Zaes 1932 68 JG 7

Band 68.] S. R. Κ. GLANVILLE: Records of a Royal Dockyard of the Time of Tuthmosis III.
So würde sich das Ausbleiben der Symbolisierung der älteren Spiegelform erklären,
selbst wenn es das Wort 'nh „Spiegel" schon gab. Jener Symbolisierungstrieb traf bei
seinem Erwachen nicht mehr auf die hohe Platte, sondern auf die runde O, bei der eine
Anlehnung an das fern lag, und dafür die an die Sonnenscheibe eintreten
und zur herrschenden werden konnte.
Ob die bis jetzt erst im Mittleren Reiche belegte Gleichung Spiegel-
platte = Sonne schon zu Beginn der Pyramidenzeit aufgetreten ist oder gchminkgriffel.
erst später, wissen wir nicht, ebensowenig wie wir erfassen können, ob Nach QUIBELL,
die ältere Form einen bestimmten Grund hat — man hat an den Um- T o n T a f°2i H e s y
riß des sich spiegelnden Menschengesichts gedacht — oder rein ästhetisch
ist. Unbekannt ist uns auch, worauf der Wechsel von der hohen zur runden Platte be-
ruht. Ihn eben gerade auf den Gedanken an die Sonne zurückzuführen, möchte ich aus
meinem Gedankengang heraus nicht raten.
Bei der Dürftigkeit des erhaltenen Arbeitsstoffes bewegen wir uns für die Lösung der
letzten Fragen zur Zeit noch auf recht schwankendem Boden, der sich hoffentlich durch
neue Funde festigt. Jedenfalls aber ersieht man, nach wie vielen Seiten ägyptischen Lebens
wir bei der Untersuchung selbst eines so unscheinbaren Geräts, wie es der Handspiegel
ist, ausschauen dürfen und müssen.
Bewährt sich der Gedanke an die Zeit des Erwachens derartiger Formsymbolisierung
von Geräten, so haben wir damit einen neuen Zug gewonnen für unser Bild von dem neu-
artigen Schaffen, das, nach den Vorbereitungen in der Frühzeit, mit der Pyramidenzeit
eingesetzt und sie erfüllt hat1.
Records of a Royal Dockyard of the Time of Tuthmosis III: Papyrus

British Museum 10056.
B y S. R . K . GLANVILLE.
(Hierzu Tafel I u. II.)
Partii. Commentary2.
1. Throughout the text m is used to indicate a definite relationship between
individual workmen and individual ships, in the phrase "given to (the chief workman)
X m the ship Y". Clearly m may be taken in one of three ways: (1) simply "in", i. e.
the materials would be given to the man as he worked in the ship referred to. Against
this is the fact that the workman is almost always a hmw wr i. e. a foreman in charge
of a gang of shipwrights, who would draw the material from the stores (frequently men-
1) Über andere dahin gehörige Züge vgl. Von ägypt. Kunst 3 S. 12 bis 17 sowie die in der Stichwort-
liste S. 403 unter „Ägyptische" Kunst angeführten Stellen, und ÄZ 66 S. 11 Anm. 2 über das Zeichen
Fast mit jedem Jahre kommt Neues zutage. — 2) Corrigenda to Part I (ÄZ 66, 105ff.) Throughout
the Translation of Ro. Cols. 12—15 read "palms" for "spans". V. 5/9, 10, 11 (p. 119 and 6·) read [1]8,
17, 16 for [2]8, 27, 26 cubits respectively. To the list of names p. 105. n. 1 I wish to add those of
Miss MILITZA MATTHIEW, Mr. Gr. S. LAIRD CLOWES and Mr. C . D. JARRETT B E L L whose help and sug-
gestions are specifically acknowledged in the.footnotes.
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δ S. R. Κ. GLANVILLE: Records of a Royal Dockyard of the Time of Tuthmosis III. [68. Band.
tioned further on in the papyrus) and would then distribute them to his subordinates
in the boat. Further, much of the work for which the material {e. g. wnh-planks,
see below n. 6) was issued must have been done from outside rather than inside the
boat. (2) "from", i. e. indicating that the material issued was from old ships which
had already been, or were about to be broken up. This appears to have been the procedure
in Anastasi IV. 8/3—4 1 , "See if there are zio^-boards (cf. η. 39) of deal left in the boat
of the gods which is there in the magazine", but can hardly have been so here, since not
infrequently the source {i. e. 'magazine') of the material is mentioned quite separately
from the boat in question, e. g. R. 14/13—14; V. 3/1—3, etc. (3) *'In respect of" i. e.
"for" is the most natural translation in the context, and seems to be confirmed by the
variant "given to X r [R. 14/13, 15/2 and V. passim] (or η [R. 9/2, 12/14 etc.]) the ship Y " .
2. The reading imw for the abbreviated writing .-^ra-.l, commonly used throughout
the papyrus, is made certain by the full writing (R. 12/14) with reference to the boat
called Pi-ih, elsewhere {e.g. R. 9/2, V. 3/3, etc.) designated simply by the abbreviation.
GRIFFITH has recently shown this to be the case2 in the X l X t h 3 Dynasty (Nauri Stela),
and suggested that early examples of .-JÎ*-. |, were also to be read imw. There can be no
doubt that this is also the reading in Rech*. Pl. X I (a), b, 2 and 4, in the same phrase,
imw η nfw N., "ship of Captain N." as we have here and elsewhere frequently in the
papyrus.
BOREUX, Études de nautique égyptienne (I. 2 3 2 ) considers the O . K . papyrus boat
called imw essentially a pleasure-boat, specially used for sport. Later it became the
special term for a cargo boat or merchantman, besides being used for small pleasure-
boats. It was used of sea-going vessels for transport, probably for some foreign types
(Urk. IV. 656), and even of something approaching a warship {Wörtb. Zettel, Turin 81
sic
In Urk. IV. 151. 1 Nebamün, a senior officer
of Tuthmosis III, tells us that he was appointed s S f e ^ ^ Ω which
appears to mean that Nebamün was made commander of the fleet; the imw referred
to, in faet, must be of the same class as those in our papyrus. In the latter the word
probably has a semi-technical sense of seagoing merchantman. That it could also have
a very general meaning — be the ordinary word for "boat" of any kind, in fact, — is shown
by the reference in Anast. IV. 8/1 and 2 to a skty-boat mentioned in IV. 7/10 as pi imw
( " ^ Ί ^ . · 5 * ^ ) ' a n c ^ o n a n ostaakon of the time of Seti I (G-UNN in Cenotaph oj Seti /,
pl. xi, No. 1. 1. 6) where 'h'w of the previous line is abbreviated (in a total) to
"imw 6", unless is here to read 'h' and not imw.
3. Loret has shown5 that 's in its strictest meaning must refer to a certain species
of fir {Abies cilicica) which grows in the Lebanon. That it is more generally to be taken
as referring to any of the numerous pines and firs which are found on the Syrian hills
is to be presumed from the distinction 's mi' for Abies cilicica. Of the other conifers
Pinus Pinea meets the description of the wood and the circumstances of its finding best.
Neither the cedar proper {Cedrus libant) nor cypress {Cupressus sempervirens) quite
fit the case*. Thus 's in such routine MSS. as B. M. 10056 is not so much the name of
a tree as of a, type of timber derived from a number of different conifers — pines and
1) The whole of the important but obscure passage on boat-building An. IV. 7/9—8/7 is tran-
scribed in the Appendix I, p. 30. — 2) Thus confirming his early guess in D AVIES, Ptahhotep, I. 33,
based on as a late phonetic writing of im. — 3) J. E.A. X I I I (1927), 202 n. 1. — 4) Cf. pt, I. p. 107, n. 2.
— 5) Annales du Service, XVI, 33ff. — 6) op. cit.; and see NEWBERRY, Egypt as a field for anthropolo-
gical Research, Address to the Brit: /lss: {Anthrop. Sect.). Liverpool 1923, 14.

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Tafel I
o
O
®
V-vJ^: PS
o
O
o
«
®

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Ae. Ζ. 68: G l a n v i l l e , Records.
Authenticated
T»fel Π
Stela of Inena, a ship-builder; Brit. Mue. 1332.

Scale 3:16. p. 3 $

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Band 68.] S. R. Κ. GLAN V I L L E : Records of a Royal Dockyard of the Time of Tuthmosis III. 9
firs — but especially Pinus Pinea. It is also the standard wood for work of any quality,
since the native trees did not provide good timber. It is not, however, the best timber
of all, as we see from R. cols. 10 ff.1 In these respects, therefore, is precisely connoted
by the English word "deal", in its sense of timber derived from pine or fir. It is tempting
to see still another, fortuitous, resemblance between the two words. "Deal" originally
means a plank or board, a piece of sawn wood. The extension of meaning to define
the nature of the wood is due to the fact that the commonest kind of wood imported
in plank form for general purposes, was the North European pine and fir. Now both
common sense and the nature of the determinative2 demand that 's was imported into
Egypt, if not actually in planks, at all events as logs which had already been trimmed,
which in the case of conifers involves a fair amount of lopping. To the Egyptian joiner
or shipwright, acquainted with the names and differentiation between the three or four
local trees of any use to him, whose short, twisted branches he was used to cutting for
himself, the outstanding feature of the timber he called's would be its "ready-for-use"
appearance. In very few cases would he have seen the trees, from which the wood came,
in their natural state. It is possible that the word 's was a local Syrian name for a species
of fir or pine, or for certain conifers in general, and that the Egyptian expeditions which
were sent to get the wood learned the native name from the source of supply. It is also
possible, however, and very tempting in view of the modern analogy of deal, that 's,
like "deal" originally meant "cut wood", and only later came to be applied to the type
of tree which produced it. For, as S P I E G E L B E R G pointed out 3 , s'd is used technically
for felling trees or for chopping wood; and s'd is the New Egyptian form of s' "to cut"
usually determed with but in the Pyramid Texts frequently with ^ f e 4 . This sign
certainly represents a bundle of straight stick-like objects — most obviously a faggot
of chopped wood5. Such a metathesis as is involved in the change from s' t o ' s is always
possible in Egyptian, even without change of meaning, e. g. sw^bty < wsbty, a fortiori
a derivative 's from s' is to be expected. To sum up, may not the determinative of s'
1 ) See below nn. 19 and 38, and appendix III. — 2) See GARDINER, Grammar, 473. M. 41 with references.
— 3) Rech. p. 63, n. 11. — 4) e. g. SETHE, 653, b. T.; 673, c ( ^ f c ) ; 1212, e. fifll and — 5) The form for
Middle Egyptian given by GARDINER (Sign-list F. 41) is 9 described by him as "vertebrae conventionally ren-
dered". This is given as an alternative by G R I F F I T H , Hieroglyphs, 60 to the suggestion that the sign refers
to the lopping of the jj—pole, the top of which it closely resembles. The resemblance is indeed so close
(cf. F. 41 and R. 11 in GARDINER'S Sign-list) that it is impossible not to regard one as part of the
other. Modern opinion is generally in favour of the lopped tree as the origin of the Dd-^pole, (e. g. NEW-
BERRY, op. cit., GARDINER, Sign-List, R. 11 "lopped tree?"), while Petrie's original suggestion (Medum, 31)
that the sign represented 4 columns in line one behind the other has received strength from the examples in
the new tomb of Zoser found by Firth at Saqqarah. [But cf. SCHÄFER, Griffith Studies, 424 f.]. A compromise
between these two views, which is perhaps the only way to explain all the evidence, was adumbrated by Griffith
years ago in Hieroglyphs (p. 60) : "More probably the symbol is a conventionalised form of a severed tree with
branches lopped and forming the pillar of a house". At all events, whatever the exact significance of the di sign,
there can be no question, in spite of its later connection with the backbone of Osiris, of its representing that
member originally ; nor therefore, if 8 is really part of of the former representing vertebrae until comparatively
late times. Indeed the forms given by MÖLLER, Paläographie 1,16, No. 1 7 4 , and II, 15 No. 174
respectively the XIIth and XVIIIth. Dyn. forms of this sign, would not be taken to represent part of the
backbone unless they were considered to include ribs also; which could hardly be the case in view of
the existence of the different sings ^ and (Pal. I, 172 & 173; Pal. II, 172 & 172 bis) actually re-
presenting backbone and ribs. On the other hand the forms of 174 in the Palaeographie suggest strongly
the top of a lopped tree and might readily have developed from the cognate idea expressed by the "fag-
got" form of the sign in the Pyramid Texts.
Zeitschr. f. Agypt. Spr., 68. Band. 2

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10 S. R. Κ. GLAN VILLE: Records of a Royal Dockyard of the Time of Tuthmosis III. [68. Band.
"to cut" in the Pyramid Texts suggest that 'i originally signified "cut wood" and that
the wood derived its name from the verb? 1
4. rwd. t. The reading | seems certain from the remaining examples —
R. 3/1 ; 4/7, 9, 11 ; 9/13; and V. 5/2. The word is unknown, and from the spelling would
appear to be foreign. Silice in R. col. 4 it alternates with wnh (cf. η. 6) it was probably
some specially shaped board used in the outer-covering of the boat. The range of length
is 4 (R. 9/13) to 18 (R. 3/1) cubits. No entry records that more than 1 rwd.t of a given
length was issued at a time, but in 4 cases the relevant figures are lost.
5. Read s'd rather than Γ (cf. Rech. 63. η. 11). The word in Β. M. 10056, how-
ever, must be a singular noun, with plural determinative (cf. s't "slaughter" determined
with Ξ GARDINER, Gram. 457, F . 4 1 ) ; for in two cases, R. 2 / 3 and 6/4, it is followed im-
mediately by η mh, so that the short 2 horizontal stroke under the of sd cannot there
be read as n, and presumably is not to be elsewhere. Perhaps in the three passages in
Rech, also, Pl. IX b, 5/10, 11 and Pl. XI a, 1/4 we are to read X instead of X ; but
t III ΛΜΜΛ
the meaning clearly remains the same.
6. wnh3, if it has any connection with the common root for "clothe", should be
the technical term for the outer timbers of a boat, with which the hull was finally "cloth-
ed". It is not known elsewhere, though a periphrasis ht η wnh (where wnh is possibly
the ordinary verb "to clothe, cover") is found in Anastasi IV, 8/6 having the same mean-
ing as the substantive here. The continuation of the passage in Anastasi makes it clear
that ht η wnh (= wnh (pi.) of Β. M. 10056) are to be used over the whole length of the
boat, and apparently as the last stage in its renovation (see note 41), and thus seems to
confirm the translation suggested by the root-meaning of the verb. This interpretation,
however, is exactly opposed to that of Mr. Laird Clowes, based on his survey of the timber
issued for the ship Payeh, which survey, it is true, necessarily contains some uncertain
elements (see below p. 24f.). Laird Clowes there comes to the conclusion that the wnh
are the crossbeams which in his view would probably be one of the first elements to be
laid down, not the last of all, and which hold the boat together. If, therefore, we could
take the meaning "bind" (of a filet round the hair) which wnh has in that context, and
apply it for this technical term in boat-building, Laird Clowes' view would be almost
certainly correct. Another technical sense of wnh, as a substantive is "dislocation" 4 ,
especially of the vertebrae, and it is conceivable that there is a connection between this
idea and the cross-beams as the vertebrae of a ship in relation to its axis.
wnh are only mentioned six times on the Verso, and with one exception (11/6) always
as the material for comparatively short pieces of timber designated by technical terms,
i. e. ribs (wgl), stakes (?) (tp-ht(ì)) etc. It might be argued, therefore, that wnh, was not
itself a technical (shipwright's) term, but possibly a carpenter's or timber-merchant's,
and that the idea of "cover", "clothe" referred to the function of the wood in relation
to the tree. We should then understand by wnh the branches lopped from the trunk,
which they might certainly be said to have "clothed". There is no reason to suppose,
however, that the first interpretation of the word is not correct; and we must therefore
assume that the wnh referred to on the verso were surplus pieces of skin-planking (or
cross-beams) which were to be used for other parts of the construction.
1) This view does not preclude the further derivation of '/ "groan" etc. from the name of the tree,
proposed by SETHE, Ä.Z. 45, U f f . — 2) For other examples of this writing of the plural strokes ||| in our
papyras, see ^besides the ligature for jyj in rdyt (passim)j mstywt R/8/13; 9/5; isw 14/14; etc. — 3) Once
(R. 3/3) abbreviated to . — 4 ) BREASTED, Ed. Smith surgical Pap. Egyptian Glossary, sub . voc. with
references; the verb has a related meaning "to loosen", cf. surgical stitches.

