąl
BEDNAROZUK, LESZEK: Substrat et thóorie des contacts } inguistiques ' ' ' '

BEDNARSKI , MI CHAŁ: Gerund or gerundive: Which was first? " 89

BOCHNAKOWA, ANNA: Sur I a prononciation de -um latin dans les mots

franęais 99

BORYŚ, wI EsŁAw: Problems in reconstructing proto-languages 103

CZARNECKI , ToMASZ: Zum Problem der dJtesten Lehnwórter des Polni-

schen aus dem Deutschen. ... . 109
DANKA, I GNACY RYSZARD and WI TCZAK, KRZYSZTOF TOMASZ: Some
remarks on the Albanian vocabulary in the Palaeo-Balkanic and I ndo-
-European view... 723
DĄMBSKA-PROKOP' URSZULA: Remarques sur I a ,,textualitó" . .. r37
DI NI , PI ETRO U.: A propos du vieux sI . sabora 747
ECKERT, RAI NER: Alte lettisch-slawische Ubereinstimmungen . 153
HOLVOET, AXEL: On the evolution of the passive in Lithuania.n and Latvian 773
HONOWSKA, MARI A: Quelques dć tails sur le dć veloppement des idóes lin-
guistiques du XX'-" sić cle. . 183
KARALI UNAS, SI MAS: PI E * hzTtk'o-'bear' in Baltic. 189
KAROLAK, STANI SŁAW: Remarques srrr la sć mantique de l'aspect 797
KUCAŁA, MARI AN: Bi-aspectual verbs in old Polish 2r3
LASKOWSKI , ROMAN: Text as a structural and a communicative unit . . . .
toa

MAŃCZAK, WI TOLD: Critique de ] a thć orie des laryngales. . . . . '

MI CHELI NI , GUI DO: Uber die Stellung des Objektes in der Postille von
Bretkunas 249
MI NDAI (, JOLANTA: Le verbe albanais 257
MoSZYŃSKI , LESZtrK: Thietmars slavische Etymologien 263
PAULI S, GI ULI o: Problć mes de phytonvmie latine 279
PI SARtrK, WALERY: Language in social space.. 287
PI SARKOWA, KRYSTYNA: Zum Archetypus und dem semantischen Muster 295
PI SOWI CZ, ANDRZEJ: How did New Persian and Arabic words penetrate the
Middle Armenian vocabulary? Remarks on the material of Kostandin
Erznkac'i's poetry. 305
POLAŃSKI , KAZI MI ERZ: The current state of Polabian tesearch 321
RI KOV, GEORGI T.: Hittite ś anna- and Greek &ueu. ' 331
ROKOSZOWA, JOLANTA: The problem of synchronic description in language JJI

RoSńN, I { AI I NI B.: Wiederum ,ignominia' 349

RUSEK, JERZY: Bezeichnungen des ZóI I ners in den slawischen Sprachen... 355
SĘDZI K, WŁADYSŁAW: on Baltic and Slavic agricultural terminoiogy .. . . 365

SŁAWOMI RSKI ' JERZY: Ancien franqais lais. Quelques doutes sur une
ć tymologie indubitabI e 371
l
STACHO\ Ą/ SKI , STANI SŁAW: Die Rolle des Griechischen in der Geschichte
des Osmanisch-Tiirkischen 377
STALMASZCZYK, PI OTR: A note on Celtic influence upon English vocabu-
lary... 3Bz
STtrF.AŃSKI , WI ToLD: Quelques lemalques concetnant la. fleńon plonoml-
nale en indo-europć en 393

STUNDŹI A, BoNI FACAS: Regularities of the accentuation of mixed-type

verbs of Standard Lithuanian 401

szvLc,ALEKSANDER: Graphogene Phoneme in der deutschen Hochlautung 409

TABAKOWSKA, ELZBI ETA: Language in time and space: The concept o{

radial category and polysemy (A study of the Polish lexical item fo). . . 429

TEMĆI NAS, SERGEJUS: Typological parallelism of * u-stem adjective trans-

formation in Lithuanian and Slavic 443

WANI AI (OWA' JADWI GA: Les modes d'acceptations de Jabbać hóbreu en

tant que clć nomination d'un jour de I a semaine dans les langues indo-
europć ennes ...."" 449

WEI TENBERG, JoS J. S': La grammaire armć nienne "latinatip" du XVI I "
siócle. . 46I