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B a n d 68.] S. R . Κ . GLANVILLE: Records of a R o y a l Dockyard of the Time of Tuthmosis H I . 11
7. There is no clue to the origin of this unknown word unless we may see a doubtful
connection with "sail down-stream". It occurs again in Recto 6/14 (no measurements
given, and only one piece issued), and just possibly in V. 3/10, though the latter passage
is too mutilated to offer any help for the interpretation. It is noteworthy that both
the early examples follow immediately on entries recording the issue of wnh, the word
is, therefore, probably a technical term for some short part (cf. " 2 cubits" here) connected
with ΐϋτζΛ-planks.
8. The meaning "yoke" with reference to horses and cattle etc. is well authenticated,
and should have some connection with the use of the word for a part of a boat. The only
other clue is the length of a(?) nhb in R. 3/2—13 cubits — which shows that it cannot
be merely a particular kind of bolt or dowel. Some kind of rib suggests itself, but the
word wgî (see n. 78) seems to rule this out. The only other instance of the word in this
papyrus is R. 17/1, where the reading is perhaps not quite certain. The "yoke" is
there to be made from a deal zVw/-plank. Possibly it was the (upper) yard which diistribted
the weight of the sail on either side of the mast — as the water-carrier's yoke distributed
the weight of his pots. The yard in the Ο. K. boat pictured by S O M E R S - C L A R K E and
E N G E L B A C H , Ancient Egyptian Masonry, fig. 4 5 , closely resembles a yoke in appearance 1 .
9. The "lake" very frequently referred to throughout the papyrus as containing
"storesheds" from which the timber was issued, must have been a harbour or, perhaps
better, "dock" (as opposed to the whr.t "dry dock" of V. 9/11).
10. Cf. Rech. 58. The word occurs frequently in Pap. Rollin, usually spelt J Jj
ΑΛV
/ WW AMVWA
but also JJ J û v ^ · . The Wörtb. compares bnn, a N-E. word for a plank of some
ΛΛΛΛΛΛ MWM
kind. It occurs once again only in this text — V. 6/7.
11. This meaning is suggested by the root sß, "drag", " t o w " (cf. |ì ^ @
var. determinative Π ; in Anastasi I, 1 4 / 2 = G A R D I N E R , Hieratic Texts, 2 5 ) together
with the fact that in the only other place in the papyrus where the word occurs (V. 5/3)
there are 6 sß. wt, and no length is given, as if that were immaterial, as indeed it would
be if the objects were logs to be used as rollers2.
12. No clue to its identification; but it.was something of importance judging from
its isolation — this is the only instance of the word in this papyrus — and the mention
of two "fine" examples, of 30 and 33 cubits length respectively, in the Turin Journal
( B O T T I - P E E T , I, 1. pi. 3, col. 2, 11.13 and 14) is of no help.
13. The meaning is again unknown: presumably a part of the ornamentation of
the ship. Cf. the ebony P J ] ^ , ^ ^ Petrograd 1116. Β .verso 70 ff. used in the construc-
tion of a ship or pavilion, and perhaps J (j j ibid 46 and 47 in a similar context.
14. So far as we can tell the Egyptians did not distinguish between the essential
forms of oar, paddle and rudder, for all of which they on occasion used wsr; though hmw
is the usual word for rudder. Probably they were oars here (cf. Westcar 5, 7—9 '20 oars');
3 rudders would be superfluous, unless two were spares 3 . If oars, then the passage is fair
1) In the Ν. K . this yard is sometimes m a d e of one piece, e. g. DAVIES-GARDINER, Tomb of

Huy, pl. X I ; WRESZINSKI, Atlas, Taf. 308 (Sennofer); and sometimes of two pieces, e. g. TYLOR-GRIF-
FITH, Paheri, Pl. I l l ; WRESZINSKI, op. cit. Taf. 199 (Kha'emhêt). — 2) F o r evidence a s t o the use
of rollers see SOMERS-CLARKE and ENGELBACH, Ancient Egyptian Masonry, p p . 89, 90 a n d 224. —
— 3) The true (single) rudder — as opposed to the two-paddle steering process of the 0 . K . —
came in during the M. K . and was used in the N. K . for all boats up to the size of the royal d a h a b y a h
(cf. DAVIES-GARDINER, Tomb of Huy, pl. X I I . ) except those of the gods a n d funerary barges. The pro-
cession in DA VIES, Tomb of Two Sculptors, pl. X X I V is an excellent example of the two t y p e s of steering
in use together. The passenger boat has a single rudder and tow3 the funerary b o a t (which except for
2*
Authenticated
12 S. R . Κ . GLAN VILLE: Records of a Royal Dockyard of the Time of Tuthmosis III. [68. Band.
proof that the boat in question was refitting, not being built de novo, since three
would obviously be an impossible supply for a new boat (cf. Rech. Pl. X I I a, 4, E 0 J
lo. Cf. Libyan proper names in B U R C H A R D T , Die altkanaanäischen Fremdwörter,
etc., Egyptian name-list, nos. 509 and 512. The word occurs again on fragment A. of
the Recto (see Pt. I, p. 8*).
16. The comparatively rare occurence and the purpose (where known) of the
objects in this section R . 3/6—12 show that it refers to the finishing touches in the re-
fitting of the boat and not to constructional requisites.
17. pBx — from the root "to split" — cf. Urk. IV, 1081.
"a fragment of stone" (GARDINER in A.Z., 60.72.) — hence thin plank«uitable for decking —
cf. N A V I L L E , Mythe d'Horns, pl. VII (J Il H
where phi seems to mean "deck" — or boarding in a cabin. A similar sense would suit
the word in the description of parts of a chariot in Anast. IV. 16,9 — (j ^ ^ ^ £ °
@ ι=ϊί=ι ^ ^ ^ - S a IQ —. The word occurs several times throughout the papyrus —
e. g., besides the present passage, in R. 5/2; 5/2; 6/1 and 5; 9/11; 15/7 where it is ab-
breviated to IC V. 2/4; 2/12 and 3/11. The lengths vary from 4]/2 to 17 cubits,
and either 1 or two pieces of each length are specified. The series of 7 entries R. 15/7
to 12, adds the width, which is the same in every instance (3 palms).
18. tms, written! (t| in R. 12/ 6 ; 15/ 5 and 17/ 4 must be the same word as = s f
ι
sic
of the Tanutamen "Dream Stela"(Urk. I I I . 68, 20), the meaning of which is by no means
certain. It is clear, however, that the tms in this passage was an essential (and apparently
decorative) part of a building — since it is one of only four structural features 2 , all of
obvious importance and to be made of decorative material — namely a new stone shrine
or chapel (("Ώ [J (j l|—j'j which the King had ordered to be built. The tms was to be made of
- J i - , i . e . good foreign timber: the stress is on the quality; its determinative ^ ^
shows that tms was essentially of wood. The other determinative, implying a deri-
vation from the O.K. ( e · 8- p y r · 1349, a) "red", "ruddy" 3 corroborates the
general idea of decoration, colour, etc. suggested by the context. Brugsch's translation
(Wort. 1584) " d a s Getäfel zum bedecken glatter Wandflächen?' i.e. "panelling" seems a
very reasonable guess. The tms would have formed the decorative wooden partition or
screen-walls between pillars, in this case of stone. Such a sense admirably suits the passages
external fittings is of exactly the same build as the other), and this has two paddles. So too has the
boat-shaped bier on deck. The largest sea-going vessels still kept the two-paddle system, however; and
Hatshepsut's obe'.isk lighter had four steering paddles (NAVILLE, D. el Bahrt, VI, pl. CLIV.) — 1) CF.
"TttönB in the interesting letter from Elephantine giving instructions for the repair of a boat, COWLEY,
Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century B. C. 89, 1. 12, obviously an Egyptian word of which the first element
might be phi.t, and the second mni ("mooring post"). It is of two cubits and "for "15Π570 ' =
<1 ¡j " . ι, —
of Wörib. I, 210. (Professor SCHARFF kindly looked up the reference for me: it is the
Statue of Montemhët, Berlin 17271, pubi. SCHÄFER, Propyläen-Kunstgesch. I I (2ND ed.), p. 433). E g .
ph-ty would, however, be more natural as the first element, of ^löönD. — 2) Taking kip.tw m 'nty(w)
η Pwnt.t (1. 21) as qualifying the 's of the previous line, and not as a separate condition of the buil-
ding, as which it would be out of place where it is. The wood used was specially "fumed" deal. — 3) cf.
BREASTED, Edwin Smith Surg. Pap., 194. Could the "red" or "ruddy" tree ° ° êre
mentioned be the real Cedar (Cedrus libani) ?

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Band 68.] S. R. Κ. GLAXVILLE: Records of a Royal Dockyard of the Time of Tuthmosis III. 13
in our papyrus, since the small and frequently roofless fore- and aft-cabins of boats of
this period were often made of precisely this decorated panelling, as can be seen from the
tomb-paintings (e. g. D A V I E S , The Tombs of Two Officials, pl. X V I I ; The Tomb of Two
Sculptors, pis. X X I V and X X V I ; and a copy by Mrs. Davies of a Scene from the tomb
of Kha'emwëse at Thebes (no. 261) exhibited in the Third Egyptian Room at the
British Museum), and the use of the word dn in R. 12/6 and 15/5 makes it probable
that those two passages at least refer to the cabins (see n. 41 below). Tms also
occurs in a Demotic text 1 as a part of a ship, and from the context seems to mean the
"hatch" over a hold. This would favour a translation "deck-planking" in our text.
Finally •"'ΏΠ is found twice in the Aramaic letter mentioned above 2 ; in each case the
word refers to a part of the boat made of wood, and in the second is defined as consisting
of "rows" of wood, which certainly suggests decking or panelling.
19. Presumably ( s o written in R. 6/6) is the same word as <=>
which occurs frequently in R. cols. 10—14 (and once [R. 10/3] determined with
instead of Q), the difference in spelling being due to the different hands. The former
is the orthodox writing (cf. Wörtb. I I . 108 s. v. and BUDGE, Diet. 2 8 3 mär). The word
is to be distinguished from the familiar mrw "moras" (?) a Syrian timber, and since with
the exception of the present instance (R. 6/6) it always describes the timber out of which
the specially large hst. t planks (see n. 38) were made, it was clearly the name of a particul-
arly good, and therefore foreign, wood. The only evidence which might be adduced
against mr being a foreign tree or timber is its use here (4/15) for a ntr-pole (?), since it is
balanced with a second ntr-pole (?) made of acacia, the common indigenous but
the balance must be that of comparison, not similarity.
20. Another new term. There are only negative clues to its meaning: assuming
that both the ntr here mentioned are from a boat, and taking into account the important
difference in the two woods used (see note 19), it should follow that one ntr was larger
than the other. The word could not, therefore, signify the pair of precisely similar
rudder posts (of a solar boat) which from their moulded hawks' heads might naturally
be called by that name. As a matter of fact these were probably still known by the
M.E. name for older types of rudder post, namely (see Jéquier, 69)3.
21. The reading is largely conjectural; and even if correct, the meaning is no
clearer. A tempting equation with s=> the coffin texts {Jéquier, 76) is
etymologically impossible unless we read o for c s here.
22. The name is interesting as evidence for the Memphite origin of the papyrus
and of the dockyard which forms its subject, and is consequently appropriate as the
name of a shipwright. See SPIEGELBERG, ZU dem Typus und der Bedeutung der als Pa-
täken bezeichneten ägyptischen Figuren in Sitzb. d. Bay. Ak. d. Wiss. Philosoph.-phil.u.
Hist. Kl. 1925 ägypt. Mitt. 6. So far as I know the sign of the dwarf is unique in hieratic.
23. hry.t seems only once to occur elsewhere, in the important Anastasi IV passage
already referred to (see below, p. 29). There, as here, hry.t are parts of a s£ty-hoat (see
next note); moreover the following characteristics emerge from Anastasi IV: the hry.t
occupied a key-position in the construction· of the boat; they were required to be of
1) SPIEGELBERG, Der Sagenkreis des Königs Peíubastis, 2 0 , Col. 5/11. — 2) COWLEY, op. cit. No. 2 6 -
11. 13 and 20. — 3) The branches mounted fore and aft on predynastic boats (as shown on the pottery)
in which Miss MURRAY has recognised early forms of the «//'-pole (Studiespresented to F. LI. Griffith, 312f.)
can unfortunately hardly be identified with any part of the N. K. merchantman. Divine barges do, however,
appear to have carried mast-like poles which had no connection with sails, since such were not used on
this type of boat (e. g. B. M. stele 1332, pl. II).

Authenticated
14 S. R. Κ. GLAN VILLE: Records of a Royal Dockyard of the Time of Tuthmosis III. [68. Band.
relatively greater length than the bulk of the timber used in the boat — cf. the
of 60 cubits in COWLEY, op. cit. 89, 1. 12; their length was in the same sense as that of
the ship, as they were placed symmetrically on either side. (This symmetry is also sug-
gested by the closeness of the measurements, 15 and 15% cubits respectively, of the
hry.t in B.M. 10056). On this evidence, and having regard to the root meaning hrl "that
which is above", we may provisionally identify the hry.t as gunwales.
24. From a contemporary record (Urk. IV, 707, 10 ff.) it appears that the skty1-
boat was one of the new foreign types of vessel introduced at this period, since it is there
classed with Kftiw- and Kpn. /-boats2. The context also suggests that a place-name
should be found as the origin of the name of this boat ; and there are possibilities in three
similar place-names, known in hieroglyphic writings : ρ ^ r ^ i of the Darius stela from
Tell el Maskhütah, though the most attractive from the point of view of the writing, is
geographically impossible, since whether Golénischeff be right (Ree. de trav. X I I I , 102)
in placing it in Central Asia ( = the country of the Saces), or Burchardt (op. cit. II, 42,
No. 811) in equating it with Scythia, it certainly referred to one of the remotest parts
of the then known world. There remain of Urk. IV, 784, 67 and
^ f ) ^ ibid. 790, 204, both of which are possible spellings of a substantive which
could have skty as a derivative adjective, and both of which are, from the context, N.
Syrian towns. (The fact that both are written with syllabic spelling, while the skty-
boat is not, does not invalidate the possible equation, though the disparity is surprising.)
Burchardt (II, 42, 810) identifies the former with ΠΌϋΖ? : IDI®, a city in the plain of
Judah ; for the other he proposes no identification. Even if his equation is right it does
not help us, since an inland town, situated in the plain, would be unlikely to give its
name to a type of ship. A very tempting identification for one of the two names in
Tuthmosis' list offers itself in the modern village of Shaqqah, in the sheltered bay be-
tween Enfeh (S. of Tripoli) and Ras Shaqqa. It is at the point of the coast nearest to
the right-angle bend made by the Nahr Abu Ali where it leaves the Lebanon proper
and begins to flow north to Tripoli. The source of this river is at Bsheneh, just below
one of the highest ridges of the Lebanon, where the few remaining cedars are to be found3.
A more conveniently situated place for ship-building, with the timber practically
at its gates, could hardly be found, and it might well have been a subsidiary dockyard
for Byblos a few miles further south. That both ports should have types of vessel named
after them is natural enough, and that these should be mentioned consecutively in the
Annals (Urk. IV, 707) would follow as a matter of course.
Further grounds for the assumption — that the modern Shaqqa4 represents an
ancient town of the same name — is to be found in cuneiform inscriptions. Dussaud8 has,
in fact, identified Shigata of the Amarna tablets 6 with this town ("Probablement Shaqqa").
In that text Shigata appears as one of the towns of Amurru, in company with Ambi
(Enfeh ?), Byblos, and Batrün, so that the identification with Shaqqa is highly probable.
Seven centuries later an Assyrian scribe compiled a list of towns in the neighbourhood
of Sidon7, which includes a place-name Shikku and another, Sagù, as well as Ambi
1) It must be distinguished from transposed spellings of the solar wstó-boat, e. g. |Ί^"ι

^ ^ (determinatives of sacred boats), W. Β. s. v. — 2) Cf. SETHE, Ä. Ζ. 45, 7 ff. — 3) Admiralty Chart of
Mediterranean, Coast of Syria, revised 1916 ( ?) and Map of Syria made by the Bureau topog. de l'armée
franç. du Levant, Beyrut, 1916). — 4) The maps show a variety of spellings. — 5) Topog. hist, de la Syrie
Antique, 117. I am indebted to Prof. H. A. R. Gibb for this reference ; and to Mr. Gadd for verifying the trans-
lation of cuneiform texts referred to. — 6)KNUDTZON, Die El-Amarna-Tafeln, 1156. — 7) SCHEIL, Le Prisme
d'Assaraddon, pp. 1 4 — 1 5 ; 3 3 — 3 5 ; and LUCKENBILL, Am. Records. I I , 512.

Authenticated
Band 68.] S. R. Κ. GLANVILLE: Records of a Royal Dockyard of the Time of Tuthmosis III. 15
(identified with Enfe by DUSSAUD, op. cit. 3 9 ) of the Amurru list above. Either Shikku
or Sagù might therefore form a link in the probable chain S-k or S-k-w (Tuthmosis III
Lists) > Shigata (Amarna letters) > Shikku (or Sagù) > Shaqqa; though Scheil (ibid.)
identified Sagù with the modern Sigata, and Dussaud (ibid.) seems to accept this.
In view of this evidence, and of the novelty and obviously foreign provenance of
this type of vessel, the place-name origin of ^ seems more satisfactory than
Brugsch's derivation of the word from C«K = trahere, and translation "tug" (Wort. 1142).
(In the passage from the Annals already referred to all three types of vessel are certainly
merchantmen, so that "tugs" is there impossible.) And though this build of boat was
taken over by the Egyptians, who learned to turn out sktyw in acacia (e.g. Anastasi
IV, 7/9 f. and Harris 1,69/13 ; but cf. ^ Q OP X ^ ^ N\ 3 0 6 of H a r r i s T> 12> 6—10 and BOTTI-
PEET, op. cit., col III, 1. 6), it is probable that the three references in our papyrus (R. 5/15;
R. 14/5 and V. 2/10) are to the renovation of boats built, possibly abroad, certainly of
foreign timber. (On the nature and origin of these foreign-named boats see below, p. 23).
25. 'ft here is clearly not the word for mast which is the putative origin of the sign ;
we should expect the stroke alone after the mast-sign. Further the regular word for
"mast" (the simple type is used at this period) ht-ßw (?) occurs further on in the papyrus
(R. 14/11 and V. 2/10). Our word is found inPapyrus Mallet 1. 6 (Ree. de Trav. I, 48)
o^* ° I a Q VJ^· â^ Ρo ^ ^ * ^ , among a list of personal effects, and is
translated as "Canne" by Maspero (ibid.) who is followed by Budge (Dictionary, 133 a) —
"wooden staff, prop, stick". There is no evidence for departing from this meaning derived
from the common root for "stand" and hence "be a support"1. Dr. Schott has referred
me to a word ^ | in the temple at Denderah (MARIETTE, Denderah, I V , 6 6 ) , but the passage
is too mutilated to give any help for the translation.
26. See below n. 39.
27. Possibly a spelling of isb.t "throne, plinth, couch" with ρ for b2. (Cf. (| (Ì gijS
Israel Stela, ÄZ. 34, 1. 13.) This would give satisfactory sense, referring either to steps
for the mast or to thwarts for the rowers; in the latter case it is tempting to regard it
as a N.E. form of the coffin text [j J| ^ (for Todt. variants see Jéquier, 65) for which
the late spelling is (j ^ " ( Wörth. 1.69, sv.). (Another possibility is that it is the wellknown
word for "quiver" determined with instead of asÇj Ì • (BUDGE, Diet. 8 9 a,
dspat). This might conceivably be the ox-skin clamp which fitted over the top of the
rudder post and held the rudder in place3.
The word as spelt here, occurs twice, however, elsewhere. In Anastasi V. 24/3 two
scribes, charged with the task of erecting some stelae (h'. w), take with them isp.t\
Â ^ N i f - ^ A E C x ^ P . T . Î ^ Î ï W . T . C ^ Ï k k · ·
The n^y-sn shows that whatever their precise meaning, isp. t and inr-sml formed the tackle
or permanent auxiliaries necessary for transporting and for erecting the 'Κ. The second term,
if really a single composite noun, looks like "stone-bed", from which Maspero (Du genre
épistolaire, 19) suggests "plinth" ; but a "cradle" for rocking up, or carrying the stone would
1) Cf. Kltoip "upright" in COWLEY, op. cit. 8 9 , 1. 1 1 . , interpreted by him as "mast( ?)". — 2) The
same spelling (j ^ is found in the Astarte Papyrus (GARDINER, Late-Egyptian Stories, 77,3) mean-
ing „throne", though later in this text the word is written (j|Ί J j ^ . — 3) E.g. in DAVIES-GARDINER,
Tomb of Huy, pl. XII.

Authenticated
16 S. Ε. Κ. GLANVILLE: Records of a Royal Dockyard of the Time of Tuthmosis III. [68. Band.
better suit the writing ^ (j (j f\ on an ostrakon published by Bouriant in Ree. de trav.

V I I I , 1 7 1 . The same source — a list of 7 or 8 articles of furniture, including two words
for "box", a "footstool" and a "portable chair" or similar — is headed by the word (j jl
(Bouriant reads ispd\ but his facsimile is much more like Ω) and as the second word
is kni "carrying chair", the list might well start with a related word e.g. "carrying pole",
or "sledge" as Maspero actually translates isp.t in du Genre épìstolaire, 19, comparing
it with (j • of PLEYTE, Turin Pap. p. 13 (ibid. 17). Finally is it a mere coincidence
that ^ α @ of 1. 6 in our papyrus is followed two lines below by (j when Ana-
stasi V. 24/3 speaks of ^ n@ f \ followed by the same ispi'i 1
28. The curious use of the indirect genitive to express apposition, where we should
expect juxtaposition of imw and the name of the ship, is perhaps analogous with the
use of the adjective as epithet with indirect genitive (see GARDINER, Gram. § 9 4 , 1).
It occurs frequently in this papyrus R. 7/4; 8/9; 9/2 etc. and that there can be no doubt
of the reading or syntax (the stroke under might conceivably be read ι ι ι in the
example quoted) is show by the extremely full writing of R . 12/14, η pi (the article is
not generally expressed) (j /— ^ ^ Pi ih.
The name "The Stable" suggests à transport vessel, which might either be a
merchantman or a warship, since the latter at this time were no more than troopships.
This vessel is the most frequently mentioned of all throughout the papyrus, and has
therefore been chosen as the basis for Mr. Laird Clowes' calculations (p. 24). The name
Pi ih is never given the determinative a^ès.
29. I cannot find any other instance of this particular combination forming a
single noun, but there is a very close analogy in pr-(n)-sti "portable-chest" (GARDINER,
in PEET, Mayer Papyri, 10, and Ä.Z. 5 9 , 7 2 ) .
30. One expects the name of a timber followed by a short word. Nothing in the
dictionaries is of any help however; thb as the first word is impossible as the traces
do not allow of a J .
31. For other names of ships compounded with Memphis see the list in Rech.
81 ff. The present instance is part of the evidence for the Memphite origin of the papyrus.
32. Another unidentified type of vessel, mentioned again in R. 9/5. It is found
once elsewhere, in a Hymn to Amen (Anastasi IV, 10, 1 ff.) where the writer says that
Amen comes to the suppliant bringing the sweet airs with him and 0 $ t\ ? [®J
ΜΛΛΛΛ Λ Λ Λ V" ^ C-l «1-Γ^ ΛΛΛΛΛΛ W
[? — possibly Λ simply] (j ^ ^ 4^) (fi r (π L) ° "and causes me to become the
wing(s) of a vulture like a fully manned msty-boat". The last two words are not trans-
lated by Erman —Literatur, 381 — but a glance at the hieratic text with its occupy-
ing the space of 3 ordinary groups (and the still bolder improvement of the sign by
the master at the top of the page) gives us the clue: nothing could be more sug-
gestive of the sweep of a bank of oars than the feathering of the wing as shown, and
the first impression is strengthened by the similarity in the movements of the oar and
the wing. The comparison between the wings and the many-oared boat is obviously
more exact if we translate "the two wings" rather than "the wing", and the hole in the
papyrus after in dnh may well have removed a <2 above the sign which is left (and gene-
1) Note also "OBS of COWLEY, àp. cit. 89,1.12, five of which are said to be "under the xVn" ( ? = hri-t
of Note 23).

Authenticated
Band 68.] S. R. Κ . G LAX VILLE: Records of a Royal Dockyard of the Time of Tuthmosis I I I . 17
rally read o instead of \\) and which would with the restoration suggested give us the dual.
From the point of view of our text this passage is important as showing that the oars —
clearly a fair number on either side — were the striking feature of the msty-boat.
(Here, too is the point of the word ' prt "(fully-) manned", in the passage from Anast. IV.)
As the mstyiv are mentioned here in the plural they were probably fairly small craft
attached to the larger ships — possibly the equivalent of our naval cutters.
Brugsch ( Wort.. Suppl. 644) equates msty with which cannot be right
since misty is only part of a ship: XAVILLE, Mythe (ΓHorns, Pl. V I I , 4. (j <2 | @ ] ^
^^ ' hut it is possible that there is a connection between the
two, or even that msty is derived from misty.
33. See Note 1.
34. The first date mentioned in the text. Cols 1—9 refer to issues all of one date,
now lost with the beginning of the papyrus. Since the hand changes at this point (Col. 10),
indicating a different scribe, a considerable time may have elapsed between the entry
of cols. 1—9 and those under this date.
35. The technical term for issuing rations of any kind — e.g. Petrograd 1116 Β.
verso ^ a t the head of a list of wood, etc. issued; Pap.
Lansing 6, 3 and 4; cf. P E E T , Great Tomb Robberies I, 101, (Note) 37.
36. Clearly a foreign word; it should be a noun-formation in m from a Semitic
root str; possibly HDE? "write", "administer"; hence we get "place of administration",
cf. Arab. "office of an overseer". This agrees well with the only other instance
of the word known to me, Petrograd 1116 Β. Verso 60, the last word of the line. Goléni-
scheff there reads (doubtfully) ^ ^ Λ Π or "^Jj^J^J Π . Butthe sign before ^ ^ | is
certainly and is possible for the preceding signs, as far as we can tell from the
traces, (ti i l i ^ Ι Π therefore seems to me probable here1. The mstyr (?) is described
(next line) as the ( j o ( ? "magazine" or similar — i.e. Wörtb. I I , 130,
ibid ·KHàVH
? ? ?
"CnstomhW'> — n'SEDf IP
I a^ ° @ (j "f· I Ρ · The passage in question may be translated : "Total of ivory.
and ebony come down into the mstyr(i), the "magazine"(?) of (or for) the estate (or palace)
of Menkheperrë* L. H. P. and (his) royal barge (?)" [possibly read "and the Prince
Amenhetep"?]. Here the mstyr(X) is a place where Nubian wood and ivory is collected for
distribution: in B.M. Papyrus 10016 mstyr contains smmwt which serve the same pur-
pose, but for Syrian wood. One is controlled by Amenhotep for Tuthmosis I I I ; the
other is connected with that King, and both apparently with the royal boats. Both
instances must almost certainly refer to the same place, and "chancellery" should be
roughly the meaning of the word2. (See Pt. I, p. 108).
37. Only the final strokes of the title are left, but the restoration is safe. This
is the first mention of the prince Amenhetep (see Pt. I, p. 106).
1) Since this was written Miss MILITZA MATTHIEW of the Hermitage Museum has very kindly studied
this passage in the original for me. She can not admit the reading (t) Π I) ^ I Π in front of the traces
and is inclined to accept GOLÉNISCHEFF'S alternative p-t-b-r. I find it difficult to believe, however, that
the first group as it appears in Miss Matthiew's facsimile and in GOLSNISCHEF'S plate is a possible writing of
I ^ at this period. — 2) This argument is, of course, invalidated by the preceding footnote.
Zeitschr. f. Agypt. S p r „ 68. Band. 3

Authenticated
18 S. R. Κ . GLANVILLE: Records of a Royal Dockyard of the Time of Tuthmosis III. [68. Band.
38. Feminine noun-form from hsi, apparently not recorded outside this papyrus.
Except for this first reference (see above n. 34) the spelling is always with two /'s. The
differentiation between plain hst. t (as here) and hst. t ki .t (1. 5 of this col.) •— and indeed
the very use of kB. t at all — shows that the "choice"-ness of the timber referred to lay
in something other, or more, than its length, i. e. absence of knots, straightness, proximity
to the heart, or quality of the grain. At the same time it does produce the longest pieces
of timber (with the exception of the "mast" in R. 14/11, which is 30 cubits long and des-
cribed as of ~s simply), and the average hst. t measurement is just about double that of
the average wnh. I t is always cut from mr-wood, and is possibly only used to describe
the timber from that tree, from which, however, less valuable pieces might be obtained
{e.g. 'h' R. 6/6; ntr R. 4/15). See also note 19.
39. The regular name (imported from abroad) for the largest type of plank made
from deal f i ) and used for the larger constructional areas, cf. V. 5/9 ff., V. 9/13 ff.
For a possible origin of the word see Rech. 59. The following spellings are found in our
papyrus :
HandA 1 . (R-9/12); Hand B. (R. 10/6);
(R. 12/5, 14/2); ( ¡ ( W ^ Û ^ or ( ¡ [ W e - ^ (R. 17/1,2):
Hand A2. — (V. 1/3, 6); (V. 4/12; 9/13);
a n d | j ( ì < 2 \ \ o @ ^ (V. 5/9; 6/1; 7/2; 8/1; 12; 9/1, 10/1, 14).
For measurements, etc. see below p. 33.
40. From this point hmw wr precedes the names of almost all the persons to whom
timber is issued, unless some other more significant title is given to them. The expression
does not occur in the first 9 columns, and the recipients of timber, all of whom appear
later as hmw wr. w have here no titles at all. This, we have seen, is one of the distinguish-
ing marks of scribe A, who, however, on the verso uses the title hmw wr when the example
has been set by B. The absence of titles in Cols. 1—9 is therefore not to be explained on
the ground that at that time the workmen in question had not been promoted from
plain hmw to hmw wr. The fact that the title was not sufficiently important to require
insertion proves that, so far as the reader of the papyrus was concerned, it was taken
for granted ; and this suggested to me that it might be confined to shipwrights. Support
for this thesis is to be found in the use of the title, by an official who spent his life build-
ing sacred boats, on his funerary stele (B.M. 1332, translated in full, p. 31—2); by the
man who was to re-fit the skty-boat in the Anas ¿asi IV passage (7/9); and by the foreman
of shipwrights in Pap. Lansing, 5/2—4 (a passage which incidentally shows the relation-
ship between hmw and hmw wr very clearly1).
Dr. Cerny has very kindly given me references, however, which show that the
title hmwwr was not confined to shipwrights 2 ; though it was perhaps confined at this
period to workers in wood.
41. dn, an obscure word, the best clue to the meaning of which in the present
context is afforded by the last line of the ship-building passage in Anas¿. IV (8/7). The
scribe and the workman are instructed, when they have fitted the skty with new hri. t,
to look round for some good zo#/fc-planks (here called ht-n-wnh) and to ¿f^^<=> ^
1) hmw f i rUy m ti whrt hr fiy pi ht. hr Wihf pi hmw wr hr rh' hr phty-f r dd n f bin. —
2) The commoner title hmw (by itself) is always used [in the hieratic documents of the Theban necro-
polis] in connection with wooden objects, and only exceptionally in connection with boats (Cerny).