WI DŁAK, STANI SŁAW: Le conseguenze dell'omonimizzazione sul piano lessi-

cale " ' 473

WI KTOROWI CZ, JOZEF: Zum lexikalisch-semantischen Wandel im Deut-

schen" 487

WI TCZAK, KRZYSZToF ToMASZ: 'Prothetic vowels' in Hittite and other

Anatolian languages 495

WOJTYŁA-ŚWI ERZOWSKA' MARI A: Slavic vocabuiary of time (Proto-

-Slavic * goda,* doba, * pora', * uerrnę, + ć elo, * ć asa) . 503

WOLANI N, I I UBERT: Plato and the position of etymology in Greek intellec-

tual culture 513

ZABORSKI , ANDRZEJ: Some Greek, Latin and Coptic loan words in Ethiopic 537
ZI NKEVI ĆruS, ZI GMAS: Uber die Polonismen in Maż vydas' Schri{ ten ..... 545

SMOCZYŃSKI , WoJCI ECH: Bibliography of works by Jan Safa.rewicz. . 551

 Some remarks on the Albanian vocabulary
in the Palaeo-Balkanic and I ndo-European view

I cxł cv Ryszł Rl Dł t'I Nł

AND
Knzyszrop Touł sz WI rczł N

1. Trm I Noo-EI 'RoPEAN DI ALECToLoGY: LEXI CAL EVI DENCE FoR THE Pł lł Bo-
Bł lxł Ntc LANGUAGE LEAGUE

We believe that the primary I ndo-European dialects can be di-

vided into live language groupsl:
(a) northern, i.e. Germanic-Balto-Slavic;

tThe divisioo o{ the I ndo-European languages suggested here generally { ollows

the classification presented by Danka (1983, 94-114). An innovation is separating
the ea.stern (I ndo-I ranian) group from the central group, which is based on a close
cognation of the I ndic, Dardic, Kafir and lranian languages (expressed in strik-
ing phonetic, morphological, lexical, mythological-religious and other pecularities,

Analecta I ndoeuropaea Cracoviensia

I . Safarewicz memoriae dicata
Ed. W' Smoczyński
Cracoviae: Universitas 1995, pp. 123 135.
 I 24 I cNAcy RyszARD DANKA, KRzyszroF ToMAsz wlTczAK

(b) western, i.e. I talo-Celtic;

(c) southern, i.e. Anatolian;
(d) eastern, i.e. I ndo-I ranianl
(e) central, i.e. Palaeo-Balkanic2.

This last group inciuded languages existing on the Balkan penin-

sula (e.g. Thracian, Dacian, I llyrian, or Macedonian) or in areas
not far away from there (e.g. Messapic in southern I taly; Phry-
gian in Anatolia; Armenian in trans-Caucasian regions) in ancient
times. From among the Palaeo-Balkanic languages onlv three are
still used: Albanian, Armenian and Greek. The others have become
irrevocably extinct, leaving, apart from glosses and onomastics, some
inscriptional texts (esp. Phrygian and Messapic, to a smaller extent
Thracian and Mysian) or no written traces at all (e.g. Macedonian,
I llyrian, Epirotic, or Paeonian).
The central (or Palaeo-Balkanic) group was relatively closely con-
nected with the eastern (or I ndo-I ranian) one, but it has none of the
speciflc innovations of the eastern gloup such as MoNoVoCALI slł (i.e.
I E * e * a * o > I ndo_I ranian * rz), eoRnł ł NENT SATEM CoMMoN
QUALI TY'
ETHNI C TERMI NoLoGv (* Arya-), sPECI FI C RELI GI oUS vocł aulł nv (e.g.
(cosmic
rź o- otdel', the gods Asura-, Mitra-, l{ asati,ya-,' I ndra-) and
other features (Burrow 1976,17-22). On the other hand, the palaeo-
Balkanic group is divided from the eastern one by phonetic archaisms
(e.g. preserving the so-called 'prothetic vowels' that have completely
disappeared in the eastern, northern and western groups, and have
only partiy survived in the archaic southern group, see Witczak 1993)
and by lexical correspondences such as3:
('A) * andheyeli 'biossoms, blooms': AI b. óndem,I blossom, bioom'
| | Gk. &u$ć u'id.' | | Arm. andem 'I cultivate';

see Burrow 1976, 7-36) on the one hand, and on distinct similarities within the
Pala'eo-Balkanic group suggesting the eństence of a primaeval langua.ge league
(resembling the present Balkanic league) on the other, cf. Bednarczuk 1986, S10-
511 .

2For the terms

"Palaeo-Balkanic languages" and "Palaeo-Balkanic philology",
see Neroznak 7978, 7-20.
tBelow we list a number of
isoglosses that appear exclusively in the palaeo-
-Balkanic area and that are attested at least in three Palaeo-Balkanic languages.
 Some remarks on the Albańan vocabularv 125

(B) * argć lya (f.) 'hut oI undelglound dwelling': Aib. r&gdl (f.)
'hut' ll Rrrn. argea (f.) 'underground dwelling' < Dacian ll Maced.
dp1il),a'vapour-bath' | | Kimmer. &.p10),ał (f. pl.) 'underground
dwellings' (cf. Neroznak 1978, 190);
(C) * autos'the same': AI b. uet€
, 'id.'ll NPhr. ATT)E, oPhr.
autaj (dat. sg. fem.) | | Gk. ar)ró{ , Cret. drrós | | Mess. atauetes'in
the same yeal', cf. Gk. aóroerć ę adv. 'id.';
(D) * a2fihórdos f* a2ghrd-s (f')'(wild) pear-tree': Alb. dardhó. (t.)
'pear-tree' | | Gk. dyepóor (f.) and dypós (_ó6os)'wild pear-tree,
Pyrus amygdali{ ormis' | | Maced. a1ć p6a (f.) 'common pear-tree,
Pyrus communis' (cf. Huld 1984, 48);
(E) * a2ź g-sla2igi- (t.)'goat': AI b. edh'kid' young goat' (alterna-
tively { rom Latin haedus 'id.', cf. Rtm. i,ed) | | Gk. ai{ ' aĄós (t.)
'goat' | | Arm. agc (Łstem) 'she-goat' (Huld 1984, 48);
(F) * bt] tpos 'vulva': AI b. bythó 'bottom, arse' || Gk. (Hes.)
Bórro< 'vulva' | | Arm. puc' 'id'.' (Mann 1984-87, 58);

(G) * desmós (m.) 'fat': Alb' d,hjamó'fat,lard' | | Gk. Att. 6r7pLóe

m. 'fat' ll Arm. tam-uk' 'moisten' (Neroznak 1978, i82; Huld 1984,
60);

(H) * drepano- 'sickle': Alb. Tosk. drapór, Gheg. drapiź n 'sickle'

l| Gk. tpć rauou (n.') atd 6peraury (f.) 'id.' | | Arm. artewanunk'
(Lamberterie 1983, 21 22);
(I ) * dhł ilyete' 'blooms, sprouts' and* dhalerós adj. 'springing forth,
fresh': AI b' dał 'I bloom, go out' (Aot. doł a) | | Gk. dd))u., 'I bloom,
sprout' (Aor. I ł 8r7),a, perf. rć 8r7\ a, Dor. Aeol. rć ł c-^ a), adj.
# a\ epóc 'blooming, fresh, moist' | | Arm. dalar adj. 'gteen, fresh'
(Hamp 1984; Muller 1984, 100);
(J) * dhrilbhos (m.) 'tomb': Gk. r&ęos (m.) 'id.' | | Roum. dfinó,
dóm,b 'hillock. hill, rising round' < Dacian | | Arm. damban'tomb' ||

Gk. "Pelasgtal" róp'13os (m') 'tomb, gtave' (cf. Pokorny 1959, 24B;
Mann 1984, 87, 193);
(K) * "' dńsna
(f.) 'pain, ache, grief ': Alb. dhunó f. 'pain, ache'
grief, suffering, shame, disgrace, affront' violence' | | Gk. Aeol. ć 6óua
(f.), Att. I on. ó6óuq (f.)'grief' | | Arm' erkan'bftth-pains; toi1, labour
in childbirth' (Mann 1984-87, 170);
 126 I cNAcy RyszARD DANKA, KRZyszroF ToMAsz wrrczAK

(L) * "' rino- (m. and n.) 'cloud, mist': Alb. Gheg. rć (oGheg ren)
'cloud' | | Gk. (Hes.) ł pruou (n.) 'cloud' | | I llyr' rtiuoe (m.) 'mist' ||

Mess. piuou (n.) 'cloud' (Hamp 1957, 80; Neroznak 1g78, 163);
(M) * kakós adj. 'bad': ALb. keq adj. 'bad' evil' | | Gk. nanóc adj.
'bad' ll NPhr. KaKouu (n.) 'harm' (see Huld 1984, 79* 80);
(N) * kówilos adj. 'hollow, empty': AI b. thell€
. 'deep, dark' (as to
colours) ll Gk. rcoi)oe adj. 'hollow', Myc. ko-ui-ro ll Arm. soyl'cave'
( I { uld 1978, 297-299; I 984, I 18):

(o) * oleró- (adj.) 'impure, trrrbid', (''.) 'dirt, mud, exctements':