Authenticated
•=> ^ ^ ^ ^ —^ .-jvr.. There can hardly be any doubt that the word writ-
ten is the same word as our ^ ^ ö © ^W — the cA\ is clearly a mistake on
ΛΛΛΛΛΛ Oí \\ ΛΛ^ΛΛΑ • Ι
the part of the scribe, for the whole word is written over an erasure showing that
he was uncertain what to write; the fact that both occur in contexts dealing with the
technicalities of ship-building is almost sufficient evidence by itself, and confirmation
is given by the use in both passages of zwz^-planks (B.M. 10056. R. 12/9—13 and An.
IV 8/6) in order to dn the boats in question. Now in the Anastasi passage the context
demands some such meaning as "complete" (The W.B. reference-card has "verschalt(?)"
on the strength, presumably, of the immediately preceding wnh rather than on the
general intention of the whole passage, which to my mind leads μρ to dn as the final
stage in the complete rehabilitation of the boat). This meaning gives a satisfactory sense
to the two passages where the word ocours in B.M. 10056 — R. 12/6 and R. 15/5 —
if the tms, which are the parts completed, are as we have supposed (above p. 12 n. 18)
something in the nature of panelling between the essential beams of some part of the
superstructure. Such panelling would naturally be one of the last parts of the boat to
be finished. Let us see how this interpretation fits the other known occurrences of the
word.
(1) Anastasi I, 13/1 f. (GARDINER, Literary Texts, 15) Hori is told that he is no
scribe, and that ^ g ^ l H M ^ x H ^ ' J ^ ^
bearest the palette wrongfully, without being1 completed", or as we should say "quali-
fied". In other words Hori is not yet fit, it is alleged, to have his palette, the outward
and visible sign, as Erman has suggested2 of his having completed his course, and being
therefore a fully qualified scribe.
(2) In Ree. de Trav. 16,129 Daressy printed a transcript from the verso of a papyrus
at Cairo, which contains a religious text describing the moves in the games of draughts,
which a dead man had to play in the next world, (see Chapter XVII of the B.D.)3. Part
of the play is as Mows: ¡ ^ " M ¿ ' Ä k ^ V i . ' - ' I O " t Π
k n î n -
£\ ΛΛΛΛΛΛ
(a) P(IEPER): om. t. — (b) P : <¿p — (c) P : om. n. — (d) P : om. Jh. — (e) P : om. . —
(f) P: om. A - - (g) P:|- - (h) P: adds ¿jjj VG. - (i) P: om. j.
" I move on and together with Aten make straight for the House of Repeating
Life [a square on the board] ; my (?) second piece(?) tarries in the House of the Net [another
square], (and) a second (throw ?) completes (?) it (the move ?); I carry my pieces ( = move)
to Tent-mehent4. I complete (?) it (the move?) in the House of Embalming [another
square]." As the passage consists essentially of technicalities the translation is necessarily
conjectural. An alternative value for dn here which would enable us to take the sw that
follows as "him" (the opponent in the game), would be "check" ; in which case we should
1) Gardiner's translation as far as the word "being"; he does not translate dn, but refers in a note
to the two instances of the word numbered (2) and (4) below. — 2) Die ägyptischen Schülerhandschriften,
aus d. Abhandl. d. Preuß. Ak. d. F F M . 1925, Phil. Hist. Kl. N. 2. S. 24. — 3) Recently re-edited by PIEPER,
A.Z. 66, 16ff., who, however takes dn as an abbreviated writing of Π Φ . — 4) See Wiedemann's
1 ΛΛΛΛΛΛ I W I
translation 1. 51 f. Brätspiel bei den alten Ägyptern (Congrès des Orientalistes Comptes rendus 1894, Part IV,
Section 4, p. 37).
3*
Authenticated
20 S. R. Κ. GLANVILLE: Records of a Royal Dockyard of the Time of Tuthmosis III. [68. Band.
get "snu [possibly a name of a square ?]... checked him . . . I checked him in the House
of Embalming". With the idea common to both "check" and "complete", cf. the negative
meaning of the verb tm "complete".
(3) In the Israel Stela 1, 17 (ÄZ. 34, 6) occurs the passage
^^^ ^ 1 ν
ΑΛΛΛΛΛ ' •W ' » Τ -ZI
^^^ II A.O §Ain which dn has increased the difficulties of a difficult
passage, e.g. Spiegelberg, ibid, and in PETRIE, Six Temples, p. 2 7 ; BREASTED, Ancient
Records, III, 262, § 614. If we render "Egypt is assigned as (his) portion to him who has
completed (i. e. restored) it (ÍW = fem. suff., cf. J.Ε. Α. XI, 290, n. 12) for ever", the
word dn receives great point in view of the victory celebrated by King Merneptah.
42. Taking m as in the common formula mimwnN., m ni nmstywt, etc. (see
above n. 1). It is unlikely that m here (and in the parallel passage R. 15/5) should be
translated "from", indicating the source of issues of wood that follow, in spite of the
fact that no other indication of sources is given — as this would imply that the two boats
in questions were being refitted at one moment and broken up at the next (see especially
R. 15/2 and 5). On the contrary the two boats were apparently receiving their finishing
touches (cf. previous note), and Mr.sw-mn.nfr is only mentioned once again — to re-
ceive one object (R. 18/1) — while "Captain Se's boat" (Ta'ahe) is not heard of again
after R. 15/6.
43. For hr-si = "outside", see GARDINER, Gram. § 178 with references to Urk.
IV, 138, 16; 661, 12. In the translation I have assumed that smmwt and wdi were two
different kinds of magazine. I am now inclined to think, however, that the whole phrase
hr-si -n-wdi is to be taken together as meaning out-of-store1, i. e. not under lock and
key, since we never have the article before wdB in this context, while the smmwt are
always preceded by the article. This impression is confirmed by the variant in V. 3/1
m pi s hr-sB η wdB (for nty hr-sB n wdB m pi s) which convincingly shows that m pi
s in this phrase refers to the timber issued and not to the position of the magazine. A
further variant (V. 4/1) dispenses with hr-sB η wdB altogether. I am indebted to Mr.
C. D . J A R R E T T - B E L L , late of the Royal Corps of Naval Constructors, for pointing out to
me that this passage suggests that the Egyptians "kept their logs in wat?r to season.
This is the ordinary practise to-day. Pine logs for masts and spars are kept afloat in the
mast pond until required for use".
44. Note the article with the full spelling of imw: see also n. 2.
45. Reading rdyt r ; it is not clear what the significance of this note is, unless it
refers to a transfer from one storehouse (one of the smmwt'1.) to another.
46. inn perhaps simply "broughtin" {ci.Rech. 46, f n
possibly on the other hand "purchased" (see C E R N Y - P E E T , J.E.A. X I I I , 3 4 , n. 16 and
references). For the w'rtw see Rech. 55 and 56.
47. Reading ^ ° the sign above is certainly t not r ; if correct, another un-
known term ; just possibly a writing of hrit (see above n. 23) which is part of a skty-boat.
48. Appropriately the longest piece of wood mentioned in the papyrus. Masts
for a royal barge (wiB niswt) of 30, 37, 38 and (perhaps) 40 cubits are mentioned in BOTTI-
PEET , op. cit. Col. II 11, 3—6. Cf. PLEYTE-ROSSI 2/10, two masts (of 's) respectively 40
and 42 cubits (Collated Gardiner.)
49. ßr.t — a difficult word, of the meaning of which, however, in this papyrus
there can be little doubt. It occurs here five, probably six, times in all, and always with
1) Perhaps we have the opposit of this phrase, "in store", in Anastasi IV, 8/3—4, Iswtn's (8/4). ..

Authenticated
the same spelling: R. 14/12; V. 2/13; V. 3/4; 5; V. 4/11 and probably V. 2/2. From
all of them, except possibly the first — R. 14/12 — and especially from V. 3/3—4 m
ni η ssdw η ìmw η Pi ih. (3/4) p p ^ ssdw η ßr-t, where "windows for the ship Payeh"
are specified as "windo\vs for the tir. t"1, and V. 4/11 η ßr.t η ímw pn, it is plain that
ßr. t, like practically every technical term in this text, indicates a part of a ship. When
we find that a ßr.t had windows we are left with no choice but to equate it with "cabin".
This agrees with the meaning of the root given by B R U G S C H , Diet. Suppl. 1 4 0 1 ,
and G A R D I N E R , Admonitions, 89. — "surround", "keep safe", "preserve" — the cabin
being the one place of shelter on the boat. The following examples of the word with
the meaning "cabin" occur elsewhere : (1) the oldest is in the coffin texts — if we accept
Jéquier'6 very probable2 emendation from .PJ. to (JÉQUIER, 74)
— among the lists of parts of boats ; Jéquier assigns to it the meaning cabin on the etymolo-
gical grounds cited above and quotes as corroboration the accompanying legend:
Ρ^^ α <g> suggesting that Nut was conceived as spreading her protecting wings
over the cabin as she did over the Sarcophagus {ibid. 75).
(2) In the Carnarvon Tablet No. 1 (The defeat of the H yksos by Kamose). 11. 10—11
occurs a passage describing (in the first person) Kamose's successful northward progress
( G A R D I N E R , in 3. 104), in which he says that he sailed downstream with his
troops before him (i. e. in the van of his expedition, not several days away) and with
troops of Mazoï t v * ^ feiT^-lî "on top of our
Ω Λ λ λ 7 \ ΰ ΐ ΐ ΰ jr\ ι r n
cabins to spy out the Setyu". (The next phrase "and to destroy their places" follows natu-
rally after the spying out of the land ; there is no need to suppose that the Mazoï stayed in
the ßr.t.)
Here "cabins" gives point to the "spying out", for — as may be clearly seen from
any representation of mourners on the top of the cabins of the ships in a funeral proces-
sion — that position placed them well above anyone else in the boat, and would have
given a commanding view over the flat Egyptian cultivation, mhr.t in the passage
quoted is difficult grammatically (see Gardiner's and Gunn's note in J.E.A. V. 46) un-
less we regard it as thé earliest example of the late word hr.t meaning "roof" ( W . B .
Ill, 144), in which case it gives perfect sense. Proof that the ßr.t here is a "stronghold"
on board ship (i. e. a cabin) not on land, as Gardiner takes it, is to be found in the next
few sentences, all of which make it clear that Kamose used his ship as his headquarters3
and sent forth his Mazoï from there.
(3) In the scene of the funerary procession in the tomb of Neferhotep (49) at
Thebes, W I L K I N S O N , Manner and Customs (ed. Birch) III, pl. LXVII, no. 3 , one of the
boats is shown carrying a number of male mourners on the roof of the cabin. The look-
out man at the extreme end of the bows is exchanging remarks with a bewigged man
standing between him and the cabin, by which he supports himself with one hand. Above
this man's head are the following signs:— 4
1) For excellent examples of ships with cabins showing windows see ROSELLINI, Mon. Civ. CX. 2.
— 2) Some versions read ^ ^ Ω >Γ >, an entirely different word, which, however, confirms the impres-
sion that is an error and ^ ^ the correction. — 3) e. g. "East and West (i. e. both sides of the river,
where he lay) bringing their fat, and my army abounding in supplies everywhere" ; "I spent the night in my
ship". — 4) Mr. N. de G. Davies very kindly lent me the use of his copy of and notes on, this text:
with the exception of the ? where he reads " j ^ , or possibly I give what he saw in the
text with the aid of Hay's and Wilkinson's MSS.

Authenticated
22 S. R. Κ. GLAN'VILLE: Records of a Royal Dockyard of the Time of Tuthmosis III. [68. Band.
n d ì ^ 9 I
I Λν>ΛΛΛ
B>
IK ss» ΛΛΛ^ΝΛ
W M A
m
V M M Η
Ψ I 'ft—''
In view of the incomplete nature of the text an exact translation is not possible, but
the man seems to say something like: "Stand fast, you on the ßr.t\ The carriers (?)
of . . . [referring to the men carrying boxes etc. in the boat immediately in front which
is just touching land] are on the point of mooring". He is speaking, obviously, to his
friends on the cabin (whom, to judge from the position of his right hand, he is about
to join), and implying either that they must wait for the other boat-load to disembark
before they come down themselves from the ßr.t, or that their own boat is about to
bump the one in front, and that they must be careful not to be thrown off their balance.
In any case, whatever, the precise intention of his remark may be ß ßr.t clearly refers
to the cabin.
(4) Finally the word ßr.t occurs as part of the title of Duaufsakharty in Sallier II,
Λ Λ Λ Λ Λ Α 81C
3/9: hity- m sbiy.t ir.t. η vjjpj S-n-ßr.t is a composite substantive

analogous to Demotic s-n (Coptic CA.H-) + object sold = a seller of the object in question1.
In view of the fact that in B.M. 10056 we have hmw-n-ßr.t "craftsman of cabins",,
i. e. cabin-maker, indicating that already the building of cabins (with its elaborate panell-
ing and veneering — n. 18 above — suggestive of our cabinet-maker) was a specialised
craft, it is reasonable to suppose that by the XXth Dynasty (Sallier II) this craft would
have grown in importance and size to the point of its members being known by the
idiomatic s-n-ßr.t. It is probable, therefore, that ßr.t in Sallier II, 3/9 is the same
word as we have in B.M. 10056, R. 14/12, and that Duaufsakharty, like Amenhotep.
son of Sekhmethotep (?), was a cabin-maker.
50. niywis—ni y not known elsewhere; possibly connected with r ß y . t , "house",
"workship". Is, here written as if = "reeds" which clearly will not do, should be deter-
mined with <—w—,ι and means "old" in the sense of "already used", "secondhand". The η
at the beginning of the next column is not a mistake, but shows that ni yw is are to be
taken together with the 's following — i. e. "the old deal niyw".
51. "The Cow"; with the spelling i ht for ih. tei. the XVIII Dynasty writing ih.ty
"thighs" and the normal {Wort. I, 120).
52. The end and beginning respectively of two proper names, presumably of
scribes associated with the prince Amenhotep, as in the formulae on the verso. For
the first, restore Dhwty-m- or similar before hb.f\ possibly Sts-m-hb-f = the
j[ J ^ Q 7 ^ - ^ of Zi?». 1116 A. verso 57. Sbi-b'r (/) occurs again, in a complete writing,
V. 4/3 (see below n. 77).
53. See above, n. 14.
ΑΜΛΛΛ Q
54. Perhaps = o @ MJ, also a hmw wr, of V. 4/4.

55. Beading [r] (or [«]) nhb, as this line carries over the entry from the bottom
of the previous column.
56. Another foreign type of vessel, of Cretan origin, mentioned with kpny- (Byblos)
ships and í/é/jy-ships in Urk. IV, 707 (see also n. 24), and like them a sea-going
merchantman.
I) SPIEGELBERG, Dem. Gramm. § 29.