AI b. leró'dirt (on the body)' | | Gk. ó)epóe adj.'impure, turbid' ||

Maced. d),ć pou (n.) 'excrements' (Neroznak 1978, 180);

(P') * o(")-ł ł e'(and) not': Aib. 0s 'not' | | Gk. odre ,and not' ||

NPhr. u - ne? | | Arm. oć ' 'not';

(R) * a3ł ł -gar (dual) 'two eyes': Alb. sy 'eye(s)' | | Gk. óooe (du.)
'two eyes' | | Arm. ać k' 'eyes';
(S) * 4nć ryos (m.) 'dteam': Alb. Tosk' ć nd€ , r, Gheg. ó,dć r 'id.'
| | Gk. Att. I on. óuetpo(, Aeol. óuotpoq,Dor. duatpos | | Arm. anurj
(o-stem);
(T) * skorodom (n.) 'garlic, Allium sativum': Alb. hurd,hó (f.) and
hudhć r, hudhró (f.) 'id'' | | Gk. onóp(o)6ou (" ) ll Atm. rstor, l{ Arm.
dial. srtor'garlic' (Djahukian 7967, 22A).

2. No'rps oN THE SEMANTI c cHANcEs I N THE lNoo-EuąopBAN ARBoRtjAL TER-

MI NOLOGY

This paper aims at discussing Palaeo-Balkanic and Albanian arbo-

real terminology with special attention paid to semantic innovations
in this field. Already at the very beginning of I ndo-European studies
as a scientiflc discipline, it was noticed that semantic innovations,
usually motivated by observable extralinguistic factors) are of partic-
ular importance for comparative studies. I t has been known for a long
time that such words as Greek ęryoś (f.) 'oak'and Latin fagus (t.)
'beech', although stemming from the uniform original I ndo-European
etymon * bhagós (feminine o-stem), differ considerably in their mean-
i.tg. Usually it is explained by the fact that beech is very rare in
Greece and thus the original name has been transferred to another
 Some remarks on the Albanian vocabulary I 27

tree, namely to oak, which is quite common there (Walde and Poko-
llrly 1-927,,128). An explanation for a similar correspondence between
Latin frarinus (f .) 'ash' and Sanskrit bhurjł ih (* .) 'u kind of birch',
ossetic brirz 'btrch', Pol. brzrł za'id.', etc. (a11 from I E. * bhyH| - ot
bherHfr-, orig.'birch') is that birch is hardly to be found on the I tal-
ian Peninsuia and thus the Romans could have easily transferred its
original name to ash, which also has light bark (see Friedrich 1970,
26 3I , esp. 29).
The triple semantic change 'a conifer' > 'a kind of willow' is well
documented in the Slavic material, namely:
(1) Russ. dial. br€.d 'wicker', bred' 'Salix caplea', bredi,na''wl'I -
low, Salix', Ukr. bred,ina 'Salix caprea', Slovin. braza (t.) 'fruit-tree'
< Proto-S1avic * brć da, * brć d,ina, * brć dja (f.) < I E. * bhroi,d(h)os,
* bhroid(h)yo (f.) 'pine', cf. AI b. bredh 'pine', also 'spruce' and
'larch', Roum. brad 'pire, spruce' (both from I E. * bhroi,d[ h] os); Lat-
vian pri'ć de 'pine', dial' 'spruce' (from Baltic * brai'dja f. with initial
p-by a cross with the synonymous Baltic word xpeuse f.'pine'), also
prieds f. 'id.';
(2) Russ. ioa 'willow', PoI . iwa, SC. )uo, etc. < PSl. * ji,ua f . 'a
kind of willow' < I E.* iwos (f.) 'yew', cf. Gaulish iuos,Fr. z/ , Welsh
yw m. (sg. ywen), Bret. iuin m. (sg. i,ui,nenn), Corn. eu, OCorn.
(h)iui,n'yulv'; OPruss. iuwis 'yew'; ONord. i, yew-wood
^ .'yew,
bow', OE. 'iu, eou, B. yew, OHG. iwa, G. Eibe, MDu. iwe, Du. ijf
ty"wt;

(3) Cz. rokyta, dial. also rakyta,PoI . rokita, Russ., B1g., SC. rakita,
etc. < PSl. * orkyta (f.) 'u kind of willow, brittle willow' < I E. * arkutos
(f.) 'juniper', cf. Gk. dpneuSoq f. 'juniper ol cedar,I uniperus'; Eteo-
Cretan &p1eros 'id.'; Latvian ć rcis, also ć cis'juniper'.
Three observed semantic changes in Common Slavic are convinc-
ingly explained by the fact that the early S1avs, when moving from
mountainous areas to plains rich in water, transferred the names of
conifers (so numerous in the mountains) to the newly found kinds of
willows.
I n the Palaeo-Balkanic area, the arboreal terminology has also
undergone characteristic semantic changes, in which Albanian par-
ticipates to a smaller or a greater extent. Therefore, it is enough
to examine, firstly, in which pan-Balkanic changes Albanian partici-
128 I GNACv RyszARD DANKA, KRzyszroF ToMAsz wrrczAK

pates and in which it does not, secondly, in which cases it retains the
original meaning and in which it does not, and thirdly, which tree
terms it borrows and which it does not, to gather often invaluable
information on the prehistory of Albanian in the Palaeo-Balkanic and
I ndo- Buropean contexts.

3. 'BEEcH' rN I Noo-EuRoPEAN ł No Pł lł Bo-Bł r,xł NI c

Within the Palaeo-Balkanic languages, one can see two character-

istic semantic changes concerning the arboreal terminology:

(a) The old appellative for 'beech' (I E. * bhagós f .) is rrsed in

the Palaeo_Balkanic alea aS a name for'oak', cf. Greek 9T1ą,Dot.
ęalós (f.) 'Valonia oak, Quercus aegilops', Albanian bungć (f.) 'u
kind of oak, Quercus esculentis'(from * bhagnaa, see Huld 1981,306;
Adams 1985, 82), Phrygian Balat,oq'oak-god' (epitheton of the sky-
-god, cf. Greek (Zeós) Qa1auato;, Umbrian (I uppater) Grabouius
'oak-god'5).
The reason for this semantic change is not quite clear. Usually its
appea ance is explained by scarcity or lack of beech. However, such
an explanation is hard to accept as beech can be found almost all
over the Balkans (except for the eastern and southernmost parts6)
in fair abundance, and the semantic change, as we can see, has a

alt should be added that the Albanian word

for 'Quercus esculentis', óunge,
attests the presence of the velar stop * g in the I ndo-Eulopean etymon * bhagós
(f.) 'beech'.
sThe I ndo-European sky-god * Dyóws is
closely connected with the oak tree,
which used to be his sacred tree. Already in the I ndo-European epoch, there ap-
peared the epitheton * Perk3lunós,literally'oak-god', which was derived from I E.
* perkaus f.'oak'(cf. Lat. quercus f.'id.') and especially accepted in the northern
group' The divine epitheton * Perkaunós (cf' oNord. Fjqrgynn, Lilh. Perkńnas,
OPruss. Percztnis and Slavic * Perunaf * Peryna with an irregular sound change
under the influence of the verb * pero'I strike') has supplanted the original name
of the sky_god (I E. * Dyóws or * Dyóws pa2tć r) in the north. There is no soulce
justification for the assertion that there were two diferent I ndo-European gods
having those names (i.e. * Dyóus and * Perkpunós) as the ranges of appearance of
the two gods are disjointed and mutually complementary, which is a proof tha.t
* Perkpunós is only a local (i.e. northern) hypostasis of * Dyóws.
6See
the map 16 in Friedrich (1970, 113).
 Some remarks on the Albanian vocabularv 729

pan-Balkanic range. Probably we have to do with a non-conditioned

semantic divergence that has occurred within the Palaeo-Balkanic
group and has been generally acceptedT.
(b) The semantic change 'beech, Fagus' > 'oak, Quercus' has
caused an "empty place" (a free semanteme) in the microsemantic
system of the particular Palaeo-Balkanic languages. To fill it in,
two independent semantic changes have taken place in the Palaeo-
Balkanic area:
(1) The meaning of 'beech' has been given to the oid appellative
form of 'ash, Fraxinus' (I E. * oskós ald * oskóutl f.). This process has
appeared in the three basic Palaeo-Balkan languages:
Alb. ob (f.) 'beech' (< iE' * oskós f. 'ash-tree', cf. olcel. askr m.
'ash, ashwood spear', oE. asc' etc. < Germanic* askaz m., Skt. akędĘ
m. 'the tree Elaeocarpus ganitrus' (from * oskós with the metathesis
of -sł - -ł "-);
Gk. ' óĘć a and óĘóq (f.) 'beech' (from I E. * o.skówa f. 'ash');
Arm. uś i'a deciduous tlee', perhaps 'beech' (Djahukian 1967,
255), Mod. Arm. hoś i,'a particular bush' (from I E. * oskć ua f. 'ash').
All other I ndo-European stocks have retained the original mean-
ing, e.g. Lat. ornus 'ash', Slavic * (j)asena'ash' (both from PI E.
* Hsosillenos), see Pokorny 7959, 782.
(2) To denote 'beech'in other Palaeo-Balkanic languages, the old
I ndo-European etymon for 'elder', b(o)ughós (cf. Slavic * buza beside
* baza'Sambucus nigra') has been used. This process can be proved for
Mysian (cf. puoóq'beech's) and perhaps for some Armenian dialects
(cf. Mod. Arm. ptik'i, in the Karabakh dialect).