Authenticated
Band 68 ] S. R. Κ. GLANVILLE: Records of a Royal Dockyard of the Time of Tuthmosis III. 23
57. This, the first date on the verso, is two months and 10 days after the latest
date preserved on the recto (15/14). For other evidence on which to calculate the
amount of the papyrus lost, see below, n. 74.
58. Possibly the chief workman Tity, already mentioned (cf. R. 4/1; 11/4 etc.),
but the omission of his titles is unexpected. If, however, the passage is on all fours with the
other formulae it must be the beginning of the name of the ship in question, which looks
improbable.
59. There is still possibly some doubt as to whether the two fragments I have
made to touch at the bottom and taken here as part of one column should not really be
taken singly as containing each a smaller piece of two separate columns. The arguments
in favour of two columns are: (1) The combination of both fragments in one column
requires a longer line at 11. 2 and 6 than we have elsewhere in the papyrus; (2) it gives
us a formula (however we restore the passage) in 11. 5—7 which is not found elsewhere;
(3) the proximity of the two fragments required to make the traces on each combine
to produce the number 6 in 1. 12 barely allows room in the lacuna of 1. 13 for the full
spelling of ßr.t. Against these arguments, however, it can be said that (1) with the ex-
ception of the passage in 11. 5—6. the combination of the fragment makes good sense
from beginning to end, 6 figures occurring on the left-hand fragment at precisely the
points where the right-hand fragment requires them (1. 8 to end); and (2) the width
of the lines and the spacing between them on each fragment coincides admirably. I there-
fore take them as parts of a single column of text.
60. As wr is omitted from the title of "chief workman" s"nh may not be a proper
name, but the word for "sculptor" (or a nominal formation from the verb), the whole
phrase signifying "the wood-carver". A rather long lacuna which follows s'n/t^ ends with
^ and certainly contained a name. The length might equally, of course, be due to an
expression of filiation.
61. The two objects ¡¡3 and dri.t at the beginning of 1. 2 must be taken together
and in connection with fir. t (?), of which they evidently form parts, dri. t of which alone
the reading is certain, must be the same as dri. t determined with of V. 5/1 (? and 6)1,
which occurs in Pap. Leyden 344, 2/10 ( G A R D I N E R , Admonitions 28) 7/9 and9/14,appa-
rently meaning "walls", being connected with the Copt, «o, «oe ; or else the late J ^ ( j í j ^
"chamber". If fir. t is the correct reading of the following word, then the idea.of "walls"
seems more suitable, in spite of the determinatives : in which case it is tempting to restore
[(2 ^ © (here again the determinative Π may be a mistake) at the beginning
of the line, following the Leyden papyrus 2 .
A similar connection between drit and wffi is found in Petrograd 1116 B.Vo. 45—50,
where both objects are of ebony inlaid with ivory 3 . It is noteworthy that in both the
passages in B.M, 10056, which mentions dri.t (V. 2/2 and 5/106) the work is in the hand
of sculptors — s'nk V. 2/2 and gnwty Col. 5; while in Petrograd 1116 Β". Vo. 51 s'nAw
1) For the alternating determinatives cf. ssd in V. 3/3 and 4. — 2) Note also a part of a ship ^ @
(= W.B. III. 224 ^ (j ( j m e a n i n g something like gunwales evidently from A.Z. 35. 17, 1. 8 of the
inscription: "Ships ^^ < z = > ^ ^ ^ h t nb nfrt ni pr-niswl". —
3) In this description "angle-pieces" (?) ^ <2 """"j^ °f ivory are mentioned several times, and a little
further down a "rudder" O ^ © (1. 55) : c f . BOTTI-PEET, op. cit. I. 3, pi. 46, 1. 8. DI ^ Δ n |
ralkJM^^H11"· C0Uld t h e b e t h e h a n d l e of t h e rudder ?

Authenticated
24 S. R. Κ . Glanville: Records of a Royal Dockyard of the Time of Tuthmosis III. [68. Band.
are mentioned immediately after the record of ebony and ivory for 3 drlt. Possibly
"terminals" (conveying the sense "boundary" of the root dr) to the pillars supporting
the cabin roof are meant. This would be in keeping with the idea of palisades, i. e. ''wall",
and would suit both the present instance (V. 2 2) and that in V. 5 6 (see note 81).
62. There can be no doubt of the meaning "seat" here. See Jéquier 66. and Grapow.
Urk. V, 189 (with p. 73 of the translation).
63. The statement in 11., 5—7 is apparently a combination of the two normal
formulae. There are two difficulties: how to bring in both sources of supply, smm.xvt
m pi [/(?)] and (Ar-si) wdi m [pi i(?)] without making nonsense; and how to explain
the proper name (Henani) at the end of the statement, when we already have mentioned
both the workman (Tyti) to whom the issue was made and the Prince (?) by whom it
was made. Of the reading ID ^ \\ there can be doubt except as to the deter-
minative, of which only a small trace is left. That, however, may be taken for granted
as there is no word h-n-n which could fit the context, and the personal determinative
of a lost word (name or title) immediately precedes. From its position we should take
Henani as the name of a hmwwr\ since one is already mentioned, however, we must
find another class of official, and a scribe is the most probable person to appear, since
none are named after the Prince1, as would have been normal. Returning to the question
of the source of the supply, the simplest explanation seems to be to translate as follows :
"Given to Tity (by) . . . Amenophis . . . from the storesheds in the [lake and from what
is out-] of store in [the lake (?), by the hand (?) of the scribje Henani".
64. In view of the uncertainty of the reading any suggestion is merely guessing
— but have we possibly a writing of hßw (in a feminine form) "sail" ? Cf. also the un-
identifiable hw I in Ν avilie, op. cit. pl. VII, 1. 4.
65. Reading possibly ìspt (see above η. 27) or hpt(\) (Urk. V. 3, 205, 16) "step"
(for mast). If the latter is possible At-liw(i) would be excellent in the previous line.
Whether ispt or hptw (or another), Q Q probably precedes.
66. The lack of measurements with this poor, indigenous wood, is noteworthy:
cf. V. 3/11.
/WWW Â '•ΤΙ /WWW
67. nb.t must be a fem. form of nbi (Wörterbuch II, 243) J ^ J[j ^ ^
v
etc. (cf. the spelling ' Ree. 4, 29 § 74) which usually means carrying-poles ; here pro-
bably simply "posts". The phrase nb.t η ßr.t occurs again, V. 3/5, and the same number
3 is provided in each case.
68. The restoration is certain in view of the two preceding and the immediately
following dates.
69. For the formula Ν. η Μ. ( = Ν, the ìdnw — or similar — of M) to express a
relationship implying the subordination of N. to M., cf. Aahmose η Peniati ( J . E . A .
XIV, 295 and notes). The British Museum possesses a limestone shabti-figure2 of a Men-
kheper who is almost certainly to be identified with the present man. The inscription on the
figure begins as follows : ρ | IΡ ^ ^ (] ^ ' ' from which it appears that Men-
kheper was a craftsman attached to the staff of the Prince. This is precisely his function
in the papyrus.
It is, however, not the same person as the owner of the Theban Tomb No. 79,
Menkheperrë'senb, also called Menkheper. Only one other person is mentioned in
1) There is a lacuna there which might contain a single scribe's name. — 2) No. 32192. Purchased:
provenance unknown. (Guide to the ith, 5th and &th Egyptian Rooms, 1922, p. 5, no. 12.)

Authenticated
Band 68.] S. R. Κ . GLANVILLE: Records of a Royal Dockyard of the Time of Tuthmosis III. 25
our papyrus as having this relationship to the prince, viz. Huv, below 1. 8. See also
note 72.
70. For the windows of a cabin see above note 49. The spelling of ssd1 in the
next line with v ^ - for determinative instead of Π is perhaps due to a slight difference
in meaning between windows as completed items in the construction of the cabin, and
"window-wood" or "window-pieces", i. e. the wood needed for making windows. The
number 8 in 1. 4 probably refers to the number of these pieces of wood rather than the
number of windows.
71. It is difficult to see what else can come before the date as preserved except
a regnal year, such as is found once elsewhere (V. 9/8). There, however, the reason for
its expression is clearly the importance of the event initiated on that occasion. Here,
in view of the fact that no event of unusual importance is chronicled, the natural ex-
planation would be that on the first day of the fourth month of inundation a new regnal
dating was reached. Tuthmosis's accession (coronation) date, however, is known to
have been the fourth day of the first month of Summer 2 , so that some other explanation
is required. Possibly it is to be found in the change of agent (or lieutenant or orderly) ;
for Menkheper of 1. 2 gives way to Huy of 1. 8. The latter might naturally wish to begin
the record of his own issues on behalf of the prince with a complete date.
72. Possibly restore "[out of (7) store (namely) from the] with-planks, etc. but
this is clumsy. (Cf. however, V. 4/1.)
73. See above notes 69 and 71.
74. Owing to the lacunae at the end of the recto and beginning of the verso it is
quite impossible to check this figure, but on the lowest calculations it must have in-
cluded issues at least a column further back than the present beginning of the verso.
Nor is it likely that figures on the recto were carried over to a total on the verso, so that
a considerable additional piece of the papyrus at this end is vouched for.
75. At the top of the space between this and the preceding columns, on a level
with the first line of each, the following note is written : ^ 1 a ^ |, the hieratic form of ^
having an exaggeratedly long tail. From the disposition of the signs the note should
read ri iw 'h' and be translated " a part issued: the balance". Is this a connecting state-
ment between the two columns, the last line of the earlier column ending a large total
to which ri might refer? For <ht "balance" in this context, see S P I E G E L B E R G , Rech-
nungen, 4 8 f. and 5 8 ; and 4 9 for a passage in which J\ = "issued" or similar. (But
cf. GARDINER, Late-Egyptian Stories, p. 5 0 A , note on Horus and Seth, 10/6).
76. The five names following Amenhotep's are those of officials — presumably
not scribes3, as these are given their titles, e. g. V. 9/9 (where Amenemope is mentioned
again, without title as here, in the company of others of whom one, Huy, is a scribe);
V. 11/10 ff. ; V. 12/3.
Sbib*l\ In view of the determinative 4 there can be no doubt that the second half
of the name is a writing of Ba'al, but in both places (R. 16/2 and V. 4/3) the sigli under JJ
in our papyrus has no upward turn at the elbow and is clearly to be read n. Probably
this is a mistake due to the common occurence of Egyptian bn " n o t " , and we may take
it that the scribe meant to write Jf ^. But it is also possible that the 'ain in the Semitic
Ba'al was not clearly heard in the name Shebyba'al, and that the second part was delibe-
1) cf. GARDINER, Hieratic Texts, 17* n. 6. with reference to HÖLSCHER, Das hohe Tor, 49—50. —
2) PETRIE, History II. 100; GAUTHIER, Livre des rois, II, 253. — 3) Possibly (¿Tí) (2 ^ J; cf. Petrograd
1116 A Verso, passim. — 4) For the form of cf. Petrograd, Pl. X V I , 45 & 57.
Zeitschr. f. Agypt. Spr., 68. Band. 4

Authenticated
26 S. ß . Κ. GLANVILLE : Records of a Royal Dockyard of the Time of Tuthmosis III. [68. Band.
ratëly written bnr as sounding like the common Egyptian word for "outside" spelt bnr,
but later, and perhaps already, pronounced as in Coptic 6ολ. The first part of the name
must be Semitic, and Mr. Gadd has suggested to me the common root for "return"',
as the origin of sbi determined with the reversed legs. Sby would indicate a past parti-
ciple: "Ba'al has returned". This suggests a town or district which had once been a
centre of Hyksos culture, expelled by the early XVIIIth Dynasty kings, and encouraged
to return in some measure by Tuthmosis III, with his need of foreign craftsmen — and
above all Phoenician shipwrights. Shebyba'al himself, however, was not an ordinary
craftsman, or even a foreman, but one of the officials acting under Amenophis, the prince.
He may, indeed, have been a person of importance in Perunefer (or the town out of which
it grew) for we know that it was a centre of the worship of Ba'al and Astarte, as well
as of Amon (see below n. 87). It is, therefore, extremely interesting to find about a
hundred years later a high priest of Amen in this town (Perunefer)who was also a priest
of Ba'al and of Astarte with virtually the same name as our official. This was φ .
A Λ (Π) www» , . I
J i l II ^ whose tomb was found at Saqqara 1 . His name as it stands offers no meaning,
but only a confusion of sound, as it evidently did — note the variant spellings2 — to his
Egyptian contemporaries. But a metathesis of the second two consonants, giving for
s-T-b(y)-â(y)-n, s-b(y)-i-b(j)-n, produces another form of the name Sheby-Ba'al in Sheby-
rabbi-n, "Our lord has returned". It is a possible assumption that the two men were
grandfather and grandson.
77. One of the few technical terms of which the sense is definitely known. For a
long and important discussion, see BOREUX, Études de Nautique, 290 ff., who shows that
it probably displaced, after a period (Middle Kingdom) in which both were used, the
older terra msprit. See also Jéquier, 62, and Rech. 583. With the exception of the last
reference, this word has not hitherto been found outside religious texts, so that its com-
paratively frequent occurence here is interesting.
78. The regular word for beams, especially as supporting the roof, cf. J. E. A.
XIV, 298 ff. For the apparent interchange of and as determinative in this spelling
and in t h a t two lines lower cf. ssd (n. 70) and drit (n. 61).
79. Probably a substantive, determined with ^ ^ : if so a άπαξ λεγόμενον. From the
meaning of the root and the fact that it is the objective for which "beams" are used,
this must be a roof or shelter of some kind; but the only measurement preserved—•
if complete, as it appears to be — is small, 7% cubits, and suggests that the Abs was
a much smaller affair than the ßr.t for whose roof two beams measuring 16% and 19
cubits were required.
80. See above n. 61. The translation "wall" will hardly stand here, but "finial",
remembering the large and decorative end-pieces fixed to the larger boats at this period,
may well be the meaning (cf. next note). The "sculptor Nebwahyeb" ΑΛΛΛΊΝΝ
may have been
=1 Ο Γ Λ
a grandson of the man of that name who w a s p ^ ^ ^ ^ p ^ f j c ^ i n the time, apparently,
of Tuthmosis I. He is recorded on a stele at Leiden (BOESER, Beschr. d. äg. Samml.;
Denkm. d. Neuen Reiches, III, no. 16, pl. XI), belonging to his brother ^ , whose
titles were the same as his own, and dedicated by his nephew (Nebiaw's son) who is called
$ U ¡ ^ a n ( i was a plain gnwty(î.) η 'Imn.
1) See LEFEBVRE, Histoire des Grands Prêtres d'Aman deKarnak, p. 111 f. for the latest discussion and
references, together with the review by HALL in J. R. A. S., who shows that the tomb with its owners must
be of the time of Akhenaten, not of the X X V I th Dynasty, as Lefebvre thought. — 2) ibid. — 3) The
single example (P. Β. N. Recto. 5/9) which occurs in these texts cannot possibly have the measurements
Spiegelberg gives, viz. length 9 cubits, breadth 50 cubits. The latter should read "1 palm".

Authenticated
Band 68.] S. R. Κ. GL AX VILLE: Records of a Royal Dockyard of the Time of Tuthmosis III. 27
81. The sign J is a little broken, but the reading is fairly certain, and may be a
mistake for | (see footnote to this word in the translation). The word will then be the
difficult 1 J^ , I ^ etc, of the lists of parts of ships {Jéquier, 46 f. and 69, cf. Urk.
V, 184, 190 and 205 — and cf. of the Edfu text 1 — in which the object is said
to rest on t h e ^ ^ ( j [should this be dri.tl]). Jequier's suggestion "rudder" would
imply that the drit with which it was closely connected was the superstructure at the
stern of the boat; for clearly it comprises more than the simple post on which the
rudder rested. If this is so, then | @ "w3d-piece" may indeed be the original and more
correct form of wdyt, and indicate the actual papyriform finial of the solid end-piece
(idriti) which took the weight of the "rudder" 2 .
82. Clearly in the full spelling here ® | Q lit. "top of the tree" (abbreviated to
®I V. 8/6, 9, 10) we have a writing of the tp-ht found in Abbott 5/7 ® (in the
phrase rdi hr tp-ht "to impale") which Peet has shown to have a variant*«?«. / "stake" 4 .
3
It is difficult also, not to see in our word the part of a ship in Wenamün, 2, 18
(read tpy.w*)\ the tp.t — from 20 to 30 cubits long — in the Turin Journal (BOTTI-
e
PEET, op. cit. col. II, 1, 7ff.) , cf. GARDINER, Hieratic Texts, 39* n. 7 à propos a term
in Pap. Koller, 2/6 ( = Anst. IV 2/8) @ ü (? Translate "impaled", i. e. "rooted to the
spot»,; and possibly f ^ · - «» ^
7 8
and stern mooring posts (?) of Wenamün .
83. Better, perhaps, "the Aradian", i. e. an inhabitant either of the seaport, the
modern Tartu, halfway between Tripoli and Latakia, or of the district in North Syria
of which that town was the focus. For Egyptian references see BURCHARDT, Fremdw. II,
8, 1 2 5 ; GAUTHIER, Diet, des noms Géographiques, I , 99, and for the history of the place
see DUSSAUD, Topog. hist, de la Syrie, 121 ff. From its position, we should expect the
town, and indeed the district, to be a place which would have supplied expert shipwrights.
84. See above, Pt. I, p. 106, 108 note 1, and 120, footnote 3.
85. m dr. t seems to indicate here the workman on whose behalf wood was issued,
and is therefore equivalent to rdyt n. Cf. the very different meaning in V. 5/1 and 6 above
and see J.R.A.S. 1929, 21, n. (3), and the reference to SPIEGELBERG, Rech, there,
quoted.
86. Probably the most interesting statement in the whole papyrus, but suggestive
rather than explicit. For the rather technical sense of w3h "lay down" i. e. "build"
see W. Β. V. I, 256, F. I l l of a stable, and cf. J. E. A. XIV, pl. XXXV, Pap. B. M.
10102 1. 7, which I should now prefer to translate as follows: "let the beams be placed
in position" (rather than "erected"). This meaning is perhaps a development of the
1) NAVILLE, op. cil. pl. VII, 4. — 2) The papyrus-flower shape for these finíais is of course familiar from
many wall-paintings, stelae etc. and an actual example of this form of finial being fixed in position is found
in DAVIES, TWO Ramesside Tombs, pl. XXXVI. Being separate pieces these might well have been called
J @ . — 3) Great Tomb-robberies of the Twentidh Egyptian Dynasty, 27. — 4) The tapering end of a pine
would be the natural piece to choose for a stout stake. — 5) So GARDINER, L.-E. Stories, 68 — 6) For
the longer writing of the word in the same text see Pleyte-Rossi 2/10 (coll. GARDINER) | Q @ I 111
in connection with ht-tjw (masts) and wsr (paddles). — 7) cf. Copt. τοπ= Keel. It is perhaps also worth
noting that the first pieces enumerated in the list of requisites for renovating the boat at Assuan (COWLEY,
op. cit. 89, 10) are ΗΟ of 10 cubits. — 8) 2/38 ( = GARDINER, op. cit. 70).
4*