7w.ld"-Pokorny's explanation, cited in the proper

text, was rightly abandoned
by Rudnicki (1956, 128). A basis for the Palaeo-Balkanic shift from 'Fagus'to
'Quercus (esculentis)' would have been the edibility o{ both Aesculus acorns and
beechnuts. They may be rendered into soap and, because they are sweet and tasty,
into oils for cooking, as is in fact done in southern France. A similar explanation
was suggested by Bender (1922, 30). According to him, the Greek shift took place
in two stages, first from the beech to the "native sweet chestnut that is still so
characteristic of northwestern Greece", and then to the oak. "I n any case, all
three trees, beech, oak, and sweet chestnut, bear edible nuts, and belongs to the
same fa.mily, Fagacaeae" (Bender 1,922,30). Compare also Friedrich (1970, 109).
sSee Georgiev
(1981, 125)' For the Mysian (or Lydian) plovenance of puoóq
'beech', see Gusmani (1964,276).
130 I GNAcy RysZARD DANKA, KRZyszToF TOMAsz WrrczAK

Both semantic processes discussed in points 3b (1-2) can be con-

vincingly applied to the period of existence of the Palaeo-Balkanic
linguistic league.

4. 'ASH-TR.EE' I N THE Bł lxł Nrc LANGUAGES

Further semantic changes took place independently from one an-

other, and particular Palaeo-Baikanic peoples introduced specific and
divergent innovations to complement the semanteme 'ash':
(a) Albanian borrowed the term frashć r (Tosk.) f frashć n (Gheg.)
'ash'from Latin frarinus (f.) 'id.'. I t is impossible to flnd out what
term was used to describe a given tree in the pre-Roman period;
(b) Greek adapted an oid I ndo-European word for 'Ostrya
carpinofolia', thus Gk. pe)ia (f.) 'ash' continues I E. * mel,isa or
* melisga (f.) 'ostrya carpinofolia', cf. Alb. m€
. llezć , mć lli,njó (t.)
'id.', I ndo-I ranian * mariś a- (the word attested in Fenno-U gric * mariś
'lime-tree': Mord. M. mariś , maraś 'elm, ash'; Vot. dial. bęriz, beryĘ,
ber!!-pu fpu 'tree, wood'] , ber!5, beriź , bertź 'I ime-tree'; ż ir. beriś
'id.')n.
(c) To describe 'ash', Armenian used the original term for ,elder-
tree^ , Sambucus nigra L.': Arm. hac'i (gen. pI . hac'eac') ,ash' < I E.
* a2kpówa ot * a2kpówos (f' and m.)
'elder', cf. Gk. &nrć a (f.) and
ć unrć oq (m.) 'Sambucus nigra', Dacian oć Ba, seua'id''. For further
cognates, see Witczak (1992).

5. 'Er'noR-1ln'BB' trrI THE Bł Lxł Nrc LANGUAGES

I n the Palaeo-Balkan area, both primaeval I ndo-Europearr ap-

pel1atives for'elder-tree, Sambucus nigra', I E. * azihć ua and * boujhós
(f.), have survived, but in most cases they have undergone a semantic
change.

(a) The original meaning of the first appellative is preserved in

Greek and Dacian (see above, Sect. 4c). I n Armenian this appellative

gAn
alternative etymology of the Fenno-Ugric words is suggested by Rć dei
(1986, 55), who assumes a borrowing from Middle I ranian * barza-,birch'.
 Some remarks on the Albarrian vocabulary 131

means 'ash-tree', whereas in Albanian and in Bessan it has undergone

a deeper semantic divergence: 'Sambucus nigra' > 'I 1ex aquifolium'
> 'Tussilago farfara', cf. Bessan &o& 'colt's foot, Tussilago farfara'
(from * &oć a and I E. * a2kpć ua'), AI b. ashć :., ashja 'I 7ex aquifolium'
beside 'Tussilago farfara'. The semantic change is fully motivated by
the similarity of sharp-pointed leaves of all these plants.
(b) I n the Palaeo-Balkanic area, the alternative word for 'elder-
-tree', I tr. * b(o)ughós (f.), has been transferred to 'beech', cf. Mysian
ptuoóq 'beech' (see Sect. 3b).
(c) Dacian has introduced an alternative word for 'sambucus ni-
gra', ii),pta (f.)to, which, however, still has the original I ndo-European
etymon of 'elm-tree' (I E. * lrnos (f.), cf. Lat. ulmus f. 'id.', Oh. lem
< Celtic * limos, Slavic * jalma).
(d) The native form of the Albanian appellative for 'elder-tree'
is not known. I n the contemporary iiterary language, simiiarly as in
dialects, the only term to appeał is shtog'Sambucus nigra', borrowed
from Vulgar Latin * sabucus < Lat. sambucus, cf. Roum. soc 'elder-
-treet.

6. THB Aleł NrAN ARBoREAL TERMI NoLoGY AS AN EVI DENCE FoR THE oRI GI N
oF THE Atgł Nrł Ns

The observations described in points 3-5 are fairly important for

determining the connexions between Albanian and ancient languages
of the Balkans. I t is worth noticing that Albanian and Mysian have
different (although native and primaeval) terms for 'beech' (cf. Alb.
ah'beech', orig.'ash-tlee' vS. Mys. 1t'uoóq'beech', orig.'e1der-tree'),
which should exclude the possibility of the Mysian origin of Albanian.
Moreover, there is a great semantic and phonetic divergence between
Dacian and Albanian aS far as the I ndo-EuTopean term * a2ilpć wa
(f.) 'elder'is concerned, which speaks against the Dacian hypothesis
(cf. Dac. oć Ba, seoa 'Sambucus nigra'vs. Alb. asht:'I lex aquifolium;
Tussilago farfara'). On the other hand, one should note the similarity

l0Neroznak (1978, 61) supposes that the Dacian word J)pa is a borrowing from
Latin ulmus 'elm'. Such an interpretation, however, has no semantic, phonologi-
cal, or morphological justification.
I 32 I GNAcy RyszARD DANKA, KRzyszroF ToMAsz wrrczAK

between AI b. ashij and Bessan doó covering both semantics (the same
innovation) and phoneticsll.
Albanian has kept I ndo-European terms applying to particular
conifers such as:

(u) 'yew': Aib. Gheg. bć rshć 'stinking juniper' (. I E.

* ebhur-isyo-, cf. olr. iber m. 'yew', Gaulo-Romał ce * eburos 'id.',
MHG. eber-boum and German Eber-esche 'mountain-ash', all from
I E. * ebhuros 'yew', see Pokorny 1959, 334);
(b) 'pine': Alb. bredh (< * bhroid[ h] o-, cf. Roum. brad 'pine,
spluce', Latv. prieds f. and prić de f. 'pine', Russ. brć d, dial. bred,
bredina'willow, Salix', Slovinian biaza 'fttit-tree' (see Sect. 2);
(c) 'flr': AI b. halć f. 'black pine, Pinus nigra' (from I E. * adhla ot
* adhlis f. 'fir, Abies', cf. OPrus. addle 'fir, spruce', Jatvingian egle
'fir-tree', Lith. ć glć , dial. d,glć ,Latv. egle; oPoI . jedl, jedla,Po1. jodł a
'fir', Cz. jedł e, PolaŁ:ian jadló,, Russ. e/ a, dial. elina; olr. aidlen,
MCorn. adlen' Abies', Bret. aedlen, ć dlen'flr';
(d)'spruce': Alb. pish€, (< * pit-so-, cf. Gk. riruq f. 'pine, SpI uCe',
Skt. ltttu-daru (n.) 'a kind of pine, or resinous tree', see Huld 1983,
303). An alternative etymology connects the Albanian word with
Latin picea f. 'spruce';
(e) 'juniper': AI b. d€
I linjć , dć ll€
. njć , I tr. * (s)gheli,nyo-'ja-
de.I h (<
niper', cf. Gk. (Hes.) oXć \ tuos 'wild cypress or juniper';
(f) 'larch': AI h' brć , breni'sptllce, fir' (< I B. * brinHu- 'larch', cf.
Romance * brinu-'larch', attested in I taiian dialects: brenge, brendze
(Valle dell'Orca), brenua (Val'soana) , brengola (Canavese); Poi. dial.
brzyn, brzym (Silesia), Cz. dial. biim 'I arch', Sln. órin 'juniper' or
'larch, Larix meleze', SC. dial. brina (f.) 'juniper' or 'spruce, Picea',
SI n. brina : brinja (f.) 'u conifer', usually 'juniper', dial. 'spruce' and
also tpinet.
(g) Only ALb. rrobull 'Pinus leucodermus' is probably of foreign
origin, although it is not certain whether this woł d was borrowed
from Latin raui,cella (f.) 'u conifer' or not.