Authenticated
28 S. R. Κ. GLAXYILLE : Records of a Royal Dockyard of the Time of Tuthmosis III. [68. Band.
sense "stack", "stow", noted by BLACKMAX and PEET, J. E.A. X I , 2 9 7 , n. 7, and again
by the former J. Ε. Α. XVI, 63 (3), though in one at least of these instances the additional
nuance required in the present passage would add point to the translation—Lancing
1
5 2 "the workman who is in the dockyard {whr. t) Î ^ ^ Xi^lT
fetches timber and places it in position", i.e. in the ship he is building. The censure of
the foreman is rather forced if the shipwright is merely stacking wood.
The meaning "dockyard", "wharf" for whr.t is well established (see Rech. 63);
cf. An. 8/5—6 "the acacia boat (skty) which you have hr whr.t on the stocks".
WB, properly the boat of the Sun, became the royal dahabyah, wB-nisw.t, in virtue
of Pharaoh's relation to the sun god. As such it could be a warship — so far as any
Egyptian ship of this period can be called that — i. e. the ship which bore the King
on warlike expeditions and if necessary across the Mediterranean. (See DAVIES, Tomb
of Two Officials, p. 33—4). The words whr. t η wB-niswt must clearly be taken together
and can only mean either the dockyard in which a royal dahabyah was to be built, or
a wharf at which it was to be moored: the meaning of whr.t favours the former. As
the list of timber which follows is "for building" the implication is that the dockyard did
not yet exist. A fortiori the wB-nisw.t did not yet exist. If, however, we translate whr.t
"wharf", although we cannot escape the point that it has still to be built, the ship might
already be in existence. In that case we should expect the ship's name to follow. Can
Perunefer be the name? 1
There are three arguments against that conclusion: (1) In accordance with the usage
of our text as we have seen (n. 28) the word for ship — in this case wB — should be joined
to its following name by the geniti val adjective η, which is not the case here. (2) We
should expect a determinativ ânu at the end of Prwnfr, though as we have seen from Payeh
this is not always written. (3) Prwnfr is known as the name of a place and the simplest
plan is to take it as such here.
As, however, Prwnfr is clearly in apposition to one of the substantives whr. t or
wB-nisw.t, and the latter we have seen to be unlikely, it must then, be the name of a
dockyard or wharf —• at least in our papyrus.
Now Spiegelberg recently showed 2 that is the name of a town in
the Delta, of some importance at the end of the XVIIIth dynasty. To the seven sources
of information about this name published by him, another can now be added, as he was
kind enough to point out to me, viz. a sculptured block from a chapel in the Amarna
style at Saqqara 3 , on which a lady is represented, and described as a sm'.tn Ίτηη of
Prwnfr. He also considered as a possible ninth source, a mention of wine of ΓΏ*^^ J
(var. [jp in J. E.A., XIV, 182. We can, however, discount this as giving no new informa-
tion. Of these eight sources none is later than the end of the XVIIIth Dynasty 4 , and one
is earlier than the reign of Tuthmosis III.
1) One of the treasurers of Amenhotep is named Prwnfr in Petrograd 1116 A. verso 60 ^

g^ Q ΜΛΛΛΛ
Í
VJ^. A Leiden Stele (BOESER, op. cit. no. 4, pl. VIII) was dedicated for a @
references TH
Perunefer, there^cited
O mention
sic
the worship
(mid-XVIII of Ba'al —
. Dynasty). at this place;decf.
2) Revue the compound
l'Égypte ancienne. names
I. 215 f.in Two
Petrograd
of the
1116 A. verso (57) and Nebamün (107). - 3) QUIBELL-HAYTER,
Sakkara (1929) pi. 19. — 4) Spiegelberg refers No. 7 (I quote his numbers throughout) to the XIXth ;
it should be temp. Akhenaten, see above, n. 76. The new Saqqarah example (no. 8) is not later than Horemheb.

Authenticated
Band 68.] S. R. Κ. GLAN VILLE: Records of a Royal Dockyard of the Time of Tuthmosis III. 29
Three are definitely dated to the reign of Amenhotep II (nos. 2, 3 and 6)1. Two
more are of the Amarna period (7 and 8). The earliest, so far as we can tell, is Petro-
grad 1116 A. verso, 42 (4), namely the end of the reign of Tuthmosis I I I ; of the other two,
one (no. 1) is on a limestone stele of an overseer of the granaries of Prwnfr, of which we
can only say at the moment that it is a work of the XVIIIth Dynasty, and not later
than Amenhotep I I I ; the other (no. 5) is of the X\ 7 IIIth Dynasty, but cannot be defined
more closely. Now if we take the variant spellings, we find that the earliest, which is
identical with the spelling in Pap. B. M. 10056 and different from all the others, is deter-
mined with Π , while the two latest are determined with ©. The spellings of Amenophis II
are then seen to show the change in progress from the early to the late:
aî: XI
Tuthmosis III Pap. B.M. 10056 and (4) π
π
π M
(6);
V4(ti) (3)
Amenhotep II S ^ J c i
Λ ¡(2)
Amarna period Λ ì¥<8>
The two undated examples (1 and 5) may therefore be classed as Amenhotep I I

or later, since both have ίΞΞ^ ^ J © and none of the spellings dated to Amenhotep II show
© as final determinative. The anomalous spelling in (3), with the determinative © in
the middle, conclusively proves that Spiegelberg is right in rejecting Naville's sug-
gestion, that Prwnfr was the early name of Bubastis on the grounds that the slab (3) was
found there.
Returning to the interesting point of the change in determinative, it is first necessary
to dismiss all doubts as to Prwnfr in Pap. B.M. 10056 being a different name from that
of the known town. Our spelling, as we have just seen, is identical with that of Petro-
grad 1116 Α., verso (4), which, like our papyrus (see note 76), mentions Set in connection
with the town (1. 42). This god is also mentioned in (7), together with Astarte, who is
further mentioned in (2). Above all our whole text is a record of timber issued by Amen-
hotep II, as prince, at or close by a place called Prwnfr, and three of the seven sources
after Tuthmosis III mention that King, while (6) shows that Amenhotep I I had an estate
of some sort at Prwnfr. There can be no doubt then of the identity of Prwnfr in all these
cases. But the change in spelling is equally clearly not due to accident, for the process
of change can be studied in chronological order. Now the late spellings show that Prwnfr
ended up as a town. From (6) we know that under Amenhotep I I it was a royal demesne
{hnty-s η Prwnfr). That would account for the determinative Π . But was this the
actual beginning of Prwnfr ? Our papyrus and Petrograd 1116 A verso show that the
place was flourishing in Tuthmosis Ill's time — as the Prince Amenhotep's estate or
as the King's. Surely our text answers the question. Prwnfr was originally a dock, or
boathouse (? hence the determinative Π ) , for a wB-nisw.t of Tuthmosis III. It was
1) I am indebted to Mr. Davies for allowing rue to see before it was published his MS. of The Tomb
of Ken-Amün, with all the variant spellings there found of Prwnfr in connection with Ken-Amün's title as
' Chief.steward of the King in the estate (knty-s) of Prwnfr". (Now published: op. cit. p. 12). — 2) Var.
on shabtis Π J (SOTTAS, Mon. et mém. (Fondation Piot), X X V . p. 403) and Π ^ J (DAVIES,
ibid. Κ of his list).

Authenticated
30 S. R. Κ. GLANVIIXE : Records of a Royal Dockyard of the Time of Tuthmosis III. [68. Band.
close by some big town where shipbuilding was going on under the control of the crown-
prince. First, we may suppose, an estate, then a suburb big enough to have its own
centre of worship, sprang up round the dockyard. Pap.B.M. 10056 V. 9/8 f. seems thus
to record the founding of Prwnfr\ and the name itself, "a beautiful ascent", to anticipate
the launching of the King's barge, which was in fact the Sun's boat 1 .
87. The lengths of z¿w/-planks for the dock range from 12 cubits to 19 cubits in-
clusive, from which 15 and 18 of the whole numbers, and 12% and 18 % of the fractional
quantities are wanting to make a complete series. Between 13% and 17% inclusive
the series increases by a % cubit a time with the single omission of 15. Of the two la-
cunae ( 1 1 . 7 ad 8) one is therefore almost certainly 15 (most probably 1. 7 following a
measurement of 15%); the other is likely to be 18 (1. 8). The entry in 11. 2 is clearly a re-
duplication of the single entry at the bottom of the previous column. The earlier measure-
ment has probably been left out of the "total" (as it should have been) for if we include
it the minimum total is 99, and we have to allow for the lacuna in 1. 4. On the basis
of the restorations suggested the total length of planking issued was about 2000 feet.
88. Unless a Ä/Ay-boat was mentioned in one of the mutilated passages of the
verso, or in the lost portion of the text between Ro. and Vo., "other" here must refer
back to the Kfty-bodA, of R. 18/4 in the hands of the hmw wr Mon[t(?)], and does not
mean that Tity was responsible for more than one vessel of this type. This interpreta-
tion is confirmed by the fact that there is another Kfty-boat in the charge of Yena (11. 5
and 6, assuming that the restoration is correct); for it is most unlikely that two other such
vessels (in the charge of Tity and Yena respectively) were mentioned in the lost part
of the Ro.
89. Probably the same word as *rk in W. Β. I, 213, "part of a chariot" 2
but none of the four examples gives a clear determinative. The small range of the measure-
ments— 12, 11, 11, 10% cubits respectively — is noteworthy, and may help towards
identification.
90. Lines 9—11 contain a slightly different version of the usual long formula men-
tioning Prince Amenhotep, whose name however was probably omitted from this passage.
Some word for magazine — or the like — seems to be needed before . / a t the end of line 9,
possibly smm. t, or s.t — see footnote to translation — specifying the largest of the smmwt
in the lake so frequently mentioned. But the faint remains of the sign after ^ cer-
tainly suggest J. No mention of the Prince Amenhotep is possible in 1. 10 (where we
should expect it) ; but if the very uncertain traces before in ss (in the middle of the line)
are correctly read as J |i (the s is certain) we might restore η hm-f, the whole phrase
giving a not unlikely designation of "the lake" 3 .
91. The only mention of this type of wood, and the only piece issued under this
date. It is curious that a single log (or perhaps the whole trunk) of such a common in-
digenous tree should require such a formidable array of officials to hand it over, and
that it should come out of any kind of storeshed designated by the epithet . t. The
length as it stands to-day is probably short of a 10 or 20.
1) prw is the regular word for the ascent into heaven of the Sun boat. [w. Β. I. 526 ^ ^ ^ j.
But cf. Sethe's translation of the name in D A V I E S , Tomb of Κen-Atnün, 12 η. 1. — 2) Ä. Ζ. 1880, 94—5 Ostr.
at Edinburgh verso, 7, ir (8) -pi 'rk η tiy-k mrkbt; the passage throws no light on the meaning however. —
3) cf. Petrogr. 1116b verso 67 and 68 . . . 'bw hbny r ^ @J -^ II11 ^ J IjJj 1 [1
in ss etc.

Authenticated
92. Rather than "son of Ta'usekht", which last word by itself could hardly be
the name of a man.
93. The sign is definitely a well-drawn sandal, but I can find no other instance of
a place name Tbw. Possibly = Aphroditopolis 1 (Arab. Atfik) generally equated with
Tp-ih.
CONCLUSION
Since the main interest of B.M. 10056, apart from a number of isolated historical
and linguistic points, is in its contribution to our knowledge of ancient Egyptian ship-
building, it would have been desirable at this point to discuss our gain in that respect.
Various details have indeed been fully examined in the commentary; but a complete
statement of our knowledge of shipbuilding at this period would not be possible without
a consideration of all the available material — an investigation which would take up
too much space. It seems definitely worth while, however, to append the results reached
by Mr. G. S. Laird Clowes, of the Science Museum, South Kensington, on the strength
of some excerpts from the papyrus which I sent to him. These excerpts consisted of
the total entries (so far as I could judge) for the ship Payeh, which is mentioned more
frequently than any other in the text. The figures must, however, be used with caution
since in some cases I have assumed that the entries referred to the Payeh merely on the
strength of the statement that they were handed over to Tity, the workman most con-
cerned with that boat. Frequently the reference is to "the boat of Tity"; this may,
I think, be reasonably assumed to be the Payeh, but even here there is, of course,
no proof.
The chief problem facing anyone who tries to interpret these accounts is to decide
what types of boat he has to deal with. Kpn-, Kfty-, Skty- and ms¿y-boats are clearly
all foreign types 2 of (then) very recent introduction to Egyptian sailors, but they were all,
it may be presumed, eventually built in Eyptian dockyards and it is questionable if they
differed in essential design from older types of Egyptian home-built craft, many of which
must have been influenced by, if not based on, earlier foreign types. Or again, were these
new foreign vessels the forerunners of those Mediterranean types, of which the only
Egyptian representations are the reliefs on Rameses I l l ' s temple at Medinat Habu of
his great sea-fight? 3 Contemporary (Eighteenth Dynasty) tomb paintings offer no
examples of this type of boat. But the majority of the ships for which timber is issued
in Pap. B.M. 10056 are called imw, and whether this word here has a semi-technical
meaning, implying a definite type of vessel, or is merely the word for " a ship", it is certain
that the boats referred to had been known in Egypt for centuries, and are of the type
which we find commonly represented on the monuments. Though it increased in size
and altered in detail, its essential design remained the same, so far as we can see, from
the Old Kingdom to the New. Now the Payeh was an imw, a fact which I had forgotten
to point out to Mr. Laird Clowes when I gave him the list of entries referring to the boat ;
it is, therefore, interesting that he sums up his statement by denying any connection
with the Mediterranean galley type of vessel. The following Summary of his results
is in a letter which he has very kindly allowed me to print here:
" I t seems to me that the only items on which we can build with security are the three big issues:
12 pieces of wnh of 161 cubits run and 13. 5 cubits average length, before the 13th day of the first
month of Inundation.
1) So BUDGE, Did. 1061 s. v. — 2) It might, on the other hand, be argued that the geographical
element in these names referred simply to the ports or countries to which the vessels thus designated
commonly voyaged, on an analogy with our " E a s t Indiamen". — 3) H. NELSON and others, Medinel
Habu I. pis. 37, 39, 40.