11This similarity may be a linguistic confirmation of Witczak's hypothesis of

the Bessan origin of the Albania.n population.
 Some remarks on the Albanian vocabulary 133

On the other hand, Albanian has not kept a large number of

names oi the deciduous trees, borrowing them from Ancient Greek in
the Archaic period, from Latin at the time of Roman domination in
the Baikans or from Slavs after their great migration. The following
arboreal terms can be quoted here:
(h) 'ash': Alb. Tosk. frasher, Gheg. frashć n < Lat. frarinus f'
'ash', cf. Roum. frtisin (see Sect. 4a);
(i) 'willow': ALb. shelq, -u (* .) < Lat. salir, -ź cis f. 'wii1ow', cf.
Roum. sdlcie f. 'willow', also 'a willow twig';
(j) 'poplar': Alb. uerre (f.) 'silver poplar, Populus alba' < PGk.
* awiger(y)os, cf. Greek ailepos or ailetpos (f.) 'black poplar, Po-
pulus nigra'1
(k) 'poplar': Alb. ptep, -i (m.) < Vuigar Lat. * plÓpus < Lat.
pÓpulus'poplar', cf. Roum. p/ op;
(1) 'poplar': Alb. topolć , tupli < Slavic * to1lola'poplar' (Svane
1992, r2B);
(ł ) 'willow': Alb. Gheg. raqitć : 'Salix alba'< South Slavic * rakyta
(Svane 1992,727-128);
(m) 'frg-tree': Alb. fik, -u (-.) . Lat. ficus, -us or -z (f.) 'flg-tree',
cf. Aroum. hic (m.) 'id.', hica (f.) 'fig, grape'1
(n) 'bay-tree': Alb. lar, -i (* .) . Lat. I aurus, -t or -us (f.) 'bay-
tree', cf. Roum. ltiur (m.);
(o) 'chestnut': Alb. gć shtenjć , -o (f.) < Lat. castanea 'chestnut
(tree and nut)', cf. Roum. castan (m.) 'chestnut-tree', castana (f.')
tchestnutt;

(p) 'oak': AI b. rre 'English oak, Quercus robur' < Lat. rÓbur
'id.';
(r) 'elder': Alb. shtog < Vulgar Latin sabucus < Lat. sambucus
'id.', cf. Roum. soc (see Sect. 5d).
This list shows that Albanian has preserved native terms for
conifers typical of a mountain landscape and lost the terms for hy-
drophilous trees that grow on lowland plains along rivers, marshes
and lakes such as 'willow' or 'poplar'. I n this situation it is to be sup-
posed that the forefathers of the Albanians lived in areas that wóre
comparatively badly watered and where conifers were dominant, i.e.
in typicallv mountainous areas.
734 I GNAcy RyszARD DANKA, KRzyszroF ToMASZ wI TczAX

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Uniaersity of Thessaloniki, 27-29 April 1993, Thessaloniki 7993, 487-497.

University of Łodź I gnacy Ryszard Danka

Chair of Classical Philology and
ul. Wólczańska 90 Krzy sztof Tomasz Witcz ak
PL-90_522 Łódź
 JAN SAFAREwTcz (1904-1992), professor of I ndo-
European linguistics at the Jagellonian lJniversity (from
L937 onward) and honorary doctor of the universities of
Vilnius and Cracow, was the most outstanding Polish
scholar working in the domain of Latin and Greek linguis-
tics, which he studied from the historical and comparative
point of view. } { e left behind a few hundred publications,
including several monographs and text-books for students
of Classical philology. I n addition to the Classical lan-
guages, he also investigated Lithuanian and the Slavonic
languages.

This volume contais the papers read at a conference

held at Cracow in 1993 to,commemorate the first anniver-
sary of the scholar's death. Outstanding Polish linguists
as well as specialists in the domain of I ndo-European
scholarship from different European countries are among
the contributors. The papers deal with a wide variety of
subjects, covering almost the whole I ndo-European lan-
guage group, from Hittite to Slavonic and Lithuanian.
Some authors tackle general and methodological issues.
To conclude with, the volume contains a few biographical
contributions on Jan Safarewicz as well as a fuli biblio-
graphy of his scholarly output.

ffią
W
I SBN E3-7052-23L-9