Authenticated
32 S. R. Κ. G l a x v i l l e : Records of a Royal Dockyard of the Time of Tuthmosis III. [68. Band.
12 pieces of hst • t of 258 cubits run and 21. 5 cubits average length, on the 13th day of the first month
of Inundation.
60 pieces of iswt of 8481, ¿ cubits run and about 14 cubits average length on the 17th day of the first
month of winter, i. e. more than 4 months later.
Considering the large quantity of i sui issued and the late date of this issue, it seems highly probable
that ¿sui represents the outer skin planking of the vessel which is of necessity put on last and which involves
a great superficies.
The probability is increased by the point which you make that these are pine ('/) planks.
The 12 pieces of wnh none of them very long and out of which, with little wastage, a series of pairs
of equal length could be cut, at once suggests that these are for deck-beams. A reasonable method of setting
out the form of a spoon-shaped boat would be, although I am not prepared to say that it was the method
adopted, to set up the deck-beams each supported on a pair of rough posts in the first instance, then to
connect the ends of these by gunwales which extended from bow to stern and at the same time to form in
the shape of the hull along the centre-line by fixing the continuous line of thick and carefully fitted pieces
which formed what corresponds in essentials to the modern, stem, keel and stern post. But these pieces
were laid with their breadths athwartships, instead of in the central plane of the ship, as at present.
Judging from the very careful model of one of the 12th Dynasty funerary boats [Dahshur] in the
Cairo Museum, which we have in the Science Museum, the above method of construction was adopted and
then the spaces on the flanks, as you may say, between gunwale and keel were filled in with possibly thinner,
but at any rate less carefully fitted planking, the great bulk of the skin planking or iswt.
Further, it would seem that the twelve pieces of hstt formed these two gunwales and the keel or
central bottom member, for firstly they are the longest series used, going up to 28 cubits, with an average
length of 21. 5 cubits and secondly you translate the terms as "choice" and it is for such a purpose that the
best wood would be employed.
The funerary boat represented by the Science Museum model is 20 cubits long with a breadth of
nearly 5 cubits.
On the above assumptions the maximum breadth of the Payeh was from 15 to 16 cubits, so on similar
proportions her length would have been about 60 cubits. The length of hst t, if it represents keel and gunwales
as I have suggested, would allow of a maximum length of about 70 cubits for each of the 3 members and this,
with the necessary reductions for scaffing or joining, suggests that the boat may well have been about 60
cubits over all.
Rough measurements of the model given in cubits run :
Deck Beams Gunwales and Keel Skin planking
40 60 60
While in the Papyrus we have :
wnh hstt iswt
161 258 848V 2
Gunwales and keel are a linear quantity which is a vessel of three times the size would be multiplied by
three; Deck beams might also be a linear quantity, although it might also increase in a greater ratio; but
individual planks are not likely to become wider, but to increase in number as well as length, so in a vessel
of three times and size they would be multiplied by 9.
So for a vessel of 60 cubits long and 15 cubits wide, the minimum material in cubits run could be:
Deck Beams Gunwales & Keel Skin planking
120 180 540
or a ratio of 1: 1.5 : 4.5 while the ratio of wnh : hstt : iswt :
is 1 1.6 5.2
an agreement, which, although not exact, certainly in no way contradicts the suggested identifications.
I can see no indication whatever that the vessel was of the Meditteranean galley type. The earliest
known examples were built with a ram and we know that, from fairly early Greek times onwards, vessels
with rams were built with a keel, stem and stern posts and ribs, while it is difficult to envisage any other
method of supporting a ram. In such vessels the keel was laid first and then stem and stern posts added
and later the ribs; the keel would contain some of the choicest and longest timber, but in the Payeh the
issue of long hst t timber came second".

Authenticated
Band 68.] S. R. Κ. G l a n v i l l e : Records of a Royal Dockyard of the Time of Tuthmosis III. 33
The figures are so satisfactory that one would be inclined to accept Mr. Laird
Clowes' interpretation of the different parts of the boat without further question were
it not for the difficulty of getting the meaning he requires out of wnh. (see above note 6).
In the circumstances we cannot do better than leave the conflicting evidence for further
consideration by those interested in this kind of investigation, and hope for the appearance
of more material.
INDEX OF WORDS DISCUSSED IN THE NOTES AND OF PROPER NAMES.

Arabic figures not preceded by R(ecto) or V(erso) give the numbers of the appropiate notes.
Bm "date-palm", V. 11/12; 91.

iw J\ "issued"(?), in margin to right of V. 4; 75.
imw (once ( j ^ r ^ ® R. 12/14) "ship" passim·, 2, 44.
Ίτηη-m-ìp.t J ^ J ü n ^ "Amenemope", V. 4/2, 9/9.
Vmn-ms "Amenmose", V. 12/2.
'Imn-htp í j ^ ^ O (Var. without <? R. 10/2) "Amenhotpe", R. 16/1,
V. 2/6, 3/2, 8, 4/2, 9/9 ( s i - n i s w . t ) : R. 14/13 (workman); 37.
y/nB "Yena", R. 7/14, 13/2, V. 5/8, 11/5.
β ΛΛΛΛΛΛ
inn JΛ
J ΛΛΛΛΛΛ levied by", R. 14/5, 10, V. 12/1; 46.
' / " r ~ i 'í)á < = = > , S = 3 < 5 iíÉ i "Aradhy, Aradhian", V. 8/11; 83.
" H P ® . ? . "old"'R·14/14; 50 ·
I I P i ì ^ ] ! ) ^ » etc. "plank", passim: 26, 39, 87.

isp.t —(?var.f)~^~| R. 15/13) Step? R. 6/8; 27, 65.
'i .t ^ "(the) great . . . " (tíame of a magazine?) V. 11/9; 90.
< , e A n h o t r ". V· 4/2» 9/10.
'rk part of a boat(?), V. 11/3, 4, 7, 8; 89.
"post"?, R. 6/6; 25.
'h* ^ o "balance"(?), in margin to right of V. 4; 75.
V Π A, ^ Q 0 "deal (cedar)", passim : 3.
wBh f f ^ "lay down", "build", V. 9/11: 86.
wB-nisw.t ^ ^ "royal barge", V. 9/11; 86.
w'rtw "district officer", R. 14/5, 10; 46.
wnh ® <2 ^ ^ (var. ^ ^ R. 3/3) kind of board, used in ship-building, or part of a boat,
WAAA w^ s*·
passim : 6.
Zeitachr. f. Ägypt. Spr., 68. Baad.

Authenticated
34 S. R. Κ. GLANVILLE: Records of a Royal Dockyard of the Time of Tuthmosis III. [68. Band
? ?
[wA]3 (??) [@ "pillars"? V. 2/2; 61.
whr.t © ¿ n "wharf", "dock", "stocks", V. 9/11; 86.
wir Ί [ ί < = > @ ^ "paddle", R. 3/11, 16/3; 14, 53,

Wsr " [ Ρ " U s e r " (a scribe )> V · /·
12 3
wgB V. 4/4, 5, 5/4, 8/7, 8; 77.
wd(w3di) J < 2 ^ (for part of a boat, V. 5/6; 81.
wdi "magazine", R. 12/7, V. 2/7, 3/1, 7, 6/10, 8/5; 43.
bnbnt J J part of a boat, R. 3/7, V. 5/7; 10.

ΛΛΛΛΛΛ AWWS
" P a y e h " (a ship), R. 6/10, 8/9, 9/2, 12/14, V. 3/3; 28.
Pi-mr.. "Pamer . . . (?)" (n. p.), Y. 11/11.
P ^ - n m " P a n e m " > R 5 / 3 ' 1 3 / 6 ' 1 4 ' ' 4 ' 7 > 1 5 / 4 ' 2 2 ·
Pn-ß-wsh.t "Pentawesekh", V. 12/2; 92.

pr-fìy.t Π Ι ^ " "portable cabin", R. 7/11; 29.
Prw-nfr "Perunefer" (η. 1.), V 9/12; 86.

9
pr-hd(?) g {Π "treasury", V. 11/11; 90.

phi (Var. — R. 15/7) a thin board(?), R. 4/3, 5/2, 12, 6/1, 5, 15/7.
V. 2/4, 12, 3/11; 17.
¿>íí. t D ™Cl χ
[^L]»"rations", R. 10/7; 40.
w lì^* " o n account of" " f o r " ( = » or r), passim; 1, 42.
m'.¿(i) ° (possibly read hrît q.v.) kind of timber? R. 14/5; 47.
M n - A p r ^ ^ ^ "Menkheper", Y. 3/2; 69.
Mniôv^k "Mont", R . 6/9, R. 11/7(1), 18/3(?), V. 9/11.

ΑΛΛΛΛΛ C--1
mr^<=>\§ ( v a r . ^ ^ l Ç ' a kind of foreign wood,
R. 4/15, 6/6, 10/3 ff.; 19.
M r - s w - M n - n / r ^ / \ "Mersumennefer", R. 7/14—15, 12/7, 18/1; 31.
msty.wt [ l l p ] ! ) ! ) ^ ^ of shi P (PL)> » · 8/13, 9/5; 32.
mstyr (pB) (fi Π "chancellery"(?), R. 10/2; 36.

?
«ÍÍ k . f f i ^ S ' ^ i l P a r t of a boat(?), R. 3/12, Frag. A. R o : 15, 16.
η (1) " f o r " ( = m above), R. 9/2; 1, 33: (2) = idnw η V. 3/2, 8; 69, 73. (3)genetive, to
express apposition between imw and name of ship, passim. 28.

Authenticated
Band 68.] S. R. Κ. GLAXVILLE: Records of a Royal Dockyard of the Time of Tuthmosis III. 35
nîyw ^ (] (j (2 kind of timber for boat(?), R. 14/14; 50.

nb.t "pole"(?), V. 2/13, 3/5; 67.
Nb-wìh-ìb c ^ O l ^ p "Nebwahyeb", V. 5/1,6; 80.
Nb-mr. t.f ^ ^ ^ | "Nebmertef", R. 5/4.
Z ^ i c ) ^ 1 "ship's captain", R. 1/13, 5/4, 15/2, 6.
ΛΛΛΛΛΛ A
nh.t |-g "sycamore", V. 2/12, 13, 3/5, 10, 11; 66.

nhb J @ ^ ( v a r . J ^ J "upper yard"(?), R. 2/13, 3/2, 17/1; 8, 55.
ntr ^ ^ ( 2 ^ ^ part of a boat, R. 4/15 (twice); 20.
r "for" ( = m above), R. 14/13, 15/2; 1.-
rî <=>| "part"(?) in margin to right of V. 4; 75.
rwd. t I ^Ci kind of timber, or part of boat( ? ), R. 2/1, 3/1,4/7,9,11, 9/13, V. 5/2 ; 4.
rdyt ^ H Q M ) " w h a t was given", passim. 45.
mw-njr "Haunefer"> v ·9/i°> "/10·
Hniny (Π \ χχ "Henany", V. 2/7; 63.

ΛΛΛΛΛΛ /-) .
Hny ΠΙ χχ "Heny", R. 4/1, 13/10.

h . . . I ίΐ π part of a boat(?), V. 2/8; 64.
Hwy " H u y " V. 3/8 {n si-nisw.t), 9/10 (s. of Kn-ni)\ 69, 71 and 73.
(η·Ρ·), R- 16/2; 52.

hbs | J ( i © | part of a boat, V. 4/9; 79.
hmw {wr) (var· "(chief) craftsman" ("shipwright" here), passim,·, 40.
Hri "Hori", V. 12/3.
/HtM < ~ > i ^ J |^ 1
Ç
1 (2 9
? ° R. u/5) part of a boat, "gunwale" (?), R. 5/15, 16; 23, 47.
¿r-j* i n o l i c i "outside", (always hr-si η wdi) R. 12/7, V. 2/2,.7, 3/1, 7, 6/10, 8/5; 43.
yfo/./ I I p ^ s ^ ^ (var. with one o) kind of timber used in ship construction, R. cols. 10
to 14 passim ; 38.
hndy.t ΛΛΛΛΛΛ I IS
part of a boat, Y. 2/3; 62.
"mast", R. 14/11, V. 2/10; 48.

hdr · < = > < 2 ^ part of a boat, R. 2/5, 6/14; 7.
S "Se", R. 6/12, 15/2, 6.
Si-mwt "Simut", V. 11/11.

Authenticated
36 S. R. Κ. GLANVILLE: Records of a Royal Dockyard of the Time of Tuthmosis III. [68. Band.
s3-msw.t 1 Ω "Prince", R. 10/2, [16/1], V. 2/6, 3/2, 8, 4/2, 9/9; 37.

IΛΙΛΛΛΛ I
( ν Ε Γ · @ ( 2 Γ Γ . ; ^ ^ "beams"(?), V. 2/2, 4/9, 11, 12/1, 4; 78.
sxnh "wood-carver" (or n. pr.[?]), Y. 2/1; 60.
Sbi-b'r P J i j ^ V ^ ^ ' ^ y ^ "Shebiba'al", R. 16/2, V. 4/3; 52, 76.
sic
" ^ - F r i e r t " , V. 2/6, 3/2, 4/2; 37.
part of a boat, R. 3/10; 13.
"Señare", V. 4/3.
ss ^ "Scribe", R. 16/4, V. passim-,
window
Ρ2ΓΓ, " "> ν·3/3' 4>70·
skty type of foreign boat, R. 5/15, 14/5, V. 2/10; 24.
stì.t "rolling log"(?), R. 3/8, V. 5/3; 11.
s c o nd ιo "lake", "dock"(?), passim·, 9.
? (fd) V*—ΛÎ I I (var. I I I "balk", R. 2/2, 3, 6/4, 9/12, 13, 10/6, 12/5, 14/2; V.5/5; 5.
smm. wt cso ^ ^ ^ "magazines", passim ; 43.
Λ/yZ (var· , 7 "issued", passim-. 35.
B.i "long", R. 10/5; 38.
Kn-ni ΛΛΛΛΛΛ¿ 73
¡ ΓJTU^. C-i"Qenena", V. 9/10.
Δ
¿ y j j ^ "other", V. 11/2; 88.

type of foreign ship, R. 18/4; V. 11/2, 6; 56, 88.
gnwty{%) "sculptor", V. 5/1, 6; 61, 81.
"Ta'ahe", R. 15/2; 51.
T y t y } ^ " T i t y p a s s i m - , 58.
Twny "Tuny", R. 16/4, V. 4/4 5 54.
(var. omits Q) part of a boat. V. 6/12, 8/6, 9, 10; 82.
^ "panelling"(?) R. 4/3, 12/6, 15/5, 17/4; 18.
th.. ralllJ part Of a ship(?), R. 7/12; 30.
"Tisy", V. 4/3.
"Tety", R. 16/15.
/ V . r ^ ^ ^ f t n "cabin", R. 14/12, V. 2/2(?), 3/4, 5, 4/11; 49.
7Ä*» "Theb", V. 12/3; 93.

Authenticated
Band 68 ] S. R. Κ. Glaxville: Records of a Royal Dockyard of the Time of Tuthmosis III. 37
tòd(ì) part of a boat, R. 5/1, 9/9; 21.
dn ^ ö ? ^ ^ ''complete"(?), R. 12/6, 15/5; 41. .

/VW-V^
dir £ ^Îjj ® ^ ^ ^ part of a boat, R. 3/9; 12.
dr.t (m-) ® "through", "by", V. 5/1, 6, 9/11; 85.
dri-t [| JÍU (var. det, Π ) part of a boat, V. 2/2, 5/1, 6; 61, 80.
Dhwty-ms ^ ^ "Zhutmose", R, 16/15.
Dates: V. 1/1, n. 57; V. 3/1, n. 68; V. 3/6, n. 71; V. 9/8, n. 84.

Numbers: (totals) V. 3/11, n. 74; V. 10/14, n. 87.
APPENDIX.
I. Pap. Anastasi IV, 7/9—8/7.
This important passage on ship-building, in the form of a letter1 from Qagabu
to Inena and a chief craftsman Nekhtamen, has not yet been printed in full2, and is
so necessary in the foregoing discussion of technical terms that I transcribe the whole
passage below. Unfortunately the crux of the letter is contained in the short sentence
7/11—8/1 as to the meaning of which we can only guess, thanks to a lacuna and an un-
known word. This makes accurate translation of the first half of the letter an impossibility.
The second half is straightforward until the last sentence which contains the difficult
term dn already considered (n. 41), on which indeed its meaning hangs. In these cir-
cumstances it is wiser to be content with a summary of the main points of the letter,
helped out with a few notes.
The subject of the letter is a skty-boat which is out of commission (this seems to
be the sense of sfh here) and which has not been in the water for many years3. The note-
worthy feature of the boat is that it was not given long enough hryt\ some (presumably
short) planks of acacia were used for the purpose — with the consequence expresed in
the enigmatical sentence already referred to. When the boat was put into the water
it very quickly stretched, apparently because — since the point is emphasized — it
had not been given long enough hryt, either of acacia or even of date-palm; so that the
small pieces of wood (if I understand the last sentence in the passage) just held them-
selves together (by compression).
In these circumstances Qagabu's instructions to his correspondents are that they
are to see if there are any deal planks left over from a sacred boat which is in a boat-
house (ht. magazine) at a place called Resyn. They are to choose four very long and
very wide planks and use them for the hryt of the skty-boat. Finally they are to see if
there are some good (i. e. deal?) w#>fc-planks to complete the repairs of the skty from stem
to stern.
1) Classed by Erman, Die äg. Schülerkandschrißen, 27, among the "wirkliche Briefe" of Anast. IV A.
— 2) It is transcribed in part, with a translation, by Maspero, du Genre épistolaire 15—16. — 3) Or "was not
in the water [i. e. in commission] many years" ?

Authenticated
38 S. R . Κ . GLANVILLE: Records of a Royal Dockyard of the Time of Tuthmosis I I I . [68. Band.
TEXT1.
Ä P T ä « s J ' H I I
ele ele
« C ^ Í M ^ r , « · - ( h ^ î ' ^ k ^ k ^ k ^ i k ^ . - T - ,
¥ 1 1 1 1 ! I w k ^ i i - k l ^ r , ®
M i ^ r r , H k P . T , ^ k M ^ i ^ ' E ^ VBle n
sic
a) G. Traces only of t. b) sic, but correction ^ \\ at the top of the page c) @ ι ι ι better than Q
d) I read ^ ; G. so or. ·»-=> e) Traces of an erased sign — not \\; so G. f ) Perhaps restore: but
G. " o n l y a small sign possible", g ) — sic. h) Correction here, i ) So G. j ) read imi k) G ; better than ^
1) or G. m ) o was O (erased) ¡stroke for ΛΛΛΛΛΛ better due to frequent writering of stp-n-Re in previous column,
n ) So G. — rather than XJ. o) Over erasure — G.
1) Dr. GARDINER kindly allowed me to collate m y copy made from the original with his own. I have
indicated with a G. the readings I owe to him. — 2) The scribe would check the issue of materials; the hmw
wr would be actually in control of the work. — 3) Cf. the equally unknown term ^ ^ IQ] | ^ fl in
Koller, I, 7. — 4) Read imw, but clearly referring to the s&y-boat as again in 8/2; while below the same
word is used (8/4) of a divine bark. A t this time, therefore, there is no question that imw was a general
word for a boat of any kind. — 5) mh-sn " t h e y (a vague reference to the all the planks ?) held themselves
oot
together", see W. Β. I I , 119 under · — 6 ) The meaning of hryt in the light of this text is discussed
above n. 23. I t was of course the long gunwales that to a large extant held the sides of the boat together. —
7) The precise meaning of this last sentence is discussed above in the notes on wnh and dn (nos. 6 and 41).

Authenticated
Band 68.] S. E. Κ. GLAX VILLE : Records of a Royal Dockyard oí the Time of Tuthmosis III. 39
II. Stela B.M. 1332.

I have to thank the Keeper of my Department for permission to include here,
for the sake of the titles of the man for whom it was made 1 , a stela exhibited in the Egypt-
ian Sculpture Gallery of the British Museum 2 . The general style and cutting of the stela
suggests the middle to late Eighteenth Dynasty as its date, which however cannot be
later than the time of Amenhotep III, since "Amen" has been erased where ever it
originally occurred.
The general character and disposition of the scenes is adeqately shown in the photo-
graph (pl. II). The following short texts occupy the upper half of the stela. A. Im-
mediately under the winged disk and over the bows of the boat; "Giving praise to Osiris,
doing obeisance to Wennufer, by Inena". B. Over the stern of the boat: "The chief crafts-
man of the Neshmet-botit, Lady of Eternity, Inena; he says: May the God of my city
be behind me, and his Κ a before me, so that I may be . . . 3 and that I may become4
[C. — in front of Enena] the chief craftsman of the Neshmei-bo&t [continued behind the
figure of I. — D.] in his annual procession at the rising of Re' (for) — or the dawning
of the day of — the Neshmei-hodX, Inena." Dr. Gardiner suggests that D. should con-
tinue A. and that C. should be inserted before the final "Inena" of D. (He takes the in-
L ΛΛΛΛΛΛ 4 t
complete sign before | [end of D.] as ^ , but this seems to me impossible — see Plate II ;
it must surely be ^ and with the preceding (j makes a phonetic New Egyptian spelling
of the name Inena.)
Immediately under the boat follows a single horizontal line of hieroglyphs, which
is in fact the first line of the main text, though separated from this by a second scene.
The reason for the separation is that this first line, describing what was presumably the
most important of all Inena's boat-building operations, namely his responsibility for the
construction of the boat of Amen, was to be brought into relation with the picture of
the boat above; and hence the inclusion there of standards of Amen, although the boat
is definitely stated to be the Neshmet-boat of Abydos and Osiris.
The scene which follows shows on the left Inena and his wife (name illegible) seated
in front of offerings, and being served by two daughters ; opposite them, before a second
pile of offerings, Inena's father "Hamesh" and his wife "Nebtes". The text (E) describes
Inena as "Chief craftsman of the ship-wrights of the boats of all the gods of Upper and
Lower Egypt, the Child of the Nursery, I." His daughters are called Sapre' and Merit-
ptah. His father was a "chief craftsman of the King" (cf. Menkheper above on the B.M.
Shabti-figure, n. 69).
The main text which completes the stela consists simply in a statement of the
various divine boats in the construction of which Inena acted as hmw wr, together with
a single-line prayer of the usual type to the passer-by. In this case there can be no doubt
as to the significance of hmw wr: the full title in the central scene of the stela, hmw wr η
mdh wB.w η ntr.w nb, coupled with the honorific hrd η shows that Inena was no
mere foreman in the shops, but the official actually controlling the construction of the
boats in question.
1) I am indebted to Dr. G A R D I N E R for drawing my attention to it in connection with the title hmw wr.
Guide to the Egyptian Galleries (Sculpture) p. 142. It measures 3ft. 31/2 ins. by 1ft. 9ins. —
— 2) B U D G E ,
3) I can read nothing that makes sense out of the sign ît looks most like ^ J before j^k at the bottom
of the fourth column, nor make any sense of the following group whether k otnb (which I believe to be right)
is read at the top of col. 5. — 4) I first read ' after hpr-i, but now think this is impossible, and read
' ; the text must therefore continue at C.

Authenticated
40 S.. R. Κ. GLAN V I L L E : Records of a Royal Dockyard of the Time of Tuthmpsis III. [68. Band.
Translation of the main text.

1. (between the two scenes) Chief craftsman of the divine bark "Amen-userhet" 1 .
the Child of the Nursery, Inena.
2. Chief craftsman of the Neshmet-boat2, Lady of Eternity in Ta-Wer, the C. of N..
who loves the King, I.
3. ,, ,, ,, ,, divine bark of Turn, Ruler of Heliopolis, C. of Ν. I.,
repeating life.
4. ,, ,, ,. ,, ,, 3 ,, Ptah in Het-ka-Ptah, the praised of the
good God, C. of Ν., I. 4
5. ,, ,, ,, ,, ,, ,, ,, Sepi5 in Heliopolis, beloved of his Lord,
C. of Ν., I.
6. ., ,, ,. ,, ,, ,, lusa'as Lady of Peace 6 in Heliopolis, the
praised of his God, I.
7. ,, ,, ,, ,, ,, ,, Thoth lord of Hermopolis, and of Khons-
in-Thebes, the C. of N., I.
8. ,, ., ,, ,, ,, ,, ,, Khnum lord of Her-wer in Nefrusi7, the
C. of N. beloved of the Lord of the two
Lands I. repeating life.
9. „ ,, „ ,, „ „ „ Mont, Lord of Thebes and Mont, Lord of
Hermonthis, the C. of N., I.
10. ,, ,, ,, ,, ,, ,, ,, Amen-in-the-Flood, and Sekhmet-in-the-
lake-of-Pharaoh8, the C. of N., I.
11. „ „ „ „ „ „ ,, Sobek the Crocodilopolite and of Horus-
in-Crocodilopolis in the Great City9, the
Child of the Nursery, Inena.
12. Whosoever shall recite these word(s) — ye shall be favoured of these gods for whom I
made (their) divine barks; may they grant you a pleasant life, a pleasant old age,
and a pleasant resting-place10.
Notes on the Text.

1. There are traces of the three signs ( j 1 " ^ . As there is no determinative Jj, the
1 ΑΛΛΛΛΑ V i
name of the boat was probably Amen-userhët rather than Userhët simply, and the pre-
sence of the god's name here made it unnecessary after wß. The η is therefore another
instance of the genetive used to express apposition, which we had with ships' names
in B.M. 10056 (n. 28 above). Wß, here spelt out (but without determinative) is pro-
perly a boat of the Sun, but also used to designate the sacred boats used in processions
of other gods. From 1. 3 on it is abbreviated to the hieroglyph of the sacred bark.
2. The determinative is the type of divine boat, with simple in-curving papyrus
ends bow and stern, and exactly copies the form of the large representation of the neshmet
boat in the upper scene, even including the standard of the Abydos fetish in the cabin ;
while the divine barks of all the other gods (wß) have the returning end-pieces.
3. The cabin of the hieroglyph for wß in this case, which is larger than in any of
the others, contains a somewhat worn away figure of a seated god. There are two posts
for standards(?) in front, but this may have no significance. Other boats with two are
those of lusa'as and Thoth; those of Khons, Mont (bis), Sekhmet and Sobek have only
one: while the barks of Tum, Sepi and Amen (1, 10) and the neshmet have none. Since
the neshmet has seven in the larger picture it looks as if the posts in the hieroglyphic
replicas did not correspond with an actual arrangement in the originals.

Authenticated
Band 68.] S. R . Κ. G l a x v i l l e : Records of a Royal Dockyard of the Time of Tuthmosis III. 41
4. The γ at the end of this line is presumably to fill up space. Perhaps it is related
to the which frequently determines names of deceased women in the Twentieth
Dynasty funerary papyri.
5. This and the following pair of deities, all from Heliopolis, seem singularly out
of place (as lesser-known gods) in the middle of a list comprising all the important mem-
bers of the Egyptian pantheon. They clearly emphasise the Heliopolitan tone of the text ;
either because that city was the home of the dead shipwright-in-chief, or because of the
essential connection with the sun-god of ceremonies (for whatsoever god) which required
his special craft, the wß.
6. Nb.t htp seems here to be rather an epithet of lusa'as, than the goddess of that
name, although Nb.t-h.tp and lusa'as were associated equally with Tum at Heliopolis.
7. For the various identifications suggested for Hr-wr(.t) all in the neighbourhood
of Eshumunën, see Gauthier, Dict.Gêog. III, 77. The present collocation of Hr.wr(.t)
and Nefrusi corroborates Daressy's view that these two places are the same — a view
based on inscriptions on two statues found at Balansurah (Annales, XVIII, 56). That
village or perhaps El-Birbeh, a few miles to the N.E. is, therefore, identified by him as
Hr-wr(.t) = Nefrusi. From the present text Hr-wr{.t) would more accurately be de-
scribed as a part of Nefrusi. Perhaps Nefrusi was the name, not only of a town, but also
of a district of which that town was the centre, and I was wrong in assuming (J.Ru4.S.
1927 pp. 20, 21) that the two otherwise unknown place-names Tayatnaherhe and Pa'ashpu
were those of wards (or similar) in the town of Nefrusi; in fact, they were probably villages
in the district of that name.
8. Probably both Theban forms of these deities.
9. Tanis.
10. Head smt "desert" = "necropolis".
III. Comparative table of measurements (in cubits) of timber, etc.

Eg. word. wood greatest length shortest lengti
hst.t mr 28 13 ( ? - )
iswt 1 's 21 11
tp 187« 10 or 11
wnh >> 18 42
rwd.t J? 18 4
bnbnfi not stated 17 /,
1 4
Phi 's* 17 4 1 /.
hrit not stated 151/. " 15
ht-tiw{%) 's 30 (only one
nhb not stated 13 measurement)
dir' 7) >> 6 (? 16)
1) Cf. the range (temp. Seti I) of 33 cubits 6 palms 1 finger to 2 cubits, Rech., 59. — 2) Total
range: the majority of pieces are between 16 and 6. — 3) Cf. Rech., 59, 19 to 6. — 4) There are two
entries of phi made of nh.t (V. 2/12; 3/11), but it is significant that in neither case are measurements
given. Similarly objects made of snd.t, the other indigenous wood, are not given measurements: R. 4/15;
7/11; 15/13.
Zeitschr. f. Agypt. Spr.. G8. Band. 6

Authenticated

Zaes 1932 68 JG 7

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Band 68.] S. R. Κ. GLANVILLE: Records of a Royal Dockyard of the Time of Tuthmosis III.

Records of a Royal Dockyard of the Time of Tuthmosis III: Papyrus

(Hierzu Tafel I u. II.)

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Stela of Inena, a ship-builder; Brit. Mue. 1332.

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1) In the Ν. K . this yard is sometimes m a d e of one piece, e. g. DAVIES-GARDINER, Tomb of

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1) It must be distinguished from transposed spellings of the solar wstó-boat, e. g. |Ί^"ι

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Tomb of Huy, pl. XII.

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better suit the writing ^ (j (j f\ on an ostrakon published by Bouriant in Ree. de trav.

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Zeitschr. f. Agypt. S p r „ 68. Band. 3

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(R. 12/5, 14/2); ( ¡ ( W ^ Û ^ or ( ¡ [ W e - ^ (R. 17/1,2):

Hand A2. — (V. 1/3, 6); (V. 4/12; 9/13);

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3/9: hity- m sbiy.t ir.t. η vjjpj S-n-ßr.t is a composite substantive

54. Perhaps = o @ MJ, also a hmw wr, of V. 4/4.

I) SPIEGELBERG, Dem. Gramm. § 29.

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ralkJM^^H11"· C0Uld t h e b e t h e h a n d l e of t h e rudder ?

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1) One of the treasurers of Amenhotep is named Prwnfr in Petrograd 1116 A. verso 60 ^

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Amarna period Λ ì¥<8>

The two undated examples (1 and 5) may therefore be classed as Amenhotep I I

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INDEX OF WORDS DISCUSSED IN THE NOTES AND OF PROPER NAMES.

Bm "date-palm", V. 11/12; 91.

I I P i ì ^ ] ! ) ^ » etc. "plank", passim: 26, 39, 87.

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[wA]3 (??) [@ "pillars"? V. 2/2; 61.

whr.t © ¿ n "wharf", "dock", "stocks", V. 9/11; 86.

wir Ί [ ί < = > @ ^ "paddle", R. 3/11, 16/3; 14, 53,

wgB V. 4/4, 5, 5/4, 8/7, 8; 77.

wd(w3di) J < 2 ^ (for part of a boat, V. 5/6; 81.

wdi "magazine", R. 12/7, V. 2/7, 3/1, 7, 6/10, 8/5; 43.

bnbnt J J part of a boat, R. 3/7, V. 5/7; 10.

Pi-mr.. "Pamer . . . (?)" (n. p.), Y. 11/11.

Pn-ß-wsh.t "Pentawesekh", V. 12/2; 92.

Prw-nfr "Perunefer" (η. 1.), V 9/12; 86.

pr-hd(?) g {Π "treasury", V. 11/11; 90.

m'.¿(i) ° (possibly read hrît q.v.) kind of timber? R. 14/5; 47.

M n - A p r ^ ^ ^ "Menkheper", Y. 3/2; 69.

Mni^ov^k "Mont", R . 6/9, R. 11/7(1), 18/3(?), V. 9/11.

mstyr (pB) (fi Π "chancellery"(?), R. 10/2; 36.